note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) "forward, march" a tale of the spanish-american war by kirk munroe author of "the painted desert," "rick dale," the "mate series," etc. illustrated new york and london harper & brothers publishers [frontispiece: the rough riders fought without seeing the enemy.] contents chapter i. a bowl of roses ii. war is declared iii. rollo the terror iv. the rough riders at san antonio v. ridge becomes a trooper vi. off for the war vii. the story of hobson and the _merrimac_ viii. charged with a secret mission ix. herman dodley interposes difficulties x. on the cuban blockade xi. a lively experience of cuban hospitality xii. denounced by a friend xiii. to be shot at sunrise xiv. refugees in the mountains xv. dionysio captures a spaniard xvi. asleep while on guard xvii. in the hands of spanish guerillas xviii. death of seÑorita xix. calixto garcia the cuban xx. the two admirals xxi. a spaniard's loyalty xxii. rollo in cuba xxiii. the "terrors" in battle xxiv. facing san juan heights xxv. ridge wins his sword xxvi. mutiny on a transport xxvii. destruction of the spanish ships xxviii. last shot of the campaign xxix. two invalid heroes xxx. rollo makes propositions illustrations the rough riders fought without seeing the enemy . . . (frontispiece) "silas pine gazed about him with the air of one who is dazed" "'him holguin spaniard. now you shoot him,' said the cuban" ridge escorts a cuban family into santiago "forward, march!" chapter i a bowl of roses in the morning-room of a large, old-fashioned country-house, situated a few miles outside the city of new orleans, sat a young man arranging a bowl of roses. beside him stood a pretty girl, in riding costume, whose face bore a trace of petulance. "do make haste, cousin ridge, and finish with those stupid flowers. you have wasted half an hour of this glorious morning over them already!" she exclaimed. "wasted?" rejoined ridge norris, inquiringly, and looking up with a smile. "i thought you were too fond of flowers to speak of time spent in showing them off to best advantage as 'wasted.'" "yes, of course i'm fond of them," answered spence cuthbert, who was from kentucky on a mardi gras visit to dulce norris, her school-chum and cousin by several removes, "but not fond enough to break an engagement on account of them." "an engagement?" "certainly. you promised to go riding with me this morning." "and so i will in a minute, when i have finished with these roses." "but i want you to come this instant." "and leave a duty unperformed?" inquired ridge, teasingly. "yes; now." "in a minute." "no. i won't wait another second." with this the girl flung herself from the room, wearing a very determined expression on her flushed face. ridge rose to follow her, and then resumed his occupation as a clatter of hoofs on the magnolia-bordered driveway announced the arrival of a horseman. "she won't go now that she has a caller to entertain," he said to himself. but in this he was mistaken; for within a minute another clatter of hoofs, mingled with the sound of laughing voices, gave notice of a departure, and, glancing from an open window, ridge saw spence cuthbert ride gayly past in company with a young man whose face seemed familiar, but whose name he could not recall. as they swept by both looked up laughing, while the horseman lifted his hat in a bow that was almost too sweeping to be polite. "what did you say ridge was doing?" he asked, as they passed beyond earshot. "arranging a bowl of roses," answered spence. "nice occupation for a man," sneered the other. "and he preferred doing that to riding with you?" "so it seems." "well, i am not wholly surprised, for, as i remember him, he was a soft-hearted, miss nancy sort of a boy, who was always coddling sick kittens, or something of the kind, and never would go hunting because he couldn't bear to kill things. he apparently hadn't a drop of sporting blood in him, and i recall having to thrash him on one occasion because he objected to my shooting a bird. i thought of course, though, that he had outgrown all such nonsense by this time." "there is no nonsense about him!" flashed out spence, warmly; and then, to her companion's amazement, the girl began a most spirited defence of her absent cousin, during which she denounced in such bitter terms the taking of innocent lives under the name of "sport" that the other was finally thankful to change the conversation to a more congenial topic. in the mean time dulce norris had entered the morning-room to find out why spence had gone to ride with herman dodley instead of with ridge, as had been arranged. "was that herman dodley?" asked the latter, without answering his sister's question. "yes, of course, but why do you ask with such a tragic air?" "because," replied ridge, "i have heard reports concerning him which, if confirmed, should bar the doors of this house against him forever." "what do you mean, ridge norris? i'm sure mr. dodley bears as good a reputation as the majority of young men one meets in society. of course since he has got into politics his character has been assailed by the other party; but then no one ever believes what politicians say of one another." "no matter now what i mean," rejoined the young man. "perhaps i will tell you after i have spoken to father on the subject, which i mean to do at once." ridge norris, on his way to the library, where he hoped to find his father, was somewhat of a disappointment to his family. born of a mother in whose veins flowed french and spanish blood, and who had taught him to speak both languages, and of a new england father, who had spent his entire business life in the far south, ridge had been reared in an atmosphere of luxury. he had been educated in the north, sent on a grand tour around the world, and had finally been given a position, secured through his father's influence, in a japanese-american banking house. from yokohama he had been transferred to the new york office, where, on account of a slight misunderstanding with one of his superiors, he had thrown up his position to return to his home only a few days before this story opens. now his family did not know what to do with him. he disliked business, and would not study for a profession. he was a dear, lovable fellow, honest and manly in all his instincts; but indolent, fastidious in his tastes, and apparently without ambition. he was devoted to music and flowers, extremely fond of horses, which he rode more than ordinarily well, and had a liking for good books. he had, furthermore, returned from his travels filled with pride for his native land, and declaring that the united states was the only country in the world worth fighting and dying for. taking the morning's mail from the hand of a servant who had just brought it, ridge entered his father's presence. "here are your letters, sir," he said, "but before you read them i should like a few moments' conversation with you." "certainly, son. what is it?" as ridge told what he had heard concerning herman dodley, the elder man's brows darkened; and, when the recital was finished, he said: "i fear all this is true, and have little doubt that dodley is no better than he should be; but, unfortunately, i am so situated at present that i cannot forbid him the house. i will warn dulce and her friend against him; but just now i am not in a position to offend him." "why, father!" cried ridge, amazed to hear his usually fearless and self-assertive parent adopt this tone. "i thought that you were--" "independent of all men," interrupted the other, finishing the sentence. "so i believed myself to be. but i am suddenly confronted by business embarrassments that force me temporarily to adopt a different policy. truly, ridge, we are threatened with such serious losses that i am making every possible sacrifice to try and stem the tide. i have even placed our summer home on the long island coast in an agent's hands, and am deeply grieved that you should have thrown up a position, promising at least self-support, upon such slight provocation." "but he ordered me about as though i were a servant, instead of requesting me to do things in a gentlemanly way." "and were you not a servant?" "no, sir, i was not--at least, not in the sense of being amenable to brutal commands. i was not, nor will i ever be, anybody's slave." "oh well, my boy!" replied the elder, with a deep sigh, "i fear you will live to discover by sad experience that pride is the most expensive of earthly luxuries, and that one must consent to obey orders long before he can hope to issue commands. but we will discuss your affairs later, for now i must look over my letters." while mr. norris was thus engaged, ridge opened the morning paper, and glanced carelessly at its headlines. suddenly he sprang to his feet with a shout, his dark face glowing and his eyes blazing with excitement. "by heavens, father!" he cried, "the united states battle-ship _maine_ has been blown up in havana harbor with a loss of two hundred and sixty of her crew. if that doesn't mean war, then nothing in the world's history ever did. you needn't worry about me any more, sir, for my duty is clearly outlined." "what do you propose to do?" asked the elder man, curiously. "will you try to blow up a spanish battle-ship in revenge?" "no, sir. but i shall enlist at the very first call to arms, and offer my life towards the thrashing of the cowards who have perpetrated this incredible crime." thrilled to the core by the momentous news he had just read, ridge hastened to impart it to his mother and sister. at the same time he ordered a horse on which he might ride to the city for further details of the stupendous event. as he was about to depart, spence cuthbert and her escort, returning from their ride, dashed up to the doorway. "have you heard the news?" cried ridge, barely nodding to dodley. "yes," replied spence. "isn't it dreadful? mr. dodley told me all about it, and after hearing it i couldn't bear to ride any farther, so we came back." "i wish he had told me before you started," said ridge, "so that i might have been in the city long ago." "you were so busily and pleasantly engaged with your roses that i hesitated to interrupt you," murmured herman dodley. "now, however, if i can be of any assistance to you in the city, pray consider me at your service." "can you assist me, sir, to obtain a commission in the army that will be summoned to visit a terrible punishment upon spain for her black treachery?" "undoubtedly i could, and of course i would do so with pleasure if the occasion should arise. but there won't be any war. the great yankee nation is too busy accumulating dollars to fight over a thing of this kind. we will demand a money indemnity, it will be promptly paid, and the whole affair will quickly be forgotten." "sir!" cried ridge, his face pale with passion. "the man who utters such words is at heart a traitor to his country." "if it were not for the presence of ladies, i would call you to account for that remark," muttered dodley. "as it is, i shall not forget it. ladies, i have the honor to wish you a very good-morning." with this the speaker, who had not dismounted, turned his horse's head and rode away. chapter ii war is declared never was the temper and patience of the american people more sorely tried than by the two months of waiting and suspense that followed the destruction of their splendid battle-ship. the _maine_ had entered havana harbor on a friendly visit, been assigned to a mooring, which was afterwards changed by the spanish authorities, and three weeks later, without a suspicion of danger having been aroused or a note of warning sounded, she was destroyed as though by a thunder-bolt. it was nearly ten o'clock on the night of tuesday, february th. taps had sounded and the crew were asleep in their hammocks, when, by a terrific explosion, two hundred and fifty-eight men and two officers were hurled into eternity, sixty more were wounded, and the superb battle-ship was reduced to a mass of shapeless wreckage. it was firmly believed throughout the united states that this appalling disaster was caused by a submarine mine, deliberately placed near the mooring buoy to which the _maine_ had been moved, to be exploded at a favorable opportunity by spanish hands. the spaniards, on the other side, claimed and strenuously maintained that the only explosion was that of the ship's own magazines, declaring in support of this theory that discipline on all american men-of-war was so lax as to invite such a catastrophe at any moment. to investigate, and settle if possible, this vital question, a court of inquiry, composed of four prominent naval officers, was appointed. they proceeded to havana, took volumes of testimony, and, after six weeks of most searching investigation, made a report to the effect that the _maine_ was destroyed by two distinct explosions, the first of which was that of a mine located beneath her, and causing a second explosion--of her own magazines--by concussion. during these six weeks the country was in a ferment. for three years war had raged in cuba, where the natives were striving to throw off the intolerable burden of spanish oppression and cruelty. in all that time the sympathies of america were with the struggling cubans; and from every state of the union demands for intervention in their behalf, even to the extent of going to war with spain, had grown louder and more insistent, until it was evident that they must be heeded. with the destruction of the _maine_ affairs reached such a crisis that the people, through their representatives in congress, demanded to have the spanish flag swept forever from the western hemisphere. in vain did president mckinley strive for a peaceful solution of the problem; but with both nations bent on war, he could not stem the tide of popular feeling. so, on the th of april he was obliged to demand from spain that she should, before noon of the d, relinquish forever her authority over cuba, at the same time withdrawing her land and naval forces from that island. the spanish cortes treated this proposition with contempt, and answered it by handing his passports to the american minister at madrid, thereby declaring war against the great american republic. at this time spain believed her navy to be more than a match for that of the united states, and that, with nearly two hundred thousand veteran, acclimated troops on the island of cuba, she was in a position to resist successfully what she termed the "insolent demands of the yankee pigs." on this side of the atlantic, congress had appropriated fifty millions of dollars for national defence, the navy was being strengthened by the purchase of additional ships at home and abroad, fortifications were being erected along the entire coast, harbors were mined, and a powerful fleet of warships was gathered at key west, the point of american territory lying nearest the island of cuba. then came the president's call for , volunteers, followed a few weeks later by a second call for , more. this was the summons for which our young friend, ridge norris, had waited so impatiently ever since that february morning when he had arranged a bowl of roses and read the startling news of the _maine's_ destruction. no one in all the country had been more impatient of the long delay than he; for it had seemed to him perfectly evident from the very first that war must be declared, and he was determined to take an active part in it at the earliest opportunity. his father was willing that he should go, his mother was bitterly opposed; dulce begged him to give up his design, and even spence cuthbert's laughing face became grave whenever the subject was mentioned, but the young man was not to be moved from his resolve. mardi gras came and passed, but ridge, though escorting his sister and cousin to all the festivities, took only a slight interest in them. he was always slipping away to buy the latest papers or to read the bulletins from washington. "would you go as a private, son?" asked his father one evening when the situation was being discussed in the family circle. "no, no! if he goes at all--which heaven forbid--it must be as an officer," interposed mrs. norris, who had overheard the question. "of course a gentleman would not think of going as anything else," remarked dulce, conclusively. "i believe there were gentlemen privates on both sides during the civil war," said spence cuthbert, quietly. "of course," admitted dulce, "but that was different. then men fought for principles, but now they are going to fight for--for--" "the love of it, perhaps," suggested the girl from kentucky. "you know i don't mean that," cried dulce. "they are going to fight because--" "because their country calls them," interrupted ridge, with energy, "and because every true american endorses decatur's immortal toast of 'our country. may she always be in the right; but, right or wrong, our country.' also because in the present instance we believe it is as much our right to save cuba from further oppression at the hands of spain as it always is for the strong to interpose in behalf of the weak and helpless. for these reasons, and because i do not seem fit for anything else, i am going into the city to-morrow to enlist in whatever regiment i find forming." "oh, my boy! my boy!" cried mrs. norris, flinging her arms around her son's neck, "do not go tomorrow. wait a little longer, but one week, until we can see what will happen. after that i will not seek further to restrain you. it is your mother who prays." "all right, mother dear, i will wait a few days to please you, though i cannot see what difference it will make." so the young man waited as patiently as might be a week longer, and before it was ended the whole country was ringing with the wonderful news of admiral george dewey's swift descent upon the philippine islands with the american asiatic squadron. with exulting heart every american listened to the thrilling story of how this modern farragut stood on the bridge of the olympia, and, with a fine contempt for the spanish mines known to be thickly planted in the channel, led his ships into manila bay. almost before the startled spaniards knew of his coming he had safely passed their outer line of defences, and was advancing upon their anchored fleet of iron-clad cruisers. an hour later he had completely destroyed it, silenced the shore batteries, and held the proud city of manila at his mercy. all this he had done without the loss of a man or material damage to his ships, an exploit so incredible that at first the world refused to believe it. to ridge norris, who had spent a week in the philippines less than a year before, the whole affair was of intense interest, and he bitterly regretted not having remained in the far east that he might have participated in that glorious fight. "i would gladly have shipped as a sailor on the _olympia_ if i had only known what was in store for her!" he exclaimed; "but a chance like that, once thrown away, never seems to be offered again." "but, my boy, it is better now," said mrs. norris, with a triumphant smile. "then you would have been only a common seaman; one week ago you would have enlisted as a common soldier. now you may go as an officer--what you will call a lieutenant--with the chance soon to become a captain, and perhaps a general. who can tell?" "whatever do you mean, mother?" "what i say, and it is even so; for have i not the promise of the governor himself? but your father will tell you better, for he knows what has been done." so ridge went to his father, who confirmed what he had just heard, saying: "yes, son; your mother has exerted her influence in your behalf, and procured for you the promise of a second-lieutenant's commission, provided i am willing to pay for the honor." "how, father?" "by using my influence to send herman dodley to the legislature as soon as he comes back from the war." "is dodley going into the army?" "yes. he is to be a major." "and would you help to send such a man to the legislature?" "if you wanted to be a lieutenant badly enough to have me do so, i would." "father, you know i wouldn't have you do such a thing even to make me president of the united states!" "yes, son, i know it." and the two, gazing into each other's eyes, understood each other perfectly. "i would rather go as a private, father." "i would rather have you, son; though it would be a great disappointment to your mother." "she need not know, for i will go to some distant camp before enlisting. i wouldn't serve in the same regiment with herman dodley, anyhow." "of course not, son." "i suppose his appointment is political--as well as the one intended for me?" "yes; and so it is with every other officer in the regiment." "that settles it. i would sooner join the cubans than fight under the leadership of mere politicians. so, when i do enlist, it will be in some regiment where the word politics is unknown, even if i have to go into the regular army." "son, i am prouder of you than i ever was before. what will you want in the way of an outfit?" "one hundred dollars, if you can spare so much." "you shall have it, with my blessing." so it happened that, a few days later, ridge norris started for the war, though without an idea of where he should find it or in what capacity he should serve his country. chapter iii rollo the terror on the evening when ridge decided to take his departure for the seat of war he was driven into the city by his father, who set him down near the armory of the regiment in which he had been offered a lieutenant's commission--for a consideration. "i don't want you to tell me where you are going, son," said mr. norris, "for i would rather be able to say, with a clear conscience, that i left you at headquarters, and beyond that know nothing of your movements." "all right, father," replied the young fellow. "i won't tell you a thing about it, for i don't know where i am going any more than you do." "then good-bye, my boy, and may almighty god restore you to us safe and well when the war is over. here is the money you asked for, and i only wish i were able to give you ten times the sum. be careful of it, and don't spend it recklessly, for you must remember that we are poor folk now." thus saying, the elder man slipped a roll of crisp bills into his son's hand, kissed him on the cheek, a thing he had not done before in a dozen years, and, without trusting his voice for another word, drove rapidly away. for a minute ridge stood in the shadow of the massive building, listening with a full heart to the rattle of departing wheels. then he stooped to pick up the hand-bag, which was all the luggage he proposed to take with him. as he did so, two men brushed past him, and he overheard one of them say: "yes, old norris was bought cheap. a second-lieutenancy for his cub fixed him. the berth'll soon be vacant again though, for the boy hasn't sand enough to--" here the voice of the speaker was lost as the two turned into the armory. "thanks for your opinion, major dodley," murmured ridge; "that cheap berth will be vacant sooner than you think." then, picking up his "grip," the young fellow walked rapidly away towards the railway station. he was clad in a blue flannel shirt, brown canvas coat, trousers, and leggings, and wore a brown felt hat, the combination making up a costume almost identical with that decided upon as a cuban campaign uniform for the united states army. ridge had provided himself with it in order to save the carrying of useless luggage. in his "grip" he had an extra shirt, two changes of under-flannels, several pairs of socks, a pair of stout walking-shoes, and a few toilet articles, all of which could easily be stowed in an army haversack. our hero's vaguely formed plan, as he neared the station, was to take the first east-bound train and make his way to one of the great camps of mobilization, either at chickamauga, georgia, or tampa, florida, where he hoped to find some regiment in which he could conscientiously enlist. a train from the north had just reached the station as he entered it; but, to his disgust, he found that several hours must elapse before one would be ready to bear him eastward. he was too excited to wait patiently, but wandered restlessly up and down the long platform. all at once there came to his ears the sound of a familiar voice, and, turning, he saw, advancing towards him, in the full glare of an electric light, three men, all young and evidently in high spirits. one, thin, brown, and wiry, was dressed as a cowboy of the western plains. another, who was a giant in stature, wore a golf suit of gray tweed; while the third, of boyish aspect, whom ridge recognized as the son of a well-known new york millionaire, was clad in brown canvas much after his own style, though he also wore a prodigious revolver and a belt full of cartridges. he was roland van kyp, called "rollo" for short, one of the most persistent and luxurious of globe-trotters, who generally travelled in his own magnificent steam-yacht _royal flush_, on board of which he had entertained princes and the cream of foreign nobility without number. everybody knew van kyp, and everybody liked him; he was such a genial soul, ever ready to bother himself over some other fellow's trouble, but never intimating that he had any of his own; reckless, generous, happy-go-lucky, always getting into scrapes and out of them with equal facility. to his more intimate friends he had been variously known as "rollo abroad," "rollo in love," "rollo in search of a wife," or "rollo at play," and when ridge became acquainted with him in yokohama he was "rollo in japan." he now recognized our hero at a glance, and sprang forward with outstretched hand. "hello, norris, my dear boy!" he cried. "whatever brings you here? thought you were still far away in the misty orient, doing the grand among the little brown japs, while here you are in flannel and canvas as though you were a major-general in the regular army. what does it mean? are you one of us? have you too become a man of war, a fire-eater, a target for mausers? have you enlisted under the banner of the screaming eagle?" "not yet," laughed ridge, "but i am on my way east to do so in the first regiment uncontaminated by politics that i can find." "then, old man, you don't want to go east. you want to come west with us. there is but one regiment such as you have named, and it is mine; for, behold! i am now rollo in the army, rollo the rough rider, rollo the terror. perhaps it would be more becoming, though, to say 'ours,' for we are all in it." "i should rather imagine that it would," growled he of the golf stockings, now joining in the conversation. "and, 'rollo in disguise,' suppose you present us to your friend; for, if i am not mistaken, he is a gentleman of whom i have heard and would like much to meet." "of course you would," responded rollo, "and i beg your pardon for not having introduced you at once; but in times of war, you know, one is apt to neglect the amenities of a more peaceful existence. mr. norris, allow me to present my friend and pupil in the art of football-playing--" "oh, come off," laughed the big man. "pupil, as i was saying when rudely interrupted," continued rollo, "mr. mark gridley." "not gridley, the famous quarter-back!" exclaimed ridge, holding out his hand. "that's him," replied van kyp. "and aren't you norris, the gentleman rider?" asked gridley. "i have ridden," acknowledged ridge. "so has this my other friend and fellow-soldier," cried van kyp. "norris, i want you to know mr. silas pine, of medora, north dakota, a bad man from the bad lands, a bronco-buster by profession, who has also consented to become a terror to spaniards in my company." "have you a company, then?" asked ridge, after he had acknowledged this introduction. "i have--that is, i belong to one; but, in the sense you mean, you must not use the word company. that is a term common to 'doughboys,' who, as you doubtless know, are merely uniformed pedestrians; but we of the cavalry always speak of our immediate fighting coterie as a 'troop.' likewise the 'battalion' of the inconsequent doughboy has for our behoof been supplanted by the more formidable word 'squadron,' to show that we are _de jure_ as well as _de facto_ men of war. sabe?" "then you are really in the cavalry?" asked ridge, while laughing at this nonsense. "yes, i really am, or rather i really shall be when i get there; for though enlisted and sworn in, we haven't yet joined or been sworn at." "what is your regiment?" "you mean our 'command.' why, didn't i tell you? 'teddy's terrors,' roosevelt's rough riders. first volunteer cavalry, u.s.a., colonel leonard wood commanding." "the very one!" cried ridge. "why didn't i think of it before? how i wish i could join it." "and why not?" "i thought there were so many applications that the ranks were more than full." "so there may be, but, like lots of other full things, there's always room for one more, if he's of the right sort." "do you imagine i would stand the slightest chance of getting in?" "i should say you would. with me ready to use my influence in your behalf, and me and teddy the chums we are, besides you being the rider you are. why the first question teddy asks of an applicant is 'can you ride a horse?' and when you answer, 'sir, i am the man who wrote--i mean who won the silver hurdles at the last yokohama gym.', he'll be so anxious to have you in the regiment that he'd resign in your favor rather than lose you. oh, if i only had your backing do you suppose i'd be a mere private terror? no, siree, i'd be corporal or colonel or something of that kind, sure as you're born. but come on, let's get aboard, for there's the tinkle-bell a-tinkling." "i haven't bought my ticket yet," remonstrated ridge. "you won't need one, son. we're travelling in my private car 'terror'--used to be named 'buster,' you know--and the lay-out is free to all my friends." thus it happened that kindly fate had interposed to guide our hero's footsteps, but it was not until he found himself seated in the luxurious smoking-room of rollo van kyp's private railway carriage that it occurred to him to inquire whither they were bound. "to the plains of texas, my boy, and the city of san antonio de bexar, where teddy and his terrors are impatiently awaiting our advent," replied rollo. at the same time he touched an electric bell and ordered a supper, which, when it appeared, proved to be one of the daintiest meals that ridge norris had ever eaten. chapter iv the rough riders at san antonio during the remainder of that night and all the following day the train to which the "terror" was attached sped westward through the rich lowlands of southern louisiana and across the prairies of texas. it crossed the tawny flood of the mississippi on a huge railway ferry to algiers, and at new iberia it passed a side-tracked train filled with state troops bound for baton rouge. early the next morning at houston, texas, it drew up beside another train-load of soldiers on their way to austin. to the excited mind of our young would-be cavalryman it seemed as though the whole country was under arms and hurrying towards the scene of conflict. was he not going in the wrong direction, after all? and would not those other fellows get to cuba ahead of him in such force that there would be no spaniards left for the riders to fight? this feeling was so increased upon reaching the end of the journey, where he saw two san antonio companies starting for the east, that he gave expression to his fears, whereupon van kip responded, promptly: "don't you fret, old man. we'll get there in plenty of time. teddy's gone into this thing for blood, and he's got the inside track on information, too. fixed up a private ticker all of his own before he left washington, and when he gets ready to start he'll go straight to the front without a side-track. oh, i know him and his ways! for, as i've said before, we're great chums, me and teddy. i shouldn't wonder if he'd be at the station to meet us." to rollo's disappointment, neither lieutenant-colonel roosevelt nor any one else was on hand to welcome the riders' new recruits, but this was philosophically explained by the young new-yorker on the ground that he had thoughtlessly neglected to telegraph their coming. being thus left to their own devices, and anxious to join their regiment as quickly as possible, the three who were already enlisted engaged a carriage to convey them to the fair-grounds, just beyond the city limits, where the riders were encamped, leaving ridge to occupy the car in solitary state until morning. "you just stay here and make yourself cozy," said rollo, "while we go and get our bearings. i'll see teddy and fix things all right for you, so that you can come out and join us bright and early tomorrow. so long. robert, take good care of mr. norris, and see that he has everything to make him comfortable." this order was delivered to the colored steward of the car, and in another minute the excited trio had rattled away, leaving ridge to a night of luxurious loneliness. to occupy his time he took a brisk walk into the city, and reached the alamo plaza before he knew where he was. then, suddenly, he realized; for, half-hidden by a great ugly wooden building, used as a grocery-store, he discovered an antiquated, half-ruinous little structure of stone and stucco that he instantly recognized, from having seen it pictured over and over again. it was the world-renowned alamo, one of the most famous monuments to liberty in america; and, hastening across the plaza, ridge stood reverently before it, thrilled with the memory of crockett and bowie, travis and bonham, who, more than half a century before, together with their immediate band of heroes, here yielded up their lives that texas might be free. ridge was well read in the history of the lone star state, and now he strove to picture to himself the glorious tragedy upon which those grim walls had looked. as he thus stood, oblivious to his surroundings, he was recalled to them by a voice close at hand, saying, as though in soliloquy: "what a shame that so sacred a monument should be degraded by the vulgarity of its environment!" "is it not?" replied ridge, turning towards the speaker. the latter was a squarely built man, about forty years of age, with a face expressive of intense determination, which at the moment was partially hidden by a slouch hat pulled down over the forehead, and a pair of spectacles. he was clad in brown canvas, very much as was ridge himself; but except for facings of blue on collar and sleeve be wore no distinctive mark of rank. for a few minutes the two talked of the alamo and all that it represented. then the stranger asked, abruptly, "do you belong to the rough riders?" "no," replied ridge, "but i hope to. i am going to make application to join them to-morrow, or rather i believe a friend is making it for me this evening. are you one of them, sir?" "yes, though i have not yet joined. in fact, i have only just reached san antonio." "so have i," said ridge. "i came in on the eastern train less than an hour ago." "strange that i did not see you," remarked the other. "were you in the pullman?" "no, i was in a private car." "i noticed that there was one, though i did not know to whom it belonged. is it yours?" "oh no!" laughed ridge. "i am far too poor to own anything so luxurious. it belongs to my friend, mr. roland van kyp, of new york." "sometimes called rollo?" "yes; do you know him?" "i have met him. is he the one who is to use his influence in your behalf?" "yes." "can you ride a horse?" "i have ridden," rejoined ridge, modestly. "where?" "in many places. the last was japan, where i won the silver hurdles of the yokohama gymkana." "indeed! and your name is--" "ridge norris," replied the young man. "i have heard the name, and am glad to know you, mr. norris. now i must bid you good-evening. hope we shall meet again, and trust you may be successful in joining our regiment." with this the stranger walked rapidly away, leaving ridge somewhat puzzled by his manner, and wishing he had asked his name. about eight o'clock the next morning, as ridge, waited on by the attentive robert, was sitting down to the daintily appointed breakfast-table of rollo van kyp's car, the young owner himself burst into the room. "hello, norris!" he cried. "just going to have lunch? don't care if i join you. had breakfast hours ago, you know, and a prime one it was. scouse, slumgullion, hushpuppy, dope without milk, and all sorts of things. i tell you life in camp is fine, and no mistake. slept in a dog-tent last night with a full-blooded indian--choctaw or something of that kind, one of the best fellows i ever met. couldn't catch on to his name, but it doesn't make any difference, for all the boys call him 'hully gee'--'hully' for short, you know. "but such fun and such a rum crowd you never saw! why, there are cowboys, ranchers, prospectors, coppers, ex-sheriffs, sailors, mine-owners, men from every college in the country, tennis champions, football-players, rowing-men, polo-players, planters, african explorers, big-game hunters, ex-revenue-officers, and indian-fighters, besides any number of others who have led the wildest kinds of life, all chock-full of stories, and ready to fire 'em off at a touch of the trigger. teddy hasn't come yet, and so i haven't been able to do anything for you; but you must trot right out, all the same, and join our mess. besides, i want you to pick out a horse for me, something nice and quiet, 'cause i'm not a dead game rider, you know. same time he must be good to look at, sound, and fit in every respect. i've already bought one this morning, a devilish pretty little mare, on sile pine's say-so that she was gentle, but after a slight though very trying experience, i'm afraid a bronco-buster's ideas of gentleness and mine don't exactly agree." "why? did she throw you?" asked ridge. "well, she didn't exactly throw me. i was merely projected about a thousand yards as though from a dynamite-gun, and then the brute tried to chew me up. you see she's a mexican--what mark twain would call a 'genuine mexican plug'--and doesn't seem to sabe united states; for when i began to reason with her she simply went wild. i left her tearing through the camp like a steam-cyclone, and if we find anything at all to show where it was located, it is more than i hope for. but there's a new lot of prime-looking cattle just arrived, and they are going like hot cakes; so come along quick and help me get something rideable." half an hour later ridge found himself in the first army camp he had ever visited, amid a body of men the most heterogeneous but typically american ever gathered together. millionaire dudes and clubmen from the great eastern cities fraternized with the wildest representatives of far western life. men of every calling and social position, all wearing blue flannel shirts and slouch hats, were here mingled on terms of perfect equality. they were drilling, shooting, skylarking, playing cards, performing incredible feats on horseback, cooking, eating, singing, yelling, and behaving in every respect like a lot of irrepressible schoolboys out for a holiday. here a red-headed irish corporal damned the awkwardness of a young boston swell, fresh from harvard, who had been detailed as cook in a company kitchen; while, close at hand, a new-yorker of the bluest blood was washing dishes with the deftness gained from long experience on a new mexican sheep-ranch. as ridge and rollo passed through one of the canvas-bordered streets of this unique camp, the former suddenly leaped aside with an exclamation of alarm. an unknown beast, fortunately chained, had made a spring at him, with sharp claws barely missing his leg. "you mustn't mind a little thing like that," laughed rollo, with the air of one to whom such incidents were of every-day occurrence. "it's only 'josephine,' a young mountain lion from arizona, and our regimental mascot. she's very playful." "so it seems," replied ridge, "and i suppose i shall learn to like her if i join the regiment; but the introduction was a little startling." a short distance beyond the camp was gathered a confused group of officers, troopers, men in citizen's dress, some of whom were swart-faced mexicans, and horses. to this rollo led the way; and, as the new-comers drew near they saw that for a moment all eyes were directed towards a man engaged in a fierce struggle with a horse. the animal was a beautiful chestnut mare with slender limbs, glossy coat, and superb form. good as she was to look upon, she was just then exhibiting the spirit of a wild-cat or anything else that is most savage and untamable, and was attempting, with desperate struggles, to throw and kill the man who rode her. he was our recent acquaintance, silas pine, bronco-buster from the bad lands, who, with clinched teeth and rigid features, was in full practice of his chosen profession. all at once, no one could tell how, but with a furious effort the mare shook off her hated burden, and, with a snort of triumph, dashed madly away. the man was flung heavily to the ground, where he lay motionless. "that's my horse," remarked rollo, quietly, "and sile undertook to either break or kill her. nice, gentle beast, isn't she? hello, you're in luck, for there's roosevelt now. oh, teddy! i say, teddy!" two officers on horseback were approaching the scene, and in one of them ridge recognized his chance acquaintance of the evening before. towards this individual van kyp was running. all at once the second officer, who proved to be colonel leonard wood of the regular army, now commanding the riders, turned to a sergeant who stood near by, and said, sharply: "arrest that man and take him to the guard-house. we have had enough of this 'teddy' business, and i want it distinctly understood that hereafter lieutenant-colonel roosevelt is to receive the title of his rank from every man in this command." in another moment rollo van kyp had been seized by the brawny sergeant, lately a mounted policeman of new york city, and was being marched protestingly away, leaving ridge bewildered, friendless, and uncertain what to do. chapter v ridge becomes a trooper while our hero stood irresolute, he saw silas pine gain a sitting posture, and gaze about him with the air of one who is dazed. [illustration: "silas pine gazed about him with the air of one who is dazed."] "are you badly hurt?" inquired ridge, as he reached the man's side. "i don't know," replied silas, moving his limbs cautiously, and feeling of various portions of his body to ascertain if any bones were broken. "reckon not. but will you kindly tell me what happened?" "you were breaking in mr. van kyp's horse, and got thrown," replied ridge, as gravely as possible, but with an irrepressible smile lurking in the corners of his mouth. the bronco-buster, noting this, became instantly filled with wrath. "got thrown, did i? and you think it a thing to laugh at, do you? well, you wouldn't if you'd been in my place. i claim to know something about hosses, and i tell you that's not one at all. she's a 'hoss devil,' that's what she is, for all she looks quiet as a sheep. but i'll kill her yet or die trying to tame her; for such a brute's not fit to live." "won't you let me try my hand at it first?" asked ridge. "you? you?" exclaimed the man in contemptuous amazement. "yes, i will, for if you are fool enough to tackle her, you are only fit to be killed, and might as well die now as later. oh yes, young feller, you can try it; only leave us a lock of your hair to remember you by, and we'll give you a first-class funeral." by this time two mexican riders, who had started in pursuit of the runaway animal, had cornered it in an angle of the high fence surrounding the camp-grounds, flung their ropes over its head, and were dragging it back, choking and gasping for breath, to the scene of its recent triumph. "hold on!" cried ridge in spanish, running towards them as he spoke, and shouting commands in their own language. slipping the cruel ropes from the neck of the quivering mare, that stared at him with wild eyes, ridge petted and soothed her, at the same time talking gently in spanish, a tongue that she showed signs of understanding by pricking forward her shapely ears. after a little ridge led the animal to a watering-trough, where she drank greedily, and then into camp, where he begged a handful of sugar from one of the cooks. some ten minutes later, without having yet attempted to gain the saddle, he led the mare back to the place from which they had started, all the while talking to her and stroking her glossy neck. "why don't you ride?" growled silas pine, who still remained on the scene of his recent discomfiture, and had watched ridge's movements curiously. "any fool can lead a hoss to water and back again." for answer ridge gathered up the bridle reins, and placing his hands on pommel and cantle, sprang lightly into the saddle. the mare laid her ears flat back and began to tremble with rage, but her rider, bending low over the proud neck, talked to her as though she were a human being, and in another moment they were off like the wind. twice they circled the entire grounds at a speed as yet unequalled in the camp, and then drew up sharply where silas pine still stood awaiting them. "mr. norris," said that individual, stepping forward, "i owe you an apology, and must say i never saw a finer--" just here the mare snapped viciously at the bronco-buster, from whose spurs her flanks were still bleeding, and leaped sideways with so sudden a movement that any but a most practiced rider would have been flung to the ground. without appearing in the least disconcerted by this performance, ridge began to reply to silas pine, but was interrupted by the approach of the two mounted officers, who had watched the recent lesson in bronco-breaking with deep interest. "can you do that with any horse?" inquired lieutenant-colonel roosevelt, abruptly. "i believe i can, sir," replied ridge, lifting his hand in salute. "i heard you talking in spanish. do you speak it fluently?" "as well as i do english, sir." "i believe you wish to enlist in this regiment?" "i do, sir." "you are a friend of private van kyp?" "yes, sir." "the one in whose behalf he was about to make application." ridge again answered in the affirmative. "colonel, i believe we want this young man." "i believe we do," replied colonel wood. then, to ridge, he added: "if you can pass a satisfactory physical examination, i know of no reason why you should not be permitted to join this command. i want you to understand, though, that every man admitted to it is chosen solely for personal merit, and not through friendship or any influence, political or otherwise, that he may possess. now you may take that horse to the picket-line, see that it is properly cared for, and report at my quarters in half an hour." without uttering a word in reply, but again saluting, ridge rode away happier than he had ever been in his life, and prouder even than when he had won the silver hurdles at yokohama. an hour later he had successfully passed his physical examination, and was waiting, with a dozen other recruits, to be sworn into the military service of the united states. to these men came lieutenant-colonel roosevelt, who had just resigned the assistant-secretaryship of the navy in order to join the front rank of those who were to fight his country's battles. to them he said: "gentlemen, you have reached the last point. if any one of you does not mean business, let him say so now. in a few minutes more it will be too late to back out. once in, you must see the thing through, performing without flinching whatever duty is assigned to you, regardless of its difficulty or danger. if it be garrison duty, you must attend to it; if meeting the fever, you must be willing; if it is the hardest kind of fighting, you must be anxious for it. you must know how to ride, how to shoot, and how to live in the open, lacking all the luxuries and often the necessities of life. no matter what comes, you must not squeal. remember, above everything, that absolute obedience to every command is your first lesson. now think it over, and if any man wishes to withdraw, he will be gladly excused, for hundreds stand ready to take his place." did any of those young men accept this chance to escape the dangers and privations, the hardships and sufferings, awaiting them? not one, but all joined in an eager rivalry to first take the oath of allegiance and obedience, and sign the regimental roll. as it happened, this honor fell to ridge norris, and a few minutes later he passed out of the building an enlisted soldier of the united states, a private in its first regiment of volunteer cavalry, and ordered to report to the first sergeant of troop "k"--rollo van kyp's troop, he remembered with pleasure. "poor old boy! how i wish i could see him and tell him of my good luck!" he reflected. "wonder how long he will be kept in that beastly guard-house?" at the moment our young trooper was passing headquarters, and even as this thought came into his mind, he was bidden by colonel wood to deliver a written order to the corporal of the guard. "it is for the release from arrest of your friend van kyp," explained the colonel, kindly, "and you may tell him that it was obtained through the intercession of lieutenant-colonel roosevelt." with a light heart ridge hastened to perform this first act of his military service; and not long afterwards he and rollo were happily engaged, under the supervision of sergeant higgins, in erecting the little dog-tent that they were to occupy in company, and settling their scanty belongings within its narrow limits. when this was finally accomplished to their satisfaction, they went to the picket-line to visit the pretty and high-spirited mare that had been the immediate cause of ridge's good fortune. "isn't she a beauty?" he exclaimed, walking directly up to the mare, and throwing an arm about her neck, a caress to which the animal submitted with evident pleasure. "yes," admitted rollo, hesitatingly, as he stepped nimbly aside to avoid a snap of white teeth. "i suppose she is, but she seems awfully vicious, and i can't say that she is exactly the style of horse that i most admire. tell you what i'll do, norris. i'll give her to you, seeing that you and she seem to hit it off so well. you've won her by rights, anyhow." ridge's face flushed. he already loved the mare, and longed to own her, but his pride forbade him to accept so valuable a gift from one who was but little more than a stranger. so he said; "oh no! thanks, awfully, old man, but i couldn't think of taking her in that way. if you don't mind, though, i'll buy the mare of you, gladly paying whatever you gave for her." "very good," replied rollo, who imagined ridge to be quite well off, and to whom any question of money was of slight consequence. "i paid an even hundred dollars for her with saddle and bridle thrown in, and if you won't accept her as a gift, you may have her for that sum." "done," said ridge, "and here's your money." with this he pulled from his pocket the roll of bills that his father, bidding him not to spend them recklessly, had thrust into his hand on parting, and which until now he had not found occasion to touch. although this left our young soldier penniless, he did not for a moment regret the transaction by which he had gained possession of what he considered the very best mount in the whole regiment. he at once named the beautiful mare "señorita," and upon her he lavished a wealth of affection that seemed to be fully reciprocated. while no one else could do anything with her, in ridge's hands she gained a knowledge of cavalry tactics as readily as did her young master, and by her quick precision of movement when on drill or parade she was instrumental in raising him first to the grade of corporal, and then to that of sergeant, which was the rank he held three weeks later, on the eve of the rough riders' departure for tampa. in the mean time the days spent at san antonio were full of active interest and hard work from morning reveille until the mellow trumpet-notes of taps. at the same time it was work mixed with a vast amount of harmless skylarking, in which both ridge and rollo took such active part as to win the liking of every member of their troop. each day heard the same anxious inquiry from a thousand tongues: "when shall we go to the front? is the navy going to fight out this war without the army getting a show?" "be patient," counselled the wiser men, "and our chance will come. the powerful spanish fleet under admiral cervera must first be located and rendered harmless, while the army must be licked into effective shape before it is allowed to fight." they heard of the blockade by the navy of havana and other cuban ports, of the apparently fruitless bombardment of san juan in porto rico, and of the great gathering of troops and transports at tampa. finally came the welcome news that the dreaded spanish fleet was safely bottled by admiral sampson in the narrow harbor of santiago. then on the th of may, only a little more than one month after the declaration of war, came the welcome order to move to tampa and the front. instantly the camp presented a scene of wildest bustle and excitement. one hundred railway cars, in six long trains, awaited the riders. the regiment was drawn up as if for parade. "forward, march!" ordered colonel wood. "on to cuba!" sang the trumpets. and the "terrors" yelled themselves hoarse at the prospect of being let loose. chapter vi off for the war of course ridge had written home and informed his family of his whereabouts as soon as he found himself regularly enlisted with the rough riders. the news afforded mr. norris immense satisfaction, while spence cuthbert declared that if ridge were her brother she should be proud of him. "if that is said for my benefit," remarked dulce, "you may rest assured that i am always proud of my brother. i must confess, though, that i should like it better if he were an officer; for, as i have never known any private soldiers, i can't imagine what they are like. it must be very unpleasant, though, to have to associate with them all the time. i wish ridge had told us more about that mr. van kyp who owns the car. of course, though, one of his wealth and position must be an officer, a captain at the very least, and perhaps ridge doesn't see much of him now." mrs. norris was greatly disappointed to find that all her efforts in her son's behalf had been wasted that he should have deliberately chosen to becoming a "common soldier," as she expressed it, instead of accepting the commission offered him, was beyond her comprehension. she mourned and puzzled over this until the arrival of ridge's next letter, which conveyed the gratifying intelligence that, having been made a corporal, he was now an officer. she did not know what a corporal was, but that ridge had risen above the ranks of "common soldiers" was sufficient, and from that moment the fond mother began to speak with pride of her son, who was an officer in the cavalry. at length the quiet household was thrown into a flutter of excitement by the receipt of a telegram, which read: "have again been promoted. regiment ordered to tampa. leave to-day. meet us at algiers, if possible." mr. norris hurried into the city to consult railway officials concerning the movements of the regiment, and found that the train bearing his son's troop would pass through the city on the morrow. early the next morning, therefore, he escorted his wife and the girls across the mississippi, where, in the forlorn little town of algiers, they awaited as patiently as might be the coming of their soldier boy. the mother's anxiety to meet her son was almost equalled by her desire to see how handsome he would look in an officer's uniform. concerning this she had formed a mental picture of epaulettes, gold lace, brass buttons, plumes, and a sword; for had she not seen army officers in paris? the two girls discussed as to whether or not ridge was now travelling in the same luxurious private car that had borne him to san antonio. spence thought not, but dulce believed he would be. "of course if ridge was still a private i don't suppose it would be good form for _captain_ van kyp to invite him," she said; "but now that he is an officer, and perhaps even of equal rank, i can't imagine any reason why they should not travel together as they did before." there was no reason, and the joint proprietors of the little dog-tent, of which, when in marching order, each carried one-half, were travelling together on terms of perfect equality, as was discovered a little later, when the long train, thickly coated with dust and cinders, rumbled heavily into the station. heads protruded from every window of the crowded coaches, and hundreds of eyes gazed approvingly at the pretty girls who were anxiously looking for a private car, while trying not to blush at the very audible compliments by which they were greeted. suddenly they heard the familiar voice. "mother! father! girls!" it called, and turning quickly in that direction, they discovered the object of their search. sun-browned and dust-begrimed, his face streaked by rivulets of perspiration, wearing a disreputable-looking felt hat and a coarse blue flannel shirt, open at the throat, their boy, beaming with delight, was eagerly beckoning to them. two other cinder-hued faces were attempting to share the window with him, but with only partial success. the car doors were guarded, and no one was allowed to pass either in or out until the train was safely on the great boat that was to transfer it across the river. there the turbulent stream of humanity was permitted to burst forth, and in another moment a stalwart young soldier, who seemed to have broadened by inches since she last saw him, had flung his arms about mrs. norris's neck. then he shook hands with his father and kissed both the girls, at which spence cuthbert blushed more furiously than ever. a score of young fellows, all as grimy as ridge, and all wearing the same uniform, watched this performance curiously, and now the latter began to present them. "this is first sergeant higgins, mother, of our troop, and mr. gridley, and mr. pine of north dakota. dulce, allow me to introduce my tentmate, mr. van kyp." so he rattled off name after name, until the poor girls were thoroughly bewildered, and could not tell which belonged to whom, especially, as dulce said, when they all looked exactly alike in those absurd hats, horrid flannel shirts, and ridiculous leggings. rollo van kyp was the only one of whose name and personality she felt certain, which is probably the reason she allowed that persuasive young trooper to escort her to the forward deck of the boat, where they remained until the river was almost crossed. after a while ridge and spence also strolled off together, ostensibly to find dulce and rollo, though they did not succeed until the farther shore was nearly reached, when all four came back together. rollo van kip had lost his hat, while dulce held tightly in one daintily gloved hand a curious-looking package done up in newspaper. at the same time spence cuthbert blushed whenever something in the pocket of her gown gave forth a metallic jingle, and glanced furtively about to see if any one else had heard it. a few days later dulce appeared in a new riding-hat, which at once attracted the admiration and envy of all her girl friends. at the same time it was a very common affair, exactly like those worn by uncle sam's soldier boys, and on its front was rudely traced in lead pencil the words, "troop k, roosevelt's rough riders." in fact, it was one of the very hats that dulce herself had recently designated as "absurd." about the same time that miss norris appeared wearing a trooper's hat her friend miss cuthbert decorated the front of her riding-jacket with brass buttons. when sergeant norris sharply reprimanded private van kyp for losing his hat, rollo answered that he considered himself perfectly excusable for so doing, since in a breeze strong enough to blow the buttons off a sergeant's blouse a hat stood no show to remain on its owner's head, whereupon the other abruptly changed the subject. in the mean time mrs. norris, who had recognized among the names of the young men presented to her those of some of the best-known families of the country, was surrounded by a group of ridge's friends, who, as they all wore the same uniform that he did, she imagined must also be officers. so she delighted their hearts and rose high in their estimation by treating them with great cordiality, and calling them indiscriminately major, captain, or whatever military title happened on the end of her tongue. this she did until her husband appeared on the scene with lieutenant-colonel roosevelt, whom he had known in washington. the moment the fond mother discovered this gentleman to be her son's superior officer, she neglected every one else to ply him with questions. "did he think her boy would make a fine soldier? was ridge really an officer? if so, what was his rank, and why did he not wear a more distinctive uniform? did _general_ roosevelt believe there would be any fighting, and if there was, would he not order ridge to remain in the safest places?" to all of these questions the lieutenant-colonel managed to return most satisfactory answers. he thought ridge was in a fair way to make a most excellent soldier, seeing that he had already gained the rank of sergeant, which was very rapid promotion, considering the short time the young man had been in the service. as to his uniform, he now wore that especially designed for active campaigning, which mrs. norris must know was much less showy than one that would be donned for dress parades in time of peace. yes, he fancied there might be a little fighting, in which case he meditated giving ridge a place behind sergeant borrowe's dynamite gun, where he would be as safe as in any other position on the whole firing line. not only was mrs. norris greatly comforted by these kindly assurances, but she received further evidence that her boy was indeed an officer entitled to command and be obeyed when the troopers were ordered to re-enter the cars, for she heard him say: "come, boys, tumble in lively! now, rollo, get a move on." certainly an officer to whom even _captain_ van kyp yielded obedience must be of exalted rank. there was some delay in starting the train, which was taken advantage of by mr. norris to disappear, only to return a few minutes later, followed by a porter bearing a great basket of fruit. this was given to ridge for distribution among his friends. spence cuthbert also shyly handed him a box of choice candies, which she had carried all this time; but dulce, seeing her brother thus well provided, gave her box to rollo van kyp--a proceeding that filled the young millionaire with delight, and caused him to be furiously envied by every other man in the car. finally the heavy train began slowly to pull out, its occupants raised a mighty cheer, the trumpeters sounded their liveliest quickstep, and those left behind, waving their handkerchiefs and shouting words of farewell, felt their eyes fill with sudden tears. until this moment the war had been merely a subject for careless discussion, a thing remote from them and only affecting far-away people. now it was real and terrible. their nearest and dearest was concerned in it. they had witnessed the going of those who might never return. from that moment it was their war. on thursday, june d, with their long, dusty journey ended, the last of the rough riders reached tampa, hot and weary, but in good spirits, and eager to be sent at once to the front. they found , troops, cavalry, infantry, and artillery, most of them regulars, already encamped in the sandy pine barrens surrounding the little city, and took their place among them. at port tampa, nine miles away, lay the fleet of transports provided to carry them to cuba. here they had lain for many days. here the army had waited for weeks, sweltering in the pitiless heat, suffering the discomforts of a campaign without its stimulant of excitement, impatient of delay, and sick with repeated disappointments. the regulars were ready for service; the volunteers thought they were, but knew better a few weeks later. time and again orders for embarkation were received, only to be revoked upon rumors of ghostly warships reported off some distant portion of the coast. spain was playing her old game of _mañana_ at the expense of the americans, and inducing her powerful enemy to refrain from striking a blow by means of terrifying rumors skilfully circulated through the so-called "yellow journals" of the great american cities, which readily published any falsehood that provided a sensation. at length, however, the last bogie appeared to be laid, and one week after the riders reached tampa a rumor of an immediate departure, more definite than any that had preceded it, flashed through the great camp: "everything is ready, and to-morrow we shall surely embark for santiago." chapter vii the story of hobson and the _merrimac_ only half the regiment was to go, and no horses could be taken, except a few belonging to officers. the capacity of the transports was limited, and though troops were packed into them like sardines into a can, there was only room for , men, together with a few horses, a pack-train of mules, four light batteries, and two of siege-guns. so, thousands of soldiers, heartbroken by disappointment, and very many things important to the success of a campaign, were to be left behind. two dismounted squadrons of the rough riders were chosen to accompany the expedition, which, with the exception of themselves and two regiments of volunteer infantry, was composed of regulars; and, to the great joy of ridge and his immediate friends, their troop was among those thus selected. but their joy was dimmed by being dismounted, and ridge almost wept when obliged to part with his beloved mare. however, as rollo philosophically remarked, "everything goes in time of war, or rather most everything does, and what can't go must be left behind." so five hundred of the horseless riders were piled into a train of empty coal-cars, each man carrying on his person in blanket roll and haversack whatever baggage he was allowed to take, and they were rattled noisily away to port tampa, where, after much vexatious delay, they finally boarded the transport _yucatan_, and felt that they were fairly off for cuba. but not yet. again came a rumor of strange war-ships hovering off the coast, and with it a frightened but imperative order from washington to wait. so they waited in the broiling heat, crowded almost to suffocation in narrow spaces--men delicately reared and used to every luxury, men who had never before breathed any but the pure air of mountain or boundless plain--and their only growl was at the delay that kept them from going to where conditions would be even worse. they ate their coarse food whenever and wherever they could get it, drank tepid water from tin cups that were equally available for soup or coffee, and laughed at their discomforts. "but why don't they let us go?" was the constant cry heard on all sides at all hours. during this most tedious of all their waitings, only one thing of real interest happened. they had heard of the daring exploit of naval lieutenant richmond pearson hobson, who, on the night of june d, had sunk the big coal-steamer _merrimac_ in the narrowest part of santiago harbor, in the hope of thus preventing the escape of admiral cervera's bottled fleet, and they had exulted over this latest example of dauntless american heroism, but none of the details had yet reached them. on one of their waiting days a swift steam-yacht, now an armed government despatch-boat, dashed into tampa bay, and dropped anchor near the _yucatan_. rumor immediately had it that she was from the blockading fleet of santiago, and every eye was turned upon her with interest. a small boat carried her commanding officer ashore, and while he was gone another brought one of her juniors, ensign dick comly, to visit his only brother, who was a rough rider. the _speedy_ had just come from santiago, and of course ensign comly knew all about hobson. would he tell the story of the _merrimac_? certainly he would, and so a few minutes after his arrival the naval man was relating the thrilling tale as follows: "i don't suppose many of you fellows ever heard of hobson before this, but every one in the navy knew of him long ago. he is from alabama, was the youngest man in the naval academy class of ' , graduated number , was sent abroad to study naval architecture, and, upon returning to this country, was given the rank of assistant naval constructor. at the beginning of this war he was one of the instructors at annapolis, but immediately applied for active duty, and was assigned to the _new york_. "when victor blue, of the _suwanee_, had proved beyond a doubt by going ashore and counting them that all of cervera's ships were in santiago harbor, hobson conceived the plan of keeping them there by taking in a ship and sinking it across the channel. of course it was a perfectly useless thing to do, for sampson's fleet is powerful enough to lick the stuffing out of the whole spanish navy, if only it could get the chance. however, the notion took with the admiral, and hobson was told to go ahead. "he selected the collier _merrimac_, a big iron steamer feet long, stripped her of all valuable movables, and fastened a lot of torpedoes to her bottom. each one of these was sufficiently powerful to sink the ship, and all were connected by wires with a button on the bridge. hobson's plan was to steam into the channel at full speed, regardless of mines or batteries, and anchor his ship across the narrowest part of the channel. there he proposed to blow her up and sink her. what was to become of himself and the half dozen men who were to go with him i don't know, and don't suppose he cared. "at the same time there was some provision made for escape in case any of them survived the blowing up of their ship. they carried one small dingy along, and an old life-raft was left on board. a steam-launch from the _new york_ was to follow them close in under the batteries, and lie there so long as there was a chance of picking any of them up, or until driven off. cadets palmer and powell, each eager to go on this service, drew lots to see which should command the launch, and luck favored the latter. "when it was known that six men were wanted to accompany hobson to almost certain death, four thousand volunteered, and three thousand nine hundred and ninety-four were mightily disappointed when the other six were chosen." "i should have felt just as they did if i had been left in camp," said ridge, who was following this story with eager interest. "me too," replied rollo van kyp, to whom the remark was addressed. "the worst of it was," continued the ensign, "that those fellows didn't get to go, after all, for when they had put in twenty-four hours of hard work on the _merrimac_, with no sleep and but little to eat, only kept up by the keenest kind of excitement, it was decided to postpone the attempt until the following night. at the same time the admiral, fearing the nerve of the men would be shaken by so long a strain, ordered them back to their ships, with thanks for their devotion to the service, and selected six others to take their places. the poor fellows were so broken up by this that some of them cried like babies." "it was as bad as though we should be ordered to remain behind now," said ridge. "yes," answered rollo. "but that would be more than i could bear. i'd mutiny and refuse to go ashore. wouldn't you?" "i should certainly feel like it," laughed the former. "but orders are orders, and we have sworn to obey them, you know. at the same time there's no cause for worry. we are certain to go if any one does." "yes, me and teddy--" began rollo, but ridge silenced him that they might hear the continuation of the ensign's story. "at three o'clock on friday morning, the d," resumed comly, "the _merrimac_ left the fleet and steamed in towards santiago entrance. on board, besides hobson and his six chosen men, was one other, a coxswain of the _new york_, who had helped prepare the collier for her fate, and at the last moment stowed himself away in her hold for the sake of sharing it. "with hobson on the bridge, two men at the wheel, two in the engine-room, two stoking, and one forward ready to cut away the anchor, the doomed ship entered the narrow water-way and passed the outer line of mines in safety. then the spaniards discovered her, and from the way they let loose they must have thought the whole american fleet was trying to force the passage. in an instant she was the focus for a perfect cyclone of shot and shell from every gun that could be brought to bear, on both sides of the channel. "it was like rushing into the very jaws of hell, with mines exploding all about her, solid shot and bursting shells tearing at her vitals, and a cloud of mauser bullets buzzing like hornets across her deck. how she lived to get where she was wanted is a mystery; but she did, and they sunk her just inside the estrella battery. at the last they could not steer her, because her rudder was knocked away. so they anchored, waited as cool as cucumbers for the tide to swing her into position, opened all their sea-valves, touched off their torpedoes, and blew her up. "so far everything had worked to perfection. the seven men, still unhurt, were well aft, where hobson joined them the moment he had pressed the button; but now their troubles began. the dingy in which they had hoped to escape had been shot to pieces, and they dared not try to get their raft overboard, for the growing light would have revealed their movements, and they would have been a target for every gunner and rifleman within range. so they could only lie flat on deck and wait for something to happen. a little after daybreak the ship sank so low and with such a list that the raft slipped into the water and floated of its own accord. on this all of them, including two had been wounded by flying splinters, rolled overboard after it, caught hold of the clumsy old float, and tried to swim it out to where powell could pick them up. they had only gained a few yards when a steam-launch coming from the harbor bore down on them. some marines in the bow were about to open fire, when hobson sang out, 'is there any officer on board that launch entitled to receive the surrender of prisoners of war?' "'yes, señor, there is,' answered a voice, which also ordered the marines not to fire, and i'll be blowed if admiral cervera himself didn't stick his head out from under the awning. the old fellow was as nice as pie to hobson and his men, told them they had done a fine thing, took them back to his ship, fed them, fitted them out with dry clothing, and then sent captain oviedo, his chief of staff, out to the _new york_, under a flag of truce, to report that the _merrimac's_ crew, though prisoners, were alive and well. he also offered to carry back any message or supplies the american admiral might choose to send them. didn't every soul in that fleet yell when the signal of hobson's safety was made? well, i should rather say we did. i only hope old cervera will fall into our hands some day, so that we can show him how we appreciate his decency." "three cheers for the spanish admiral right now!" shouted ridge, and the yell that instantly rose from the deck of the _yucatan_ in reply was heard on shore for a mile inland. the noise had barely subsided when a voice called for sergeant norris. "here i am. who wants me?" replied ridge, inquiringly. "take your belongings ashore, sir, and report back at camp immediately," was the startling response, delivered in the form of an order by major herman dodley, who was now on the staff of the commanding general. "i have a boat in waiting. if you are ready within two minutes i will set you ashore. otherwise you will suffer the consequences of your own delay," added the major, who, while on duty at port tampa, had received by telegraph the orders he was now carrying out. chapter viii charged with a secret mission having ascertained from the captain of his troop that the order brought by major dodley was one that must be obeyed, ridge went below with a very heavy heart to collect his scanty possessions. as he did so his thoughts were full of bitterness. why should any one be sent back to that hateful camp, and for what reason had he been singled out from all his fellows? it looked as though he were being disgraced, or at least chosen for some duty that would keep him from going to cuba, which would be almost as bad. at the same time he could not imagine what he had done to incur the displeasure of his superiors. it was all a mystery, and a decidedly unpleasant one. that the order should come through dodley, too, whom he particularly disliked, was adding insult to injury. "i'd rather swim ashore than go with that man!" he exclaimed to rollo van kyp, who, full of sympathy, and genuinely distressed at the prospect of their separation, had gone below with him. ridge had told his chum all about dodley, whom they had discovered lounging on a breezy veranda of the great tampa bay hotel a few days before, so that now the latter fully comprehended his feelings. "it's a beastly shame!" cried rollo; "or rather it's two beastly shames, and if you say so, old man, we'll just quietly chuck that major fellow overboard, so that you can have his boat all to yourself. then, instead of going ashore, you head down the bay for some place where you can hide until we come along and pick you up." "that's a great scheme," replied ridge, with a sorrowful little smile, "but i am afraid it wouldn't work, and so there is nothing left for me but submission to the inevitable. i do hate to go with dodley, though." just here ensign comly appeared on the scene with his brother, whom he was bidding farewell. "i say, comly!" cried rollo, who knew him, "why can't you set my friend norris here ashore? it wouldn't be much out of your way, would it?" "not at all," answered the ensign, courteously. "and i should be pleased to accommodate any friend of yours. i must go at once, though; so, if mr. norris will come on deck--" "oh, but that won't do," interrupted van kyp. "he must get off the ship without any one on deck seeing him." with this he explained the situation to the ensign, who readily grasped it, and said: "all right. i'll run my boat in under this sideport, and he can drop out of it if the sentry will let him pass." of course the guard at the wide freight port left open for a better circulation of air between decks would allow ridge to pass, for he was one of their own troop, and knew that the sergeant had been ordered ashore. to give him further assurance that everything was all right, ridge said: "it is my duty, you know, to go in the first boat that offers, since major dodley undoubtedly left some time since. he said he would only wait two minutes, and as that was fully five minutes ago, he ought to be ashore by now." thus it happened that while the messenger who had been ordered to fetch sergeant norris of the rough riders was still fuming over the unpardonable delay of the trooper, and threatening all sorts of unpleasant things for him when he did appear, ridge gained the railroad wharf without being observed from the deck of the transport. there, finding an empty train just starting for tampa, he was able to present himself in camp half an hour later. from it he was sent to headquarters, with orders to report to lieutenant-colonel roosevelt, who had come ashore early that morning. this ridge hastened to do, without waiting to answer any of the eager questions showered upon him by his recent comrades of the camp. at the hotel occupied as headquarters an orderly conducted him to the office of the commanding general, where, upon admittance, he found himself not only in the presence of his own superior officer, but of a group of distinguished looking men in uniform, who, as he afterwards discovered, were generals miles, shafter, lee, and lawton, and lieutenant boldwood of the navy, now in command of the despatch boat _speedy_, recently arrived. "general," said lieutenant-colonel roosevelt, addressing the commander-in-chief, "this is sergeant norris of my regiment, the man whom i recommended for your purpose, and for whom you sent less than an hour ago." "where were you when ordered to report here?" asked general miles, turning abruptly to ridge. "on board the transport _yucatan_, lying off port tampa, sir." "then you are one of the few men whom i have discovered among our volunteers who have learned the lesson of _prompt_ obedience," remarked the general, with a slight scowl on his still handsome though deeply lined face. "umph!" snorted general shafter, who was a big man, weighing about three hundred pounds, and whose hair was sadly rumpled, as though by much perplexity. general lee, also a large, fine-looking man, smiled approvingly at the prompt young trooper, while general "iron" lawton, spare of figure and with a reputation as a fighter, gave him a penetrating glance, that ridge knew had indelibly fixed his face upon the soldier's memory. the naval man also regarded him with interest, and our hero, greatly confused at being thus observed, was relieved to have general miles proceed, to question him further. "i understand that you speak spanish like a native." "i do, sir." "have you ever been in cuba?" "no, sir." "or travelled in spain?" "yes, sir." "acquainted with its principal cities?" "i am, sir," replied ridge, wondering in what direction these questions were tending. "are you willing to encounter great risks and undergo great hardships in your country's service?" "certainly i am, sir," answered the young trooper, with flushed face, for he began to suspect that some more important duty was to be required of him than simply remaining in camp. "in that case i am going to offer you the chance of winning your country's gratitude, and possibly with it an ignominious death. it is deemed imperative that some one intrusted with grave secrets should immediately set forth on an important mission to cuba. if his identity is discovered before the task is completed, his fate will undoubtedly be that of a spy. knowing this fact, are you ready to undertake it?" "i am, sir," was the decisive reply. "good! a commissioned officer was selected for this duty, but he is prevented by illness from performing it. you have been chosen to take his place on the recommendation of colonel roosevelt because of your knowledge of spanish, your military record, and because you are a native-born american. i could have found plenty of cubans to undertake the mission, and possibly one of them would have carried it to a satisfactory ending, but i wanted an american." "plain north american yankee," growled general shafter. "as you know," continued general miles, "a powerful expedition is about to leave this place for cuba. very few persons have any idea where it is to land; but you must know that in about ten days from now it will appear off daiquiri, some twelve miles east of santiago, in which city i want you to be at that time. you will sail to-night in the despatch-boat _speedy_, of which this gentleman, lieutenant boldwood, is the commander. within three days he will land you on the northern coast of the province of santiago. during the following week i want you to visit the spanish commanders at holguin, jiguani, and santiago, to all of whom you will bear what purport to be important despatches from señor carranza, chief of the spanish secret service in north america, whose headquarters are in montreal. "you will represent yourself to be josé remelio, one of the clerks attached to the recent spanish legation at washington. you will estimate the strength and condition of the spanish forces in the province. also, you will meet as many of the insurgent leaders as possible, inform them of the coming of our expedition, and impress upon them the necessity of intercepting supplies or re-inforcements for santiago. for the sake of appearances, i authorize you to assume any military rank up to that of captain you may deem advisable. you will also be given the secret countersign of the cuban junta, which will secure for you good treatment among all cubans of intelligence." "his best safeguard among cubans should be that he is an american soldier," suggested general lawton. "you will perceive," continued general miles, "that i have laid out a vast amount of work for you to perform in a very short time; but you will be provided with plenty of money, and by procuring a good horse as soon as possible after landing i believe you can accomplish it. i hope you will be able to reach santiago and gain a knowledge of its defences; but no matter where you are, when you hear that our army has landed, make your way to it with all speed, and report immediately to the commanding general. is all this clear? and have you anything to suggest?" "your instructions are perfectly clear, sir," replied ridge, his voice trembling with excitement, "and i only want to suggest that instead of depending upon cuban horses for transportation across the island, i be allowed to take my own from here." "are you sure that your horse is enough better than those of the island to warrant carrying it to such a distance?" "i can vouch for that, general," interposed lieutenant-colonel roosevelt. "sergeant norris has one of the very best horses in our regiment, and one that has developed almost human intelligence under his training." "no one realizes the value of a reliable horse in times of danger better than i," rejoined general miles. "i wonder, though, if it will be possible to carry one on the _speedy_?" "i believe we can manage it, general," said lieutenant boldwood. "very, well, then, you may take your own horse. how will you get it to the port?" "i think the simplest and probably the quickest way will be to ride her, sir." "then do so with all haste, for i want the _speedy_ to sail this very evening, and within two hours, if possible. you will receive your despatches, funds, and promised countersign after you get on board. good-bye. good luck to you, and remember that your proposed movements must be kept absolutely secret outside of this room." ridge had barely taken his departure after shaking hands with the several generals, who rose to bid him farewell, when a telegraph message was handed to general shafter. he read it with perplexity, studied it for a few moments, and then burst into a roar of laughter. it was from his aide, major dodley, had been sent from port tampa, and read as follows: "i charge sergeant norris of rough riders with contempt, disobedience of orders, and desertion. saw him aboard transport, and delivered your order, whereupon he disappeared. have searched ship without discovering trace of him. he has undoubtedly deserted." "some persons are fools occasionally," remarked the big general, "while others are never anything else. i don't think dodley belongs to the former class." chapter ix herman dodley interposes difficulties after leaving headquarters, and while making his way back to camp, our hero was in a state of hardly-to-be-repressed excitement. was one of his age and limited experience ever intrusted with so important a mission? he did not believe it possible, and was so filled with pride that it seemed as though every person he passed ought to regard him with respectful interest. as one after another only glanced at him carelessly or failed to notice him at all, he wondered at their stupidity, and felt like compelling their attention by proclaiming his great secret. at camp the situation was even more aggravating, for every one was so intent on his own affairs or so unhappy at being left behind that ridge found himself barely noticed. several questioned him concerning his return, and one asked if the whole regiment was ordered back. "not that i know of," answered ridge. "i believe i am the only one thus far." "well, i'm glad you have been sent to the rear, and only wish all the others were as well, for it's a beastly outrage that some should be taken and others left. just as if we weren't as good as any of them!" was the bitter comment. "without reply, ridge turned towards the place where he had left his blanket roll, only to encounter another shock to his recent pride. an officer met him. "hello! what troop do you belong to?" he asked, suspiciously. "troop k, sir," answered ridge, saluting. "i thought so. what are you doing here?" "i was ordered ashore." "humph! without any reason at all, i suppose." ridge remained silent. "oh, well, if you don't choose to tell why you are in disgrace you needn't, but you may report to the cook of the officers' mess, who is in need of an assistant." here was a dilemma. ridge could not, of course, obey this order, since every moment was precious. to disobey would cause his arrest and detention in the guard-house. nor could he inform even this officer of the secret mission on which he was engaged. at that moment evening stable-call was sounded, and a happy inspiration came to his relief. "very well, sir," he answered, turning as if to obey the order. then he added, "may i look after my horse first?" "i suppose so," replied the officer. "only be quick about it, for the cook is badly in need of some one to help him." so, without making a further attempt to recover his personal belongings, ridge hastened to the picket-line, where señorita manifested most extravagant joy at again seeing her young master. "is that your horse?" inquired the non-commissioned officer in charge of the stable guard. upon ridge acknowledging that the mare was his, the other continued; "well, i'm mighty glad you've come to look after her, for she has nearly killed two men already, and we were just wondering whether we should kill her or turn her loose. now you'd better take her to water." "may i put on a saddle and bridle?" inquired ridge. "of course not. who ever heard of riding a cavalry horse to water any way but bareback?" so the young trooper was obliged to set forth on| his great undertaking without equipment of any kind. in his joy at finding himself once more in possession of his beloved "rita," this did not trouble him; and untying the mare's halter, he leaped to her back. in an instant they were dashing off at full speed, followed by jeers from all who witnessed the proceeding, and who imagined the mare to be running away with her present rider, as she had with every other who had attempted to take her to water during her master's absence. the camp was quickly left behind, and knowing his general direction, ridge soon found himself on the road to port tampa. it was a hard ride to make without saddle or bridle, and long before the welcome lights marking the mile-long pier of the port came into view the young soldier was aching in every bone. the dim road through the solemn pines was so heavy with sand that it took even fleet-footed rita more than an hour to cover the distance, and night had closed in before their destination was reached. it was with many misgivings that ridge rode out on the long pier, which, never intended for the use of horses or wagons, carried only a sidewalk for pedestrians beside its railway-track, for rita regarded locomotives with the utmost terror. still, he believed he must go to the extreme outer end, where the big steamers lay, and where he hoped to find either the _speedy_ herself or some one from her to direct his movements. half-way out he discovered a train coming directly towards them, and, to avoid it, turned his mare on to the platform that served as front yard to the pretty little inn that was here built over the water. at this moment a figure in white duck approached him. it was ensign comly of the _speedy_. "you are the very man i was sent to look for!" he cried. "i thought you might be coming out here, and so was on my way to head you off and turn you back. you see, the end of the pier is so crowded that our craft can't lie alongside. so captain boldwood got hold of a small scow, which he has sent in to shore, towed by one of our boats, to take you off. we'll just about meet it if we hurry." by this time the unusual sight of a horse in that place had aroused much curiosity among the guests of the inn, who came out to see what was going on. among them was an army officer, who uttered an exclamation the moment his eyes rested on ridge standing in the glow of an electric light. stepping quickly up to him, he placed a heavy hand on the young trooper's shoulder, and said, in a harsh voice: "i arrest you, sir, and order you to come at once with me to my camp on shore, where a guard-house awaits you." "on what charge am i arrested?" asked ridge, calmly, turning, and looking major herman dodley full in the face. "on the several charges of contempt for an officer, disobedience of orders, and desertion," was the startling reply. "very well, sir, i'll go with you," said ridge, "seeing that i was going in that direction anyhow." "but--" remonstrated ensign comly. "who are you, sir? and what have you to say regarding this business?" demanded the major, fiercely, at the same time drawing and cocking his revolver. "only a united states officer." "then, in the name of the united states, i call upon you to assist me in carrying this deserter to a place of security," shouted the major, in theatrical tones. "pretend to agree," said ridge, in a low voice, heard only by comly. "all right, major, i'll see the thing through," agreed the navy man; "though i must protest that it is wholly out of my line of business." with this the three set forth, ridge leading rita, and the officers walking on either side of him. for some distance they proceeded in a silence that was finally broken by the sound of oars, apparently close to the pier, which touched land but a short distance ahead. at the same time a train of cars came thundering over the hollow structure behind them, causing the mare to plunge violently in a terrified effort to escape. "now is your chance!" whispered comly. quick to take the hint, ridge flung himself on the animal's back and dashed away, followed by a harmless bullet from herman dodley's revolver. ere he could fire another shot the naval man snatched away the weapon, flung it into the sea, and started on a run after the disappearing horseman. as he ran he shouted: "look out for that horse, you in the boat, and get it aboard lively! do you understand?" "ay, ay, sir," came a cheery answer from out of the darkness. behind the ensign ran major dodley, swearing, and also shouting: "corporal of the guard! turn out the guard! quick! this way!" then all other sounds were drowned in the roar of the passing train. when it subsided a confused struggle between a dark mass and a number of dimly seen white forms was going on in the shallow water. several sailors were lifting señorita bodily into a little flat-bottomed boat, and two young men in soaked uniforms were aiding them. then, as two boats, one in tow of the other, began to move away, a squad of soldiers with muskets in their hands came running down to the beach. "fire!" commanded herman dodley, beside himself with rage. "fire at that boat. a deserter is escaping in it." "don't you dare fire!" came back in a stern tone from the darkness. "this is a boat from a united states man-of-war, commanded by an officer in the discharge of his duty." the bewildered soldiers hesitated, and then, in compliance with repeated orders, coupled with threats, from their major, fired a few harmless shots in the air, after which they returned to camp. there herman dodley prepared another telegraphic report for general shafter, that aroused that irascible warrior to profanity, and resulted in the speedy transference of his offending aide to new orleans on recruiting service. so our hero was at length fairly started on his momentous mission, with its secret yet undivulged. as the _speedy_, with the bewildered señorita and her young master safely on board, slipped swiftly past the great transport _yucatan_, ridge, shivering in his wet clothing, said to ensign comly, who also shivered, "how i wish i could call out and tell rollo all about it!" "yes, wouldn't it make him open his eyes? but you can't, so let's go below for something dry." chapter x on the cuban blockade twelve hours after leaving tampa bay the swift despatch-boat on which ridge norris was a passenger entered the northwest passage of key west harbor, and was headed towards the quaint island city that had been brought into such sudden prominence by the war. the port was filled with united states cruisers, gun-boats, yachts converted into torpedo-boat destroyers, government hospital-ships, and others flying the flag of the red cross society, transports, colliers, supply-ships, water-boats, and a huddle of prizes--steamers and sailing-vessels captured off the cuban coast. amid these the _speedy_ slowly threaded her devious way to the government dock. the hot tropical-looking city, with palm-trees towering above its low-roofed houses, was filled to overflowing with soldiers, sailors, newspaper correspondents, refugees from cuba, and a multitude of other persons, all attracted by its proximity to the seat of war. from every mast-head and prominent building the stars and stripes were flung to the breeze that swept in from the sea; while from more humble positions, but in even greater numbers, fluttered the flag of free cuba. on every point commanding the harbor mouth batteries were being erected and great guns mounted. bands played national airs, and one man-of-war enveloped in a cloud of white smoke was engaged in target-practice with her secondary battery. every government vessel in the harbor had on war paint of invisible lead color, not pretty, but most business-like in appearance. all were also in fighting-trim, with topmasts lowered and every superfluity removed from their decks. the whole scene was of exciting interest, and ridge gazed eagerly upon it as ensign comly pointed out its various features, with explanatory remarks. there were several reasons why the _speedy_ should stop at key west. one was that she might receive mail and despatches for the blockading fleet. another was to procure a bale of hay and some corn for señorita, since, in their hurried departure from tampa, these had been forgotten, and thus far she had been fed on sea-biscuit. a third reason was that ridge might procure a saddle and bridle, besides a few other necessary articles of outfit for his proposed trip. he had already been furnished with his bogus despatches to spanish commanders, every word of which he had carefully read, to see that they contained no compromising errors, and with a supply of money. now he provided himself with a repeating-rifle in a water-proof case, a revolver, fifty rounds of ammunition for each, an india-rubber poncho, a small quantity of quinine, a phial of powerful cholera mixture, a stout sheath-knife, and a tin cup. within an hour the _speedy_ was again off, running out of the south channel, past the grim walls of old fort taylor, and a few miles farther on passing sand key light, which rises from a bit of coral reef barely lifted above the wash of a tranquil sea. at that time this was the most southerly point of united states territory. in the deep water just beyond sand key lay a great battle-ship, tugging sullenly at her pondrous anchors, and looking like some vast sea monster, uncouth and relentless. from here it was eighty-five miles in a straight line to havana, and within five hours ridge was thrilled by the sight of a cloud-like speck that he knew marked the highlands of cuba. gradually the coast was revealed, then came the low-trailing smoke of ships on blockade as they patrolled wearily before the entrance to havana harbor, and after awhile the outlined cathedral spires of the city itself. there lay the wreck of the _maine_, and there waited the spanish army that captain-general blanco had sworn should yield its last drop of blood in resisting an invasion by the hated yankees. there also the guns of time-blackened morro sullenly faced the floating fortresses that only awaited a signal to engage them in deadly conflict. running close to commodore watson's flag-ship, the _san francisco_, the _speedy_ broke the tedious monotony of blockade by delivering an eagerly welcomed mail, with its wealth of news from the outside world. then the saucy craft was off again, headed to the eastward. matanzas and cardenas, both under blockade, were passed during the night, and while off the latter place dick comly told ridge the story of his classmate, ensign worth bagley, who lost his life on board the torpedo-boat _winslow_, in cardenas bay, on may th, or less than one month before, and who was the first american officer killed in the war. "they only went in to find out who was there," began comly, "the _wilmington_, _hudson_, and _winslow_. the last, being of least draught, ran ahead, and got within range of some hidden batteries before she discovered them. she was turning to go out when they opened fire. in a minute the little ship was riddled by shot and shell. her commander was wounded, her steering-gear had gone wrong, her engines were crippled, and she lay helpless. the _hudson_ ran up to tow her out of range, and poor old bagley had just sung out for them to heave him a line, as the situation was getting rather too warm for comfort, when a bursting shell instantly killed him, together with four of the crew. in spite of the hot fire, the _hudson_ ran a line and brought out what was left of the _winslow_ and her company; but you'd better believe the little craft was a mighty sad-looking wreck. hello! what's that?" a string of colored signal-lights had flashed out for a moment directly ahead of the _speedy_, and then disappeared. the strangest thing about them was that they had been shown just above the surface of the water, instead of from a masthead, as would usually be the case on a war-ship. the _speedy_ had been slipping quietly along, showing her regular side lights, which, as she was of low freeboard, must also have appeared close to the water from a short distance, and might have been mistaken for a signal. now she quickly displayed the night-signal of the american blockading fleet, as well as her own private number, but no answer came to either. by the time the _speedy's_ crew were at quarters it was evident, from muffled sounds borne down the wind, that the stranger was a steamer in full retreat. "give her a blank shot," ordered captain boldwood, and the words had barely left his mouth before the forward six-pounder gun had roared out its summons to halt; but the stranger paid no heed. a solid shot, well elevated, had as little effect. by this time the despatch-boat was rushing ahead at full speed in the direction the unknown steamer was supposed to have taken. suddenly her search-light, sweeping the black waters with a broad arc of silver, disclosed a shadowy bulk moving swiftly at right angles to the course they were taking, and heading for a beacon blaze that had sprung up on the starboard or in-shore hand. "port your helm!" cried captain boldwood. "mr. comly, try to disable her. make every shot tell if possible." again and again the six-pounder hurled its messenger of destruction, but apparently without effect. "looks as though i couldn't hit the side of a barn at a hundred feet," muttered the ensign to ridge, who stood beside him, thrilled by the novel experience. then he sighted his gun for a third shot, sprang back, and jerked the lanyard. a flash, a roar, a choking cloud of smoke, and then a yell from the _speedy's_ crew. in the glare of the search-light the fugitive steamer was seen to take a sudden sheer, that a minute later was followed by a crash, and then she remained motionless. instantly the _speedy_ was slowed down and moved cautiously towards the wreck, with busy lead marking soundings every few seconds. the beacon for which the chase had steered no longer blazed; but in a few minutes the search-light disclosed a wooded shore. "have a boat ready, mr. comly, and prepare to go on board with half a dozen men." "ay, ay, sir." "may i go with you?" asked ridge, eagerly. "certainly, if the captain says so." but, to the young trooper's disappointment, captain boldwood refused permission. "your business is of too important a nature for you to assume any needless risks outside of it," he said. so ridge could only watch enviously the departure of the boat with its crew of armed men. it had not been gone two minutes when a bright flame shot from the steamer's deck. "they have set her on fire and abandoned her!" exclaimed the captain. "i pray to god, comly may be cautious. quartermaster, show the recall." the words were hardly spoken when there came a great blinding flash, an awful roar, and the _speedy_ listed to her beam ends. a vast pillar of flame leaped a hundred feet into the air, a huge foam-crested wave rolled out to sea, and then all space seemed full of flying fragments. the wreck had been destroyed by an explosion of her own cargo. "lower away the yawl! quick, men! there may be some left to pick up. yes, mr. norris, you may go now." they rescued comly, bleeding from a wound in the head, and three of his crew, all more or less injured, but the others had gone down with their boat, crushed beneath a hurtling deck beam. the _speedy_ stood off and on until daylight enabled her commander to locate the scene of catastrophe and examine what was left of the shattered steamer. he found that she had been run ashore on one of the small outlying cays that are numerous off cardenas bay, and with other floating wreckage he picked up a life-preserver on which was painted, "_manuel ros_, barcelona." "how strangely and unexpectedly things turn out," he said to ridge as he turned from examining this telltale relic. "our government learned some time ago that the _manuel ros_ was taking on board at cadiz a cargo of improved mines, submarine torpedoes, and high explosives for use in puerto-rican harbors. it was positively stated that she would not attempt to run the cuban blockade. nevertheless, we were all notified to keep a sharp lookout for her, especially around santiago and cienfuegos. she was reported to be very fast, and i can well credit it, for there are few ships in these waters can show their heels as she did to the _speedy_. as it is, i am afraid she would have gained cardenas harbor in safety if it had not been for mr. comly's last lucky shot, which must have crippled her steering-gear. and to think that a ship which would have been considered a handsome prize by any cruiser should be destroyed by the little _speedy_. i wonder, though, where the _wilmington_ that generally patrols this vicinity could have been?" this mystery was explained a little later when the cruiser in question hove in sight, having been lured from her station by a small spanish gunboat the evening before. after making his report of what happened, the commander of the _speedy_ again headed his craft to the eastward, and ran all that day, together with most of the following night, within sight of the cuban coast. it wanted but an hour of daylight, when ridge, who was sleeping on deck, was aroused and told that the place of his landing was at hand. a pot of coffee together with a substantial lunch had been prepared for him, and ensign comly, whose wound had proved to be slight, was waiting in a boat manned by four sailors. señorita was hoisted in a sling and dropped overboard to swim ashore in tow of the boat, and at the very last the _speedy's_ commander whispered the countersign of the junta that was to open a way through the cuban lines. then the boat was noiselessly shoved off, and slipped away through the chill darkness towards the denser shadow of the land that waited with manifold perils to test the courage of our young trooper. chapter xi a lively experience of cuban hospitality "good-bye, old man! good luck, and hope we shall meet again soon." with these words, accompanied by a warm hand-clasp, ensign dick comly stepped into his boat, and it was shoved off from the bit of cuban beach on which ridge norris had just been landed. for a couple of minutes the young trooper stood motionless, listening with strained ears to the lessening sound of muffled oars. it was the last link connecting him with home, country, and safety. for a moment he was possessed of such a panic that he was on the point of shouting for comly to come back and take him away. it did not seem as though he could be left there alone in the dark, and amid all the crowding terrors of that unknown land. just then señorita, who stood dripping and shivering beside him, rubbed her wet nose softly against his cheek, as though begging for sympathy, and in an instant his courage was restored. it was enough that another creature more helpless than he was dependent upon him for guidance and protection. "it's all right, girl," he whispered, throwing an arm about the mare's neck. "we'll stick to each other and pull through somehow." then plucking a handful of dried grass, he gave the animal a brisk rubbing that warmed them both. by the time it was finished, birds were twittering in the dense growth behind them, and the eastern sky was suffused with the glow of coming day. knowing nothing of his surroundings, nor what eyes might in a few minutes more discover these new features of the beach, ridge now removed his slender belongings to a hiding-place behind some bushes, where he also fastened señorita. then he set forth to explore the shore with the hope of finding a path into the interior; for to force a way through the tangled chaparral that everywhere approached close to the water's edge seemed hopeless. he had not gone a dozen paces when señorita uttered a shrill neigh of distress at being thus deserted, and began a noisy struggle to break loose. with a muttered exclamation of dismay ridge ran back. it was evident that the mare would not consent to be left. "very well," said the young man. "if you can't be reasonable and remain quietly behind for a few minutes, we must make our exploration in company. perhaps it is better so, after all, for when i do discover a trail we shall be ready to take instant advantage of it, and get the more quickly away from this unpleasantly conspicuous place." while thus talking in a low tone to the mare, ridge was also equipping her for the road. he had just finished tightening the saddle-girth and was about to mount, when señorita uttered a snort indicative of some strange presence. turning quickly, her master was confronted by a sight that caused his heart to sink like lead. only a few paces away stood a young man of dark but handsome features, clad in a well-worn suit of linen and a broad-brimmed palmetto hat. a military belt filled with cartridges encircled his waist, and from it hung an empty scabbard of untanned cowhide, designed to carry a machete. with that weapon held in one hand and a cocked pistol levelled full at ridge in the other, he presented the appearance of a first-class brigand. the young trooper made a movement towards his own revolver, but it was instantly checked by the stranger, who said, sternly, in spanish: "hold there! if you but touch a weapon i shall shoot you dead! you are my prisoner, and will obey my commands. that i am prepared to enforce them i will show you." with this he sounded a low whistle that was answered by a rustle in the bushes, from which half a dozen armed ragamuffins of all shades of swarthiness, from jet black to light chocolate, appeared as though by magic. all were provided with machetes, some carried rifles, and each looked as though it would afford him the greatest pleasure to cut into small pieces the stranger who had invaded their territory. "you see," said their leader, with a smile, "that you are hopelessly surrounded, and that with a nod i can have you killed." "yes, i see," replied ridge, "and i should be pleased to know into whose hands i have fallen. are you cubano or a spaniard?" "and i will ask if you are american or spaniard?" "but my question came first," insisted ridge. "while i am in a position to have mine answered," replied the other, again smiling. "but i will not press it at this moment. we will first seek a place better suited to conversation, since here we are liable to be interrupted. the american gunboats have an unpleasant habit of dropping shells among any party whom they may discover on the beach. then, too, many cubanos have been seen about here lately, and they might molest us, while it is also nearly time for the spanish _lancha_ that patrols this coast at sunrise and sunset. so you see-- disarm him!" this last was an order to two men who had moved noiselessly up behind ridge while his attention was diverted by their leader. now they seized our young trooper, took his weapons, and marched him away, though allowing him to retain his hold on señorita's bridle. for a few paces they crashed through the underbrush, hacking a rude path for the mare with their machetes as they went. then they struck a dim trail that ended at a grass-grown and little-used road. crossing this, they entered the grounds of what had evidently been a fine plantation, though a young forest growth was now rapidly spreading over its once well-cultivated fields. a weedy approach between rows of noble trees led to the blackened ruins of a large house and outlying buildings. the stone walls were already over-run with a tangle of vines from which flamed blood-red blossoms. several horses cropped the rank grass about these ruins, and into one of them, which had been given a temporary thatch of palm leaves, the prisoner was led. "here we had begun to break our fast when your mare notified us of your proximity," said the leader, who had already motioned to his men to loose their hold on the young american. "now if you will honor us with your company, we will resume that interrupted pleasure. manuel, we wait to be served." upon this a grinning negro brought in a basketful of yams that had evidently been roasted among the ashes of an open fire, and set it on a rude table. beside it he placed a calabash containing a drink mixed of water, lime-juice, and brown sugar. "let us eat," said the host, reaching for one of the ash-encoated yams. "but hold," he added, as though with a sudden thought. "excuse me for a moment." thus saying, he stepped outside, only to return with ridge's saddle-bags, which he coolly opened. "coffee, as i live!" he cried, "and hard biscuit, the first bread i have seen in many a month! señor, we are under obligations to you for these welcome additions to our _menu_. manuel, hast thou forgotten how to make coffee, strong, and black as thine own ebony face? waste thou not one precious grain, or, by holy st. jago, i will blow out thy meagre brains." provoked as ridge was at seeing his entire stock of provisions thus appropriated to be expended on a single meal, he was not in a position to remonstrate. so, a little later, when a revised edition of breakfast was pronounced ready, he sat down with the host whom he did not yet know whether to consider as friend or foe, and ate heartily of the food thus provided. the furnishing of that rude table was unique, for, mingled with shells from the beach and those of cocoanuts, both of which were used in place of cups, gourds, plantain-leaves, and wooden trays, appeared several dishes of cut glass and dainty china, generally cracked or chipped, and looking wofully out of place. seeing that ridge noticed these, the host said, carelessly: "ah yes, señor, we have seen better days!" then, lighting a cigarette, he continued, more sternly, "now, sir, can you give any reason why i should not have you led out and shot as a spy?" "you would not dare do such a thing!" replied ridge, indignantly. "oh! wouldn't i? my friend, you do not realize into whose hands you have fallen. now, merely to prove that i have both the inclination and power to carry out my threat, i will have you shot. lope! garzo!" two of the ragged bandits immediately appeared. "bind me the arms of this man and blindfold him." the order was deftly obeyed. "now take him from my sight and shoot him." seizing ridge by the shoulders, the men began to drag him away. until this moment he had not known whether to acknowledge himself an american or claim to be a spaniard, nor had he believed that the extremely courteous leader of bandits with whom he had just breakfasted, and who might be either a cuban patriot or a spanish guerilla, would do him serious injury. now, moved by an agony of terror, he shouted out the word whispered to him a few hours before by the commander of the _speedy_, the secret countersign of the cuban junta. its effect was magical. the men who were dragging him to a summary execution loosed their hold and stared at him in amazement, while the young leader sprang to where ridge stood, tore the bandages from his eyes, severed his bonds, and embraced him. "why, my brother, did you not disclose your identity long ago?" he said. "because," replied ridge, in a voice that still trembled from his recent fright, "i knew not to which side you belonged." "what! did you for a moment think that i might be a vile spaniard? i, enrico del concha, a cuban of the cubans? alas! that such a suspicion should fall upon one of my name." "and what," inquired ridge, "did you take me for?" "a spanish spy, of course. do you not speak the language without even a cuban accent? did you not decline to tell me how or what you were? above all, did you not carry on your person despatches addressed to certain spanish generals?" ridge clapped a hand to his breast pocket. "yes, señor, they are gone," laughed the other. "my rogues are clever thieves, and took them from you when we first met, together with your money, for which they were searching. hereafter you must provide for your private papers a place of greater safety. now let us have one more cup of that delicious coffee while you confide to me who you are and why you are here." chapter xii denounced by a friend under the circumstances, ridge felt that a frank avowal of his personality and present plans would be wiser than any attempt at deception, and this he proceeded to make. to all that he had to tell the bandit leader paid closest attention, and listened without a word of interruption until the narrative was finished. then he said: "it is indeed great news that the americans are about to invade cuba. until now they have promised much and done worse than nothing, since, by their blockade of cuban ports, they have only starved to death thousands of miserable reconcentrados. now if they will proceed with judgment and are not swept off by fevers, something may be accomplished. at the same time, from the ignorance displayed in sending on so important a mission as yours one so ill equipped for it, i cannot hope for much from them." ridge flushed hotly. "what do you mean?" he asked. "i mean," replied the other, coolly rolling a cigarette as he spoke, "that you have shown yourself to be about as fit for the duty you have undertaken as a babe in arms. did you not, upon landing, waste a whole hour of precious darkness during which you might have gained a safe distance from the always-guarded coast? did you not allow yourself to be betrayed by your horse, and captured without resistance? did you not lose your despatches at the outset, and almost your life as well? are you not at this moment densely ignorant of the route you are to travel, and of how to meet the enemies you will encounter on every hand? "yes, my friend, brave and resolute as you may be, you are also but a babe in your undertaking. your only forethought lay in securing the countersign of the junta, which has for the moment saved your life, since i should certainly have caused you to be shot but for it. also, if i had not discovered you, the spanish hawks who patrol the coast would have had you in their clutches a few minutes later. nor do you at this moment know how to find your way to holguin, much less to santiago." "but," argued ridge, whose self-conceit and confidence in his own ability to carry out the mission he had so bravely undertaken were rapidly oozing away, "i have a good map of the country, a good horse, plenty of money with which to hire guides, am well armed, and could make a good fight if necessary. i speak spanish perfectly, am dark of complexion, possess the countersign of the junta for cubans, and letters from the chief of the spanish secret service for spaniards. why, then, may i not succeed as well as another?" "you _had_ those things; but, with the exception of your ability to speak spanish, your darkness of skin, and the countersign, all of them have been taken from you." "but you will restore them?" "and if i should, would they serve you? do you imagine that any true cuban would disclose to an utter stranger the military secrets of his country for money? if you do, you are sadly mistaken. could you fight an enemy who would lie in ambush and shoot you in the back, reserving the examination of your despatches until you were dead? even should you succeed in presenting those same despatches to a spanish general, do you not know that he would hold you prisoner, or at least delay your departure until he had transmitted them to havana for verification? yet you hope to gain a complete knowledge of the military situation in this great province, and rejoin your friends more than a hundred miles away within a week. amigo, you are very ignorant." "possibly i am," admitted ridge, "but i have learned much from you within a short time; and if you will let me go, i will still undertake to accomplish my task within the time allotted to me." "i admire your spirit," replied del concha, "and will gladly release you, with all your property restored; but before so doing i wish to make some suggestions. in the first place, your people should have chosen an intelligent cuban for this work--a man like myself, for instance." ridge was on the point of saying that his superior officers had feared to trust a cuban, but prudently refrained from so doing. "as they did not have the sense for that," continued the speaker, "it is most fortunate that you have met me, for i can give you, in a few words, the position and strength of every spanish force in the province, as well as the location and condition of the cuban armies, to which i will also gladly forward news of the anticipated american landing. thus you will be free to make your way, directed by guides whom i will furnish, straight to santiago without encountering any dangers other than those incident to travel through a rough country." "while thanking you for your kind offer," replied ridge, "i must still decline it. my orders are to communicate directly with the spanish commanders at holguin and jiguani, and i shall certainly attempt to carry them out, since the first lesson taught every american soldier is that of absolute and unquestioning obedience to orders." "my dear lieutenant!" exclaimed del concha--for this was the rank that ridge had seen fit to assume--"i begin to perceive why you were chosen for this hopeless task, and though i utterly disapprove your proposed course of action, i cannot but admire your resolution. also i cannot find it in my heart to leave you to your own helpless devices. therefore i shall accompany you to the vicinity of holguin. then i shall at least be on hand to learn your fate as soon as it is decided." willing as he would have been to set forth alone, ridge was glad to have the company of one so familiar with the country as del concha appeared, and one also whom he believed he might trust. his confidence in the acquaintance thus strangely made was strengthened a little later as they rode together, and the latter, in answer to his questions, disclosed a portion of his own history. "i came to this place last evening," he said, "in the hope of getting a few shots at the spanish lancha, which, as i told you, patrols the coast twice daily; for spaniards have become so scarce of late, and confine themselves so closely to the larger towns, that it is sometimes difficult to maintain my record of one for each day." "what do you mean?" asked ridge. "i mean that during the past year i have personally killed, or caused to be killed, a spanish soldier for each day that has passed." the young american regarded his companion with horror. "moreover," continued the other, coolly, "i have sworn to maintain that average so long as i live and the present war continues. when i found you this morning i thought my duty for the day was accomplished, but now it is with pleasure that i shall look elsewhere for my dead spaniard of this date." "are all cubans animated by your spirit?" asked ridge, whose soul revolted at this calm discussion of what seemed to him cold-blooded murder. "all who have suffered what i have are, or should be, filled with my longing for vengeance," answered del concha. "listen. the ruined plantation we have just left was my home. there i was born. there in the care of a loving father and a devoted mother, in company with a brother who was older than i, and a younger sister, i grew up. in spite of cruel taxation, we were wealthy; in spite of unrighteous laws, we were happy. finally spain's oppression of cuba became unbearable, and the war to throw it off was begun. my father refused to take part in the rebellion, but my brother joined the insurgents and was killed in battle. i took his place; and, because his sons aided the insurrection, my noble father, still loyal to spain, was seized by the spaniards and thrown into prison. two days later, without trial or previous warning, he was shot to death in the prison-yard. "for giving bread to starving women and children whose husbands and fathers fought in the cuban army, my mother and sister were driven from their home to the nearest city, where the former, always delicate, died, literally of starvation, and from which my sister disappeared, so that i do not know her fate. at that time, also, our house was stripped by the soldiers of everything that could be carried away, and then burned. it is for this record of crime that i determined to spare no spaniard who should come within my reach." "i am afraid," said ridge, slowly, with a clear vision of his own dear home and its loved inmates in his mind, "that in your place i should act as you have acted." although the city of holguin lies only about twenty miles from the place where ridge landed on the coast, the way to it was so obstructed, first by swamps and dense forests, and later by wooded hills and swollen streams, that evening shadows were closing in when ridge and his ragged escort came within sight of its low roofs. on the still air were borne to their ears at the same moment the clear notes of spanish bugles sounding the "retreat." ridge had speculated much that day concerning his reception by the spaniards, and as to how he should enter their lines. now del concha proposed a plan that seemed feasible. "ride in at full speed," he said, "while i with my men will follow as though in hot pursuit close up to the lines. of course we will exchange shots, though both must carefully fire too high to do any damage. is it well? then adios, my friend, until we meet again." a few minutes later the newly posted spanish guard was startled by the sound of shots, and then by the sight of a fugitive horseman speeding towards them, followed closely by a party of mounted insurgents who were firing at him. drums were beat and trumpets sounded. a small body of troops hastily advanced from the city, opening their ranks to receive the panting horse and its apparently exhausted rider, but closing them to give an ineffective volley against his pursuers, who were now flying in consternation. half an hour afterwards, ridge, addressed as señor remelios, stood in the presence of general pando, the spanish commander of the eastern diocese of the island, and second only to the captain-general, who was carefully reading a despatch just handed him by the young trooper. "you say, señor, that you have just come from gibara, where you were secretly landed last night?" "yes, general." "also from this note, signed by lieutenant carranza, i learn that the americans are about to land in force at cienfuegos." "such are señor carranza's latest advices." "um! they conflict, however, with news just brought from the south that a landing has already been effected at guantanamo." here the old soldier peered keenly at our hero, who experienced a thrill of uneasiness. at this moment there came a challenge from the sentry stationed at the door. it was satisfactorily answered, and another individual hurriedly entered the room. "your excellency," said this person, making a profound salute, "pardon my intrusion; but i am come to denounce the man now standing before you as a yankee spy. his despatch is a forgery and utterly false, since the american army is not to land at cienfuegos, but at santiago." just here ridge obtained his first view of the speaker's face, and was overwhelmed with dismay to recognize in it the features of the man who had ridden with him all that day under the guise of a cuban patriot. it was that of enrico del concha. chapter xiii to be shot at sunrise never in his life had our hero experienced a feeling of such utter helplessness as he did upon recognizing del concha. the treachery unfolded by the man's words was beyond his comprehension, and he knew not how to combat it. for a moment he stared speechless at the traitor, then he turned to the general, who was gazing at him with stern inquiry. "your excellency," said ridge, "the man who thus seeks to gain your favor, and, as i suppose, a reward, by denouncing me, is doubly a traitor. he kills spaniards at every opportunity, and now seeks my life at your hands because he knows that i am one. it is true that i was captured by him and his band of cuban ruffians. to save my life, i told him the story that he now brings to you. after thus allaying his suspicions, i seized a favorable opportunity to escape. by the superior swiftness of my horse i finally reached this place in safety, though pursued by him to your very lines and hotly fired upon, as can be proved by many witnesses. now, therefore, i, josé remelios, bearer of despatches from the señor carranza, denounce this man as a doubly dyed traitor, and demand that he be arrested on a charge of being a cuban spy." "have you ever seen him kill a spaniard?" asked general pando. ridge was obliged to admit that he had not. "then how do you know that he has done so?" "from his own boastful confession. he claims to have taken the life of a spanish soldier for every day of the last year." the general smiled. "that is certainly a very boastful claim," he said, "but one not to be believed for a moment. think you, sir, that such a number of spaniards could be killed without my knowledge? or that, in any case, one man could thus overcome the brave, experienced, and well-armed soldiers of spain? your credulity, señor, is refreshing. also i have no hesitation in telling you that ever since i took command of the eastern diocese, this man, recommended to me by my predecessor in office, has been the most faithful and valuable of my secret agents among the cubans. time and again he has furnished early information of important events which has subsequently proved correct in every detail. with such a record in his favor, am i now to doubt him upon the mere word of a stranger? no, señor, the honor of a spaniard forbids. i am obliged, therefore--" just here came an interruption of voices at the door. hearing them, del concha, who had remained silent during the foregoing conversation and apparently careless of what was said concerning him, uttered a few hurried words to the general in a low tone, and disappeared behind a screen that stood close at hand. directly afterwards a lieutenant and two soldiers entered with a prisoner, whom ridge recognized as one of the ragged cubans who had escorted him to holguin. "general," said the officer, saluting, "i bring a cuban deserter who claims to have information of pressing importance that he will impart to no one but yourself, so i have ventured to intrude; but if it is your pleasure, i will remove him and seek to extort his secret." "oh no," replied the commander; "it is not worth the trouble. let him speak, and quickly, for i am pressed with business." "i come, excellenza," began the deserter, in a trembling voice, "with the hope of clemency and a reward, to notify your excellency that this señor"--here he pointed to ridge--"is not what he pretends. i was of a band who captured him on the coast, and i overheard his confession to our leader. from his own mouth, therefore, i learned that he is a spy, and--" "an american bearing false despatches," interrupted the general, irritably. "you see i already know all that you would say. remove your prisoner, soldados." then, in a lower tone to the officer, he added: "take him away and dispose of him. such _canaille_ are as troublesome as fleas. immediately upon completing the job you may return, as i have other business for you." with a salute, the officer hurried after his men. at the same time del concha emerged from his place of concealment, and the general, turning to ridge, said: "you have doubtless noted, señor, how quickly the information concerning yourself brought by this gentleman is confirmed. therefore you will not be surprised to have me order you into confinement until your case can be reported to havana"--at this moment came the startling sound of a volley of musketry, evidently fired close at hand--"and a decision concerning it received from the captain-general," concluded the speaker, paying no heed to the firing. as ridge was about to utter a protest, the officer who had left the room a minute before, re-entered it, saluted with stiff precision, and stood awaiting orders. "lieutenant navarro," said the general, "you will remove this gentleman, who is charged with being an american spy, and bid the officer in charge of the guard-house hold him in closest custody until he receives further instructions. adios, señor remelios. may your night's rest be peaceful." perceiving that resistance or protest would be useless, ridge passively allowed himself to be led away. a file of soldiers stood outside, and, surrounded by these, he was marched to the guardhouse, where, after being searched and relieved of everything contained by his pockets, he was led into a bare, cell-like room. a wooden stool and a heap of filthy straw in one corner constituted its sole furnishing. through a grating in the door came the flickering light of a lamp burning in the corridor, while outer air was admitted by a small iron-barred opening in one of the side walls some six feet above the floor. the place reeked with dampness, and, in spite of these openings, its air was foul and stifling. a few minutes after ridge entered it, and as he sat in dumb despair, vainly striving to realize his unhappy situation, a soldier brought him a bowl of bean porridge and a jug of water. without a word, he set these down and departed. a little later other soldiers came and gazed curiously at him through the grated door, always speaking of him as "el yanko," and making merry at his expense. thus several hours passed, and he still sat motionless, trying to think; but his brain was in a whirl, and he seemed as powerless to concentrate his thoughts as he was friendless. he realized dimly that at regular intervals a guard, pacing the outer corridor, paused before the door of his cell to peer in at him, and so make sure of his presence; but he paid slight attention to this official scrutiny. suddenly his ear caught a sound strange to that place--a girlish voice laughing merrily and evidently exchanging brisk repartee with the soldiers in the guard-room. it was a pleasanter sound than any he had heard, and he listened to it eagerly. after a little the voice seemed to draw nearer, and he could distinguish the words, "el yanko." he, then, was the subject of that gay conversation. a moment later, from the same source, came an expression that numbed him with the awfulness of its possible meaning. "to be shot at sunrise? poor fellow!" could he be the "poor fellow" meant? of course not; but then he might be. such a summary disposition of prisoners was not unknown to spanish jailers. while his mind was busy with this startling question the laughing voice, now lowered almost to a whisper, approached his door, and he became conscious of a scrutiny through the grating. also a discussion was going on outside, and he heard: "no, no, not a smile, not a word, unless you open the door so that i may see el yanko. i have never seen one in all my life--never." a short pause, then a key turned, and the door was gently opened. two figures entered. a soldier and a slender girl, who clung fearfully to his arm. they stood and looked at ridge as he sat on his wooden stool, and he stared back. for a moment the three gazed at one another in silence. then the girl exclaimed, pettishly: "if that is all your famous yanko amounts to, i have already seen enough, since he looks exactly like other men, only more ugly than some. come, let us go." with this she playfully turned her companion about and pushed him from the cell. as she did so she made a quick backward movement with her right hand, and something fell on the straw pallet as though flung there. a second later the door was relocked, and, with merry laughter again echoing through the dim corridor, they were gone. curiously ridge fumbled in the musty bedding until he found a small packet enveloped in brown paper. he opened it eagerly. inside were two tiny steel saws, made from a watch spring, and a little tube of oil. there was also a bit of white paper on which was writing. by holding this close to the lamp-lighted grating. ridge read: "you have only till daylight. saw out a bar and squeeze through. friends will await you outside. destroy this." there was no signature. "what friends can i have in this place?" thought the young trooper, as he nervously chewed the bit of paper to a pulp. at the same time he was tremulous with a new hope. "perhaps i can do it," he said, "and anything will be better than sitting in idleness, with a prospect of being shot at sunrise." standing on his wooden stool he could easily reach the lower end of the iron bars closing the cell window, and he at once began work on them. at first he seemed to produce about as much effect as would the gnawing of a mouse, but after a while his tiny saw was buried in the tough iron. then footsteps approached, and ridge had barely time to fling himself on the vile-smelling pallet before a sentry was peering in at the grating. a ray of light fell where he lay, but fortunately failed to reach the side on which the barred aperture was located. so the prisoner made a long bunch of the straw, covered it with his coat, and placed his water-jug at one end, thus causing the whole to bear a rude resemblance to a human figure. after that he worked steadily, only pausing at the sound of footsteps, but not leaving the scene of his operations. he found that he must cut two bars instead of only one, and a saw snapped in twain when the first was but half severed. after that he handled the other with intense caution, and his heart throbbed painfully with anxiety as the work neared completion. for hours he toiled, and he knew that daylight could not be far off when the second bar was finally cut. to bend it aside took all his strength, and so occupied was he in doing this that for the first time that night he heeded not a sound of footsteps in the corridor. "what goes on here?" questioned a harsh voice, and ridge's heart leaped into his mouth. with desperate energy he wrenched the bars to one side, hearing as he did so a fumbling at the lock of his door. utilizing his strength to the utmost, he pulled himself up, forced his body through the narrow opening, and pitched headlong to the ground outside. at the same time came fierce shouts, a pistol-shot, and a great clamor from the place he had left, but strong hands were helping him to his feet, and a voice was saying in his ears: "you have done well, amigo. now we must fly for our lives." of course it could not be; but to ridge's senses, confused by the shock of his fall, it seemed as though the voice was that of the false friend who had betrayed him. chapter xiv refugees in the mountains without a knowledge of direction or purpose, ridge suffered himself to be guided by his unknown friend through several narrow streets. they ran at top speed and in silence, but behind them came a clamor of soldiers from the guard-house. by their shouts that a prisoner was escaping, these aroused that portion of the town, and frightened occupants of squalid houses caught shadowy glimpses of the fugitives as they sped past. to the pursuers these same spectators pointed eagerly the course taken by those who fled, so that the scent of the chase was kept hot. a sudden turn disclosed three horses, one bearing a rider, and all standing motionless. a glad whinny of recognition came from one as ridge norris gained its side, and in another moment his own señorita was speeding him away from the scene of his recent danger. as the three swept through the outer picket-line unharmed by its thick flying bullets, they were startled by a clatter of hoofs at right angles to their course, and coming swiftly towards them. a cavalry patrol warned by the uproar, and catching sight of the fugitives in the growing dawn, was striving to intercept them. they also fired as they rode, and two of those who fled bent low over their horses' necks that they might offer as small a mark as possible. not so the young american, who now found himself under fire for the first time in his life. he had found his rifle still attached to the saddle; and now, with every drop of blood in his body at fighting heat, he sat erect, half turned, and fired back until every shot in his magazine was exhausted. as a result, several of the pursuers dropped from the chase; but it was hotly maintained by the others, who also kept up a desultory shooting. they had gained a good mile from town when suddenly one of ridge's companions uttered a sharp cry, in a voice distinctly feminine, and reeled in her saddle. the other, whom ridge now knew to be del concha, leaped from his horse and caught her in his arms as she fell. "we must make a stand and fight!" he cried, as ridge reined señorita to a sudden halt beside him. "drive the beasts ahead and conceal yourself on the other side. i will remain here." they were already among the foothills of the almiqui mountains, and had just passed a low crest which, for the moment, hid them from their pursuers. the ambush was so quickly arranged that, two minutes later when these appeared, they saw nothing of it and heard only a rush of horses' hoofs in the ravine below. with a yell the spanish cavalrymen put spurs to their steeds and dashed down the declivity. the first two were allowed to pass. then came a double flash of flame from the bushes and one of the riders fell, while another uttered the cry of a wounded man. two more were killed before the panic-stricken horsemen were borne beyond range. those who remained unhurt left the road and fled for their lives down the bed of a little stream that crossed it at the foot of the hill. the wounded man was despatched by del concha where he lay, before ridge could interpose a word in his behalf. "and why not?" asked the cuban, as he coolly wiped his machete on the grass. "can the blood-debt that i owe them ever be paid? are they not adding to it every day? even now, does not she who is dearest of all the world to me lie wounded at their hands?" "but, i thought you were in their service, and that they trusted you." "so they do trust me, and to their sorrow," replied del concha, with a bitter laugh. "but there is no time for explanations. a precious life hangs in the balance, and only instant action may save it. if you can recover the horses, or even one of them, all may go well. if not, there is little room for hope." without reply ridge whistled a shrill note that echoed sharply among the hills. the distant neigh of a horse came in answer, and he started on a run down the road. at the foot of the slope he encountered señorita coming back to meet him; and springing to her back he went in pursuit of her companions whom he soon discovered grazing by the wayside. at sight of him they fled at full speed; but they might as well have raced with the wind as with the fleet-footed mare; and, within ten minutes from the time of leaving del concha, ridge returned, leading the horse the cuban had ridden. the other was left, tied to a tree where he had captured it. del concha was holding in his arms their wounded comrade, apparently a slender youth, whose face was now disclosed to ridge for the first time by the light of the newly risen sun. although it was of deathly pallor, and the eyes were closed, he instantly recognized it as belonging to the girl of the laughing voice who had so cleverly contrived to aid him the evening before. "yes," said del concha, noting the look of recognition, "it was she who carried you the saws and message. she is the bravest girl in all cuba, and the sweetest. it was for my sake and that of her country that she aided you; for she is a devoted patriot, and my _fiancée_. we were to be married as soon as an american army landed. she would have it so. now if she dies, i cannot bear it." while he spoke, the grief-stricken man, in whom there was slight resemblance to the debonair bandit of the day before, laid his burden gently down, and mounted the horse that ridge had recovered. "now give her to me," he said; and, tenderly lifting the light form, ridge placed it once more in his arms. the girl had been shot in the back, and the cruel mauser bullet, long but slender as a lead-pencil, had passed through her body. "my only hope is to get her to the nearest camp of refugees, and that is still five miles away," said del concha. after that they rode in silence, the sorrowing lover, with his precious burden leading the way, and the young american oppressed by the sadness of the incident for which he felt wholly, though unwittingly to blame, following with the spare horse. mingled with our hero's self-reproach was also a decided curiosity as to how del concha would explain the double part he had played the evening before. as they advanced into the heart of the mountains, ever climbing, their road grew rougher and narrower, until finally it was a mere trail. although they passed occasional ruins of huts, they did not see one that was inhabited or habitable. neither did they encounter a human being until their destination was reached, though for the last mile of their progress they were constantly watched by wild-looking figures that peered at them from behind rocks or bushes. often, after a single glance at the horsemen, these ragged scouts would dart away, scurrying through the brush with the noiseless speed of rabbits, and one able to see them would have observed that all took the same direction. it was towards a camp of cuban refugees, snugly hidden in one of the most inaccessible recesses of the mountains, and to it they bore the news of approaching visitors. therefore the camp was in a state of expectancy even before the new-comers were challenged by its outpost, and as del concha had long since been recognized, they received a cordial greeting. the wounded girl was at once taken to a commodious hut, where she could be cared for by nurses of her own sex, while a substantial breakfast, roughly cooked and of the simplest character, was made ready for the two men. it was served on the ground just outside the hut of the cuban general commanding the camp and its few hundreds of ragged soldiers. this officer expressed great joy upon learning from ridge that an american army was about to land in cuba, and promised to harass any expedition sent against it from holguin. after breakfast, while del concha was gone to inquire concerning his sweetheart, the general took ridge to his private observatory, a superb palm, occupying an eminence, and towering above the surrounding forest. from its leafy crown one could look directly down on holguin and, with a good glass, clearly discern the movements of its garrison. while thus alone with the general our young trooper asked questions about del concha. "he is one of the bravest and most patriotic of cubans," declared the other, warmly. "no one has done more than he to advance our cause." "has he ever been suspected of being a spanish spy?" asked ridge. "certainly not, señor. such a question is almost an insult." "yet the lieutenant has good cause for his inquiry," said del concha himself, who joined them at that moment. "moreover, he is entitled to an explanation from me, which i will hasten to give before he shall demand it." "it will afford me great pleasure to hear it," said ridge, "for some of your recent actions have been, to say the least, very puzzling." "as, for instance, when i denounced you to general pando. certainly you must have thought badly of me at that time. i did it, however, to save both you and myself, since shortly after you left us i learned that one of my troop had deserted for the purpose of betraying you to the spanish general, who, he hoped and believed, would give him a liberal reward for so doing. as pando supposes me to be one of his agents--in which capacity, by-the-way, i have been able to render valuable service to cuba--" "indeed, yes," muttered the general. "--i saw at once," continued del concha, "that in order to save us both i must forestall the deserter and do the denouncing myself. you witnessed the result in the reception accorded the man when he appeared with his stale news, and are aware of his fate." "no, i am not," said ridge. "did you not hear the volley by which he was shot within one minute after being led from pando's presence?" "was that it?" asked the young american, in an awe-stricken tone. "certainly; and served him exactly right, too. also saved me the job of punishing him. after that, and after you had been removed, pando confided to me that, as yours was a perfectly clear case, he should not bother blanco with it, but should promptly dispose of it by having you shot at sunrise. he also honored me with a mission to santiago, on which he desired that i should set forth immediately. i of course accepted, only with a mental resolve to take you along, and this, with eva's help, i was in a fair way to accomplish when the dear girl received her terrible wound." "bless her!" exclaimed ridge, fervently, now fully realizing for the first time all that had been done for him. "i hope, with all my heart, that her wound is not serious." "i fear it is, though for the present she seems quite comfortable." "and you are going to santiago?" "not one step beyond this point until she is out of danger." "but i must go," said ridge, decidedly. "certainly; and i have a competent guide ready to start at any moment, and conduct you on the next stage of your journey." chapter xv dionysio captures a spaniard while ridge was greatly disappointed at losing the guidance and companionship of the young cuban, in whom his confidence was now wholly restored, he could not, under the circumstances, urge him to go farther, nor did he dare longer delay his own journey. with señorita, all his belongings, including his undelivered despatches, and the money stolen when he was captured by del concha, had been restored to him. so he now added to his outfit a grass-woven hammock that he purchased in the refugee camp, and was then ready to set forth. the new guide awaiting him was a coal-black negro named dionysio, who was of such huge stature that the other cubans seemed pygmies beside him. he was armed only with a great machete, ground to exceeding sharpness, and he disdained to ride a horse, declaring that he could, on foot, cover a greater distance in less time than any horse on the island, which ridge was able to credit after a short experience with his ebony guide. besides, being a big man and a very strong one, dionysio was a silent man, as taciturn as an indian, and never spoke except upon necessity. when ridge was introduced to him he was sitting in the shade of a corojo-palm, smoking a cigarette and lovingly fingering the razor-like edge of his machete. "this is the señor americano whom you are to guide to jiguani, and afterwards, if he requires it, to santiago," said del concha, dionysio looked keenly at ridge, but uttered no word. "he is ready to start." the negro stood up, to signify that he was also ready. "you will not let the spaniards kill him," dionysio tapped his machete significantly. "well, my friend, adios," said del concha, "and may you come safely to your journey's end!" accepting this farewell as a signal to move, the black giant set forth at a swinging pace, and, in order not to lose sight of him, ridge was obliged instantly to follow. in another minute, therefore, they had crossed the clearing, plunged again into the forest, and the refugee camp was as lost to their view as though it had not existed. the silent guide bore on his shoulders a burden of yams rolled in a hammock, but it in no way interfered with the freedom of his movements. for miles he maintained, up hill and down, the same speed with which he had set out, and which so taxed señorita's endurance that ridge was finally forced to call a halt. the heat of the sun was by this time intense, while the forest steamed from a succession of brief but drenching showers that had swept over it since they started. as dionysio comprehended what was wanted he proceeded, without a word, to construct a small bower of branches and palm leaves, beneath which he slung ridge's hammock. the young trooper's eyes were so leaden with sleep that he had no sooner slipped into this than he was lost in a dreamless slumber. when he next awoke, greatly refreshed by his long nap, the great heat of the day was past, and the shadows of coming evening produced a pleasant coolness. for a few minutes ridge lay in a state of lazy content, gazing with languid interest at his surroundings. the sky, so far as he could see it, was cloudless, the crisp leaves of a tall palm close at hand rustled in a light breeze like the patter of rain, gayly plumaged paroquets and nonpareils flitted across his line of vision, and the air was filled with the pleasant odor of burning wood, mingled with the fragrance of a cigarette that dionysio smoked while squatted on his heels before a small fire. a little beyond, señorita, tethered to a tree, cropped at a small patch of coarse grass, and--but ridge could not credit his senses until he had rubbed his eyes vigorously to make sure that they were doing their duty--another horse was sharing the grass-plot with her. as he assured himself of this, ridge sat up, and was about to demand an explanation of the negro, when his question was checked by another sight still more amazing. a human figure staring fixedly at him with glaring eyes was rigidly bound to the trunk of a near-by tree. it was that of a young man in the uniform of a spanish officer. his face was covered with blood, upon which a swarm of flies had settled, and he was so securely fastened that he could not move hand nor foot. he was also gagged so that he could make no sound beyond an inarticulate groan, which he uttered when he saw that ridge was awake and looking at him. with an exclamation of dismay the young american leaped from his hammock. at the same moment dionysio rose to his feet with a broad grin on his black face, and spoke for the first time since ridge had made his acquaintance. "him holguin spaniard," he said, pointing to the prisoner. "me catch him. keep him for americano to kill. now you shoot him." [illustration: "'him holguin spaniard. now you shoot him,' said the cuban."] thus saying, the negro handed ridge a loaded pistol that he had taken from the spaniard, and then stepped aside with an air of ferocious expectancy to note with what skill the latter would fire at the human target thus provided. mechanically ridge accepted the weapon, and with blazing eyes strode towards the hapless spaniard, who uttered a groan of agony, evidently believing that his last moment had arrived. as the young trooper passed the place where dionysio had squatted, he snatched the negro's big machete from the ground. at this the latter chuckled with delight, evidently believing that the blood-thirsty americano was about to hew his victim in pieces, an operation that, to him, would be vastly more entertaining than a mere shooting. then he stared in bewilderment; for, instead of cutting the prisoner down, ridge began to sever the lashings by which he was bound. as the keen-edged machete cut through the last of these, the released man fell forward in a faint, and the young american, catching him in his arms, laid him on the sward. "bring water!" he ordered, with a sharp tone of authority, and the negro obeyed. "you no kill him?" he asked, as he watched ridge bathe the blood from the unconscious man's face. "not now," was the evasive answer. "where did you get him?" little by little, one word at a time, he gained from the taciturn negro an idea of what had taken place while he slept. it seemed that, while he had followed rough mountain trails in his roundabout course to and from the refugee camp, there was a much better road to which they had closely approached, when he was forced by exhaustion to call a halt. after he fell asleep, dionysio, going for water to a spring that he knew of, had detected a sound of hoof-beats advancing along this road from the direction of holguin. concealing himself near the spring, he waited until the horseman, a spanish officer, rode up to it. then he leaped upon the man, dragged him to the ground, and had him secured almost before the astonished officer knew what was happening. he was also dazed by a wound in the head received as he was hurled from his horse. dionysio was on the point of killing him, as he had many a spaniard, but reflecting that the americano whom he was guiding would doubtless enjoy that pleasure, he generously decided to yield it to him and reserve the victim until ridge should finish his nap. so, after gagging the spaniard, that he might not disturb him who slept, dionysio flung him across his shoulder and carried him to camp. there he secured him to a tree so that ridge might see him upon awakening, and then calmly resumed his duties as camp cook and sentry. the unfortunate prisoner, wounded, bound, and powerless to move or speak, tormented by heat and insects, and parched by a burning thirst, had thus suffered for hours, while the young american who was to kill him slept close at hand, blissfully unaware of his presence. as ridge pityingly cleansed the face of this enemy whose present sufferings had been terminated by unconsciousness, he all at once recognized it as that of the officer who had conveyed him from general pando's quarters to the guard-house in holguin. at the same time, noting a slight rustle of paper somewhere in the man's clothing, he began a search for it, and finally discovered a despatch in an official envelope. carefully opening this without breaking the seal, he found it to contain two papers. one was a personal note from general pando to the spanish commander at jiguani, calling his attention to the other, which was an order to set forth at once with his entire force for santiago, where an american army was about to land, and where he would be joined by troops from holguin. "this is interesting," commented ridge, "and of course must not be allowed to reach its destination. so i will just put in its place my carranza despatch to this same gentleman, informing him that the americans are to land at cienfuegos. it will have added weight if it appears to come from general pando, and will surely start him off in a direction where he can do no harm. "i wonder, though, what i had best do with you," he continued, meditatively, addressing the unconscious form beside him. "of course you will recognize me as soon as you are able to sit up and take notice. of course, also, i can't kill you in cold blood; nor can i turn you over to the tender mercies of dionysio, for that would amount to exactly the same thing. i don't dare let you go, and i can't be bothered with you as a prisoner; so what on earth i am to do with you i'm sure i don't know. i almost wish you wouldn't wake up at all." just here, owing to ridge's kindly ministrations, the cause of his perplexity opened his eyes, looked the young american full in the face, and smiled a faint smile in which recognition and gratitude were equally blended. chapter xvi asleep while on guard of course there was no further thought of continuing the journey that evening, for the spanish officer was in no condition to travel, and our young trooper was not one to desert even an enemy who was helpless and in distress. so he informed dionysio that they would remain where they were until morning, and ordered him to make things as comfortable as possible for the night. "you no kill him?" asked the negro, who had regarded his companion's actions of the past half hour with evident disfavor. "not to-night," replied ridge. "i am going to save him until morning. he will be stronger then, and in a better condition to afford us entertainment. besides, i want time to think out the best way of doing it." "to-morrow you kill him?" persisted the other. "perhaps. that is, if i have hit upon a good plan. something novel and interesting, you know." "you no kill him, me kill him," muttered dionysio, as he sullenly began to make preparations for the night. the remark, though not intended for the young american, still reached his ears and caused him a feeling of uneasiness. "i believe you would, you black devil," he said to himself, "but you sha'n't commit your cowardly murder if i can help it." then he again turned his attention to the prisoner, who was by this time sitting up and regarding his captors curiously. "are you going to kill me?" he asked, as ridge rejoined him. "no, of course not. what put such an idea into your head?" "because it so often happens that undesirable prisoners are disposed of in that way. you know i was ordered to have one shot only last night at just about this hour." "was it last night?" murmured ridge. "it seems a month ago." then he added, aloud, "yes, i know, for i recognize you as lieutenant navarro, the officer who brought in the deserter, disposed of him according to general pando's order, and then conducted me to prison." "for which reason i should think you would now want to kill me," said the other, with a smile. "we americans are not in the habit of killing persons merely for obedience to orders." "you are an american, then?" "yes," admitted ridge, "and i thought you knew i was one." "i was not certain, nor was the general, though he was determined to be on the safe side, and have you placed beyond a chance of making mischief." "so i understood," laughed ridge, "and for that reason i came away without waiting to say good-bye." "your escape raised an awful row," said the other, "and the general is furious over it. swears he will hang every man, woman, or child connected with it if he discovers who aided you. do you care to tell me how it was effected?" "no," was the prompt reply, "i do not." "i didn't suppose you would. at the same time i am greatly interested in it, especially as it caused me to be sent on my present mission. general pando feared that you might make the same attempt at jiguani as at holguin. so i was ordered to get there first and have a reception prepared for you. now, having failed to carry out his instructions, i do not know that i should dare present myself before him again, even if you should set me free, which, of course, is something not to be hoped for. what do you propose to do with me, anyway?" "i don't know," replied ridge, "but we will consider the situation after supper, which i see is ready." the simple meal of roasted yams, which in war time was the principal article of food known to cuban campaigners, was quickly eaten, and the two young men, already regarding each other more as friends than enemies, renewed their conversation. "i am not anxious to resume my connection with general pando's army in any case," began lieutenant navarro, "since it is about to march against your countrymen, whom i esteem highly." "why?" asked ridge. "were you ever in my country?" "yes, and quite recently. you see, i have some distant cousins of my own name living in new mexico, and only a year ago i paid them a visit. i was so charmed with the country, and so cordially welcomed, that i expressed a desire to remain with them and become a citizen of the united states, they encouraged the idea, and offered me an interest in a great ranch, where one of them, maximilian by name, who is about my own age, proposed to become my partner. i accepted the offer, declared my intention of becoming a citizen before the proper authorities, and then returned to spain to settle up my home affairs and procure money for my new undertaking. "unfortunately i had not served out my full military term, and before i could purchase exemption for the remaining time, there was a call for more troops to quell this miserable insurrection, and i was ordered with blanco, the new captain-general, to cuba. of course i don't mind fighting cubans, whom i detest; but i do object to fighting against those whom i already consider as my adopted countrymen, especially as i have recently learned that the cousin with whom i was to go into business has joined the american army." "maximilian navarro of new mexico!" exclaimed ridge. "why, i know him well. he is a captain in my own regiment, the first volunteer cavalry--the rough riders, as we are called. i saw him only five days ago, and hope soon to meet him again, before santiago." "then are we friends rather than enemies!" cried the young spaniard, grasping the other's hand, "and i will go with you to meet my cousin." "would you go as a deserter?" "no, but as a prisoner of war under your protection." "of course," replied ridge, who had just gained an inspiration. "a prisoner of war on parole, for you will give me your promise not to serve against the united states unless exchanged, will you not?" "most willingly," replied the other. "but," continued ridge, "if i take you to your cousin, i want you first to do me a favor." "gladly." "and before i give you my whole confidence you must earn it." "if it lies within my power, i will do so." "very good," said ridge. "according to our laws, you are a citizen of the united states from having filed your intention to become one. therefore, while not desiring you to fight against your native land, i am going to ask you to prove your loyalty to your adopted country by aiding my present mission." "how may i do so?" "by continuing your journey to jiguani, delivering your despatches, which, by-the-way, i have examined; procuring for me a spanish uniform, and meeting me two days later at enramada. from there we will go together into santiago, where you shall introduce me as your friend. then will come my turn; for when the americans land we will join them, and i shall take pleasure in presenting you to my friends as my friend. will you undertake to do this?" "señor teniente, i will," answered the young spaniard, "and there is my hand on it. one thing, however, i must ask," he continued. "how will you deliver me from the hate of yonder black devil by the fire? but for you he would have taken my life long since, and when he discovers that you do not intend to kill me, he will assuredly make an attempt to do so." "i have no doubt he would if he had a chance," replied ridge, "but we must take turns at watching, and see that he doesn't get one. i will remain on guard the first half of the night, since you need sleep more than i, and will also show how fully i trust you by restoring your pistol." "your confidence will not be misplaced, señor." with these arrangements perfected, the little camp sank into quiet, the only sounds being the chirping of insects, the harsh cries of night birds, and those made by the horses, which occasionally snorted at some fancied alarm. the two white men lay in their respective hammocks under the rude thatch of palm leaves, while dionysio occupied a similar but smaller shelter beyond the fire. for a long time ridge watched the flicker of its flames, until they finally died down, and the darkness was only illumined by the fitful flashing of fire-flies. as these were the most brilliant he had ever seen, his eyes followed their zig-zag dartings until they exercised a hypnotic influence, and his heavy breathing showed him to be fast asleep. a few minutes later the occupant of the other hammock lifted his head and listened. then he slipped noiselessly to the ground and disappeared in the profound darkness at the back of the hut. for an hour longer the peace of the camp was unbroken. at the end of that time one of the horses snorted more loudly than usual, while the other dropped heavily to the ground as though lying down. after awhile, if ridge had been awake, he might have noted a slight rustling in the grass, as though some animal were making a cautious way through it towards the hut. but his slumber was too profound to be easily broken, and no instinct warned him of approaching danger. the rustling drew closer, until it sounded within a few feet of the unconscious sleeper. then a black bulk slowly lifted from the ground, and gradually assumed the proportions of a man standing motionless. of a sudden this figure, whose blurred outlines were barely discernible, made a quick movement, and the hammock of the young spaniard was cut in twain by the sweeping blow of a machete. at the same moment a pistol-shot rang out, followed by another and another. there was a smothered yell, a rush of feet, a brief struggle from the place where the horses were tethered, a crash, and directly afterwards señorita, trembling in every limb, made her way to where her young master stood, as he had leaped from his hammock, dazed, and uncertain what to do. chapter xvii in the hands op spanish guerillas in addition to his alarm, ridge was overcome with a guilty knowledge of having fallen asleep while on guard. of course, he felt certain that he had only closed his eyes for a minute; but in that minute something dreadful, for which he was responsible, had happened. he had no idea what it was, but imagined the worst, and was greatly relieved to hear the voice of his prisoner-comrade at his side. "what on earth--" he began; but just then señorita dashed up to him in a state of terror, and for the moment demanded his attention. as he soothed her he called loudly for dionysio, but there was no response. "i am afraid he has escaped," said the young spaniard, in rather a faint voice, from the ground, to which he had dropped exhausted by weakness and the intense strain of the past few hours. "he tried to kill me, you know." "tried to kill you!" exclaimed ridge, incredulously. "but wait a moment. we must have a light. this darkness is awful." thus saying, he stepped to where a few coals of the camp-fire still smouldered, and began to throw on sticks, which, after a little coaxing, sprang into a bright blaze. by its light he detected two dark forms lying motionless a short distance away, and, with pistol held ready for action, went to discover their nature. "navarro must have been dreaming, or else greatly mistaken," he said to himself, "for here is dionysio fast asleep. come, wake up!" he cried aloud, at the same time prodding the prostrate form with his toe. as there was no response, he stooped to give the sleeper a vigorous shaking; but almost with the first touch he sprang back in horror. the man lay on his back, but with his head so twisted about that only its rear portion was visible, and ridge instinctively knew that he was dead. the other motionless form was that of a dead horse, the one recently ridden by lieutenant navarro. having made this ghastly discovery, ridge hastily returned to the hut to gain from his companion an explanation of what had happened, "i could not sleep," said the young spaniard, in answer to his inquiries, "though i lay still and tried hard to do so, until, by your heavy breathing, i discovered that you were no longer awake." "i am awfully ashamed of myself," said ridge. "it is not to be wondered at," rejoined the other, consolingly. "you had not so much at stake as i, for only my life was threatened. somehow, i felt certain that the black fiend who thirsted for my blood was also lying awake, and would make an attempt to kill me in my hammock before morning. so, without disturbing you, i moved to the back of the hut and waited for him. it must have been an hour before the horses began to give signs of great uneasiness, and then one of them fell. i suppose he must have killed it." "yes," said ridge, "i reckon he did, since it now lies dead, and bleeding from a stab behind the left fore-shoulder." "i imagined something of the kind," continued the other, "but still thought it safer for both of us not to disturb you. so i waited, more keenly alert than before, but heard nothing, until i saw him slowly rise and stand beside my hammock. the blow that he dealt it would have cut me in two had i still occupied it; and, with this discovery of his design, i fired three shots, one of which, i think, must have hit him. at any rate, he uttered a great cry and staggered away." "after that," said ridge, "he must have tried to escape on my horse, which probably flung him over her head and broke his neck. didn't you, old girl?" had señorita possessed the power of speech, she would certainly have answered "yes," for that was exactly what had happened. "at any rate," continued the young trooper, with a sigh of relief, "i am mighty glad my neglect of duty did not result more seriously. at the same time we are left in an awkward shape for continuing our journey." "how so?" asked the other. "i am not afraid to walk." "but i have lost my guide." "you have lost one and gained another, who will serve you with equal skill, since i know very well the road to jiguani." "of course you must know it," replied ridge. "how stupid of me not to remember! and, as we can take turns at riding my horse, we shall doubtless get along all right." there was no more sleep for either of the young soldiers that night; and by earliest dawn, having already eaten their frugal breakfast of roasted yams--an article of diet of which ridge was becoming heartily tired--they set forth on the road to jiguani. as they were already on the southern slope of the mountains and descending into a broad valley, they made such rapid progress, by alternately riding and walking, that the sun had not passed its meridian when they reached the cauto--the longest river in cuba. there was formerly a small settlement at the crossing, but it had long since been destroyed, and now only presented the sight, so common in cuba, of charred ruins devoid of human presence. there was neither bridge nor boat, but lieutenant navarro declared the river fordable at this point. ridge regarded dubiously the chocolate-colored flood already swollen by the first of the summer rains, and wished that they had at least two horses with which to cross it. as they had not, and as nothing was to be gained by delay, he took his companion up behind him, and señorita, thus doubly burdened, plunged bravely into the stream. until they were half-way across all went well, the mare cautiously feeling her way, and the water not reaching more than to her belly, then, without warning, she dropped into a hole so deep that the turbid current closed above the heads of her riders as well as her own. reappearing on the surface, the mare struck out for shore, with ridge swimming beside her, and the young spaniard, who was a poor swimmer, clinging desperately to her tail. fortunately the channel into which they had plunged was so narrow that within two minutes they had reached its farther side in safety, and could once more touch bottom. wading up-stream to a point where the road left the river, they emerged from the water, soaked and dripping, but thankful to have met with no worse harm than a ducking. as ridge turned to laugh at the forlorn appearance presented by his companion, the latter uttered an exclamation of dismay, and at the same moment they were surrounded by half a dozen as villainous-looking ruffians as our troopers had yet seen in cuba. his heart sank within him. again was he a prisoner with the prospect at least of having his journey seriously delayed. in the confusion of the moment he did not note that those into whose hands he had fallen wore blouses and trousers of blue drilling traversed by narrow, vertical stripes of white, the campaign uniform of the spanish army in cuba; but his companion instantly recognized it, and demanded, with a tone of authority, "who commands here?" "i do," replied the most ill-favored of the crew, stepping forward. "you are a guerilla, are you not?" "a captain of irregular cavalry, señor. and you?" "i," replied the lieutenant, "am a major of regulars, attached to the staff of general luis pando, and on an urgent mission to jiguani. my horse was killed by insurgents this morning, and i had a narrow escape, leaving one of them dead." "which is the reason that two of you rode one horse in crossing the river, and so led me to mistake you for 'mamby?'" [ ] said the guerilla captain. "very likely, sir, though i can't be accountable for your mistakes. now you may let your men make a fire by which we can dry ourselves, and you may also have food prepared, for we are hungry." "but your friend, major, who is he?" asked the other, scanning ridge's brown canvas uniform doubtfully. "none of your business, sir. let it be sufficient that he is my friend, and do as i bid you without further words." at this discipline, even though suspicious, yielded to the voice of authority, and the guerilla made surly announcement that both fire and food were close at hand. this proved true; for, on gaining the face of the bluff, our friends found themselves in the presence of some twenty more guerillas, who were gathered about fires, cooking and eating strips of meat from a recently butchered steer. their horses were picketed close at hand, and beyond them grazed a herd of small wild-looking cuban cattle. for these this detachment of "beef-riders" had scoured the country-side, and they were now returning with them to jiguani. a scout from this party, patrolling the river-bank, had notified the captain that strangers were about to cross from the other side, and he had thus been enabled to prepare for their reception. he was evidently disappointed that they and their belongings could not be seized as prizes of war, and manifested this by the envious glances that he cast at señorita as well as upon the weapons that ridge was drying and cleaning. especially was the young trooper's rifle an object of longing admiration, and, after a critical examination, the captain even went so far as to offer to buy it; but ridge refused to part with the gun, whereupon the man turned sulky, and declined to hold further intercourse with him. after a while the whole party again took the road, lieutenant navarro riding a spare horse that he had "requisitioned" from the guerilla leader. the latter rode with his guests at the head of the advance-guard, and ridge noticed that, as two scouts were still in front of them, while others of the guerillas rode on either side, they were completely surrounded, and practically prisoners. he suggested as much to his companion, but the latter only smiled, and said: "what matters it, so long as we are safely escorted to jiguani?" "but i don't want to go there." "true. i had forgotten. you wish to proceed to enramada, where i am to join you." "yes, on the second day from now." "with only slight delay we might travel together." "i have reasons for preferring to go alone." "you will be in danger from the cubans." "ask your guerilla captain if he thinks so." the latter said he did not believe there were any insurgents on the enramada road just then, since their chief, general garcia, had withdrawn from bayamo, and was understood to be collecting his entire force near el cobre, in the sierra maestra, or southern coast range. "very well, then," said ridge. "i desire to leave you as soon as we come to the enramada road, and i wish that you would inform your guerilla friend that i propose to do so." "i will do better; for when we reach the forks, which will be shortly, i will order you to take the one to the left, while we keep to the right, and he will not dare attempt to detain you." but the guerilla, who had determined to possess himself of ridge's horse and rifle, did dare do that very thing. thus, when at the forking of the roads the order was given as proposed, and ridge started to obey it, the captain whipped out a pistol, and declared that the stranger must accompany him into jiguani for examination before the authorities. at this our young trooper clapped spurs to señorita, flung himself flat on her back, and dashed away on his chosen road, followed by a scattering volley of pistol-shots, and by four of the best mounted among the guerillas, who, at their captain's command, sprang after him in hot pursuit. [ ] derisive term applied by spaniards to cuban insurgents. chapter xviii death of seÑorita from the earliest days of spanish rule in cuba human life has been held very cheap. especially of late years, when thousands of men, women, and children have been wantonly murdered, has the killing of a man for any reason been lightly regarded. so in the present instance the guerilla captain instructed those detailed to overtake the escaping prisoner to kill him and bring back all his property. it seemed to him an easy task for his well-mounted beef-riders, familiar with every foot of that region, to overtake and overpower one who had already travelled far that day, and was evidently a stranger to the country. when they had done so he would obtain that coveted rifle. on the whole, he was glad that one of his prisoners had made a foolish dash for liberty, and rather wished the other would do the same thing. but the other contented himself with denouncing the action of the guerilla captain in bitter terms, and promising to report it the moment they reached the spanish lines. at all of which the latter only smiled contemptuously. in the mean time ridge, lying low on his horse's neck to offer as small a target as possible to the shots fired by his pursuers whenever they sighted him, was uttering words of encouragement in señorita's ear, and she was responding with such a burst of speed that the beef-riders were quickly left far behind. at length nothing was to be seen or heard of them; and, believing that they had given over the chase as hopeless, the young trooper allowed the panting mare who had borne him so bravely to slacken her heading pace until it was reduced to a walk. he was still in the broad cauto valley, where the sabanetas, or open glades of tall grasses, were interspersed with wide tracts of impenetrable jungle and forests of palms. by these his view was limited on every side, but he knew that the mountains among which he hoped to find the insurgent leader lay to the southward. so he determined to leave the road by the first trail leading in that direction, and continue on it until he should meet some one willing to guide him to his destination. having formed this crude plan, and believing that señorita had been allowed sufficient time to recover her breath, he began to urge her to a better speed, but, to his surprise, she failed to respond. neither words nor spur served to move her from the slow walk into which she had fallen. such a thing had not happened since the beginning of their acquaintance in far-away san antonio, and the young trooper dismounted to discover what had gone wrong. he had not far to look, for, as he touched the ground, a red trickle of blood caught his eye. the plucky little mare had been hit by one of the beef-riders' shots, but had given no sign until now, when her weakness could no longer be overcome. so copious was the flow of blood that it was evident an artery had been severed, and already had the loss been very great. in vain did ridge strive to stanch the cruel outspurt. he had no proper appliances, and the evil was too serious to be remedied by his simple skill. even as he made the attempt the gallant beast swayed, staggered, and then sank with a groan to the ground. almost sobbing with grief and dismay, ridge flung himself beside her and threw an arm caressingly across her neck. "poor old girl! dear old girl!" he cried. "to think that i should have brought you here just for this. it is too bad! too bad! and what shall i do without you?" then with a sudden thought he sprang to his feet and began an eager search on both sides of the road for water, but found none. disappointed and heavy-hearted, he returned to señorita. she lay as he had left her, but motionless and with closed eyes. again he knelt at her side, and at the sound of his voice the loving eyes were once more opened. at the same time, with a mighty effort, the proud head was uplifted, as though the mare were about to struggle to her feet. just then came a shot from behind them, and, with a bullet intended for her young master buried deep in her brain, the dear horse yielded up her life. the shot was so instantly followed by a clatter of hoofs, that ridge had barely time to snatch his rifle and fling himself to the ground behind señorita's body before the beef-riders appeared charging up the road, yelling and firing, as they came. with his rifle resting across the mare's side, ridge took quick aim and fired. one of the advancing horsemen threw up his arms and fell over backward, but the young american did not see him; for, without waiting to note the effect of his shot, he dropped the rifle and seized his revolver. it was a self-cocking weapon, and as rapidly as he could pull the trigger he delivered the contents of all six chambers at the guerillas. whether or not they fired in return he did not know, but as the smoke from his own fusillade cleared away he saw one man lying motionless in the road, and another dragging himself into the grass at one side. from that direction also came the furious plunging of a horse. of the others who had pursued him nothing was to be seen. hastily reloading his revolver, and throwing another cartridge into the chamber of his rifle, ridge nervously awaited further developments. would they again charge upon his front, or would they seek to outflank him by crawling through the dense growth on either side? the latter would be the safer move, and could be easily made. as our young soldier realized this, he decided to forestall the attempt by taking to the grass himself, and in another moment he was cautiously creeping on hands and knees amid the hot brown stalks that grew many feet above his head. fearing that his movement might attract attention, he did not go far; but, after making his way for a few rods parallel to the road, he again gained its edge and halted at a place where, peering between the grass stems, he could see his dead horse. here he lay motionless until he became convinced that his enemies had beaten a retreat and would trouble him no more. thus thinking, impatient of delay, and painfully cramped by his position, he was about to rise when the long silence was broken by a low cuckoo call close at hand. was it a signal or the note of some strange bird? as ridge hesitated, the call was answered from the other side of the road. again it sounded from the side on which he lay; then, from the opposite side a man's head came slowly into view, low down among the grass stems. after hasty glances both up and down the road it was withdrawn, and the cuckoo notes were again exchanged. then two of the baffled beef-riders rose boldly to their feet and stepped out in full view, close beside the dead horse. the young trooper could not distinguish their words; but, from their angry gestures, they were discussing his disappearance and the advisability of a further attempt to capture him. at the same moment his own thoughts were of a most conflicting nature. one of the men was covered by his rifle, and his finger was on its ready trigger, but he hesitated to pull it. they had killed his horse and sought to take his life. even now they would shoot him down without mercy, and as a pastime, if the opportunity offered. knowing this, and realizing his danger if those men should discover him, the young american still hesitated to fire from ambush and take human life in cold blood. that others did not feel as he did about such things was shown while he hesitated, for the two beef-riders had been in sight but a few seconds when there came a flash and a roar of guns from the opposite side of the road, a little beyond where ridge was hiding. both the guerillas fell as though struck by a thunder-bolt, and their blue-clad forms lay motionless across señorita's body. her death was amply avenged. at this startling demonstration in his behalf, ridge sprang to his feet in full view of half a dozen men, ragged and swarthy, who were running down the road with yells of delight. they halted at sight of the stranger, and some raised their weapons; but he, recognizing them as cubans, called out: "i am americano, and those spaniards whom you have so bravely killed sought my life. viva cuba libre!" upon this they again advanced with shouts and eager questions. they belonged to a detachment of the cuban army on its way to join general garcia, and had been attracted by the sound of firing. coming to discover its cause, they had seen the dead horse, and were stealing cautiously towards it when halted by the familiar cuckoo call of their enemies. that ridge had suffered at the hands of the spaniards, and fought with them, was a sufficient passport to their favor. thus when he explained his desire to meet their general they consented to guide him to the cuban rendezvous, which they said was high up in the mountains. with a heavy heart and tear-dimmed eyes the young american turned from a last look at his beloved horse, and set forth with these new acquaintances on their toilsome march. he carried only his arms, but the cubans had stripped the dead--both men and horses--of everything valuable, and were thus well laden with trophies. a short distance from the spot where señorita had given her own life in saving that of her master, they turned into a barely discernible trail that soon brought them to the foot-hills, where they camped for the night. all the next day they pushed on, with infrequent halts, ever climbing higher over trails so rough and obscure that only experienced eyes could follow them. here and there they passed food-stations guarded by old men, poorly clad women, and naked children. each of these consisted of a thatched hut, an open fire, and a sweet-potato patch, and to the marching cubans they supplied roasted potatoes, sugar-cane, and occasionally a few ripe mangoes. ridge and a guide, to whom he had promised money, outstripped the others, and shortly before sunset of the second day reached the summit of a pass lying between the great bulk of el cobre on the east and pico turquino, the tallest mountain in cuba. from this point was outspread a superb view of densely wooded mountain slopes tumbling steeply down to the boundless blue of the caribbean sea. here the guide departed, promising shortly to return, leaving ridge to gaze upon the wonderful panorama unfolded on all sides, and thrilled with the thought that he had crossed cuba. while he stood thus, forgetful of everything save the marvellous beauty of his surroundings, he was puzzled by a sound as of distant thunder coming from a direction in which no cloud was visible. as he speculated concerning this phenomenon, he was startled by a voice close at hand saying, in english: "that is a welcome sound to cuban ears, señor, since it is the thunder of american war-ships bombarding the defences of santiago." chapter xix calixto garcia the cuban "the thunder of american war-ships!" instantly, as ridge learned its nature, the mighty sound took on a new significance, and seemed like the voice of his own glorious country demanding freedom for an oppressed people. filled with this thought, he turned to the man who had suggested it, and found himself in the presence of one wearing the uniform of a cuban officer. the latter had taken off his hat, and the young american noted a livid bullet scar in the centre of his broad white forehead. the man was elderly, fine-looking, and smooth-shaven except for a heavy white mustache. his picture had been published in every illustrated paper and magazine in the united states. promptly giving a military salute, ridge said, "i believe i have the honor of addressing general garcia." "yes, i am calixto garcia. but who are you?" "an officer of the american army, come to you with a message from its commanding general." "have you credentials or despatches by which you may be known?" "only this, sir." here ridge lowered his voice and gave, for the second time since landing in cuba, the secret countersign of the junta. "it is sufficient," said the general, smiling and holding out his hand. "now what is your message?" "that the american army of invasion, having sailed from tampa, is due within the next two days to arrive off santiago; and general shafter, who commands it, is desirous of an interview with you before landing his troops. he asks you to name the place of meeting." "thank you, sir, for bringing me this great news, and gladly will i meet your general whenever he may choose to come. also i will fix the place of meeting down yonder at aserraderos. from this station i will watch day and night for his ships, and when they come will be ready to receive him." "very good, sir. i will so report to my general." "but how do you expect to communicate with him?" asked garcia, curiously. "i propose to go from here to enramada, to which place i was about to ask you to favor me with a mount and a guide. at that point i have arranged to meet a friend who will give me spanish protection, and under whose escort i shall visit santiago. after that i shall be guided by circumstances. but if i live i shall certainly be at daiquiri in time to meet the american army." "you have undertaken a difficult task, and i only hope it may be accomplished," replied the general, thoughtfully. "of course i will furnish you with a horse and an escort to enramada, which place, as you are doubtless aware, is already occupied by my men." "by the cubans?" cried ridge, in dismay. "certainly. we drove out the spaniards several days ago, and have advanced our lines to within a few miles of santiago. at present that city is surrounded on three sides by the forces of generals castillo and rabi." "in that case, sir, i shall ask for protection to the extreme limit of the cuban lines, both for myself and my friend." "is he a spaniard?" asked garcia, suspiciously. "he is an american citizen," replied ridge, "though at present appearing as a spaniard, and wearing the uniform of a spanish officer." "what is his name?" "he is travelling under the name of ramon navarro." "very spanish indeed, and he could not have done a more reckless or foolish thing than attempt to pass himself off as a spaniard in this part of the island. if he is discovered near enramada he will undoubtedly be killed without a chance to explain who he really is. but that is the way with you americans. confident in your own ignorance, you are always pushing ahead without stopping to count the cost." "at the same time we generally get there." "get where?" asked the other, sharply. "to the place we start for." "oh yes, you get there, in some shape, though perhaps sorry that you have done so. in the present campaign, for instance, i have no doubt that the very first americans landed will make a dash for santiago, without waiting for artillery or even provisions. if they win a victory, it will be by the good fortune that often attends fools; but the chances are that when they enter santiago it will be as prisoners of war." "sir!" cried ridge, "i am an american, and an officer in the american army." "pardon, señor; i forgot," replied the general. "i was allowing myself to utter aloud my thoughts, a thing extremely wrong and ill-advised. i have really no doubt in the world that your gallant countrymen will conduct themselves most admirably. now if you will come to my poor camp i will make you as comfortable as possible for the night, and in the morning we will decide what is best for you to do." "thank you, sir," said our young trooper, "but with your permission i should prefer to make a start at once, with the hope of reaching enramada before my comrade, and thus preventing a sad mistake on the part of your troops." "but, my young friend, you have already travelled far to-day and are exhausted." "i still have some strength left." "night is upon us, and the trails are very dangerous." "there is a young moon, and you will furnish reliable guides," replied ridge, smiling. "if i should not furnish them?" "then i would set forth alone." "you are determined, then, to proceed at once?" "i am, sir, unless detained by force." "ah, heavens! these americans!" cried the general, with an air of resignation. "they will leave nothing for to-morrow that may be squeezed into to-day. they know not the meaning of 'mañana.' ever impatient, ever careless of consequences, and yet they succeed. can it be that theirs is the way of wisdom? but no, it is their good fortune, what they call 'luck.' yes, señor, it shall be as you desire. in an hour all shall be in readiness for your departure." "couldn't you make it half an hour, general?" asked ridge, with an audacity that drew forth only a grunt from the cuban leader. so it happened that in something less than an hour from the time of this important interview our young american, well fed, and provided with a pass through the cuban lines for himself and one friend, was retracing his steps down the northern slope of the sierra maestra. he was mounted on a raw-backed but sure-footed cuban pony, and escorted by half a dozen ragged cavalrymen. they had barely started before he was thankful that he had not attempted to make the journey unguided; nor had they gone a mile before he knew that he could never have accomplished it alone. often he found himself traversing narrow trails on the brink of black space where a single misstep would have brought his career to a sudden termination. again he passed through gloomy tunnels of dense foliage, slid down precipitous banks, only to plunge into rushing, bowlder-strewn torrents at the bottom, and scramble up slopes of slippery clay on the farther side, all this was done by the feeble and ever-lessening light of a moon in its first quarter, and as it finally sank out of sight the leader of the escort called a halt, declaring that they could not move another rod before daybreak. thus ridge was forced to take a few hours of rest, and so exhausted was he that his companions had difficulty in rousing him at dawn. again they pushed forward, shivering in the chill of early morning, and blistered by the sun's fervent heat a few hours later, until ten o'clock found them on the grass-grown highway leading from santiago to bayamo, and a few miles west of enramada. here, as ridge believed himself to be well in advance of his comrade, he decided to await his coming. at the same time he sent one of his escort into enramada to discover if lieutenant navarro had by any chance reached that place, and to arrange for fresh mounts. then he threw himself down in the scant shadow of a thorny bush for a nap. apparently his companions, who had promised to keep a close watch of the highway, did the same thing, for when he next awoke it was with a start and the consciousness that a horseman was dashing past at full speed on the road to enramada. in less than a minute the shamefaced squad was in hot pursuit, but though they strove to atone for their neglect of duty by furious riding, they did not overtake the horseman until they discovered him halted by an outpost, who allowed him to pass as they came in sight. when they in turn were halted they learned that the man whom they had followed so briskly was a cuban scout just in from a tour of observation. so ridge rode slowly into enramada, reported to the officer in command, and remained in that wretched village until nightfall in a state of nervous impatience. he was most anxious to push forward, since every minute was now of value, but could not desert the friend whom he had promised to meet at this place. he feared that without his protection navarro would come to grief among the cubans, and also he was depending upon the young spaniard for a safe entry into santiago. at length dusk had fallen. the impatient young trooper had eaten a supper of tough bull-beef and "those everlasting yams," as he called them, with his cuban friends, and was pacing restlessly to and fro a short distance beyond a camp-fire, about which they smoked their cigarettes, when a ragged, slouch-hatted figure approached him. "señor americano." "well, what do you want?" "if don josé remelios desires the company of ramon navarro into santiago, i am ready." "good heavens, man!" "hush! tell them you can wait no longer. set forth alone, follow the railroad, and i will meet you." then, before ridge could reply, the figure darted away and was lost in the night shadows. fifteen minutes later the young american, despite the polite protests of his entertainers, had left enramada, dismissed the escort who had passed him through the cuban pickets, declined further guidance, on the plea that he could not get lost while following the railway, and was watching anxiously for the appearance of his friend. suddenly he was confronted by a motionless horseman dimly seen on the embankment ahead of him, and in another minute the comrades were exchanging greetings. "how did you reach enramada without my knowledge?" asked ridge, finally. "i have watched every moving creature in the place since noon." "slipped in, disguised by this horrible cuban costume, after dark," laughed navarro. "shouldn't have come at all but for my promise, and a recollection that i was a prisoner of war on parole, since i learned at jiguani that enramada was occupied by the insurgents." "but i have a pass for you from garcia himself." "even had i known it i should not have ventured among those who might have recognized me; for where a spaniard is concerned, any cuban will kill him first and examine his pass afterwards." "i suppose that is so," replied ridge, with a memory of del concha. "anyhow, i am mighty glad everything is turning out so well. now, hurrah for santiago, and the american army that is to capture it!" "do you believe they can do it?" "of course i do," was the confident answer. but a few hours later, when from a wooded hilltop he looked down, upon the widespread city in which were quartered , veteran troops, protected by strong intrenchments, formidable batteries, and by admiral cervera's powerful squadron, he wondered if, after all, his countrymen had not undertaken a task far more difficult than they imagined. chapter xx the two admirals it was a glorious morning, and a glorious sight was disclosed by the rising sun--a palm-shaded city of red-tiled roofs, dominated by a fine, double-towered cathedral, and a broad, land-locked bay set in a circle of rounded hills and rugged mountains. on the placid bosom of the bay rode cervera's proud squadron of war-ships--five mighty cruisers, four of which were of the latest model and most approved armament; two wicked-looking torpedo-boat destroyers, each claimed to be more than a match for any battle-ship afloat, and a few gunboats that had been used for coast patrol. from the war-ships came the cherry notes of bugles, and from the plaza de armas, in which a regiment was passing in review, swelled the inspiring music of a full military band. beyond the city every near-by elevation was occupied by a stout block-house, each displaying the red and yellow flag of spain, and forming the nucleus for radiating lines of rifle-pits. far down at the entrance to the bay rose the grim walls of santiago's morro castle, and beyond it floated against the blue sky soft smoke clouds that ridge felt sure must come from the american ships on blockade. this was santiago. this the peaceful scene that was soon to be transformed into a battle-field. here, within a few days, victory and defeat would meet face to face. which side would claim the former? until this moment ridge had never doubted. he had often heard the boast that his own regiment could drive every spaniard out of cuba, and had believed it. now he knew that here alone was work cut out for an army. these reflections of our young trooper were interrupted by his companion, who said, "it is a wonderful picture; but i am too hungry to gaze on it any longer; so let us hasten into the city, with the hope of finding a breakfast." both the young men wore spanish uniforms that navarro had brought with him, and, protected by these, they rode boldly down to the nearest outpost. here the lieutenant demanded that they be conducted to headquarters, to which they were accordingly sent under guard. many of the narrow streets through which they passed were indescribably filthy, but these became cleaner as they neared the casa municipal. here they were graciously received by general linares, to whom they were presented by one of his staff, who recognized navarro as a friend. the general complimented them on having eluded the cubans, and was much gratified to learn that pando's army was on its way from holguin to reinforce him. after a few minutes of conversation, during which he promised to give both of them details for field duty, he dismissed them, and they were at liberty to accept an invitation to breakfast at the san carlos club. in the cool club-house, which faces the plaza de armas, where the band plays in the evening and fountains plash softly amid blossoming shrubbery, ridge and his companion were introduced to many officers, a number of whom were from the warships. santiago was very dull just then; its communication with the outside world was cut off. no ships could enter its beautiful harbor, business was almost at a standstill, and there was little to talk about. so the advent of two strangers into the club was hailed with joy, and they were plied with questions. no one seemed to suspect that our young american was other than what he professed to be, though his answers to many of their questions were necessarily vague and unsatisfactory. in order to entertain them, the resident officers proposed various trips to places of near-by interest, such as the fortifications, the barracks where lieutenant hobson of the american navy was confined, the morro, from which a view of the blockading squadron could be had, or to the spanish war-ships lying in the harbor, the last of which was accepted for that morning. as soon, therefore, as breakfast was over, the new-comers were escorted to the water-front, where lay several steam-launches. as they reached the landing-place a fine-looking man, white bearded, with twinkling eyes and kindly features, drove up in a carriage, and alighting with springy step, was instantly saluted by every officer present. he acknowledged the courtesy by lifting his hat and speaking to several of them, whom he called by name. emboldened by his kindness, these ventured to present the new arrivals and mention their desire to visit the spanish ships; whereupon admiral cervera, bravest and most chivalrous of spain's commanders, promptly invited them to accompany him to the flag-ship. as they steamed down the bay in the superbly appointed launch flying an admiral's flag and manned by a picked crew in snowy duck, ridge sat silent, in a very confused frame of mind, and paying scant attention to the gay conversation carried on by the other members of the party. he had been overcome by the courtesy of his reception in santiago, and was feeling keenly the meanness of his position. "i'll be shot for disobedience of orders before i ever again undertake to act the low-down part of a spy," he reflected, bitterly. at the same time he was wondering how he should manage to escape the kindly but embarrassing attentions of these new-found friends, and reach daiquiri in time to communicate with general shafter upon his arrival. in spite of these thoughts, he did not fail to admire the beauty and massive symmetry of the ships they were approaching. there lay the _cristobal colon_, latest product of italian skill; the splendid _vizcaya_, that had recently attracted the admiration of all who saw her in new york harbor; the _almirante oquendo_, that had been received with such wild enthusiasm in havana; the _maria teresa_, famed for the richness of her interior fittings; the _reina mercedes_, used as a hospital-ship; the _pluton_ and the _furor_, low, black, and ugly to look upon, both holding records for enormous speed, and more dreaded as engines of destruction than all the others put together. stripped to fighting trim, these ships were the very embodiment of modern sea-power, and in his ignorance ridge wondered if anything afloat could resist them. from them his attention was at length attracted to the admiral, who was saying: "i am about to send this launch, under a flag of truce, out to the american flag-ship to procure some supplies for our prisoners, the señor hobson and his men. so if you have a desire to view the yankee ships at close range i shall be pleased to have you accompany it. possibly you speak the english, in which case you might prove of use as interpreter." "i do not speak it so well as does my friend the señor remelios," replied lieutenant navarro, to whom this invitation had been extended. "then it may be that he will do me the favor to accompany the launch," suggested the admiral, and of course ridge gladly embraced the opportunity thus offered. "perhaps i can stay on board the american ship," he said to himself, "and not be compelled to revisit santiago until i can do so as an honest fighter, instead of as a contemptible spy. and what a chance it will be for navarro to escape from the spaniards!" half an hour later the trim launch, now displaying a large white flag forward, had passed the masts of the sunken _merrimac_, the frowning morro on its lofty headland, and, standing out to sea, was drawing near the superb cruiser _new york_, flag-ship of admiral sampson's fleet. on either side of her, in imposing array, lay the great battle-ships _iowa_, _massachusetts_, _texas_, and _oregon_, the last of which had recently hurried to the scene of conflict from san francisco, making a record voyage of , miles by way of cape horn. besides these there was the _brooklyn_, swiftest of american cruisers, together with half a dozen more--cruisers, gunboats, yachts, and torpedo-boats--all in war-paint, all ready for instant action, and all flying the banner of stars and stripes. at the wonderful sight ridge's heart glowed with patriotism and a new courage. how impregnable looked the huge battle-ships!--how terrible! nothing could withstand them! he felt sure of that. the young spaniard who sat beside him gazed on the outspread american fleet in silent amazement. he had thought cervera's ships formidable, but now it seemed to him they would be but playthings for these modern leviathans. as the spanish launch ranged alongside the flagship, an object of curious attention to all on board, it was courteously received; but, to ridge's disappointment, only the officer in charge was permitted to leave it. a few minutes later, however, a cadet tripped lightly down the side ladder to say that the gentleman who spoke english was requested to report on deck. as in obedience to this order our young trooper followed him up the ladder, he found opportunity to say in a low but earnest voice: "i must see the admiral, alone if possible. have important communication for him. try and arrange an interview." the cadet looked back in surprise, and then nodded his head. the next moment they were on deck, when the "señor remelios" could barely control his joyful emotions at finding himself once more among his countrymen and beneath his country's flag. after a brief transaction of business the guests were invited into the ward-room, which they had scarcely entered when word was passed that the one speaking english was again wanted on deck. promptly obeying this summons, ridge was conducted to a large after-cabin which he found occupied by two officers. one, with stern features, iron-gray beard, deeply lined forehead, and piercing eyes, he instantly recognized as admiral sampson. the other he guessed to be captain chadwick, commander of the ship. "well, sir," began the former, sharply, as the new-comer was left standing, cap in hand, before them, "i understand that you wish to make a private communication of importance. what is it? are you desirous of deserting your countrymen and joining us? if so, i would advise you to go elsewhere before declaring your intention, because on board this ship we have very little sympathy for deserters." "seeing that i am an american soldier, sir, belonging to colonel wood's first volunteer cavalry, and am here by special order from general miles, i don't think there is much danger that i shall desert," replied ridge. both of his hearers uttered exclamations as he announced his nationality, and captain chadwick muttered, "i should never have suspected it." at that moment ridge caught sight of his own face in a mirror, the first he had seen in two weeks, and was startled to note how very spanish he looked. in a few minutes he had explained the situation, and given general garcia's message appointing aserraderos as a meeting-place to the american commander. when his report was finished, he added: "now, sir, can't i remain here until the army arrives? i never realized until to-day how humiliating it is to be a spy." "i wish i might say yes," replied admiral sampson, meditatively, "but fear i cannot. according to your own account, you have not completed your mission by making a study of the condition and defences of santiago, upon which you are to report to the commander of the first american force that lands. also, i could not detain one who comes as a spanish officer under flag of truce, without making things very unpleasant for such of our men as are held prisoners by the enemy. you must not think of your position as humiliating, but as one of great importance and responsibility, as well as of great danger. you say, too, that you have a spanish friend in the launch who wishes to remain here with you, and whom you cannot desert, but i certainly could not receive him under the circumstances. therefore, much as i regret to say so, it seems to me that both my duty and yours point to your return by the way you came." as ridge, admitting the justice of this decision, was about to take his leave, the executive officer of the ship entered hastily and reported: "a heavy smoke to the eastward, sir, believed to be that of the transports bringing general shafter's army." chapter xxi a spaniard's loyalty both officers sprang to their feet at the startling announcement that the eagerly awaited but long delayed transports were in sight, and admiral sampson extended his hand to ridge, saying: "go back to santiago and your duty, my boy. i will convey your report concerning the meeting with garcia to general shafter." then all hurried to the deck, and in another minute the great war-ship had started eastward to welcome the troops, while the spanish launch, which had been hastily dismissed, was heading towards santiago bay with every member of the party she had brought out still on board. "what is about to happen?" asked one of the spanish officers, in bewilderment. "the ships bringing the american army have been sighted," replied ridge, who saw no reason for withholding information that must soon be known to every one. upon this there was great excitement in the launch, which was pressed to its utmost speed, that the news might be carried to admiral cervera and general linares as quickly as possible. at his own request, ridge, in company with lieutenant navarro, was permitted to carry it to the general, who said, quietly: "very good, gentlemen; and now, since the time for action has arrived, i will assign you to the important duty of patrolling the coast, from which you will bring to me, at sevilla, earliest word of any attempted landing by the enemy. you will act independently, but in co-operation with captain del rey, who is already scouting in the neighborhood of guantanamo with his company of cavalry. it is supposed that the landing will be made there, but--as heaven only knows what these yankees may do--we must watch every possible point." nothing could have suited ridge better than this; and a few minutes later, with santiago left behind, he and his companion were galloping in the direction of the morro, from whose lofty walls they would be able to command a vast sweep of ocean and coast. already were its garrison crowding tower and battlement to gaze wonderingly at the american fleet coming from the eastward. a double column eight miles long of ships, crowded to their utmost capacity with armed men, was advancing under low-trailing banners of black smoke, like a resistless fate. as they neared the war-ships, that had for a month impatiently awaited them, these thundered forth a welcome from their big guns. bands played, swift steam-launches darted to and fro, and a mighty volume of cheering from twice ten thousand throats was borne to those who listened on land like the roar of a breaking tempest. the american army and navy had met at last, and were joined in a common cause. for an hour our young trooper watched with swelling heart this wonderful meeting of his countrymen. then he had the satisfaction of seeing one of the transports steam away to the westward in the direction of aserraderos. while his companions asked one another the meaning of this manoeuvre, he believed it to indicate that the meeting between generals shafter and garcia, for which he had arranged, was about to be effected. as it was evident that no landing was to be attempted that day, the young men so reported to general linares at sevilla, where they also spent the night. another day of suspense and anxious waiting was passed, with the american transports rolling idly in the offing, and making no effort to discharge their human freight. at the same time the war-ships kept the spaniards in a state of feverish excitement by shelling every place along twenty miles of coast where a landing might be made. a swarm of spanish scouts watched these operations from the hill-tops, and at short intervals during the day reported the enemy's movements to general linares; but of them all none was so active as ridge and his companion. from earliest dawn until dark they scoured the country lying adjacent to the coast, gaining a complete knowledge of its so-called roads, which were but the roughest of trails, only intended for saddle or pack animals, and of its defences. they also made such full reports to headquarters of everything that was going on as to completely win the confidence of the spanish commander. consequently he was not prepared to accept, without further proof, the abrupt statement made by a major of his staff, that one of his favorite scouts was an american, and probably a spy. it was the second day after the arrival of the transports. the two officers were alone in the room occupied by general linares as an office, and from it ridge had just departed after making a report to the effect that he had not yet seen anything indicating the selection of a landing-place on the part of the enemy. "what makes you think him an american?" asked the general. "because," replied the major, "i have recognized him. his face was familiar from the first, and when i saw him ride i knew that i had also seen him ride before, but could not tell where. only now has it come to me, and i know that in yokohama i saw him within a year win the great hurdle-race of the english and american residents." "even that would not make him an american." "it was everywhere proclaimed that he was such." "are you certain that this is the same man?" "i am certain. i now also recall his name. it was norreese--the señor norreese." "but he was introduced by lieutenant navarro, who is known to every one, and whose loyalty is beyond question." "did lieutenant navarro know him in spain?" "i will ask him." so an orderly was despatched to request lieutenant navarro to report immediately at headquarters. the two friends were eating a hasty lunch when this message reached them, and ridge had just announced his intention to start for daiquiri as soon as it was finished. he alone knew that the american landing would be made there, and he wished to be on hand when it was effected. navarro had arranged to go with him, and both were impatient of the delay promised by the general's order. "it is too bad!" exclaimed ridge; "for we ought to be there now, since they may already be landing. i hope the general doesn't want to send us off in some other direction." "for fear that he may," said the other, "you had better start at once towards daiquiri, and i will follow the moment i am at liberty to do so." "that's good advice," repeated ridge, "and i will do as you suggest." with this understanding, and having arranged a place of meeting, the young trooper set forth on his twelve-mile ride over the narrow trails of the broken and densely wooded hill country lying southeast from sevilla, while navarro hastened to obey the summons of the spanish general. "how long have you known the señor remelios?" was the first question asked of the young lieutenant. "only since meeting him in holguin, where general pando introduced us, and ordered me to accompany him." "have you noted anything suspicious in his actions--anything that would lead you to suspect him of being other than what he claims?" "i have not, sir," answered the lieutenant, calmly, though with inward trepidation, since the question showed that a suspicion of some kind had been directed against his friend. "neither have i," said the general; "for he has admirably performed the duties assigned to him. at the same time i am desirous of asking him some questions, and so have sent for him. i will request also that you remain during our interview, and carefully compare his answers with your own knowledge of his recent movements." just here the major who had recognized ridge, and who had gone to bring him to headquarters, returned with the information that he whom they sought was not to be found. "do you know where he is?" asked the general, sharply, of lieutenant navarro. "i do not, sir, though i think it likely that he has started for siboney, where we had planned to go together to watch the american ships." "then you will accompany major alvarez to that place, find the señor remelios, and use your friendly influence to bring him back here. if for any reason he should refuse to come, he must be compelled by force, for he is suspected of being an american spy. i tell you this, because there is no question of lieutenant navarro's loyalty, and i assign you to this duty to show how entirely i trust you." "i will do my best, sir," replied the young spaniard, acknowledging this compliment with a bow. then, wondering in which direction his duty really lay, he departed in company with the major, who was impatient to make good his charges against the señor remelios. lieutenant navarro had been moody and unhappy ever since the coming of the american transports. he had not confided his trouble to his companion, but had performed his duties mechanically, and would not talk of anything else. ridge noticed this change in his friend, and had formed a shrewd guess as to its cause, but waited for the other to speak first concerning it. in the mean time, as the young trooper neared daiquiri, he met scouts from captain del rey's detachment hastening towards headquarters with news that the americans were landing. at this he increased his speed, until he finally reached the hill agreed upon as a place of meeting with navarro, and then his heart was thrilled with the sight out-spread before him. half a dozen transports and a few of the smaller war-ships lay in the little harbor. steam-launches towing strings of boats crowded with troops were plying between the ships and the one small pier that offered a landing-place. the spaniards had retreated, burning houses and bridges behind them, and already dark masses of american troops were forming on the narrow strip of level land separating the hills from the sea. these were his own people, and ridge longed to rush forward and join them, but was faced by two obstacles. one was a strong spanish force concealed in a ravine between him and the americans as though to dispute their advance at that point, and the other was the memory that he had promised to await at this place the coming of navarro, whom he expected to see with each minute. suddenly, as he impatiently wondered what he ought to do, there came a quick rush of feet, and the young spaniard, breathless with haste, stood beside him. "amigo," he gasped, "you are in great danger. by some mischance the general has discovered that you are an american, and major alvarez is charged with your capture. you have been traced to this point, and even now the hill is being surrounded to prevent your escape. within two minutes soldiers will ascend from all sides, and, until they come, you are my prisoner." at this ridge started back and clapped a hand to his pistol. "but i do not forget," continued the other, "that i am also your prisoner, on parole not to fight against your countrymen, or that to you i owe my life. so i am come to save yours and aid your escape, or die beside you in making the attempt. first, though, let us exchange prisoners, for, amigo, it has come to me within these two days that i cannot desert my own people in this time of their need. let me then remain with them until all is over, which must be shortly. then, if i still live, i will return to you and seek my cousin. oh, my friend, grant me this favor, and with every breath i will thank you! may it be so? will you do as i ask?" "of course i will," answered ridge, heartily. "i had already guessed your feelings, and made up my mind to give back your parole if you should ask for it. so now you are free to act as seems to you best." "god bless you, amigo!" cried the young spaniard, his face radiant with joy. "now they come! conceal yourself, while i do what may be done to save you." chapter xxii rollo in cuba the sound of voices and of men crashing through the underbrush as they advanced up the hill from all sides was distinctly heard, and ridge realized, with dismay, how completely he was surrounded. it did not seem possible that he could escape, but he mechanically obeyed his friend's instructions, and, diving into a dense thicket, lay flat on the ground beneath its leafy shelter. at that same moment navarro raised a great shout of "here he is! there he goes! look out for him!" he also fired several shots in rapid succession; and one of these wounding the horse that ridge had ridden, sent it crashing in terrified flight directly towards the spanish troops in the ravine. after the flying animal sprang the lieutenant, firing as he ran, and yelling to those on the hill to follow him. with savage cries, and as eagerly as hounds in sight of a fox, the spaniards gave over their careful beating of every covert, and rushed from all sides towards the scene of disturbance. several of them passed so close to ridge that he could have touched them, but in their blind haste they failed to notice him. in another moment they had swept over the crest of the hill and were plunging down its farther side. before they reached the bottom, ridge's wounded and terrified horse burst from cover directly among the ambushed troops in the ravine, by whom it was quickly killed. then came the pursuers. "where is he? what have you done with him?" demanded lieutenant navarro, excitedly. "who, señor?" "the spy! the americano!" "we have seen no one, only this brute of a horse." "but he was mounted on it. i saw him and fired. he fled in this direction, and we pursued him." "he must have been hit and fallen from the saddle." "then he is still close at hand," panted major alvarez, who had just reached the scene, "and alive or dead we must find him. scatter, men, and search!" he added, fiercely, turning to the baffled soldiers of his command, who were crowding confusedly behind him. this command was never obeyed; for at that moment, with a shriek and a roar, a shell from one of the american war-ships dropped into the ravine, and burst among the startled spaniards. their presence had been detected by the firing on the hillside, and with the range thus obtained the yankee gunners sent shell after shell with deadly precision among the ambushed troops. completely demoralized by the awful effect of this fire, the spaniards broke from cover and fled, leaving a score of dead behind, and bearing with them a desperately wounded officer. they carried him as far as sevilla, which place they did not reach until the following morning, and where general linares bent pityingly over him. "loyal and brave even unto death," he murmured. "for this last faithful service to spain you shall rank as captain." then, as the closed eyes of the wounded man were opened with a look of recognition, the general turned to those who had brought him, and said: "he is too valuable to our cause, and too brave a spaniard to die if we can save his life. therefore carry captain navarro to the hospital in santiago, and deliver my orders that he receive the best of care." so the painful journey was resumed, but on the crest of san juan heights, overlooking the city, the litter-bearers found that they were carrying a dead man. it was useless to convey him farther, and a little later they buried him, with full military honors, on the sunny slope that was shortly destined to become the scene of one of the world's decisive battles. in the mean time ridge norris, snatched from the very jaws of destruction by the prompt devotion of his prisoner-friend, had emerged from his concealment, and hastened down the hill in a direction opposite to that taken by those who sought his life. after awhile, believing that he had gained a safe distance from them, he paused to consider his situation. a minute later, when he had just planned to make a great circuit that should outflank the spaniards in the ravine, and bring him to where the americans were landing, a rush of approaching feet and a medley of voices caused him to plunge into the dense growth bordering the trail. then catching a glimpse of the retreating spaniards, whom he imagined to be searching for him, he forced his way still deeper into the tangle, until they were lost to hearing as well as to sight. half an hour afterwards, reassured by the unbroken silence of his surroundings, our young american attempted to regain the trail he had left, but, to his dismay, had failed to do so when darkness overtook him. the idea of spending a night in that cuban jungle was decidedly unpleasant; but as there was nothing else to be done, ridge quickly made such preparations for it as his limited resources would allow. his knowledge of cuban woodcraft was much greater now than it had been two weeks earlier, and within fifteen minutes he had constructed a rude hammock of tough vines, over which was laid a great palm-leaf. this would at least swing him clear of the ground, with its pestilent dampness and swarming land-crabs. although he knew that he should suffer from cold before morning, he dared not light a fire, for it would be almost certain to attract unwelcome attention. so he lined his swinging-bed with such dried grasses as he could find, and nestling in it tried to sleep. for hours this was impossible. the forest about him was filled with strange rattlings, dashings, and other indescribable sounds. he was also cold and hungry. but at length he lost consciousness of his unhappy position, and drifted into troubled dreams. when next he awoke the sun was shining, and there was a confusion of voices close at hand. he could not catch the drift of conversation; but, as the tongue spoken was spanish, he lay motionless and listened, expecting each moment to be discovered by some straggler. for several hours his unseen neighbors cooked, ate, smoked cigarettes, laughed, and talked without suspecting his presence within a few yards of them; while he, desperately hungry, cramped, and filled with impatience at this aggravating detention, wondered if they were going to stay there forever. when, after what seemed an eternity of suspense, those who had unwittingly kept him prisoner took their departure, the sun had passed its meridian, and ridge, parched with thirst, was suffering as much from the breathless heat as he had with cold a few hours earlier. as he cautiously approached the scene of the recent bivouac he found it to be where a small stream crossed a narrow trail, and, after quenching his thirst, he followed the latter in what he believed to be the direction of daiquiri. at any rate, it was the opposite one from that taken by his recent unwelcome neighbors. up hill and down the dim trail led him, across streams and through dark ravines, but always buried in dense foliage, through which he could gain no outlook. after our young trooper had followed the devious course of this rough pathway for several miles, he suddenly came to a halt, and stood spellbound. from directly ahead of him came a burst of music swelling grandly through the solemn stillness of the forest. a regimental band was playing "the star-spangled banner," and never before had such glorious notes been borne to his ears. tears started to his eyes; but without pausing to brush them away he dashed forward. a minute later he stood on the brow of a declivity looking down upon the sea-coast village of siboney, which he instantly recognized, though its transformation from what it was when he had last seen it was wonderful. then it had been a stronghold of spanish troops. now the fortifications crowning its encircling hills, abandoned by those who had erected them, stood empty and harmless; while in the village, and on the narrow plain surrounding it, an advance-guard of the american army was pitching its tents. over a building on a hill-side opposite to where ridge stood, which he remembered as headquarters of the spanish commandant, floated an american flag, evidently just raised, and from that quarter also came the inspiring music that had so quickened his pulses. ten minutes later he stood before that very building, having passed through the american lines unquestioned, though stared at curiously by those who noticed him at all. he wore the first spanish uniform they had ever seen, and, not recognizing it, they took him for a cuban officer, several of whom had already visited the camp. so the young american, looking in vain for a familiar face among the thousand or so of his busy countrymen, made his way to headquarters, where, for the first time, a sentry halted him and demanded his business. while he was thus detained an officer issued from the building, mounted a horse, and was about to ride away when ridge sprang forward, calling: "general! general lawton!" the officer halted, looked keenly at the sun-browned young man in spanish uniform, and, almost without hesitation, said: "you are sergeant norris of the rough riders, i believe?" "yes, sir," replied ridge, saluting, and overjoyed at being recognized. "i looked for you at daiquiri," continued the general, "and hope you can give good reason for not reporting there as ordered." "i believe i can, sir." "then come in with me and give it to major-general wheeler, who is at present in command." within half an hour the young scout had been complimented by both generals on the success of his recent undertaking, and had furnished them with information of the utmost value concerning the obstacles to be encountered between siboney and santiago. the first of these he stated would be found at las guasimas, where the two trails from siboney to sevilla on the santiago road formed a junction some three miles inland. a little later he had the honor of guiding general wheeler on a reconnoissance over one of these trails, and pointing out the location of a strongly intrenched spanish force, posted to oppose the american advance. when they returned to siboney the sun had set, and ridge, faint for the want of food, was wondering where he should find a supper, when a mighty cheering, mingled with wild cowboy yells, rose from a point where the daiquiri road entered the village. "it sounds as though your irrepressible comrades had arrived," said the little general, turning to his young guide with a quizzical smile, "though i did not expect them before to-morrow. perhaps you would like to go and welcome them." "thank you, sir. indeed i should," and in another moment ridge was hastening in the direction of the familiar sounds. how his heart swelled with loving pride, as he sighted the red and white guidons of the on-sweeping column; and when the one bearing the magical letter "k" came into view, he could have wept for very joy. but he didn't weep. there wasn't any time, for in another minute he was among them, proclaiming his identity to incredulous ears. when the riders of troop k were finally forced to acknowledge that he was really their own sergeant whom they believed was left behind in tampa, all military discipline was for the moment flung to the winds. they yelled and whooped and danced about him, slapping him on the back, wringing his hands, and acting so like madmen, that the rest of the command stared at them in blank amazement. as for rollo van kyp, he first hugged his recovered tent-mate into breathlessness, and then invited the entire troop to take supper with him at the waldorf in celebration of the prodigal sergeant's return. to this invitation a hundred voices answered as one: "yes, we will! yes, we will! rollo in cuba, yes, we will!" chapter xxiii the "terrors" in battle "couldn't you let me begin that supper with a hardtack right now?" pleaded our hungry young trooper, as soon as he could make himself heard. "it's a day and a half since my last meal, which was only a small ration of boiled rice, and it seems as though a hardtack at this minute would do me more good than the promise of a hundred waldorf suppers." the hunger that demanded even a despised hard-tack was at that time so incredible to the well-fed riders, that at first they could not believe his request to be made in earnest. when, however, they saw the eagerness with which he began to devour one of the iron-clad biscuits, hesitatingly offered by rollo van kyp, they were convinced that he was indeed on the verge of starvation. they were also reminded of their own keen appetites, for, amid the excitement of that day's landing and their forced march from daiquiri, they had eaten nothing since a daylight breakfast. but each man carried three days' rations, and camp-fires were quickly ablaze in every direction. from these delicious odors of boiling coffee and frizzling bacon so stimulated their hunger, that when, tin cup and plate in hand, they sat down to that first meal on cuban soil, they pronounced it equal to any ever served in new york city. while ridge, sharing his chum's cup and plate, was striving between mouthfuls of this thoroughly enjoyable supper to answer a few of the innumerable questions showered upon him, he suddenly became aware of an officer standing on the edge of the fire-light and regarding him with interest. as our young trooper sprang to his feet with a salute, he was covered with confusion to recognize in the motionless figure his own lieutenant-colonel, and to remember that in all this time he had neglected to report his return to the regiment. he began a confused apology, but the other interrupted him, laughing. "it is all right, sergeant," he said. "we heard of you from general wheeler, who, by-the-way, is much pleased with the results of your expedition. so i came to find you, with a reprimand for not having reported at once to colonel wood, but when i saw you devouring hardtack, i was quite willing to accept starvation as your excuse. now, however, the colonel would be pleased to see you." after an hour spent at headquarters, where he was honored with an invitation to eat a second supper, during which his apparently unappeasable appetite for hardtack and bacon caused much amusement. ridge was allowed to return to his comrades. a throng of these gathered about the camp-fire of rollo van kyp's mess, and, unmindful of the showers that fell at short intervals, listened for hours with breathless interest and undisguised envy to the story of his recent adventures. they were happily reassured by his description of the strength of santiago's fortifications, and his assertion that the spaniards would put up a good fight before surrendering them; for they had been inclined to think and speak contemptuously of the enemy who they feared would yield without a struggle. so the greater part of the night was passed. they ought to have been asleep, storing up strength against the morrow; but who could sleep amid the uproar and excitement of that first night at siboney? not the rough riders, at any rate. half a dozen transports had come into the little bay; and from them scores of boat-loads of troops and supplies were being landed through the roaring surf on the open beach. a thousand naked figures, screaming, ducking, and splashing one another like so many schoolboys on a frolic, assisted and impeded the landing of their comrades, who, crowded into pontoons and small boats, were pitched, howling with delight, from the crest of each in-rolling breaker. a half-moon and the powerful search-lights of two war-ships flooded the whole extraordinary scene with brightness. on shore the dripping arrivals crowded about the red camp-fires drying their soaking uniforms, cooking, eating, singing, laughing, and filled with irrepressible happiness at having escaped from their "prison hulks" and reached cuba at last. thus, at dead of night, was an army landed on a hostile shore, and by two o'clock in the morning five thousand american troops were crowded in and about the village of siboney. acting on the reports brought him by ridge norris and by certain cubans whom the spanish rear-guard had driven back the day before, as well as upon the knowledge gained by his own reconnoissance, general wheeler had determined to attack the enemy, who were strongly posted at the forking of two roads leading from siboney to sevilla. the broader of these roads bore to the right through a narrow valley, while the other, merely a rough trail, climbed the hill back of the village and followed the crest of a ridge to the place of intersection. both passed through an almost impenetrable growth of small trees and underbrush, thickly set with palms, bamboos, spanish-bayonets, thorn bushes, and cactus, all bound together by a tangle of tough vines, and interspersed with little glades of rank grasses. to the right-hand trail, miscalled the wagon-road, were assigned eight troops from two regiments of dismounted regular cavalry, the first and tenth (colored), under general young. with these colonel wood and his rough riders, advancing over the hill-trail, were to form a junction at the forks, locally known as las guasimas, three miles away. so at earliest dawn the troops detailed for this duty were astir, after but three hours of troubled sleep. the regulars, having the longer route to traverse, were given a half-hour's start of the others, who, in the mean time, made coffee and bolted a few mouthfuls of food. then troops were formed, first sergeants called the roll, the order, "forward march!" was given, and the riders, burdened with blanket-rolls, haversacks, canteens, tin cups, carbines, and cartridge-belts filled to their utmost capacity, began to scramble up the steep hill-side. the sun was already red and hot, the steaming air was breathless, and by the time the top of the first hill was gained the panting troopers were bathed in perspiration that trickled from them in rivulets. a short breathing-space was allowed, and then, with ridge norris and a cuban scout to feel the way, the line of march was again taken up. next behind the scouts came a "point" of five men, then capron's troop strung out in single file and acting as advance-guard. behind these followed the main body of the little army, headed by colonel wood. for an hour and a half they toiled forward in this fashion, laughing, joking, commenting on the tropical strangeness of their surroundings, and wondering if there was a spaniard nearer to them than santiago. at length a halt was called, and the wearied men, suffering greatly from the sweltering heat, gladly flung themselves to the ground. at the same moment ridge was reporting to colonel wood that he had located the spaniards only a few hundred yards ahead, and behind strong intrenchments. upon this the colonel moved cautiously forward to study the position, leaving his men to fan themselves with their hats and exchange laughing comments upon one another's appearance, utterly unconscious of the enemy's proximity. suddenly word was passed back for silence in the ranks. then came "attention!" and "load carbines!" "something must be up," whispered rollo van kyp to mark gridley, and just then all eyes were directed inquiringly towards ridge norris, who was taking a place with his own troop. "the spaniards are right in front of us," he whispered, and almost instantly the startling news was passed down the line. there was no joking now, nor complaints of the heat, but each man stood with compressed lips, peering into the dense underbrush on either side, and wishing that the suspense was over. now came the hurried forming of a line of battle. one troop was sent straight to the front, two were deployed to the left, and two more, one of which was that of ridge and rollo, were ordered to force their way through the thickets on their right, down into the valley, where they were to make connection with the regulars. while these movements were being executed, and with a suddenness that caused every man's nerves to tingle, a sharp firing began somewhere off in the right, and ran like a flash of powder along the whole line. blanket-rolls and haversacks had already been flung aside, and the sweating troopers, with their flannel shirts open at the throat and sleeves rolled up to the elbows, bore only their carbines, ammunition, and canteens of water. at first ridge had only his revolver, but within five minutes he had snatched up the carbine of a man who fell dead at his side, and was as well armed as the rest. for an hour the riders fought blindly, seeing no enemy, but pouring their own volleys in the direction from which the steady streams of mauser bullets seemed to come. the smokeless powder used by the spaniards gave no trace of their location, while the sulphurous cloud hanging over the americans formed a perfect target for the spanish fire. still the dark-blue line was steadily advanced, sometimes by quick rushes, and again by a crawling on hands and knees through the high, hot grass. always over the heads of the troopers and among them streamed a ceaseless hail of bullets from mauser rifles and machine-guns. men fell with each minute, some not to rise again, some only wounded; but the others never paused to note their fate. those who could must push on and get at the spaniards. those who were helpless to advance must, for the present, be left to care for themselves as best they might. at length the ever-advancing line reached the edge of a grassy valley set here and there with clumps of palms. to the left was a stone building, formerly a distillery, now a spanish fort, and directly in front was an intrenched ridge. to this the spaniards had been slowly but surely driven, and now they occupied their strongest position. at almost the same moment, and as though animated by a single thought, roosevelt on the extreme left and wood on the right gave the order to charge. with a yell the panting, smoke-begrimed riders broke from cover and sprang after their dauntless leaders. they charged by rushes, running fifty feet, then dropping in the hot grass and firing; then reload, rise, and run forward. on their right the regulars were doing the same thing in the same manner with the precision of machines, while the colored troops stormed the ridge with a steadiness and grim determination that won for them undying fame, and answered forever the question as to whether or not the negro is fitted to be a soldier. the assault was unsupported by artillery; those making it had no bayonets, and the spanish fire, ripping, crackling, and blazing in vivid sheets from block-house and rifle-pit, was doubling and trebling in fury; but there was no hesitation on the part of the americans, no backward step. the spaniards could not understand it. this thin line of yelling men advancing with such confidence must have the whole american army close behind them. in that case another minute would see an assault by overwhelming numbers. thus thinking, the spaniards faltered, glanced uneasily behind them, and finally ran, panic-stricken, towards santiago, while rough riders and regulars swarmed with exulting yells and howls of triumph into the abandoned trenches. the first land battle of the war had been fought and won. wood, roosevelt, young, rough riders, and regulars had covered themselves with glory, and performed a deed of heroism that will never be forgotten so long as the story of the american soldier is told. "if we only had our horses we could catch every one of those chaps," said rollo van kyp, as he sat in a window of the ruined building just captured by the riders, happily swinging his legs and fanning himself with his hat. the young millionaire's face was black with powder, covered with blood from the scratching of thorns, and streaked with trickling perspiration. his shirt and trousers were in rags. "it's a beastly shame we weren't allowed to bring them," he continued, "for this fighting on foot in the tropics is disgustingly hot work. now if i were in teddy's place--" "private van kyp," interrupted sergeant norris, sternly, "instead of criticising your superiors you had better go and wash your face, for your personal appearance is a disgrace to the troop. but oh, rollo!" he added, unable longer to maintain the assumed dignity under which he had tried to hide his exultation, "wasn't it a bully fight? and aren't you glad we're here? and don't you wish the home folks could see us at this very minute?" chapter xxiv facing san juan heights the fight of las guasimas, in which rough riders and colored regulars covered themselves with glory, was only a first brisk skirmish between the advanced outposts of opposing armies, but its influence on both sides was equal to that of a pitched battle. it furnished a notable example of the steadiness and bull-dog tenacity of the american regular, as well as the absolute fearlessness and determination to win, at any cost, of the dudes and cowboys banded under the name of rough riders. it afforded striking proof that it is not the guns, but the men behind them, who win battles, since an inferior force, unsupported by artillery, and unprovided with bayonets, had charged and driven from strong intrenchments nearly four times their own number of an enemy armed with vastly superior weapons. it inspired the americans with confidence in themselves and their leaders, while it weakened that of the spaniards in both. to the rough riders it was a glorious and splendidly won victory, and as they swarmed over the intrenchments, from which the fire of death had been so fiercely hurled at them that morning, they yelled themselves hoarse with jubilant cheers. then came the reaction. they were exhausted with the strain of excitement and their tremendous exertions under the pitiless tropical sun. strong men who had fought with tireless energy all at once found themselves trembling with weakness, and the entire command welcomed the order to make camp on the grassy banks of a clear stream shaded by great trees. in their baptism of fire eight of the riders had been killed outright, thirty-four more were seriously wounded, and fully half of the remainder could show the scars of grazing bullets or tiny clean-cut holes through their clothing, telling of escapes from death by the fraction of an inch. ridge norris, for instance, found a livid welt across his chest, looking as though traced by a live coal, and marking the course of a bullet that, with a hair's deflection, would have ended his life, while rollo van kyp's hat seemed to have been an especial target for spanish rifles. after regaining their breath, and receiving assurance that the enemy had retreated beyond their present reach, these two, in company with many others, went back over the battle-field to look up the wounded, and bring forward the packs flung aside at the beginning of the fight. at sunset that evening the riders buried their dead, in a long single grave lined with palm-leaves, on a breezy hill-side overlooking the scene of their victory. the laying to rest of these comrades, who only a few hours before, had been so full of life with all its hopes and ambitions, was the most impressive ceremony in which any of the survivors had ever engaged. it strengthened their loyalty and devotion to each other and to their cause as nothing else could have done, and as the entire command gathered close about the open grave to sing "nearer my god to thee," many a voice was choked with feelings too solemn for expression, and many a sun-tanned cheek was wet with tears. the camp of the rough riders was very quiet that night, and the events of the day just closed were discussed in low tones, as though in fear of awakening the sleepers on the near-by hill-side. after the fight of las guasimas, its heroes rested and waited for six days, while the remainder of the army effected its landing and made its slow way to the position they had won over the narrow trails they had cleared. these days of waiting were also days of vast discomfort, and the patient endurance of drenching tropical rains and steaming heat, the wearing of the same battle-soiled clothing day after day and night after night, and, above all, of an ever-present hunger, that sapped both strength and spirits. they had started out with but three days' rations, and four days passed before a scanty supply of hard-tack, bacon, and coffee began to dribble into camp. the road to siboney, flooded by constant rains, bowlder-strewn, and inches deep in mud, was for a long time impassable to wagons; and during those six days such supplies of food and ammunition as reached the idle army were brought to it by three trains of pack-mules that toiled ceaselessly back and forth between the coast and the front, bringing the barest necessities of life, but nothing more. so the american army suffered and prayed to be led forward, while the spaniards between them and santiago strengthened their own position with every hour, and confidently awaited their coming. the invaders now occupied the sevilla plateau, and were within five miles of the city they sought to capture. in their front lay a broad wooded valley, to them an unknown region, and on its farther side rose a range of hills, that ridge norris told them were the san juan heights, strongly protected by block-houses, rifle-pits, and bewildering entanglements of barbed wire, a feature of modern warfare now appearing for the first time in history. with their glasses, from the commanding eminence of el poso hill, crowned with the ruined buildings of an abandoned plantation, the american officers could distinctly see the spaniards at work on their intrenchments a mile and a half away, and note the ever-lengthening lines of freshly excavated earth. but for six days the army waited, and its artillery, which was expected to seriously impair, if not utterly destroy the effectiveness of those ever-growing earthworks, still reposed peacefully on board the ships that had brought it to cuba. only two light batteries had been landed, and on the sixth day after las guasimas these reached the front. at the same time came word that general pando with spanish reinforcements was nearing the besieged city from the north. in that direction, and only three miles from santiago, lay the fortified village of caney, held by a strong force of spanish troops. if it were captured, pando's advance might be cut off. so general shafter, coming ashore for the first time a week after the landing of his troops, planned a forward movement with this object in view. lawton's division was to capture caney, and then swing round so as to sever all outside communication with santiago. while he was doing this, demonstrations that should deter the spaniards from sending an additional force in that direction were to be made against san juan and aguadores. these movements were to occupy one day, and on the next the reunited army was to attack the entire line of the san juan ridge. in the mean time no one knew anything of the valley lying between this strongly protected ridge and those who proposed to capture it. so the order was issued, and late in the afternoon of june th, in a pouring rain, the camps were broken, and the drenched army eagerly began its forward movement. lawton's division marching off to the right slipped and stumbled through the mud along a narrow, almost impassable, trail over the densely wooded hills until eight o'clock that evening, when, within a mile of caney, it lay down for the night in the wet grass without tents or fire, and amid a silence strictly enjoined, for fear lest the spaniards should discover its presence, and run away before morning. at the same time wheeler's division of dismounted cavalry, including the rough riders and kent's infantry division, advanced as best it could over the horrible santiago road, ankle-deep in mud and water, to el poso hill, on and about which it passed a wretchedly uncomfortable night. seven thousand heavily equipped men, mingled with horses, artillery, pack-mules, and army wagons, all huddled into a narrow gully slippery with mud, advance so slowly, however eager they may be to push forward, that although the movement was begun at four o'clock, midnight found the rearmost regiment still plodding wearily forward. with the coming of daylight, on july st, the army lay beneath a dense blanket of mist that spread its wet folds over the entire region they were to traverse. it was eight o'clock before grimes's battery of four light field-pieces, posted on el poso hill, opened an ineffective fire upon the heights across the broad valley. for twenty minutes the spaniards paid no attention to the harmless barking of the little guns; then the smoke cloud hanging over them proved so admirable and attractive a target that they could no longer resist firing at it. so shells began to fall about the battery with such startling accuracy that a score of americans and cubans gathered near it were killed or wounded before they could seek shelter. among these first victims of the san juan fight were several of the rough riders. about this time general sumner, temporarily in command of the cavalry, was ordered to advance his troops into the valley as far as the edge of the wooded belt, and within half a mile of the san juan batteries. "what shall i do when i get there?" asked general sumner. "await further orders," was the curt reply. there were other changes in commands that morning; for brigadier-general young, being prostrated by a fever, the colonel of the rough riders was assigned to his duties, and became "general" wood from that hour. at the same time his lieutenant-colonel stepped into the vacancy thus created, and as "colonel" roosevelt was destined to win for himself and his dashing command immortal fame before the setting of that day's sun. so the rough riders, together with five other regiments of dismounted cavalry, started down the deep-cut road, which in places was not over ten feet wide, and was everywhere sticky with mud, while an entire infantry division was crowded into it behind them. like all other roads in that country, this one, now densely packed with human beings advancing at a snail's pace along nearly three miles of its length, was bordered on both sides by an impenetrable tropical jungle. the spaniards were advised of the forward movement, and though they could not see it, were already directing a hot fire at this road, of whose location they were, of course, well aware, and from the outset dead and wounded men marked the line of american progress. after a mile of marching under these conditions, the foremost troops came to a place where the san juan river crossed the road. a short distance beyond it crossed again, thus forming the ox-bow to be known ever after that memorable day as the "bloody bend." a little farther on was open country, and here general sumner obeyed instructions by deploying his troopers to the right in a long skirmish line on the edge of the timber. in this position they lay down, sheltering themselves as best they could behind bushes or in the tall hot grass, and anxiously awaited further orders from headquarters. the spanish fire, which they might not return, was ceaseless and pitiless, though because of absence of smoke none could see whence it came. already the loss in killed and wounded was assuming alarming proportions, and still on-coming troops were pouring into that bloody bend, where they must accept, with what fortitude they could command, their awful baptism of fire. fifty feet above their heads floated the observation balloon of the engineers, betraying their exact position and forming an admirable focus for the enemy's fire, which, after awhile, to the vast relief of every one, shot the balloon to pieces so that it dropped from sight among the trees. for hours the troops waited thus in the frightful tropical heat, monuments of patient endurance. the dead and the living lay side by side, though such of the wounded as could be reached were dragged back to dressing-stations on the river-banks. even here they were not safe, for the dense foliage that afforded a grateful shade also concealed scores of spanish sharp-shooters. these maintained a cowardly and deadly fire, the source of which could rarely be discovered, upon all coming within range, regardless of whether they were wounded men, surgeons in discharge of their duties, hospital stewards, or red cross assistants, thus adding a fresh horror to warfare. it was a terrible position, and the american army was being cut to pieces without a chance to fire a gun in self-defence. to advance appeared suicidal, to attempt a retreat meant utter destruction. no orders could come over the blockaded road from the commander-in-chief, miles in the rear, nor could word of the awful situation be sent back to him in time. the men thus trapped gazed at one another with the desperate look of hunted animals brought to bay. must they all die, and was there no salvation? suddenly a mounted officer dashed into the open, pointing with his sword to the nearest hill crowned by a block-house. then through a storm of bullets he spurred towards it, and, with a mighty yell ringing high above the crash of battle, his men sprang after him. chapter xxv ridge wins his sword a few minutes before this, while the rough riders lay in sullen despair, with death on all sides and filling the air above them, a staff-officer from headquarters, keenly anxious concerning the situation and for the honor of his chief, appeared among them. whatever happened, he could not afford to betray uneasiness or fear. so he walked erect as calmly as though inspecting troops on parade, apparently unconscious of the bullets that buzzed like hornets about him. he was studying the position of the several regiments, and his face lighted with a smile as he found himself among the men of the first volunteer cavalry. "hello, rough riders!" he cried. "glad to see you taking things so cool and comfortable. by-the-way, there is a promotion for one of you waiting at headquarters. it came by cable last evening. sergeant norris is promoted to a lieutenancy for distinguished service. if any one knows where he is, let the word be passed. it may be an encouragement for him to hear the good news." those men near enough to catch the officer's words raised a cheer, and ridge, who lay among them, sprang to his feet with a flushed face. "that's him!" shouted rollo van kyp, and the officer, stepping forward with extended hand, said, "i congratulate you, lieutenant norris, and am proud to make your acquaintance." at that moment colonel roosevelt, on horseback, and so forming the most conspicuous target for spanish bullets on the whole field, dashed to the front, pointed to the nearest block-house, and called upon his men to follow him. with a yell they sprang forward, and ridge, being already on his feet, raced with the front rank. in line with the rough riders were their fighting partners, the black riders of the tenth united states cavalry, and at the first intimation of an advance these leaped forward in eager rivalry of their white comrades. across the plain they charged, and then up the steep hill-side, while the spanish fire doubled in fury, and the tall grass in front of them was cut as though by the scythe of a mower. spectators in the rear gazed appalled at the thin line of troopers thus rushing to what seemed certain destruction. "it is not war--it is suicide!" cried a foreign attache. whatever it was, it afforded an example that others were quick to follow, and the moment the intention of the rough riders became evident, regiment after regiment on the left--dismounted cavalry and infantry, regulars and volunteers, hawkins's men and kent's--broke from the cover that had afforded them so little protection, and swept across the open towards the deadly intrenchments crowning the main ridge of san juan heights. there was no order for this glorious charge. the commanding generals had not even contemplated such a bit of splendid but reckless daring. even now, so hopeless did it seem, they would have stopped it if they could; but they might as well have tried to arrest the rush of an avalanche by wishing. it was a voluntary movement of men goaded beyond further endurance by suffering and suspense. as one of the foreign military spectators afterwards said, "it was a grand popular uprising, and, like most such, it proved successful." the rough riders and the negro troopers who charged with them had no bayonets, and did but little firing until more than half-way up the hill they had undertaken to capture. with carbines held across their breasts, they simply moved steadily forward without a halt or a backward glance. behind them the slope was dotted with their dead and. wounded, but the survivors took no heed of their depleted ranks. roosevelt, with the silken cavalry banner fluttering beside him, led the way, and there was no man who would not follow him to the death. half-way up the hill-side ridge norris pitched headlong to the ground, and some one said: "poor fellow! news of his promotion came just in time." as the young lieutenant fell, another officer, cheering on his men immediately behind him, also dropped, pierced with bullets. the sword that he had been waving was flung far in advance, and as ridge, who had only stumbled over an unnoticed mound of earth, regained his feet unharmed, he saw it lying in front of him and picked it up. he was entitled to carry a sword now, and here was one to his hand. the spaniards could not believe that these few men, frantically climbing that bullet-swept hill-side, would ever gain the crest. so they doggedly held their position, firing with the regularity of machines, and expecting with each moment to see the american ranks melt away or break in precipitate night. they did melt away in part, but not wholly, and their only flight was a very slow one that bore them steadily upward. just under the brow of the hill they paused for a long breath, and then leaped forward in a fierce final rush. over the rifle-pits they poured, tearing down the barbed-wire barricades with their bare hands, and making a dash for the block-house. already the dismayed spaniards were streaming down the farther side of the hill. a last withering volley crashed from the loop-holed building, and then its defenders also took to panic-stricken flight. in another minute the flaunting banner of spain had been torn down, and the stars and stripes of freedom waved proudly in its place. at the same moment, from earthwork and rifle-pit fluttered the yellow silk flags of the cavalry and the troop guidons; while to distant ears the news of victory was borne by the cheer of exhausted but intensely happy men. many of them were for the moment incapable of further effort, but as many more, inspired with fresh strength by success, dashed down the opposite side of the hill in pursuit of the flying spaniards. among these was ridge norris, waving his newly acquired sword, and yelling that there were other hills yet to be captured. a few minutes later these found themselves madly charging, for a second time, up a steep, bullet-swept slope in company with other cavalrymen and long lines of infantry. now they were assaulting san juan heights, defended by the strongest line of works outside of santiago. the spaniards had deemed the position impregnable, and so it would have been to any troops on earth save americans or british; but the men now swarming up its slippery front not only believed it could be taken, but that they could take it. and they did take it, as the first hill had been taken, by sheer pluck and dauntless determination. in vain did the spaniards hurl forth their deadliest fire of machine-gun and rifle. the grim american advance was as unchecked as that of an ocean tide. finally it surged with a roar like that of a storm-driven breaker over the crest, and dashed with resistless fury against the crowning fortifications. in another minute the spaniards were in full flight, and from the hard-won heights of san juan thousands of panting, cheering, jubilant yankee soldiers were gazing for the first time upon the city of santiago, which, only three miles away, lay at their feet, and apparently at their mercy. while the troops who had thus stormed and carried san juan were exulting over their almost incredible victory, word came that lawton's men had performed a similar feat at caney, and after hours of ineffective firing had finally won the forts by direct and unsupported assault. thus the entire line of santiago's outer defences, many miles in length, had fallen to the americans; but could they hold them until the arrival of their artillery? this was the question anxiously discussed at headquarters, where several of the generals declared immediate retreat to be the only present salvation of the american army. the existing fortifications of san juan heights were unavailable for use against the spaniards, and it did not seem possible that the tired troops could dig new ones in time. the enemy had as yet suffered but slight losses, and still occupied his inner line of forts, block-houses, and rifle-pits, nearly, if not quite, as strong as those just won from him. beyond lay santiago, with barricaded streets, loop-holed walls, and everywhere bewildering mazes of barbed wire. while the commanding officers discussed the situation, arguing hotly for and against retreat, their men dug trenches along the farther crest of the san juan hills. all night long they worked by the light of a full moon, excavating the gravelly soil with bayonet and meat-tin, filling hundreds of bags with sand, and laying them in front of the shallow pits, with little spaces between them, through which rifle-barrels might be thrust. at the same time they scooped out terraces on the slope up which they had charged, and there pitched their camps, a long way from drinking-water, but close to the firing-line. thus by daylight they were ready for any movement the enemy might make. nor were they prepared any too quickly, for with earliest dawn the spaniards opened a heavy fire, both artillery and rifle, on the american position. in places the opposing lines were not three hundred yards apart, and across this narrow space the spanish fire was poured with unremitting fury for fourteen consecutive hours. the americans only returned this fire by an occasional rifle-shot, to show that they were still on hand, and through the interminable hours of that blistering day they simply clung by sheer grit to the heights they had won. on the previous day the americans had lost over a thousand men killed or wounded, and during the present one-sided fight one hundred and seven more fell victims to spanish bullets; but the trenches had been held, and that day's work settled forever the question of their retention. in the mean time lieutenant norris, who had miraculously escaped unhurt from the very front of two fierce charges, was curious to know whose sword he was carrying; and so, after san juan heights had been safely won, he strolled back over the battle-field to try and discover its owner. after a long search he found the little mound of earth over which he had stumbled, and was startled to see it was a recently made grave. beside it lay an officer in rough rider uniform, face down, and wearing an empty scabbard. his, then, was the sword; but who was he? a gentle turning of the still body revealed the placidly handsome features of the young new-mexican, arthur navarro. near the grave, across which one of his arms had been flung, as though lovingly, lay a wooden cross bearing a rudely cut inscription in spanish. it had evidently been overthrown by the charging americans. now ridge picked it up, read the inscription, and stared incredulous. "captain ramon navarro, royal spanish guards. died for his country, june , ." "my friend ramon, killed the very day he saved me from capture!" murmured ridge. "but how marvellous that they should have buried him here, that his grave should have saved my life by giving me that fall, and that the bullets intended for me should have taken the life of the cousin who was to have been his partner!" so the two, one from the new world and one from the old, who loved each other, but had been separated during life by the calls of duty, were united in death; for they buried the young new-mexican close beside his spanish cousin, and the grasses of san juan hill wave above them both. wearing the sword thus intrusted to him, and which he would send to far-away new mexico at the earliest opportunity, lieutenant norris bore his full share of the second day's fighting on san juan heights. late that night, as he was coming in from the trenches, he was called to general sumner's tent to act as interpreter. a deserter, apparently a spanish sailor, had just been brought in, and was evidently trying to convey some important information that no one present could understand. "he says," exclaimed ridge, after listening intently to the man, "that admiral cervera's ships--coaled, provisioned, and under full head of steam--are about to make a dash from the harbor. he thinks they will start soon after sunrise, or when our ships have drawn off to their accustomed day-time distance." although the reliability of this startling news was very doubtful, it was deemed of sufficient importance to be immediately transmitted to admiral sampson. "who is the best rider in your command?" asked the general, turning to colonel roosevelt, who had assisted at the examination of the spanish deserter. "lieutenant norris," was the unhesitating answer. "then let mr. norris take my orderly's horse, make his way with all speed to siboney, press into service the first steam craft he comes across, and carry this fellow's statement, with my compliments, to admiral sampson." five minutes later our young trooper, once more on horseback, and in a blaze of excitement, was galloping for dear life over the rugged road by which the army had come from the coast. chapter xxvi mutiny on a transport on the memorable morning of july d the sun had risen from the fog-bank that promised a hot day before our young trooper, wearied and mud-bespattered with his journey, and his face still powder-grimed with the smoke of the day's fighting, rode into the village of siboney. it no longer presented the scenes of excited bustle and eager enthusiasm that had marked it on the eve of las guasimas, for the army had departed long since, and only its shattered wrecks of humanity had drifted back. now siboney was a place of suffering and death; for here had been established the hospitals to which wounded men limped painfully from the distant front, or were brought in heavily jolting army wagons. on this peaceful sunday morning--for it was sunday, though ridge did not know it at the time--a great stillness brooded over siboney, and almost the only persons visible were medical attendants, who moved quietly about the big hospital tents or the fever-infested buildings that had been pressed into the same service. in the little harbor lay but a single steam-vessel, a transport, though others could be dimly seen far out at sea, where they spent most of their time, which fact largely accounted for the woful lack of supplies at the front. a boat from the single ship that had ventured into the harbor lay on the beach discharging freight. to it ridge hurried, and, addressing himself to the man who appeared to be in charge, said: "i have an important communication for the captain of your ship. will you take me off to her?" with a contemptuous glance at the disreputable-looking young trooper, the man answered: "see about it when i get ready to go." "please make haste, then, for my business is very important, and i am in a great hurry." "oh, you be. reckon you'd better swim out, then, for i've been hurried by you landlubbers 'bout as much as i propose to be on this v'y'ge." ridge's face flushed, and he wanted to make an angry retort; but there was no other boat available, and he could not afford to throw away this chance. so he bit his lips and silently watched the deliberate movements of the men, who seemed to find a pleasure in aggravating him by their slowness. the boat could have been unloaded in five minutes, but the operation was made to consume a half-hour, during which time ridge stood silent, though with finger-nails digging into the palms of his clinched hands. all at once, without a word of warning, the boat's crew began to shove their craft from the beach. "hold on!" cried ridge, springing forward. "i am going with you." "why aren't you aboard, then?" asked the mate, with a grin, as his men gave another shove that launched the boat into deep water. leaping into the sea, ridge barely succeeded in clutching a gunwale and pulling himself aboard, amid chuckles of laughter from the crew. his ducking had not improved his personal appearance, and as he now sat in the bow of the boat dripping water from every point, he formed an object for so much rude wit and coarse merriment, that upon reaching the transport he was furious with pent-up wrath. on gaining the deck of the ship he hurried forward, and found her captain smoking an after-breakfast cigar in his comfortably appointed cabin. "well, sir, who are you? and what do you want?" demanded this individual, as ridge presented himself at the door. "i am an army officer bearing a message of the utmost importance from general sumner to admiral sampson; and as this is the only steam-vessel in the harbor, i have come to ask that you will carry me to the flag-ship." "if you haven't got cheek!" ejaculated the captain. "so you are an army officer, are you?" "that is what i said." "you don't look it. are you the quartermaster-general?" "certainly not." "thought not. didn't know but what you'd claim to be, though, since he's the only army officer that i take orders from." "but i am not giving an order. i am making a request that any american should be glad to grant, seeing that my message concerns the safety of the united states fleet, and may alter the whole course of the war." "what is it?" demanded the captain, bluntly. "you have no business to ask," replied ridge. "at the same time i will tell you, that you may be induced to get your ship under way the more quickly. the spanish squadron is about to make a dash from santiago harbor with the hope of taking our fleet by surprise and escaping." "what is that to me?" asked the captain, coolly. "what is that to you!" cried ridge. "why, some of our ships may be destroyed if they are not warned in time." "that is their lookout, not mine. besides, uncle sam can afford to pay for them; while if this ship should be injured the loss would fall on the owners, and i should lose my job." "do you mean that you refuse to take me out to the flag-ship?" "of course i do," responded the captain; "and not one foot nearer to it, or to any other warship, does my vessel move this day than she is at present." "then, sir," said ridge, still struggling to maintain his calmness, "i will thank you to set me ashore again, as speedily as possible." "why should i set you ashore?" asked the captain, with exasperating indifference. "you came on board without an invitation, and now you may stay here until the next boat is ready to run in, which will be in the course of an hour or two." "by which time half the american fleet may have been destroyed for lack of warning," groaned ridge. then he added, his face blazing with anger: "i hope you are not an american, and i don't believe you can be, for you are a traitor, a coward, and a contemptible cur. i only hope i may meet you again some time when i am off duty, and can give you the thrashing you deserve." "all right, my young mud-lark," replied the captain. "i'll give you a dose of medicine whenever you want it. now clear out of here, and don't let me catch sight of you again!" ridge did not hear these last words, for he was already walking rapidly aft, filled with a tumult of rage and perplexity. what ought he to do? what could he do? was ever any one so utterly helpless in a crisis of such importance? not until he reached the extreme after part of the ship did a ray of light break upon the situation. then he caught sight of a yacht steaming swiftly into the harbor. she might be a despatch-boat, or a destroyer, or any one of half a dozen things; but whatever she was, she could help him if she only would. close at hand was a jack-staff upholding an american ensign. acting upon the impulse of his despair. ridge hauled down this flag, and then half-masted it, union down, thus making a signal of distress that called for prompt aid from any vessel sighting it. then he gazed eagerly at the swiftly approaching yacht. she must have noticed his signal, for she was now headed directly for the transport, and ridge, clinging with one hand to an awning stanchion as he stood on the rail, frantically waved his hat. suddenly a bellow of rage close at hand caused him to look in-board. the captain of the transport, his face purple with passion, was rushing towards the jack-staff. "how dare you hoist the signal of a mutiny?" he howled. "i'll show--" "because there is one on board," shouted ridge, springing in front of the infuriated man, and at the same moment whipping out his revolver. "halt where you are!" he added, fiercely. "for if you dare touch that flag before i am through with it i will blow out your traitorous brains!" the captain, cowed by the steadily levelled muzzle of that pistol, obeyed this order and stood still; but at the same time he yelled for any of the transport's crew who might be within hearing to tumble aft in a hurry. in another minute they came--mates, deck-hands, engineers, stewards, and stokers--blocking the narrow gangways on either side of the deck-house. but beyond this they dared not go; for they too were confronted by that levelled pistol, and its holder's assurance that he would fire at the first man who advanced another step. thus the single figure with a cocked revolver and the unarmed mob that it held at bay faced each other for a full minute, during which time the purple-faced captain raved, foamed at the mouth, and, with bitter curses, ordered his men to make a rush at the young pirate. that they did not obey was because of the unflinching steadiness of the young pirate's gaze, which they realized would detect their slightest forward movement. all at once ridge caught a glimpse of a man on the roof of the deck-house, just as he dodged from sight behind the life-raft. he thought he had also seen a gun in the man's hand. the next instant he sprang over the ship's rail into the sea, and as he did so a shot rang out behind him. it was not repeated when he came to the surface, for the very good reason that an armed boat from the steam-yacht was so close at hand, that ere the young trooper had cleared his eyes of salt water, its occupants were hauling him aboard. "sergeant norris!" cried an amazed voice from the stern sheets. "can it be possible?" "lieutenant norris, if you please," answered our dripping hero, with what dignity he could command. "but oh, comly! get me aboard your ship as quick as you can. it is a matter of life or death!" "but i am ordered to investigate the mutiny on that transport" replied the bewildered ensign. "i am the mutiny, and in capturing me you have got the whole of it," declared ridge. "so, as you value your future prospects, get me aboard the _speedy_, before it shall be too late." "all right," answered the young naval officer. "i'll risk it for your sake. so here goes." once on board the despatch-boat our young trooper placed the whole situation in a few words before captain boldwood, who no sooner comprehended it than he ordered his little ship headed up the coast with all speed. "it will be almighty rough on the admiral," he said to ridge, "if cervera comes out while he is away, after all his careful planning and weeks of weary waiting." "what do you mean?" "only that admiral sampson has chosen to-day, of all days, to come down here for an interview with general shafter, and we were sent ahead to make things ready for him at siboney. he was to have followed us within half an hour; but perhaps we can turn him back in time. at any rate, we'll do our best." so the little _speedy_ flew back over the way she had just come, displaying from her masthead as she went a string of gay bunting that read: "the enemy's ships are escaping." chapter xxvii destruction of the spanish ships as the _speedy_ rounded the first headland those on board saw the great war-ship they were to intercept coming leisurely down the coast, not more than a mile away. the yacht fired a gun to call attention to her momentous signal, and within a few seconds an answer, showing that it was seen and understood, was displayed from the _new york_. at the same time the latter began to turn, so as to retrace her course. she had hardly begun the movement before the _speedy_ slipped up under her quarter. "where did you get your information?" called out captain chadwick through a megaphone. "messenger from the commanding general," was the answer. "all right. keep on, and warn the fleet, if you reach them before we do." "ay, ay, sir!" and then the swift yacht had moved beyond range even of a megaphone. all at once the little group of officers gathered on the _speedy's_ bridge, of course including lieutenant ridge norris, knew that they were not to have the honor of warning the fleet; for a line of smoke, evidently moving seaward, appeared above the hills from the direction of santiago bay. "they are coming out!" cried the _speedy's_ captain; "and, if they have the pluck to keep on, we are about to witness one of the greatest sea-fights of the century." if the entire american blockading fleet had been on hand the coming contest would have been too unequal to be interesting. as it was, the _massachusetts_, _new orleans_, and _newark_ had gone to guantanamo after coal, while the _new york_ was too far away to take any active part in the fighting. this left only the _brooklyn_, _oregon_, _iowa_, _indiana_, and _texas_ on guard, with the converted yachts _gloucester_ and _vixen_ acting as picket-boats. the american ships lay some three miles off shore under low steam, and their crews were preparing for sunday morning inspection. two of the battle-ships were overhauling their forward turrets, and repairing damages received during a bombardment of the forts on the previous day. the _brooklyn_ lay farthest to the westward, and the _indiana_ at the eastern end of the line, with the _texas_, _iowa_, and _oregon_ between them. inshore of these were the two yachts. in santiago bay, about to rush out on these unsuspecting ships, were four of the finest cruisers in the world, possessed of greater speed than any of the americans except the _brooklyn_, and under a full head of steam: with them were two torpedo-boat destroyers, ranking among the most powerful and swiftest of their class. at half-past nine o'clock of that peaceful sunday morning, as the _speedy_ was still some five miles to the eastward of santiago bay, with the _new york_ just completing her turn, two miles farther down the coast, a shot from the _iowa_ drew attention to her fluttering signal, "the enemy is escaping." almost at the same moment the same startling signal broke out from a masthead of the _texas_, which opened the battle with the mighty roar of a twelve-inch shell. the _brooklyn_ was also flying signal --"the enemy is escaping"--and within three minutes from the discovery of that moving smoke behind the morro her forward eight-inch battery was in full play against the _maria teresa_, first of the spaniards to show her glistening hull around the point. dashing at full speed from the harbor-mouth, outlined by the smokeless flames of her forward turret and port batteries, admiral cervera's flag-ship was quickly headed to the westward, and for the most open point of the blockade. behind her steamed the _vizcaya_, _colon_, _oquendo_, and the torpedo-boats _furor_ and _pluton_. during the whole long blockade, the one standing order given by admiral sampson to cover an emergency like the present had been, "should the enemy come out, close in and engage." now the ships that he had left on guard did close in with what speed they could command, while their sweating stokers toiled like demons in the hideous heat of the fire-rooms to produce still greater heat and more steam. as the on-rushing spaniards cleared the harbor's mouth, every american ship was moving towards them and delivering a fire so incredibly terrific and of such deadly accuracy that its like was never known in the whole history of naval warfare. at the outset the little _gloucester_, commanded by lieutenant-commander richard wainwright, who had been navigating officer of the _maine_ at the time of her destruction, made a dash for her legitimate opponents, the two torpedo-boats. they in turn sought shelter behind the _oquendo_, and for a minute it looked as though the yacht were about to attack the big cruiser. then the _texas_ began to pay particular attention to the _oquendo_; and, seemingly content to leave her in such good hands, the gloucester again started after the destroyers. suddenly a great shell from the _indiana_, hurled over the yacht, struck one of them fairly amidships, and, with a roar heard high above the din of firing, the unfortunate boat plunged to the bottom, carrying with her all on board. the _gloucester_ now directed her energies against the remaining destroyer, running well within range of the shore batteries to get at her, and within ten minutes had so riddled her with a storm of small projectiles that she lowered her colors, turned in towards the beach, struck on a reef, and in another moment was being helplessly pounded to pieces by the surf. at the same time small boats from the plucky yacht that had placed her in this sad plight were busily engaged in rescuing such of her crew as could be reached. in the mean time both the _teresa_ and _oquendo_ had received so frightful a fire from the _indiana_, _iowa_, and _texas_, that within six miles of santiago harbor the former, enveloped in flames, and no longer capable of defending herself, was also headed for the beach, where the gallant little _gloucester_ soon afterwards came to her assistance and rescued hundreds of her perishing crew, including brave old admiral cervera. a few minutes later the _almirante oquendo_, with colors lowered and flames pouring from her open ports, also turned slowly inshore, and was beached within half a mile of the spanish flag-ship. it was only forty minutes since the fight began; but in that short space four of the spanish squadron had been destroyed, without loss of life to the americans, and but slight damage to their ships. with the burning _teresa_ and _oquendo_ stayed the battle-ship _indiana_, her men working in eager emulation with those of the _gloucester_ to save the lives of their recent enemies. the next victim to succumb beneath the terrible american fire was the superb _vizcaya_, which, pounded to death by the _brooklyn_, _oregon_, and _texas_, was run on the beach at aserraderos, seventeen miles west of santiago bay, a few minutes after eleven o'clock. like her unfortunate consorts, she also was a mass of flame, and had no sooner struck than scores of her people leaped overboard to escape being roasted alive. among these swimmers a body of cuban troops poured a cowardly fire from the beach; but captain evans of the _iowa_ quickly put a stop to that, and stood by the blazing wreck so long as there was a spaniard left to be rescued from flame or flood. of all cervera's powerful squadron only a single ship was now left, the swift _cristobal colon_, which, by keeping behind the others, had as yet come to little harm. when the _vizcaya_ was run ashore, the _colon_ was more than four miles ahead of her leading pursuer, the _brooklyn_. close on the heels of the latter came the wonderful battle-ship _oregon_, which had unexpectedly developed such extraordinary speed that, although starting next to the last of the american ships, she now very nearly led the chase. next behind her came the _texas_, while the superb _new york_, though still far in the rear, was overhauling all three, and had the race been long enough would eventually have exchanged broadsides with the _colon_. but she was not to be granted that satisfaction; for shortly after one o'clock, when the chase had lasted two hours, the _oregon_ threw a couple of great thirteen-inch shells, at a range of five miles, so close to the flying spaniard that they deluged her with tons of water. upon this, to the surprise of every one, and without making any sort of a fight, the finest ship of the spanish navy lowered her flag and was headed in for the beach. after she had thus surrendered, and before the americans could board, she was wrecked by her own crew, who opened sea-valves, smashed out dead lights, threw overboard the breech-blocks of their great guns, and in many other ways worked what destruction they could in the time allotted. as a result of this vandalism, the fine ship rolled over on her side soon after striking, and would have slipped off into deep water had not the _new york_ rammed her to a better position higher up the beach. thus was destroyed the fine squadron that had been a menace to the americans ever since the war began. spain's loss was human lives, prisoners, and six ships, valued at $ , , ; while that of the americans was one man killed and three wounded, all on the _brooklyn_, together with a few trifling injuries to the _brooklyn_, _iowa_, and _texas_. and ridge norris, from the deck of the little _speedy_, had been a spectator of the whole affair from beginning to end. thrilled with such excitement as he had never before known, he had seen ship after ship wearing the proud colors of spain driven helplessly to the beach by the withering blasts of yankee gunnery, until all were destroyed. never before had our young american been so proud of his country and his countrymen. now his wonderful day was to be crowned with a great honor; for, no sooner was it certain that the _colon_ had surrendered, than a message from the flag-ship bade the _speedy_ return with all haste to siboney and land the army officer whom she had brought out, that he might convey the glorious news to general shafter and the men in the trenches before santiago. "that's you, old man!" cried ensign comly, "and i envy you your present job a heap more than i did the one you were undertaking the last time we set you ashore." so back past the blazing wrecks of cervera's squadron and on to siboney dashed the despatch-boat. the transport from which ridge had been rescued that morning still lay in the harbor, and her captain, hailing the _speedy_, eagerly asked for news; but none was given him, and he was treated to a contemptuous silence that caused him to grow more purple-faced than ever. as ridge was rowed ashore he directed ensign comly's attention to a large steam-yacht painted lead-color in imitation of the war-ships, but flying a red cross flag, that had evidently just arrived. "she looks a little like rollo van kyp's _royal flush_," he said; "but what is her name? g-r-a-y--gray man? gray mare? oh no, _gray nun_. queer name for a yacht, isn't it?" "yes; and those nurses on her deck don't look a bit like nuns," replied ensign comly. "believe i'll make a call if we lie here this evening, for i understand that some of the nicest girls in the country have enlisted under the red cross since you chaps were sent to santiago." "wish i could join you," sighed ridge; "only i haven't spoken to a girl in so long that i shouldn't know what to say." chapter xxviii last shot of the campaign the american army occupying the muddy trenches before santiago had been rendered very unhappy that morning by a rumor that cervera's ships had made a dash from the harbor, evaded the blockade, and escaped almost unharmed. how this rumor started no one knew, but it spread like wildfire, and was generally believed. there was ample opportunity for discussing it, since all firing had ceased, while under a flag of truce an envoy from general shafter demanded the surrender of santiago. so the men in the trenches were free to stand erect and stretch themselves, to wander about, leaving their rifles in position between the sand-bags, and even to make little fires, over which to boil cups of coffee, all without drawing the fire of a single spanish sharp-shooter. it was a very novel sensation, and they enjoyed it. at the same time they were not happy, for cervera's ships had escaped. what could the yankee sailors have been about to let such a thing happen? what a disgrace it was, and how the whole world would jeer! even santiago seemed hardly worth capturing now. all at once a sound of shouting was borne faintly to their ears from the distant rear. what had happened? had they been outflanked by the spaniards and attacked from that direction? no, for a band was playing on el poso hill, and the sound of shouting was advancing, like a roar of the sea. no one looked towards santiago now, but all eyes, turned to the rear, were fixed on the point where the sevilla road left the timber. at this place they gazed in eager but silent anticipation. suddenly a horseman emerged from it and dashed at full speed across the valley, waving his hat and yelling as he came. up the slope of san juan hill he charged and through the terraced camps, that broke into a jubilant roar as he reached them. but he did not pause until he had gained the very trenches, where among the wondering rough riders he slipped wearily from his foam-flecked horse, shouting huskily but exultantly as he did so: "sampson has destroyed the spanish fleet! not a ship escaped! i know, for i saw the whole fight!" "hurrah!" "hooray!" "whoop-ee!" "wow, wow, wow!" howled the riders, as in their wild jubilation they danced, hugged each other, and flung things in the air. then they raised ridge high on their shoulders and bore him as proudly aloft as though he alone had achieved the wonderful victory of which he brought the news. indeed, they seemed to believe that but for his presence with the american ships things might perhaps have gone differently, and rollo van kyp only voiced the general sentiment when he said: "lucky thing for sampson that he had at least one 'terror' along to see that the scrap was conducted according to rules. how i wish, though, that the _nun_ had got here in time to take part in that fight, for she can outfoot the old _corsair_--_gloucester_, i mean--almost two to one. if she had only been on hand i believe she would have captured one of these little fellows alive, before he had a chance to make the beach." "the who?" asked ridge, in perplexity, for the latter part of this remark had been addressed to him alone. "the _nun_. _gray nun_ is her whole name. my yacht--used to be the _royal flush_, you know. i offered her to the government as a gift, to be converted into a war-ship. but they wouldn't accept her. so i changed her name, and turned her over to the red cross people, to use as long as they had need of her. don't know, though, as they took me up, for we left about that time, and i haven't heard since." "but they did!" exclaimed ridge. "and she reached siboney to-day, for i saw her there not more than two hours ago, flying a red cross flag, and crowded with nurses." "good enough!" cried rollo. "that is almost as fine news as the other. the old _flush_ must feel funny, though, all cluttered up with nurses, for that isn't exactly the kind of a crowd she has been used to. same time, if my steward carried out the orders i wired him, she must be loaded to the muzzle with good things to eat and drink, for i told him to fill her up with the best to be had in new york city. so if any of the fellows are hankering for a change of grub, all they've got to do is to catch a fever or a mauser bullet, and apply for a berth on the nun. for my own part i prefer hardtack, bacon, and good health; but then tastes differ, you know." "it was a splendid thing to do!" exclaimed ridge; "and i don't believe there is another in the command would have thought of it. the boys will be prouder than ever of the old regiment to know that it contains a fellow not only able but willing to do such a thing." "oh, pshaw!" replied rollo, flushing. "there isn't one but would do as much and more, only some of them don't happen to have yachts lying idle. and you mustn't tell them, old man. i wouldn't for anything have it get out that the _nun_ is my boat. that's the reason i changed her name. some of them might think i was putting on airs, you know, if it should get out that i kept my yacht here at siboney." "but you'll get leave to run down and see her, won't you?" "not much, i won't. the dear old skipper would be sure to give me away, though his orders are not to mention my name in connection with her." so the bountiful supply of delicacies and comforts of every kind provided by rollo van kyp were distributed among the sick and wounded in the siboney hospitals, and many a fever-stricken patient owed his life to the devoted care of the "gray nuns," as the nurses brought by the yacht were generally called; but only ridge norris knew whose was the generous forethought that had provided all these things. in the mean time the truce, first declared on that memorable sunday, was extended from day to day, for one reason or another, for a week. general linares had been wounded early in the fighting, general vara del rey had been killed at caney, and the command of santiago had finally devolved upon general toral. to him, then, was sent the summons to surrender. this he refused to do, but begged for time in which to remove women, children, and other non-combatants from the city before it should be bombarded. this was allowed, and nearly , of these helpless ones, frightened, bewildered, and half famished, were driven from santiago to seek such refuge as the surrounding country might afford. war-wrecked and devastated as it was, its resources in the way of food and shelter were so slender that hundreds of them died from exposure, starvation, or disease, and but for the generosity of the americans, who fed them to the full extent of their ability, thousands more must have perished. and others came out from the beleaguered city; for an exchange of prisoners had been effected, and just before sunset on the third day of the truce three horsemen rode towards the american lines along the palm-shaded highway leading from santiago. two of them were spanish officers, but one wore the white duck uniform of the american navy, and behind him clattered an ambulance in which were seven of the proudest, happiest sailormen ever turned loose from an enemy's prison. they were hobson and his men, the heroes of the _merrimac_, free at last to return to their own people. and never did heroes receive a more royal welcome than that accorded this handful of blue-jackets by their comrades of the army. from the outermost trenches all the way to siboney, where a launch awaited them, their progress was an ovation of wildest enthusiasm. every soldier of the thousands whom they encountered first saluted and then cheered until he was hoarse, while one regimental band after another crashed forth its most inspiring music in their honor. out on the star-lit sea lay the great flag-ship from which these men had departed on their desperate mission more than a month before, and when, late that evening, they again reached it, they were once more safe at home with their work well done, and their fame established forever. for a week the truce continued, and while the spaniards strengthened their defences, the americans lengthened their lines, built roads over which to bring up their artillery, provided their camps with bomb-proof shelters, and received reinforcements. knowing all this, general toral still refused to surrender, and during the afternoon of sunday, july th, the white flags were taken down and a bombardment of the city was begun. for two hours, or until the coming of darkness, a heavy cannonade with brisk rifle-fire was kept up by both sides, but with little damage to either. with sunrise of the following morning it was resumed. "i wonder what it is all for?" asked rollo van kyp, as he crouched in the hot trench, industriously firing his carbine at the flashes from the spanish rifle-pits. "we don't seem to hit them, and they certainly don't hit us. now if teddy would only order a charge, it would be something sensible. but this play-fighting is disgusting!" just then a spanish shell burst close above the heads of this particular group of rough riders, and a fragment from it cut the staff of the troop guidon, planted in the soft earth, so that the silken flag fell outward. in an instant rollo had leaped over the protecting embankment, picked up the fallen flag, and, amid yells of approbation from his comrades, restored it to its former position. then, half-turning and swinging his hat defiantly above his head, the daring young trooper sprang back to his place of safety. as he did so, something seemed to go wrong, and instead of landing on his feet he pitched awkwardly, and then lay motionless in the bottom of the trench. at the same moment trumpet and bugle along the whole line sounded the order "cease firing," and once more the white flags of truce fluttered in the sunlight. santiago was again summoned to surrender; and this time the summons was so seriously considered that, two days later, it was obeyed. although no one knew it at the time, the last shot of the campaign had been fired and the war was virtually ended. but the last shot had stricken down brave, generous, light-hearted rollo van kyp just as he had covered himself with glory and was within a hair's-breadth of safety; for, as lieutenant norris knelt anxiously beside his friend, the gallant young trooper lay as though dead, with blood streaming over his face. chapter xxix two invalid heroes rollo van kyp, carefully lifted from the bloody trench in which he had fought and suffered so cheerfully, was borne to the rear, and the assistant surgeon of his regiment accompanied him to the hospital at siboney. ridge norris wanted to do this, but his duties would not permit of his absence, for officers were becoming scarce, and as yet no one knew but that the fighting might be resumed at any moment. so he watched the departure of the ambulance with a heavy heart, and the whole troop shared his sorrow at the loss of their well-loved comrade. the next day the assistant surgeon returned and reported rollo's wound apparently so serious that there was little hope for him. "there was just one chance," he added, in answer to lieutenant norris's anxious inquiry for details, "and, by good luck, i secured it for him at the last moment. he would surely have died in siboney, but if he can get home and into a northern hospital he may pull through. by the greatest good fortune a red cross ship was about to start for the states with a number of the worst cases; and, just as she was sailing, i managed to get van kyp aboard. she was so crowded that they weren't going to take him, until her skipper--as big-hearted a yankee sailorman as ever trod a deck--said he would give up his own cabin rather than have a rough rider left behind to die." "what was his name?" asked ridge. "haven't an idea." "do you know the name of the ship?" "yes, of course. she is the _gray nun_, a converted yacht." "rollo van kyp's own boat!" cried ridge. "you don't mean it?" "i do." and then ridge told all that he knew of his friend's splendid contribution to the service that was doing more than the government itself towards alleviating the sufferings of the american troops before santiago. when he finished, he said, "of course the skipper recognized van kyp?" "no, he didn't," replied the other--"at least, not then, for the poor chap's face was covered to protect it from the sun, and i didn't mention his name until after he had been taken aboard, when i gave it to the surgeon in charge. at first i only described him as a rough rider wounded in recovering his troop flag, and the skipper said that was all he wanted to know about him." besides his news of rollo, the surgeon had brought from siboney a number of letters recently arrived there for the rough riders, and one of these was handed to ridge. opening it curiously, for he did not recognize the handwriting of its address, the latter read as follows: "dear mr. norris,--i have just been made very happy by learning from a friend of yours, a mr. comly, who is in the navy, that you are not only alive and well, but still with your regiment, and have done all sorts of splendid things. this is news that will cause great rejoicing among all your friends, including your own family, who have been very anxious and unhappy concerning you. major dodley reported in new orleans that you had been placed under arrest for desertion--of course no one who knew you believed that for a moment--but had escaped and run away. your father was so furious that he gave the major a horse-whipping in front of the st. charles, and made him take back every word. then he telegraphed and wrote to tampa; but half of your regiment had left, and those who remained behind could tell nothing except that you had disappeared in a very mysterious manner. you may imagine the distress of your father. "i had returned to my own home, but dulce wrote me all about it, and i received her letter when on the point of starting for new york to offer my services as a red cross nurse, for i didn't feel that i could let the war go on a day longer without having some share in it. i was accepted, and immediately assigned to duty aboard the society's ship _gray nun_, to which i am still attached. that is how i happen to be here, and i am so glad i came, for i don't believe even you can imagine how much we were needed. i have also discovered you, and shall write to dulce at once. hoping that we may meet before long, i remain, "very sincerely your friend, "spence cuthbert. "on board _gray nun_, off siboney, _july_ , ." "whew!" whistled ridge, softly, as he finished reading this letter. "if that isn't a budget of news! spence cuthbert here in cuba nursing wounded soldiers! but it is just like the dear girl to do such a thing. if i had only known of it sooner, though, i might have found a chance to run down to siboney and see her. now it is too late, for the _nun_ has gone again. she will discover rollo, though, and take care of him. lucky fellow! wish i was in his place! and comly, too! he must have made that call and scraped an acquaintance. what cheek those navy chaps have, anyway! so dodley reports me as a deserter, does he? and the dear old dad horsewhipped him. oh, if i had only been there! it is a shame that i haven't managed to write home, and i'll do so this very minute." in pursuance of this resolve, ridge did write a long letter to his mother, in which he told of his great disappointment at not seeing spence cuthbert before she left cuba, and sent it to siboney to be forwarded at the first opportunity. after that, other exciting events in connection with his duty occupied our young lieutenant's attention; for at a meeting of generals shafter and toral, under a great tree midway between the american and spanish lines, the latter finally agreed to surrender the entire province of santiago, with all the troops within its limits. on this occasion each general was accompanied by members of his staff, and to ridge again fell the honor of acting as official interpreter. thus for days he was kept so continually busy that he hardly found time for sleep. then, on sunday, the th of july, one week after the firing of the last shot, and two weeks after the destruction of cervera's ships, at precisely noon, the red and yellow banner of spain was lowered forever from over santiago's municipal palace, and the glorious stars and stripes proudly flung to the breeze in its place. the impressive ceremony was witnessed by the ninth regiment of united states infantry, two mounted troops of the second regular cavalry, and by the brilliant staff who surrounded general shafter. besides these, spanish officers and citizens of santiago crowded every window, doorway, and portico of the cathedral, the san carlos club, the venus restaurant, and other buildings facing the plaza de armas, and watched the proceedings in silence. as the starry flag of the united states ran slowly to the top of the tall staff the ninth regiment band crashed forth the inspiring strains of "the star-spangled banner," and every american present, excepting, of course, the troops on duty, bared his head. at the same moment the thunder of distant artillery firing a national salute of twenty-one guns and exultant cheering from the trenches a mile beyond the city told that the glorious news had reached the waiting army. at the conclusion of the ceremony, general leonard wood, formerly colonel of the rough riders, was installed as military governor of the conquered city, and one of the first to congratulate him upon this new honor was the young lieutenant of his old command, who had been permitted to do so much towards bringing the santiago campaign to its happy conclusion. for ridge norris, in appreciation of his recent services, had been one of the very few guests invited to witness the change of flags. shortly after it was all over, as ridge was slowly making his way back to camp, no longer upheld by excitement and utterly weary from his recent labors, he encountered a forlorn little group of natives, who aroused his instant sympathy. a young woman, gaunt and hollow-cheeked, with three children, trying to make her way back to the city, had sunk exhausted by the road-side. one of the children was a babe held tightly pressed to her bosom. of the others, one was a small boy, who stood manfully by his mother's side; while a little girl, burning with fever, lay tossing and moaning on the ground. as ridge reached this group the woman cried, imploringly, "help, señor americano! for love of the good god help me reach the city before my little ones perish!" ridge could understand and could talk to her in her own tongue. so in a few minutes he had learned her pitiful story. it was that of many another--a tale of starvation, sickness, death of her husband, and of homeless wandering for days. now her one desire and hope was to return to her home in santiago. even before she had concluded her sad narration our young trooper had picked up the fever-stricken child, and, with the others following him, was retracing his steps towards the city. he did not leave them until they were safe in the wretched hovel they called home, and he had procured for them a supply of food. then, followed by fervent blessings, he again started for the american lines. [illustration: ridge escorts a cuban family into santiago.] that evening he could not eat the coarse camp fare of his mess, and the next morning found him raving in the delirium of fever. when, a little later, the rough riders were removed to a more healthful camp-ground, a few miles back in the hills, lieutenant norris, with several other fever-stricken members of the command, was taken to one of the spanish hospitals in santiago, where, three days later, spence cuthbert found him. chapter xxx rollo makes propositions the month of august was drawing to its close when an expectant throng of people gathered about the wharf of the great military camp recently established for the home-returning american army at montauk point, on the extreme eastern end of long island. most of the throng were soldiers, but among them was a little group of civilians accompanied by a young trooper wearing a brand-new uniform, but looking very pale and weak, as though recovering from a severe illness. he was rollo van kyp, only just out from the new york hospital to which he had been taken more than a month before. with him, and anticipating his every need, were mr. and mrs. norris and dulce. their long island summer home had not been sold, and now there was no need that it should be, since mr. norris's affairs had taken a decided turn for the better. as soon, therefore, as they learned that the army was to be sent to montauk, they went to this cottage and fitted it up as a convalescent hospital, for any of their boy's wounded comrades to whom he might desire to show particular attention. thus dulce, though not enrolled in the red cross service, wore a nurse's costume, and rollo van kyp, who had insisted on coming down to welcome his home-returning comrades, was one of her patients. now they were looking for ridge, of whose illness they had not yet learned. those rough riders left behind at tampa had already been transferred to montauk, together with all the horses of the regiment, and these hearty young troopers formed the greater part of the throng now assembled to greet the heroes of las guasimas, of san juan, and of the santiago trenches, for colonel roosevelt and his men were coming home, and the _miami_, on which they were embarked, was nearing the wharf. her decks were crowded with men, worn and weary, clad in battle-stained uniforms, and filled with a great joy at once more breathing the air of their native land. already was rollo recognizing familiar faces, and eagerly pointing them out. "but where is my boy?" cried mrs. morris. "i cannot see him." the others did not answer, for they too were greatly disappointed at not discovering the face they most longed to see. at length the slow-moving ship was made fast, its gang-plank was run out, and the eager troopers began to swarm ashore. some were so weak that comrades were obliged to support their feeble steps; but all were radiant with the joy of home-coming. cheer after cheer greeted each troop, as with silken guidons fluttering above them they marched from the ship, and finally a perfect roar of welcome announced the appearance of their colonel. "there's teddy!" cried rollo, with a feeble attempt at waving his hat. "oh, how good it is to see him again!" "but my boy! where is my boy?" cried the distracted mother, crowding her way to the very front rank of spectators. as she did so, colonel roosevelt passed close to her, and she clutched his arm. "oh, sir, my boy! where is my boy? do not tell me he is dead!" "it is mrs. norris, colonel," explained rollo van kyp, pressing forward, "and she is disappointed at not seeing the lieutenant." "thank god, my dear fellow, that you are alive!" exclaimed the colonel, grasping van kyp's hand. then, in a lower tone, he added, "we had to leave poor norris behind. he was too ill to be brought on a transport, but he may come at any time on a hospital-ship. here is a note for his family from one of the hospital nurses. my dear madam," he added, turning to mrs. norris, "your son is alive, but detained for a time at santiago. if you will excuse me now, i will see you again very shortly, and tell you of all the fine things he has done." with this the embarrassed colonel passed on, thankful at having thus concluded one of the interviews with anxious parents that he so dreaded. for a moment mrs. norris stared after him in speechless agony; for the mother's keen ear had overheard his low-spoken words to rollo van kyp, and she knew that her boy had been left in cuba too ill to be moved. then she uttered a moan, and fainted in her husband's arms. a little later, when the saddened group had been driven back to the cottage that had been so happily prepared for the reception of their soldier, they read spence cuthbert's note, hastily written as the rough riders were embarking at santiago. it told of the terrible suffering that had impelled her to remain behind when the _gray nun_ went north, of her disappointment at not hearing anything from ridge, and how she had at last discovered him in the santiago hospital, to which she had been transferred immediately after the surrender. "i did not dare write sooner," she continued, "for we had no hope that he could live; but now he is again conscious, and has recognized me. the doctors talk of sending him north as soon as he can be moved; but, remembering the horrors of the _seneca_ and the _concho_, i dread the voyage for him even more than i do the pestilent air of this awful hospital. in fact, i am in despair, and know not what is best to be done." "i know!" exclaimed rollo van kyp, as dulce, with tear-filled eyes, finished reading this pitiful note. "he must be brought back on the _nun_. mr. norris, she leaves new york to-morrow with a fresh lot of nurses for santiago, and if you will only take the run down on her you can bring the dear old chap back in comfort." mr. norris hesitated a moment. "do you realize," he asked, "that if your yacht brings back a single yellow-fever patient it may never be safe to use her again?" "my dear sir!" cried rollo, "if she were all that i had in the world she would still be at the service of my dearest friend." so mr. norris thankfully accepted the young millionaire's offer, and sailed the very next day for santiago. a week later a red cross nurse, worn and wearied almost to the point of exhaustion by her days and nights of caring for sick and dying soldiers, sat in a santiago hospital beside one of her patients, gently fanning him. his eyes were closed, and she hoped that he slept. as she watched him her own eyes slowly filled with tears; for she did not believe he would ever gain sufficient strength to bear removal from that house of sorrow. the air of the ward was hot, damp, and lifeless. sickening odors rising from the streets of the filthy city drifted in through its open windows. the whole atmosphere of the place was depressing, and suggestive of suffering that could only end with death. "poor ridge!" she murmured bitterly to herself. "after all your splendid work, it is cruel to leave you here to die, deserted and forgotten!" just then the patient opened wide his eyes, and an expression of eager anticipation flitted across his white face. "dad is coming," he whispered. "i hear his footstep. oh, spence, he is here, and will take us home!" the nurse listened, but heard only the moans of other sufferers, and thinking that this one had dreamed of his father's coming, tried to soothe him with hopeful promises. then, all at once, she uttered a little cry of joy, for at the far end of the long white ward she saw one of the house surgeons escorting a familiar figure. in another minute mr. norris, seeming to bring with him a breath of bracing northern air, stood beside his son's cot. "i thank god and you, spence cuthbert, that my boy is still alive!" he cried. "and now, how soon can we take him north? i have van kyp's yacht waiting out here in the harbor, and we can start at a moment's notice." "i believe i could go this very minute, dad," said ridge, his voice already strengthened with hope and happiness. "but, father," he added, anxiously, "we must take spence with us; for she has promised to stay with me as long as i need her, and i know i couldn't travel without her." "of course we will take her, son, and keep her, too, just as long as we can." for three days longer ridge lay on that cot, gaining strength with each moment of renewed hope and eager anticipation. during this time mr. norris occupied the intervals of rest from watching beside his son with visiting the battle-fields near the city over which the young trooper had so bravely fought. on these expeditions he was accompanied and guided by a cuban named del concha, recommended by general wood, to whom he had rendered valuable service by the giving of intelligent and honestly patriotic advice. when del concha discovered that the american señor whom he was asked to guide was father to his friend, the brave _teniente_ norris, he was overjoyed to be of assistance to him, and completely won the elder gentleman's heart by praise of his son and stories of the latter's exploits while executing his dangerous mission among the spaniards of cuba. del concha also told of himself; and, among other things, that, on the very day he had learned of santiago's surrender, he had married his sweetheart, the brave girl who had assisted ridge to escape from the holguin prison, and who was now very nearly recovered from her wound. at length the joyous day came when ridge could be moved, and he was carefully borne in a litter, by four of the stalwart negro troopers, in whose company he had charged up san juan heights, through the streets of santiago to the waiting yacht. besides the young trooper and his proud father, the _nun_ carried northward a score more of convalescent soldiers, to whom spence cuthbert, and a group of her companion nurses, also returning home from their glorious service, gave devoted care. on the day that montauk was to be reached, ridge was strong enough to be carried on deck, where, from a pillowed steamer-chair, he gazed happily at the loved features of the nearing coast. he was the very first to spy his mother, who again waited in trembling eagerness on the wharf, this time not to be disappointed. "and there are rollo," he said, to the girl who stood beside him, "and dulce, and the colonel. and oh, spence, to think that but for you i should certainly never have seen them again!" for many days after the home-coming of our young trooper the norris cottage was strictly quarantined against a possible outbreak of yellow-fever; but, as rollo van kyp said: "who cares? i'm sure i don't; for all of the world i want to see just now is held within these walls." the very first time ridge was allowed to go out, he was driven to the rough-rider camp to be mustered from service with his regiment. on this occasion he wore a lieutenant's uniform, at which his mother, seated beside him in the carriage, gazed with such undisguised pride that he laughingly accused her of being more susceptible to the influence of brass buttons than any girl of his acquaintance. only once after this did our young lieutenant wear his uniform, and that was when, two months later, he was married in a little kentucky church to spence cuthbert, who, at his earnest request, wore as her wedding-dress the costume of a red cross nurse. dulce was, of course, maid of honor, while rollo van kyp was best man. when the simple ceremony was over, and they were all gathered to wish the radiant couple god-speed on their wedding journey, rollo unfolded the great news he had received that morning. "teddy has been nominated for governor of new york!" he cried. "and i am to stump the state with him. when he is elected he is going to make me a colonel on his staff, so that dulce won't have to marry a mere private after all." and dulce, blushing furiously, replied, "i would rather marry a private soldier who had charged up san juan hill than any staff-officer in the world." "how about taking both?" asked rollo. book was created from images of public domain material made available by the university of toronto libraries (http://link.library.utoronto.ca/booksonline/).) * * * * * +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | transcriber's note: | | | | inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has | | been preserved. | | | | obvious typographical errors have been corrected. for | | a complete list, please see the end of this document. | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * lessons of the war with spain and other articles lessons of the war with spain _and other articles_ by alfred t. mahan, d.c.l., ll.d. captain united states navy author of "the interest of america in sea power," "the influence of sea power upon history, - ," "the influence of sea power upon the french revolution and empire," "the life of nelson, the embodiment of the sea power of great britain," and of a "life of farragut" boston little, brown, and company _copyright, , ,_ by the s.s. mcclure co. _copyright, ,_ by harper and brothers _copyright, ,_ by the north american review publishing co. _copyright, ,_ by john r. dunlap _copyright, ,_ by alfred t. mahan _all rights reserved_ university press john wilson and son, cambridge, u.s.a. preface the original intention, with which the leading articles of the present collection were undertaken, was to elicit some of the lessons derivable from the war between the united states and spain; but in the process of conception and of treatment there was imparted to them the further purpose of presenting, in a form as little technical and as much popular as is consistent with seriousness of treatment, some of the elementary conceptions of warfare in general and of naval warfare in particular. the importance of popular understanding in such matters is twofold. it promotes interest and induces intelligent pressure upon the representatives of the people, to provide during peace the organization of force demanded by the conditions of the nation; and it also tends to avert the unintelligent pressure which, when war exists, is apt to assume the form of unreasoning and unreasonable panic. as a british admiral said two hundred years ago, "it is better to be alarmed now, as i am, than next summer when the french fleet may be in the channel." indifference in times of quiet leads directly to perturbation in emergency; for when emergency comes, indifference is found to have resulted in ignorance, and fear is never so overpowering as when, through want of comprehension, there is no check upon the luxuriance of the imagination. it is, of course, vain to expect that the great majority of men should attain even an elementary knowledge of what constitutes the strength or weakness of a military situation; but it does not seem extravagant to hope that the individuals, who will interest themselves thus far, may be numerous enough, and so distributed throughout a country, as to constitute rallying points for the establishment of a sound public opinion, and thus, in critical moments, to liberate the responsible authorities from demands which, however unreasonable, no representative government can wholly withstand. the articles do not in any sense constitute a series. written for various occasions, at various times, there is in them no sequence of treatment, or even of conception. except the last, however, they all have had a common origin in the war with spain. this may seem somewhat questionable as regards the one on the peace conference; but, without assuming to divine all the motives which led to the call for that assembly, the writer is persuaded that between it and the war there was the direct sequence of a corollary to its proposition. the hostilities with spain brought doubtless the usual train of sufferings, but these were not on such a scale as in themselves to provoke an outcry for universal peace. the political consequences, on the other hand, were much in excess of those commonly resultant from war,--even from maritime war. the quiet, superficially peaceful progress with which russia was successfully advancing her boundaries in asia, adding gain to gain, unrestrained and apparently irrestrainable, was suddenly confronted with the appearance of the united states in the philippines, under conditions which made inevitable both a continuance of occupancy and a great increase of military and naval strength. this intrusion, into a sphere hitherto alien to it, of a new military power, capable of becoming one of the first force, if it so willed, was momentous in itself; but it was attended further with circumstances which caused great britain, and great britain alone among the nations of the earth, to appear the friend of the united states in the latter's conflict. how this friendliness was emphasized in the philippines is a matter of common report. coincident with all this, though also partly preceding it, has been the growing recognition by the western nations, and by japan, of the imminence of great political issues at stake in the near future of china. whether regarded as a field for commerce, or for the exercise of the varied activities by which the waste places of the earth are redeemed and developed, it is evidently a matter of economical--and therefore of political--importance to civilized nations to prevent the too preponderant control there of any one of their number, lest the energies of their own citizens be debarred from a fair opportunity to share in these advantages. the present conditions, and the recent manifestations of antagonism and rivalry, are too well known for repetition. the general situation is sufficiently understood, yet it is doubtful whether the completeness and rapidity of the revolution which has taken place in men's thoughts about the pacific are duly appreciated. they are shown not only by overt aggressive demands of various european states, or by the extraordinary change of sentiment on the subject of expansion that has swept over america, but very emphatically by the fact, little noted yet well assured, that leading statesmen of japan--which only three years ago warned the united states government that even the annexation of hawaii could not by her be seen with indifference--now welcome our presence in the philippines. this altered attitude, on the part of a people of such keen intelligence, has a justification which should not be ignored, and a significance which should not be overlooked. it bears vivid testimony to the rate at which events, as well as their appreciation of events and of conditions, have been advancing. it is one of the symptoms of a gathering accord of conviction upon a momentous subject. at such a time, and on such a scene, the sympathetic drawing together of the two great english-speaking nations, intensely commercial and enterprising, yet also intensely warlike when aroused, and which exceed all others in their possibilities of maritime greatness, gave reason for reflection far exceeding that which springs from imaginative calculations of the future devastations of war. it was a direct result of the war with spain, inevitably suggesting a probable drift towards concurrent action upon the greatest question of the immediate future, in which the influence of force will be none the less real because sedulously kept in the background of controversies. if, however, the organic development of military strength could be temporarily arrested by general agreement, or by the prevalence of an opinion that war is practically a thing of the past, the odds would be in favor of the state which at the moment of such arrest enjoys the most advantageous conditions of position, and of power already created. in reproducing these articles, the writer has done a little editing, of which it is needless to speak except in one respect. his views on the utility of coast fortification have met with pronounced adverse criticism in some quarters in england. of this he has neither cause nor wish to complain; but he is somewhat surprised that his opinions on the subject here expressed are thought to be essentially opposed to those he has previously avowed in his books,--the influence of sea-power upon history, and upon the french revolution. while wholly convinced of the primacy of the navy in maritime warfare, and maintaining the subordination to it of the elements of power which rest mainly upon land positions, he has always clearly recognized, and incidentally stated, not only the importance of the latter, but the general necessity of affording them the security of fortification, which enables a weaker force to hold its own against sudden attack, and until relief can be given. fortifications, like natural accidents of ground, serve to counterbalance superiority of numbers, or other disparity of means; both in land and sea warfare, therefore, and in both strategy and tactics, they are valuable adjuncts to a defence, for they constitute a passive reinforcement of strength, which liberates an active equivalent, in troops or in ships, for offensive operations. nor was it anticipated that when coast defence by fortification was affirmed to be a nearly constant element, the word "constant" would be understood to mean the same for all countries, or under varying conditions of popular panic, instead of applying to the deliberate conclusions of competent experts dealing with a particular military problem. of the needs of great britain, british officers should be the best judge, although even there there is divergence of opinion; but to his own countrymen the author would say that our experience has shown that adequate protection of a frontier, by permanent works judiciously planned, conduces to the energetic prosecution of offensive war. the fears for washington in the civil war, and for our chief seaports in the war with spain, alike illustrate the injurious effects of insufficient home defence upon movements of the armies in the field, or of the navies in campaign. in both instances dispositions of the mobile forces, vicious from a purely military standpoint, were imposed by fears for stationary positions believed, whether rightly or wrongly, to be in peril. for the permission to republish these articles the author begs to thank the proprietors of the several periodicals in which they first appeared. the names of these, and the dates, are given, together with the title of each article, in the table of contents. contents lessons of the war with spain, . mcclure's magazine, december, -april, . page introductory: comprehension of military and naval matters possible to the people, and important to the nation i. how the motive of the war gave direction to its earlier movements.--strategic value of puerto rico.--considerations on the size and qualities of battleships.--mutual relations of coast defence and navy ii. the effect of deficient coast-defence upon the movements of the navy.--the military and naval conditions of spain at the outbreak of the war iii. possibilities open to the spanish navy at the beginning of the war.--the reasons for blockading cuba.--first movements of the squadrons under admirals sampson and cervera iv. problems presented by cervera's appearance in west indian waters.--movements of the united states divisions and of the _oregon_.--functions of cruisers in a naval campaign v. the guard set over cervera.--influence of inadequate numbers upon the conduct of naval and military operations.--cámara's rush through the mediterranean, and consequent measures taken by the united states the peace conference and the moral aspect of war north american review, october, . the relations of the united states to their new dependencies engineering magazine, january, . distinguishing qualities of ships of war scripps-mcrae newspaper league, november, . current fallacies upon naval subjects harpers' monthly magazine, june, . maps island of cuba _to face page_ the caribbean sea _to face page_ lessons of the war with spain and other articles lessons of the war with spain introductory comprehension of military and naval matters possible to the people, and important to the nation. it is somewhat of a commonplace among writers upon the art of war, that with it, as with art in general, the leading principles remain unimpaired from age to age. when recognized and truly mastered, not held by a passive acquiescence in the statements of another, but really appropriated, so as to enter decisively into a man's habit of thought, forming in that direction the fibre of his mind, they not only illuminate conditions apparently novel, by revealing the essential analogies between them and the past, but they supply the clue by which the intricacies of the present can best be threaded. nothing could be more utterly superficial, for instance, than the remark of a popular writer that "the days of tacks and sheets"--of sailing ships, that is--"have no value as lessons for the days of steam and armor." contrast with such an utterance the saying of the great master of the art,--napoleon: "if a man will surprise the secrets of warfare, let him study the campaigns of hannibal and of cæsar, as well as those of frederick the great and my own." comprehension of warfare, therefore, consists, first, in the apprehension and acceptance--the mental grasp--of a few simple general principles, elucidated and formulated by admitted authorities upon the subject, and, second, in copious illustration of these principles by the application of them to numerous specific instances, drawn from actual experiences of war--from history. such illustration, adequately developed by exposition of facts and of principles in the several cases, pointing out, where necessary, substantial identity underlying superficial diversity, establishes gradually a body of precedents, which reinforce, by all the weight of cumulative authority, the principle that they illuminate. thus is laid the substantial foundation upon which the art of war securely rests. it is perhaps advisable--though it should be needless--to say that, when a student has achieved such comprehension, when his mind has mastered the principles, and his memory is richly stored with well-ordered precedents, he is, in war, as in all other active pursuits of life, but at the beginning of his labors. he has girded on his armor, but he has not yet proved it,--far less is qualified to boast as one about to put it off after a good life's fight. it remains yet to be seen whether he has the gifts and the manhood to use that which he has laboriously acquired, or whether, as happens with many other men apparently well qualified, and actually well furnished with the raw material of knowledge in various professions, he will be unable to turn power into success. this question trial alone can decide in each individual case; but while experience thus forces all to realize that knowledge does not necessarily imply capacity to use it, that there may be foundation upon which no superstructure will be raised, few--and those not the wisest--are inclined to dispute that antecedent training, well-ordered equipment, where other things are equal, does give a distinct advantage to the man who has received it. the blaze of glory and of success which, after forty years of patient waiting, crowned the last six months of havelock's life, raising him from obscurity to a place among the immortals, attests the rapidity with which the perfect flower of achievement can bud and fully bloom, when, and only when, good seed has been sown in ground fitly prepared. there are two principal methods of imparting the illustrations that, in their entirety, compose the body of precedents, by which the primary teachings of the art of war are at once elucidated and established. by the first, the several principles may be separately stated, more or less at large, each being followed closely by the appropriate illustrations, drawn, as these in such a treatment most suitably may, from different periods and from conditions which on the surface appear most divergent. or, on the other hand, the consecutive narrative of a particular series of operations may be given, in such detail as is necessary, accompanied by a running commentary or criticism, in which the successive occurrences are brought to the test of recognized standards; inference being drawn, or judgment passed, accordingly. the former is the more formal and methodical; it serves better, perhaps, for starting upon his career the beginner who proposes to make war the profession of his life; for it provides him, in a compact and systematic manner, with certain brief rules, by the use of which he can most readily apply, to his subsequent reading of military history, criteria drawn from the experience of centuries. he is thus supplied, in short, with digested knowledge. but digestion by other minds can in no wise take the place of assimilation performed by one's own mental processes. the cut and dried information of the lecture room, and of the treatise, must in every profession be supplemented by the hard work of personal practice; and failing the experience of the campaign,--of actual warfare,--the one school of progress for the soldier or seaman is to be found in the study of military and naval history, which embodies the experience of others. to such study the second method contributes; it bears to the first the relation of an advanced course. nor let it be supposed that the experience of others, thus imparted, is a poor substitute for that acquired by the actual hard work of the field, or of the ocean. by the process, the fruit possibly may not be fully matured; but it arrives at that perfection of form which requires but a few suns to ripen. this, moreover, if not the only way by which experience in the art of directing operations of war--of command-in-chief--can be stored, is by far the most comprehensive and thorough; for while utility cannot be denied to annual manoeuvres, and to the practice of the sham battle, it must be remembered that these, dealing with circumstances limited both in time and place, give a very narrow range of observation; and, still more important, as was remarked by the late general sherman, the moral elements of danger and uncertainty, which count for so much in real warfare, cannot be adequately reproduced in mimic. the field of military history, on the other hand, has no limit short of the military experience of the race; it records the effect of moral influences of every kind, as well as of the most diverse material conditions; the personal observation of even the greatest of captains is in comparison but narrow. "what experience of command," says one of the most eminent, "can a general have, before he is called to command? and the experience of what one commander, even after years of warfare, can cover all cases?" therefore he prescribes study; and as a help thereto tells the story of one of his most successful campaigns, accompanying it with a commentary in which he by no means spares himself. napoleon abounds in the same sense. "on the field of battle the happiest inspiration is often but a recollection,"--not necessarily of one's own past; and he admitted in after years that no finer work had been done by him than in his first campaign, to which he came--a genius indeed, but--with the acquisitions chiefly of a student, deep-steeped in reading and reflection upon the history of warfare. the utility of such study of military history to the intending warrior is established, not only by a few such eminent authorities, but by a consensus among the leading soldiers and seamen of our own day, whether they personally have, or have not, had the opportunity of command in war. it may be asserted to be a matter of contemporary professional agreement, as much as any other current opinion that now obtains. in such study, native individual capacity and individual temperament will largely affect inference and opinion; not only causing them to differ more or less, but resulting frequently in direct opposition of conclusion. it cannot be otherwise; for, like all other callings of active life, war is a matter, not merely of knowledge and of general principles, but of sound judgment, without which both information and rules, being wrongly applied, become useless. opinions, even of the most eminent, while accorded the respect due to their reputation, should therefore be brought to the test of personal reflection. the study of the art and history of war is pre-eminently necessary to men of the profession, but there are reasons which commend it also, suitably presented, to all citizens of our country. questions connected with war--when resort to war is justifiable, preparation for war, the conduct of war--are questions of national moment, in which each voter--nay, each talker--has an influence for intelligent and adequate action, by the formation of sound public opinion; and public opinion, in operation, constitutes national policy. hence it is greatly to be desired that there should be more diffused interest in the critical study of warfare in its broader lines. knowledge of technical details is not necessary to the apprehension of the greater general principles, nor to an understanding of the application of those principles to particular cases, when made by individual students,--officers or others. the remark is sometimes heard, "when military or naval officers agree, congress--or the people--may be expected to act." the same idea applied to other professions--waiting for universal agreement--would bring the world to a standstill. better must be accepted without waiting for best. better is more worth having to-day than best is the day after the need has come and gone. hesitation and inaction, continued till the doctors agree, may result in the death of the patient; yet such hesitation is almost inevitable where there is no formed public opinion, and quite inevitable where there is no public interest antecedent to the emergency arising. it may be due to the bias of personal or professional inclination that the present writer believes that military history,--including therein naval,--simply and clearly presented in its leading outlines, divested of superfluous and merely technical details, would be found to possess an interest far exceeding that which is commonly imagined. the logical coherence of any series of events, as of any process of nature, possesses an innate attraction for the inquisitive element of which few intelligent minds are devoid. unfortunately, technical men are prone to delight in their technicalities, and to depreciate, with the adjective "popular," attempts to bring their specialties within the comprehension of the general public, or to make them pleasing and attractive to it. however it may be with other specialties, the utility of which is more willingly admitted, the navy and army in our country cannot afford to take such an attitude. the brilliant, but vague, excitement and glory of war, in its more stirring phases, touches readily the popular imagination, as does intense action of every description. it has all the charm of the dramatic, heightened by the splendor of the heroic. but where there is no appeal beyond the imagination to the intellect, such impressions lack distinctness, and leave no really useful results. while there is a certain exaltation in sharing, through vivid narrative, the emotions of those who have borne a part in some deed of conspicuous daring, the fascination does not equal that wrought upon the intellect, as it traces for the first time the long-drawn sequence by which successive occurrences are seen to issue in their necessary results, or causes apparently remote to converge upon a common end, and understanding succeeds to the previous sense of bewilderment, which is produced by military events as too commonly treated. there is, moreover, no science--or art--which lends itself to such exposition more readily than does the art of war. its principles are clear, and not numerous. outlines of operations, presented in skeleton, as they usually may be, are in most instances surprisingly clear; and, these once grasped, the details fall into place with a readiness and a precision that convey an ever increasing intellectual enjoyment. the writer has more than once been witness of the pleasure thus occasioned to men wholly strangers to military matters; a pleasure partly of novelty, but which possesses the elements of endurance because the stimulus is one that renews itself continually, opening field after field for the exercise of the mind. if such pleasure were the sole result, however, there might be well-founded diffidence in recommending the study. the advantage conferred upon the nation by a more wide-spread and intelligent understanding of military matters, as a factor in national life that must exist for some ages to come, and one which recent events, so far from lessening, have rendered more conspicuous and more necessary, affords a sounder ground for insisting that it is an obligation of each citizen to understand something of the principles of warfare, and of the national needs in respect of preparation, as well as thrill with patriotic emotion over an heroic episode or a brilliant victory. it is with the object of contributing to such intelligent comprehension that the following critical narrative, which first appeared in one of our popular monthlies, is again submitted to the public in its present form. it professes no more than to be an attempt, by a student of military as well as naval warfare, to present a reasoned outline of a part of the operations of the war, interspersed with such reflections upon naval warfare, in its generals and its particulars, as have arisen naturally in the course of the story. the method adopted, consequently, is the second of those mentioned in the beginning of these remarks; a consecutive narrative, utilized as a medium for illustrating the principles of war. the application of those principles in this discussion represents the views of one man, believed by him to be in accordance with a considerable body of professional thought, although for this he has no commission to speak; but to some of them also there is, in other quarters, a certain distinct professional opposition. the aim of the author here, as in all his writings, has been so to present his theme as to invest it with the rational interest attaching to a clear exposition of causes and effects, as shown in a series of events. where he may have failed, the failure is in himself, not in his subject. the recent spanish-american war, while possessing, as every war does, characteristics of its own, differentiating it from others, nevertheless, in its broad analogies, falls into line with its predecessors, evidencing that unity of teaching which pervades the art from its beginnings unto this day. it has, moreover, the special value of illustrating the reciprocal needs and offices of the army and the navy, than which no lesson is more valuable to a nation situated as ours is. protected from any serious attempt at invasion by our isolated position, and by our vast intrinsic strength, we are nevertheless vulnerable in an extensive seaboard, greater, relatively to our population and wealth--great as they are--than that of any other state. upon this, moreover, rests an immense coasting trade, the importance of which to our internal commercial system is now scarcely realized, but will be keenly felt if we ever are unable to insure its freedom of movement. we also are committed, inevitably and irrevocably, to an over-sea policy, to the successful maintenance of which will be needed, not only lofty political conceptions of right and of honor, but also the power to support, and if need be to enforce, the course of action which such conceptions shall from time to time demand. such maintenance will depend primarily upon the navy, but not upon it alone; there will be needed besides an adequate and extremely mobile army, and an efficient correlation of the one with the other, based upon an accurate conception of their respective functions. the true corrective to the natural tendency of each to exaggerate its own importance to the common end is to be found only in some general understanding of the subject diffused throughout the body of the people, who are the ultimate arbiters of national policy. in short, the people of the united states will need to understand, not only what righteousness dictates, but what power, military and naval, requires, in order duly to assert itself. the disappointment and impatience, now being manifested in too many quarters, over the inevitable protraction of the military situation in the philippines, indicates a lack of such understanding; for, did it exist, men would not need to be told that even out of the best material, of which we have an abundance, a soldier is not made in a day, nor an army in a season; that when these, the necessary tools, are wanting, or are insufficient in number, the work cannot but lag until they are supplied; in short, that in war, as in every calling, he who wills the end must also understand and will the means. it was the same with the wide-spread panic that swept along our seaboard at the beginning of the late war. so far as it was excusable, it was due to the want of previous preparation; so far as it was unreasonable, it was due to ignorance; but both the want of preparation and the ignorance were the result of the preceding general indifference of the nation to military and naval affairs, an indifference which necessarily had found its reflection in the halting and inadequate provisions made by congress. although changes and additions have been introduced where it has seemed expedient, the author has decided to allow these articles to stand, in the main, substantially as written immediately after the close of hostilities. the opening paragraphs, while less applicable, in their immediate purport, to the present moment, are nevertheless not inappropriate as an explanation of the general tenor of the work itself; and they suggest, moreover, another line of reflection upon the influence, imperceptibly exerted, and passively accepted in men's minds, by the quiet passing of even a single calendar year. the very lapse of time and subsidence of excitement which tend to insure dispassionate and impartial treatment by the historian, and a juster proportion of impression in spectators, tend also to produce indifference and lethargy in the people at large; whereas in fact the need for sustained interest of a practical character still exists. intelligent provision for the present and future ought now to succeed to the emotional experiences of the actual war. the reading public has been gorged and surfeited with war literature, a fact which has been only too painfully realized by publishers and editors, who purvey for its appetite and have overstocked the larder. coincident with this has come an immense wave of national prosperity and consequent business activity, which increasingly engross the attention of men's minds. so far as the mere movement of the imagination, or the stirring of the heart is concerned, this reaction to indifference after excessive agitation was inevitable, and is not in itself unduly to be deplored; but it will be a matter, not merely of lasting regret, but of permanent harm, if the nation again sinks into the general apathy concerning its military and naval necessities which previously existed, and which, as the experience of great britain has shown, is unfortunately characteristic of popular representative governments, where present votes are more considered than future emergencies. not the least striking among the analogies of warfare are the sufferings undergone, and the risks of failure incurred, through imperfect organization, in the crimea, and in our own recent hostilities with spain. and let not the public deceive itself, nor lay the fault exclusively, or even chiefly, upon its servants, whether in the military services or in the halls of congress. the one and the other will respond adequately to any demand made upon them, if the means are placed betimes in their hands; and the officers of the army and navy certainly have not to reproach themselves, as a body, with official failure to represent the dangers, the exposure, and the needs of the commonwealth. it should be needless to add that circumstances now are greatly changed, through the occurrences of last year; and that henceforth the risks from neglect, if continued, will vastly exceed those of former days. the issue lies with the voters. i how the motive of the war gave direction to its earlier movements.--strategic value of puerto rico.-- considerations on the size and qualities of battleships.--mutual relations of coast defence and navy. it is a common and a true remark that final judgment cannot be passed upon events still recent. not only is time required for the mere process of collecting data, of assorting and testing the numerous statements, always imperfect and often conflicting, which form the material for history, but a certain and not very short interval must be permitted to elapse during which men's brains and feelings may return to normal conditions, and permit the various incidents which have exalted or depressed them to be seen in their totality, as well as in their true relative importance. there are thus at least two distinct operations essential to that accuracy of judgment to which alone finality can be attributed,--first, the diligent and close study of detail, by which knowledge is completed; and, second, a certain detachment of the mind from the prejudgments and passions engendered by immediate contact, a certain remoteness, corresponding to the idea of physical distance, in virtue of which confusion and distortion of impression disappear, and one is enabled not only to distinguish the decisive outlines of a period, but also to relegate to their true place in the scheme subordinate details which, at the moment of occurrence, had made an exaggerated impression from their very nearness. it is yet too soon to look for such fulness and justness of treatment in respect to the late hostilities with spain. mere literal truth of narrative cannot yet be attained, even in the always limited degree to which historical truth is gradually elicited from a mass of partial and often irreconcilable testimony; and literal truth, when presented, needs to be accompanied by a discriminating analysis and estimate of the influence exerted upon the general result by individual occurrences, positive or negative. i say positive or negative, for we are too apt to overlook the vast importance of negative factors, of inaction as compared to action, of things not done in comparison with those that were done, of mistakes of omission as contrasted with those of commission. too frequently men, spectators or actors in careers essentially of action, imagine that a safe course is being held because things continue seemingly as they were; whereas, at least in war, failure to dare greatly is often to run the greatest of risks. "admiral hotham," wrote nelson in , "is perfectly satisfied that each month passes without any losses on our side." the result of this purely negative conduct, of this military sin of mere omission, was that bonaparte's great italian campaign of became possible, that the british fleet was forced to quit the mediterranean, and the map of europe was changed. it is, of course, a commonplace that things never really remain as they were; that they are always getting better or worse, at least relatively. but while it is true that men must perforce be content to wait a while for the full and sure accounts, and for the summing up which shall pass a final judgment upon the importance of events and upon the reputations of the actors in them, it is also true that in the drive of life, and for the practical guidance of life, which, like time and tide, waits for no man, a rapid, and therefore rough, but still a working decision must be formed from the new experiences, and inferences must be drawn for our governance in the present and the near future, whose exigencies attend us. absolutely correct conclusions, if ever attained in practical life, are reached by a series of approximations; and it will not do to postpone action until exhaustive certainty has been gained. we have tried it at least once in the navy, watching for a finality of results in the experimental progress of european services. what the condition of our own fleet was at the end of those years might be fresh in all our memories, if we had time to remember. delayed action maybe eminently proper at one moment; at another it may mean the loss of opportunity. nor is the process of rapid decision--essential in the field--wholly unsafe in council, if inference and conclusion are checked by reference to well-settled principles and fortified by knowledge of the experience of ages upon whose broad bases those principles rest. pottering over mechanical details doubtless has its place, but it tends to foster a hesitancy of action which wastes time more valuable than the resultant gain. the preceding remarks indicate sufficiently the scope of these papers. it is not proposed to give a complete story of the operations, for which the material is not yet available. neither will it be attempted to pronounce decisions absolutely final, for the time is not yet ripe. the effort will be rather to suggest general directions to thought, which may be useful to a reader as he follows the many narratives, official or personal, given to the public; to draw attention to facts and to analogies; to point out experiences, the lessons from which may be profitable in determining the character of the action that must speedily be taken to place the sea power of the republic upon a proper material basis; and, finally, to bring the course of this war into relation with the teachings of previous history,--the experiences of the recent past to reinforce or to modify those of the remoter past; for under superficial diversity, due to differences of conditions, there often rests fundamental identity, the recognition of which equips the mind, quickens it, and strengthens it for grappling with the problems of the present and the future. the value of history to us is as a record of human experience; but experiences must be understood. the character and the direction of the first movements of the united states in this conflict with spain were determined by the occasion, and by the professed object, of the hostilities. as frequently happens, the latter began before any formal declaration of war had been made; and, as the avowed purpose and cause of our action were not primarily redress for grievances of the united states against spain, but to enforce the departure of the latter from cuba, it followed logically that the island became the objective of our military movements, as its deliverance from oppression was the object of the war. had a more general appreciation of the situation been adopted, a view embracing the undeniable injury to the united states, from the then existing conditions, and the generally iniquitous character of spanish rule in the colonies, and had war for these reasons been declared, the objective of our operations might have been differently chosen for strategic reasons; for our leading object in such case would not have been to help cuba, but to constrain spain, and to compel her to such terms as we might demand. it would have been open, for instance, to urge that puerto rico, being between five and six hundred miles from the eastern end of cuba and nearly double that distance from the two ports of the island most important to spain,--havana on the north and cienfuegos on the south,--would be invaluable to the mother country as an intermediate naval station and as a base of supplies and reinforcements for both her fleet and army; that, if left in her undisturbed possession, it would enable her, practically, to enjoy the same advantage of nearness to the great scene of operations that the united states had in virtue of our geographical situation; and that, therefore, the first objective of the war should be the eastern island, and its reduction the first object. the effect of this would have been to throw spain back upon her home territory for the support of any operations in cuba, thus entailing upon her an extremely long line of communications, exposed everywhere throughout its course, but especially to the molestation of small cruisers issuing from the harbors of puerto rico, which flank the routes, and which, upon the supposition, would have passed into our hands. this view of the matter was urged upon the writer, a few days before hostilities began, by a very old and intelligent naval officer who had served in our own navy and in that of the confederate states. to a european nation the argument must have been quite decisive; for to it, as distant, or more distant than spain from cuba, such an intermediate station would have been an almost insurmountable obstacle while in an enemy's hands, and an equally valuable base if wrested from him. to the united states these considerations were applicable only in part; for, while the inconvenience to spain would be the same, the gain to us would be but little, as our lines of communication to cuba neither required the support of puerto rico, nor were by it particularly endangered. this estimate of the military importance of puerto rico should never be lost sight of by us as long as we have any responsibility, direct or indirect, for the safety or independence of cuba. puerto rico, considered militarily, is to cuba, to the future isthmian canal, and to our pacific coast, what malta is, or may be, to egypt and the beyond; and there is for us the like necessity to hold and strengthen the one, in its entirety and in its immediate surroundings, that there is for great britain to hold the other for the security of her position in egypt, for her use of the suez canal, and for the control of the route to india. it would be extremely difficult for a european state to sustain operations in the eastern mediterranean with a british fleet at malta. similarly, it would be very difficult for a transatlantic state to maintain operations in the western caribbean with a united states fleet based upon puerto rico and the adjacent islands. the same reasons prompted bonaparte to seize malta in his expedition against egypt and india in . in his masterly eyes, as in those of nelson, it was essential to the communications between france, egypt, and india. his scheme failed, not because malta was less than invaluable, but for want of adequate naval strength, without which no maritime position possesses value. there were, therefore, in america two possible objectives for the united states, in case of a war against spain waged upon grounds at all general in their nature; but to proceed against either was purely a question of relative naval strength. unless, and until, the united states fleet available for service in the caribbean sea was strong enough to control permanently the waters which separated the spanish islands from our territory nearest to them, the admitted vast superiority of this country in potential resources for land warfare was completely neutralized. if the spanish navy preponderated over ours, it would be evidently impossible for transports carrying troops and supplies to traverse the seas safely; and, unless they could so do, operations of war in the enemy's colonies could neither be begun nor continued. if, again, the two fleets were so equally balanced as to make the question of ultimate preponderance doubtful, it was clearly foolish to land in the islands men whom we might be compelled, by an unlucky sea-fight, to abandon there. this last condition was that which obtained, as war became imminent. the force of the spanish navy--on paper, as the expression goes--was so nearly equal to our own that it was well within the limits of possibility that an unlucky incident--the loss, for example, of a battleship--might make the spaniard decisively superior in nominal, or even in actual, available force. an excellent authority told the writer that he considered that the loss of the _maine_ had changed the balance--that is, that whereas with the _maine_ our fleet had been slightly superior, so after her destruction the advantage, still nominal, was rather the other way. we had, of course, a well-founded confidence in the superior efficiency of our officers and men, and in the probable better condition of our ships and guns; but where so much is at stake as the result of a war, or even as the unnecessary prolongation of war, with its sufferings and anxieties, the only safe rule is to regard the apparent as the actual, until its reality has been tested. however good their information, nations, like fencers, must try their adversary's force before they take liberties. reconnaissance must precede decisive action. there was, on the part of the navy department, no indisposition to take risks, provided success, if obtained, would give an adequate gain. it was clearly recognized that war cannot be made without running risks; but it was also held, unwaveringly, that no merely possible success justified risk, unless it gave a fair promise of diminishing the enemy's naval force, and so of deciding the control of the sea, upon which the issue of the war depended. this single idea, and concentration of purpose upon it, underlay and dictated every step of the navy department from first to last,--so far, at least, as the writer knows,--and it must be borne in mind by any reader who wishes to pass intelligent judgment upon the action or non-action of the department in particular instances. it was this consideration that brought the _oregon_ from the pacific to the atlantic,--a movement initiated before hostilities opened, though not concluded until after they began. the wisdom of the step was justified not merely, nor chiefly, by the fine part played by that ship on july , but by the touch of certainty her presence imparted to the grip of our fleet upon cervera's squadron during the preceding month, and the consequent power to move the army without fear by sea to santiago. few realize the doubts, uncertainties, and difficulties of the sustained watchfulness which attends such operations as the "bottling" of the spanish fleet by admiral sampson; for "bottling" a hostile fleet does not resemble the chance and careless shoving of a cork into a half-used bottle,--it is rather like the wiring down of champagne by bonds that cannot be broken and through which nothing can ooze. this it is which constitutes the claim of the american commander-in-chief upon the gratitude of his countrymen; for to his skill and tenacity in conducting that operation is primarily due the early ending of the war, the opportunity to remove our stricken soldiery from a sickly climate, the ending of suspense, and the saving of many lives. "the moment admiral cervera's fleet was destroyed," truly said the london "times" (august ), "the war was practically at an end, unless spain had elected to fight on to save the point of honor;" for she could have saved nothing else by continued war. to such successful operation, however, there is needed not only ships individually powerful, but numbers of such ships; and that the numbers of sampson's fleet were maintained--not drawn off to other, though important, operations--even under such sore temptation as the dash of cámara's fleet from cadiz towards the philippines, was due to the department's ability to hold fast the primary conception of concentration upon a single purpose, even though running thereby such a risk as was feared from cámara's armored ships reaching dewey's unarmored cruisers before they were reinforced. the chances of the race to manila, between cámara, when he started from cadiz, and the two monitors from san francisco, were deliberately taken, in order to ensure the retention of cervera's squadron in santiago, or its destruction in case of attempted escape. not till that was sufficiently provided for would watson's division be allowed to depart. such exclusive tenacity of purpose, under suspense, is more difficult of maintenance than can be readily recognized by those who have not undergone it. to avoid misconception, it should be added here that our division at the philippines was not itself endangered, although it was quite possible that manila bay might have to be temporarily abandoned if cámara kept on. the movements of the monitors were well in hand, and their junction assured, even under the control of a commander of less conspicuous ability than that already shown by admiral dewey. the return of the united force would speedily have ensured cámara's destruction and the restoration of previous conditions. it is evident, however, that a certain amount of national mortification, and possibly of political complication, might have occurred in the interim. the necessity and the difficulty of thus watching the squadrons of an enemy within his ports--of "blockading" them, to use a common expression, of "containing" them, to conform to a strictly accurate military terminology--are more familiar to the british naval mind than to ours; for, both by long historical experience and by present-day needs, the vital importance of so narrowly observing the enemy's movements has been forced upon its consciousness. a committee of very distinguished british admirals a few years since reported that, having in view the difficulty of the operation in itself, and the chances of the force detailed falling below its _minimum_ by accidents, or by absence for coal or refits, british naval supremacy, vital to the empire, demanded the number of five british battleships to three of the fleet thus to be controlled. admiral sampson's armored ships numbered seven to cervera's four, a proportion not dissimilar; but those seven were all the armored ships, save monitors, worthless for such purpose, that the united states owned, or would own for some months yet to come. it should be instructive and convincing to the american people to note that when two powerful armored ships of the enemy were thus on their way to attack at one end of the world an admiral and a division that had deserved so well of their country, our whole battle-fleet, properly so called, was employed to maintain off santiago the proportions which foreign officers, writing long before the conditions arose, had fixed as necessary. yet the state with which we were at war ranks very low among naval powers. the circumstance possesses a furthermost practical present interest, from its bearing upon the question between numbers and individual size in the organization of the naval line of battle; for the ever importunate demand for increase in dimensions in the single ship is already upon the united states navy, and to it no logical, no simply rational, limit has yet been set this question may be stated as follows: a country can, or will, pay only so much for its war fleet. that amount of money means so much aggregate tonnage. how shall that tonnage be allotted? and, especially, how shall the total tonnage invested in armored ships be divided? will you have a few very big ships, or more numerous medium ships? where will you strike your mean between numbers and individual size? you cannot have both, unless your purse is unlimited. the santiago incident, alike in the battle, in the preceding blockade, and in the concurrent necessity of sending battleships to dewey, illustrates various phases of the argument in favor of numbers as against extremes of individual size. heavier ships were not needed; fewer ships might have allowed some enemy to escape; when cervera came out, the _massachusetts_ was coaling at guantanamo, and the _new york_ necessarily several miles distant, circumstances which, had the ships been bigger and fewer, would have taken much more, proportionately, from the entire squadron at a critical moment. above all, had that aggregate, , of tonnage, in seven ships, been divided among five only, of , each, i know not how the two ships that were designated to go with watson to the philippines could possibly have sailed. the question is momentous, and claims intelligent and immediate decision; for tonnage once locked up in a built ship cannot be got out and redistributed to meet the call of the moment. neither may men evade a definite conclusion by saying that they will have both unlimited power--that is, size--and unlimited number; for this they cannot have. a decision must be reached, and upon it purpose must be concentrated unwaveringly; the disadvantages as well as the advantages of the choice must be accepted with singleness of mind. individual size is needed, for specific reasons; numbers also are necessary. between the two opposing demands there is doubtless a mean of individual size which will ensure the maximum offensive power _of the fleet_; for that, and not the maximum power of the single ship, is the true object of battleship construction. battleships in all ages are meant to act together, in fleets; not singly, as mere cruisers. a full discussion of all the considerations, on one side or the other, of this question, would demand more space, and more of technical detail, than the scope of these papers permits. as with most conclusions of a concrete character dealing with contradictory elements, the result reached will inevitably be rather an approximation than an absolute demonstrable certainty; a broad general statement, not a narrow formula. all rules of war, which is not an exact science, but an art, have this characteristic. they do not tell one exactly how to do right, but they give warning when a step is being contemplated which the experience of ages asserts to be wrong. to an instructed mind they cry silently, "despite all plausible arguments, this one element involved in that which you are thinking to do shows that in it you will go wrong." in the judgment of the writer, two conditions must be primarily considered in determining a class of battleship to which, for the sake of homogeneousness, most of the fleet should conform. of these two, one must be given in general terms; the other can be stated with more precision. the chief requisite to be kept in view in the battleship is the offensive power of the fleet of which it is a member. the aggregate gun-power of the fleet remaining the same, the increase of its numbers, by limiting the size of the individual ships, tends, up to a certain point, to increase its offensive power; for war depends largely upon combination, and facility of combination increases with numbers. numbers, therefore, mean increase of offensive power, other things remaining equal. i do not quote in defence of this position nelson's saying, that "numbers only can annihilate," because in his day experience had determined a certain mean size of working battleship, and he probably meant merely that preponderant numbers of that type were necessary; but weight may justly be laid upon the fact that our forerunners had, under the test of experience, accepted a certain working mean, and had rejected those above and below that mean, save for exceptional uses. the second requisite to be fulfilled in the battleship is known technically as coal endurance,--ability to steam a certain distance without recoaling, allowing in the calculation a reasonable margin of safety, as in all designs. this standard distance should be the greatest that separates two coaling places, as they exist in the scheme of fortified coaling ports which every naval nation should frame for itself. in our own case, such distance is that from honolulu to guam, in the ladrones,-- , miles. the excellent results obtained from our vessels already in commission, embodying as they do the tentative experiences of other countries, as well as the reflective powers of our own designers, make it antecedently probable that , and , tons represent the extremes of normal displacement advantageous for the united states battleship. when this limit is exceeded, observation of foreign navies goes to show that the numbers of the fleet will be diminished and its aggregate gun-power not increased,--that is, ships of , tons actually have little more gun-power than those of , . both results are deviations from the ideal of the battle-fleet already given. in the united states navy the tendency to huge ships needs to be particularly watched, for we have a tradition in their favor, inherited from the successes of our heavy frigates in the early years of this century. it must be recalled, therefore, that those ships were meant to act singly, but that long experience has shown that for fleet operations a mean of size gives greater aggregate efficiency, both in force and in precision of manoeuvre. in the battleship great speed also is distinctly secondary to offensive power and to coal endurance. to return from a long digression. either cuba or puerto rico might, in an ordinary case of war, have been selected as the first objective of the united states operations, with very good reasons for either choice. what the british island santa lucia is to jamaica, what martinique would be to france, engaged in important hostilities in the caribbean, that, in measure, puerto rico is to cuba, and was to spain. to this was due the general and justifiable professional expectation that cervera's squadron would first make for that point, although the anchorage at san juan, the principal port, leaves very much to be desired in the point of military security for a fleet,--a fact that will call for close and intelligent attention on the part of the professional advisers of the navy department. but, while either of the spanish islands was thus eligible, it would have been quite out of the question to attempt both at the same time, our navy being only equal to the nominal force of spain; nor, it should be added, could a decided superiority over the latter have justified operations against both, unless our numbers had sufficed to overbear the whole of the hostile war fleet at both points. to have the greater force and then to divide it, so that the enemy can attack either or both fractions with decisively superior numbers, is the acme of military stupidity; nor is it the less stupid because in practice it has been frequently done. in it has often consisted the vaunted operation of "surrounding an enemy," "bringing him between two fires," and so forth; pompous and troublesome combinations by which a divided force, that could perfectly well move as a whole, starts from two or three widely separated points to converge upon a concentrated enemy, permitting him meanwhile the opportunity, if alert enough, to strike the divisions in detail. having this obvious consideration in mind, it is curious now to recall that in the "north american review," so lately as february, , appeared an article entitled, "can the united states afford to fight spain?" by "a foreign naval officer,"--evidently, from internal indications, a spaniard,--in which occurred this brilliant statement: "for the purposes of an attack upon spain in the west indies, the american fleet would necessarily divide itself into two squadrons, one ostensibly destined for puerto rico, the other for cuba.... spain, before attempting to inflict serious damage upon places on the american coast, would certainly try to cut off the connection between the two american squadrons operating in the west indies, and to attack each separately." the remark illustrates the fool's paradise in which many spaniards, even naval officers, were living before the war, as is evidenced by articles in their own professional periodicals. to attribute such folly to us was not complimentary; and i own my remarks, upon first reading it, were not complimentary to the writer's professional competency. all reasons, therefore, combined to direct the first movement of the united states upon cuba, and upon cuba alone, leaving spain in undisputed possession of such advantages as puerto rico might give. but cuba and puerto rico, points for attack, were not, unluckily, the only two considerations forced upon the attention of the united states. we have a very long coast-line, and it was notorious that the defences were not so far advanced, judged by modern standards, as to inspire perfect confidence, either in professional men or in the inhabitants. by some of the latter, indeed, were displayed evidences of panic unworthy of men, unmeasured, irreflective, and therefore irrational; due largely, it is to be feared, to that false gospel of peace which preaches it for the physical comfort and ease of mind attendant, and in its argument against war strives to smother righteous indignation or noble ideals by appealing to the fear of loss,--casting the pearls of peace before the swine of self-interest. but a popular outcry, whether well or ill founded, cannot be wholly disregarded by a representative government; and, outside of the dangers to the coast,--which, in the case of the larger cities at least, were probably exaggerated,--there was certainly an opportunity for an enterprising enemy to embarrass seriously the great coasting trade carried on under our own flag. there was much idle talk, in spain and elsewhere, about the injury that could be done to united states commerce by scattered cruisers, commerce-destroyers. it was overlooked that our commerce under our own flag is inconsiderable: there were very few american ships abroad to be captured. but the coasting trade, being wholly under our own flag, was, and remains, an extremely vulnerable interest, one the protection of which will make heavy demands upon us in any maritime war. nor can it be urged that that interest alone will suffer by its own interruption. the bulky cargoes carried by it cannot be transferred to the coastwise railroads without overtaxing the capacities of the latter; all of which means, ultimately, increase of cost and consequent suffering to the consumer, together with serious injury to all related industries dependent upon this traffic. under these combined influences the united states government found itself confronted from the beginning with two objects of military solicitude, widely divergent one from the other, both in geographical position and in method of action; namely, the attack upon cuba and the protection of its own shores. as the defences did not inspire confidence, the navy had to supplement their weakness, although it is essentially an offensive, and not a defensive, organization. upon this the enemy counted much at the first. "to defend the atlantic coasts in case of war," wrote a spanish lieutenant who had been naval attaché in washington, "the united states will need one squadron to protect the port of new york and another for the gulf of mexico. but if the squadron which it now possesses is devoted to the defence of new york (including long island sound), the coasts of the gulf of mexico must be entirely abandoned and left at the mercy of blockade and bombardment." our total force for the order of battle, prior to the arrival of the _oregon_, was nominally only equal to that of the enemy, and, when divided between the two objects named, the halves were not decisively superior to the single squadron under cervera,--which also might be reinforced by some of the armored ships then in spain. the situation, therefore, was one that is not infrequent, but always embarrassing,--a double purpose and a single force, which, although divisible, ought not to be divided. it is proper here to say, for the remark is both pertinent and most important, that coast defences and naval force are not interchangeable things; neither are they opponents, one of the other, but complementary. the one is stationary, the other mobile; and, however perfect in itself either may be, the other is necessary to its completeness. in different nations the relative consequence of the two may vary. in great britain, whose people are fed, and their raw materials obtained, from the outside world, the need for a fleet vastly exceeds that for coast defences. with us, able to live off ourselves, there is more approach to parity. men may even differ as to which is the more important; but such difference, in this question, which is purely military, is not according to knowledge. in equal amounts, mobile offensive power is always, and under all conditions, more effective to the ends of war than stationary defensive power. why, then, provide the latter? because mobile force, whatever shape it take, ships or men, is limited narrowly as to the weight it can bear; whereas stationary force, generally, being tied to the earth, is restricted in the same direction only by the ability of the designer to cope with the conditions. given a firm foundation, which practically can always be had, and there is no limit to the amount of armor,--mere defensive outfit,--be it wood, stone, bricks, or iron, that you can erect upon it; neither is there any limit to the weight of guns, the offensive element, that the earth can bear; only they will be motionless guns. the power of a steam navy to move is practically unfettered; its ability to carry weight, whether guns or armor, is comparatively very small. fortifications, on the contrary, have almost unbounded power to bear weight, whereas their power to move is _nil_; which again amounts to saying that, being chained, they can put forth offensive power only at arm's length, as it were. thus stated, it is seen that these two elements of sea warfare are in the strictest sense complementary, one possessing what the other has not; and that the difference is fundamental, essential, unchangeable,--not accidental or temporary. given local conditions which are generally to be found, greater power, defensive and offensive, can be established in permanent works than can be brought to the spot by fleets. when, therefore, circumstances permit ships to be squarely pitted against fortifications,--not merely to pass swiftly by them,--it is only because the builders of the shore works have not, for some reason, possibly quite adequate, given them the power to repel attack which they might have had. it will not be asserted that there are no exceptions to this, as to most general rules; but as a broad statement it is almost universally true. "i took the liberty to observe," wrote nelson at the siege of calvi, when the commanding general suggested that some vessels might batter the forts, "that the business of laying wood against walls was much altered of late." precisely what was in his mind when he said "of late" does not appear, but the phrase itself shows that the conditions which induced any momentary equality between ships and forts when brought within range were essentially transient. as seaports, and all entrances from the sea, are stationary, it follows naturally that the arrangements for their defence also should, as a rule, be permanent and stationary, for as such they are strongest. indeed, unless stationary, they are apt not to be permanent, as was conclusively shown in the late hostilities, where all the new monitors, six in number, intended for coast defence, were diverted from that object and despatched to distant points; two going to manila, and stripping the pacific coast of protection, so far as based upon them. this is one of the essential vices of a system of coast defence dependent upon ships, even when constructed for that purpose; they are always liable to be withdrawn by an emergency, real or fancied. upon the danger of such diversion to the local security, nelson insisted, when charged with the guard of the thames in . the block ships (floating batteries), he directed, were on no account to be moved for any momentary advantage; for it might very well be impossible for them to regain their carefully chosen positions when wanted there. our naval scheme in past years has been seriously damaged, and now suffers, from two misleading conceptions: one that a navy is for defence primarily, and not for offensive war; the other, consequent mainly upon the first, that the monitor, being stronger defensively than offensively, and of inferior mobility, was the best type of warship. the civil war, being, so far as the sea was concerned, essentially a coast war, naturally fostered this opinion. the monitor in smooth water is better able to stand up to shore guns than ships are which present a larger target; but, for all that, it is more vulnerable, both above water and below, than shore guns are if these are properly distributed. it is a hybrid, neither able to bear the weight that fortifications do, nor having the mobility of ships; and it is, moreover, a poor gun-platform in a sea-way. there is no saying of napoleon's known to the writer more pregnant of the whole art and practice of war than this, "exclusiveness of purpose is the secret of great successes and of great operations." if, therefore, in maritime war, you wish permanent defences for your coasts, rely exclusively upon stationary works, if the conditions admit, not upon floating batteries which have the weaknesses of ships. if you wish offensive war carried on vigorously upon the seas, rely exclusively upon ships that have the qualities of ships and not of floating batteries. we had in the recent hostilities , tons of shipping sealed up in monitors, of comparatively recent construction, in the atlantic and the pacific. there was not an hour from first to last, i will venture to say, that we would not gladly have exchanged the whole six for two battleships of less aggregate displacement; and that although, from the weakness of the spanish defences, we were able to hug pretty closely most parts of the cuban coast. had the spanish guns at santiago kept our fleet at a greater distance, we should have lamented still more bitterly the policy which gave us sluggish monitors for mobile battleships. ii the effect of deficient coast-defence upon the movements of the navy.--the military and naval conditions of spain at the outbreak of the war. the unsatisfactory condition of the coast defences, whereby the navy lost the support of its complementary factor in the scheme of national sea power, imposed a vicious, though inevitable, change in the initial plan of campaign, which should have been directed in full force against the coast of cuba. the four newer monitors on the atlantic coast, if distributed among our principal ports, were not adequate, singly, to resist the attack which was suggested by the possibilities of the case--though remote--and still more by the panic among certain of our citizens. on the other hand, if the four were massed and centrally placed, which is the correct disposition of any mobile force, military or naval, intended to counteract the attack of an enemy whose particular line of approach is as yet uncertain, their sluggishness and defective nautical qualities would make them comparatively inefficient. new york, for instance, is a singularly central and suitable point, relatively to our northern atlantic seaboard, in which to station a division intended to meet and thwart the plans of a squadron like cervera's, if directed against our coast ports, in accordance with the fertile imaginations of evil which were the fashion in that hour. did the enemy appear off either boston, the delaware, or the chesapeake, he could not effect material injury before a division of ships of the _oregon_ class would be upon him; and within the limits named are found the major external commercial interests of the country as well as the ocean approaches along which they travel. but had the monitors been substituted for battleships, not to speak of their greater slowness, their inferiority as steady gun-platforms would have placed them at a serious disadvantage if the enemy were met outside, as he perfectly well might be. it was probably such considerations as these, though the writer was not privy to them, that determined the division of the battle fleet, and the confiding to the section styled the flying squadron the defence of the atlantic coast for the time being. the monitors were all sent to key west, where they would be at hand to act against havana; the narrowness of the field in which that city, key west, and matanzas are comprised making their slowness less of a drawback, while the moderate weather which might be expected to prevail would permit their shooting to be less inaccurate. the station of the flying squadron in hampton roads, though not so central as new york relatively to the more important commercial interests, upon which, if upon any, the spanish attack might fall, was more central as regards the whole coast; and, above all, was nearer than new york to havana and to puerto rico. the time element also entered the calculations in another way, for a fleet of heavy ships is more certainly able to put to sea at a moment's notice, in all conditions of tide and weather, from the chesapeake than from new york bay. in short, the position chosen may be taken to indicate that, in the opinion of the navy department and its advisers, cervera was not likely to attempt a dash at an atlantic port, and that it was more important to be able to reach the west indies speedily than to protect new york or boston,--a conclusion which the writer entirely shared. the country, however, should not fail to note that the division of the armored fleet into two sections, nearly a thousand miles apart, though probably the best that could be done under all the circumstances of the moment, was contrary to sound practice; and that the conditions which made it necessary should not have existed. thus, deficient coast protection reacts unfavorably upon the war fleet, which in all its movements should be free from any responsibility for the mere safety of the ports it quits. under such conditions as then obtained, it might have been possible for spain to force our entire battle fleet from its offensive undertaking against cuba, and to relegate it to mere coast defence. had cervera's squadron, instead of being despatched alone to the antilles, been recalled to spain, as it should have been, and there reinforced by the two armored ships which afterwards went to suez with cámara, the approach of this compact body would have compelled our fleet to concentrate; for each of our divisions of three ships--prior to the arrival of the _oregon_--would have been too weak to hazard an engagement with the enemy's six. when thus concentrated, where should it be placed? off havana, or at hampton roads? it could not be at both. the answer undoubtedly should be, "off havana;" for there it would be guarding the most important part of the enemy's coast, blocking the access to it of the spanish fleet, and at the same time covering key west, our naval base of operations. but if the condition of our coast defences at all corresponded to the tremors of our seaport citizens, the government manifestly would be unable to hold the fleet thus at the front. had it, on the contrary, been impossible for an enemy's fleet to approach nearer than three miles to our sea-coast without great and evident danger of having ships damaged which could not be replaced, and of wasting ammunition at ranges too long even for bombardments, the spanish battle fleet would have kept away, and would have pursued its proper object of supporting their campaign in cuba by driving off our fleet--if it could. it is true that no amount of fortification will secure the coasting trade beyond easy gunshot of the works; but as the enemy's battle fleet could not have devoted itself for long to molesting the coasters--because our fleet would thereby be drawn to the spot--that duty must have devolved upon vessels of another class, against which we also would have provided, and did provide, by the squadron of cruisers under commodore howell. in short, proper coast defence, the true and necessary complement of an efficient navy, releases the latter for its proper work,--offensive, upon the open seas, or off the enemy's shores. [illustration: map of cuba (map)] the subject receives further illumination when we consider, in addition to the hypothetical case just discussed,--the approach of six spanish ships,--the actual conditions at the opening of the campaign. we had chosen cuba for our objective, had begun our operations, cervera was on his way across the ocean, and our battle fleet was divided and posted as stated. it was reasonable for us to estimate each division of our ships--one comprising the _new york_, _iowa_, and _indiana_, the other the _brooklyn_, _massachusetts_, and _texas_--as able to meet cervera's four, these being of a class slightly inferior to the best of ours. we might at least flatter ourselves that, to use a frequent phrase of nelson's, by the time they had soundly beaten one of these groups, they would give us no more trouble for the rest of the year. we could, therefore, with perfect military propriety, have applied the two divisions to separate tasks on the cuban coast, if our own coast had been adequately fortified. the advantage--nay, the necessity--of thus distributing our battleships, having only four enemies to fear, will appear from a glance at the map of cuba. it will there be seen that the island is particularly narrow abreast of havana, and that from there, for a couple of hundred miles to the eastward, extends the only tolerably developed railroad system, by which the capital is kept in communication with the seaports, on the north coast as far as sagua la grande, and on the south with cienfuegos and batabano. this narrowness, and the comparative facility of communication indicated by the railroads, enabled spain, during her occupation, effectually to prevent combined movements between the insurgents in the east and those in the west; a power which weyler endeavored to increase by the _trocha_ system,--a ditch or ditches, with closely supporting works, extending across the island. individuals, or small parties, might slip by unperceived; but it should have been impossible for any serious co-operation to take place. the coast-wise railroads, again, kept havana and the country adjacent to them in open, if limited, communication with the sea, so long as any one port upon their lines remained unblockaded. for reasons such as these, in this belt of land, from havana to sagua and cienfuegos, lay the chief strength of the spanish tenure, which centred upon havana; and in it the greatest part of the spanish army was massed. until, therefore, we were ready to invade, which should not have been before the close of the rainy season, the one obvious course open to us was to isolate the capital and the army from the sea, through which supplies of all kinds--daily bread, almost, of food and ammunition--were introduced; for cuba, in these respects, produces little. to perfect such isolation, however, it was necessary not only to place before each port armed cruisers able to stop merchant steamers, but also to give to the vessels so stationed, as well on the south as on the north side, a backbone of support by the presence of an armored fleet, which should both close the great ports--havana and cienfuegos--and afford a rallying-point to the smaller ships, if driven in by the appearance of cervera's division. the main fleet--three armored ships--on the north was thus used, although the blockade, from the fewness of available cruisers, was not at first extended beyond cardenas. on the south a similar body--the flying squadron--should from the first have been stationed before cienfuegos; for each division, as has been said, could with military propriety have been risked singly against cervera's four ships. this was not done, because it was possible--though most improbable--that the spanish squadron might attempt one of our own ports; because we had not perfect confidence in the harbor defences; and because, also, of the popular outcry. consequently, the extremely important port of cienfuegos, a back door to havana, was blockaded only by a few light cruisers; and when the spanish squadron was reported at curaçao, these had to be withdrawn. one only was left to maintain in form the blockade which had been declared; and she had instructions to clear out quickly if the enemy appeared. neither one, nor a dozen, of such ships would have been the slightest impediment to cervera's entering cienfuegos, raising our blockade by force; and this, it is needless to add, would have been hailed in spain and throughout the continent of europe as a distinct defeat for us,--which, in truth, it would have been, carrying with it consequences political as well as military. this naval mishap, had it occurred, would have been due mainly to inadequate armament of our coasts; for to retain the flying squadron in the chesapeake, merely as a guard to the coasting trade, would have been a serious military error, subordinating an offensive operation--off cienfuegos--to one merely defensive, and not absolutely vital. "the best protection against an enemy's fire," said farragut, "is a well-directed fire from our own guns." analogically, the best defence for one's own shores is to harass and threaten seriously those of the opponent; but this best defence cannot be employed to the utmost, if the inferior, passive defence of fortification has been neglected. the fencer who wears also a breastplate may be looser in his guard. seaports cannot strike beyond the range of their guns; but if the great commercial ports and naval stations can strike effectively so far, the fleet can launch into the deep rejoicing, knowing that its home interests, behind the buckler of the fixed defences, are safe till it returns. the broader determining conditions, and the consequent dispositions made by the government of the united states and its naval authorities, in the recent campaign, have now been stated and discussed. in them is particularly to be noted the crippling effect upon naval operations produced by the consciousness of inadequate coast defences of the permanent type. the sane conclusion to be drawn is, that while sea-coast fortification can never take the place of fleets; that while, as a defence even, it, being passive, is far inferior to the active measure of offensive defence, which protects its own interests by carrying offensive war out on to the sea, and, it may be, to the enemy's shores; nevertheless, by the fearless freedom of movement it permits to the navy, it is to the latter complementary,--completes it; the two words being etymologically equivalent. the other comments hitherto made upon our initial plan of operations--for example, the impropriety of attempting simultaneous movements against puerto rico and cuba, and the advisability or necessity, under the same conditions, of moving against both cienfuegos and havana by the measure of a blockade--were simply special applications of general principles of warfare, universally true, to particular instances in this campaign. they address themselves, it may be said, chiefly to the soldier or seaman, as illustrating his especial business of directing war; and while their value to the civilian cannot be denied,--for whatever really enlightens public opinion in a country like ours facilitates military operations,--nevertheless the function of coast defence, as contributory to sea power, is a lesson most necessary to be absorbed by laymen; for it, as well as the maintenance of the fleet, is in this age the work of peace times, when the need of preparation for war is too little heeded to be understood. the illustrations of the embarrassment actually incurred from this deficiency in the late hostilities are of the nature of an object lesson, and as such should be pondered. at the same time, however, that attention is thus called to the inevitable and far-reaching effect of such antecedent neglects, shown in directions where men would not ordinarily have expected them, it is necessary to check exaggeration of coast defence, in extent or in degree, by remarking that in any true conception of war, fortification, defence, inland and sea-coast alike, is of value merely in so far as it conduces to offensive operations. this is conspicuously illustrated by our recent experience. the great evil of our deficiencies in coast armament was that they neutralized temporarily a large part of our navy; prevented our sending it to cuba; made possible that cervera's squadron, during quite an interval, might do this or that thing of several things thus left open to him, the result of which would have been to encourage the enemy, and possibly to produce political action by our ill-wishers abroad. directly upon this consideration--of the use that the flying squadron might have been, if not held up for coast defence--follows the further reflection how much more useful still would have been a third squadron; that is, a navy half as large again as we then had. expecting cervera's force alone, a navy of such size, free from anxiety about coast defence, could have barred to him san juan de puerto rico as well as cienfuegos and havana; or had cámara been joined to cervera, as he should have been, such a force would have closed both cienfuegos and havana with divisions that need not have feared the combined enemy. if, further, there had been a fourth squadron--our coast defence in each case remaining the same--our evident naval supremacy would probably have kept the spanish fleet in europe. not unlikely there would have been no war; in which event, the anti-imperialist may observe there would, thanks to a great and prepared navy, have been no question of the philippines, and possibly none of hawaii. in short, it is with coast defence and the navy as it is with numbers _versus_ size in battleships. both being necessary, the question of proportion demands close attention, but in both cases the same single principle dominates: offensive power, not defensive, determines the issues of war. in the solution of the problem, the extent to be given coast defence by fortification depends, as do all military decisions, whether of preparation or of actual warfare, upon certain well-recognized principles; and for a given country or coast, since the natural conditions remain permanent, the general dispositions, and the relative power of the several works, if determined by men of competent military knowledge, will remain practically constant during long periods. it is true, doubtless, that purely military conclusions must submit to some modification, in deference to the liability of a population to panics. the fact illustrates again the urgent necessity for the spread of sound elementary ideas on military subjects among the people at large; but, if the great coast cities are satisfied of their safety, a government will be able to resist the unreasonable clamor--for such it is--of small towns and villages, which are protected by their own insignificance. the navy is a more variable element; for the demands upon it depend upon external conditions of a political character, which may undergo changes not only sudden, but extensive. the results of the war with spain, for instance, have affected but little the question of passive coast defence, by fortification or otherwise; but they have greatly altered the circumstances which hitherto have dictated the size of our active forces, both land and sea. upon the greater or less strength of the navy depends, in a maritime conflict, the aggressive efficiency which shortens war, and so mitigates its evils. in the general question of preparation for naval war, therefore, the important centres and internal waterways of commerce must receive local protection, where they are exposed to attack from the sea; the rest must trust, and can in such case safely trust, to the fleet, upon which, as the offensive arm, all other expenditure for military maritime efficiency should be made. the preposterous and humiliating terrors of the past months, that a hostile fleet would waste coal and ammunition in shelling villages and bathers on a beach, we may hope will not recur. before proceeding to study the operations of the war, the military and naval conditions of the enemy at its outbreak must be briefly considered. spain, being a state that maintains at all times a regular army, respectable in numbers as well as in personal valor, had at the beginning, and, from the shortness of the war, continued to the end to have a decided land superiority over ourselves. whatever we might hope eventually to produce in the way of an effective army, large enough for the work in cuba, time was needed for the result, and time was not allowed. in one respect only the condition of the peninsula seems to have resembled our own; that was in the inadequacy of the coast defences. the matter there was even more serious than with us, because not only were the preparations less, but several large sea-coast cities--for instance, barcelona, malaga, cadiz--lie immediately upon the sea-shore; whereas most of ours are at the head of considerable estuaries, remote from the entrance. the exposure of important commercial centres to bombardment, therefore, was for them much greater. this consideration was indeed so evident, that there was in the united states navy a perceptible current of feeling in favor of carrying maritime war to the coast of spain, and to its commercial approaches. the objection to this, on the part of the navy department, was, with slight modifications, the same as to the undertaking of operations against puerto rico. there was not at our disposition, either in armored ships or in cruisers, any superfluity of force over and above the requirements of the projected blockade of cuba. to divert ships from this object, therefore, would be false to the golden rule of concentration of effort,--to the single eye that gives light in warfare. moreover, in such a movement, the reliance, as represented in the writer's hearing, would have been upon moral effect, upon the dismay of the enemy; for we should soon have come to the end of our physical coercion. as nelson said of bombarding copenhagen, "we should have done our worst, and no nearer friends." the influence of moral effect in war is indisputable, and often tremendous; but like some drugs in the pharmacopoeia, it is very uncertain in its action. the other party may not, as the boys say, "scare worth a cent;" whereas material forces can be closely measured beforehand, and their results reasonably predicted. this statement, generally true, is historically especially true of the spaniard, attacked in his own land. the tenacity of the race has never come out so strongly as under such conditions, as was witnessed in the old war of the spanish succession, and during the usurpation of napoleon. on the other hand, such an enterprise on our part, if directed against spanish commerce on the seas, as was suggested by several excellent officers, would have had but a trivial objective. the commerce of spain was cut up, root and branch, by our expeditions against her colonies, cuba and manila; for her most important trade depended upon monopoly of the colonial markets. the slight stream of traffic maintained in spanish bottoms between the english channel and the peninsula, was so small that it could readily have been transferred to neutral ships, whose flag we had for this war engaged should protect enemy's goods. under these circumstances, the coasts of the philippines and of cuba were to us the coast of spain, and far more conveniently so than that of the home country would have been. a spanish merchant captain, writing from barcelona as early as the th of may, had said: "at this moment we have shut up in this port the [steam] fleets of five transatlantic companies," which he names. "the sailing-vessels are tied up permanently. several [named] ships have fallen into the hands of the enemy. meantime the blockade of cuba, puerto rico, and manila continues, at least for our flag, and maritime commerce is at a standstill. in barcelona some foreign firms, exporters to the philippines, have failed, as well as several custom-house brokers, owing to the total cessation of mercantile movement. the losses already suffered by our trade are incalculable, amounting to much more than the millions needed to maintain a half-dozen armored ships, which would have prevented the yankees from daring so much." these vessels continued to lie idle in barcelona until the dread of commodore watson's threatened approach caused them to be sent to marseilles, seeking the protection of the neutral port. a few weeks later the same spanish writer comments: "the result of our mistakes," in the management of the navy, "is the loss of the markets of cuba, puerto rico, and the philippines, and, in consequence, the death of our merchant marine." inquiries were addressed by the state to the chambers of commerce, for suggestions as to the opening of new markets, to compensate for the existing suspension of communications with "the over-sea provinces." with such results from our operations in the antilles and the philippines, there was no inducement, and indeed no justification, for sending cruisers across the ocean, until we had enough and to spare for the blockade of cuba and puerto rico. this was at no time the case, up to the close of the war, owing to a combination of causes. the work of paralyzing spanish trade was being effectually done by the same measures that tended to strangle the spanish armies in cuba and the philippines, and which, when fully developed, would entirely sever their necessary communications with the outside world. besides all this, the concentration of our efforts upon cuba, with a subsequent slight extension to the single port of san juan in puerto rico, imposed upon spain the burden of sustaining the war between three and four thousand miles from home, and spared us the like additional strain. every consideration so far entertained, therefore, of energy as well as of prudence, dictated the application of all the pressure at our disposal at the beginning of hostilities, and until the destruction of cervera's squadron, upon cuba, and in a very minor degree upon puerto rico. indeed, the ships placed before san juan were not for blockade, properly so called, but to check any mischievous display of energy by the torpedo cruiser within. after thus noting briefly the conditions of the enemy's coast defences and commerce, there remains to consider the one other element of his sea power--the combatant navy--with regard to its force and to its disposition when war began. as was before said, the disparity between the armored fleets of the two nations was nominally inconsiderable; and the spaniards possessed one extremely valuable--and by us unrivalled--advantage in a nearly homogeneous group of five[ ] armored cruisers, very fast, and very similar both in nautical qualities and in armament. it is difficult to estimate too highly the possibilities open to such a body of ships, regarded as a "fleet in being," to use an expression that many of our readers may have seen, but perhaps scarcely fully understood. the phrase "fleet in being," having within recent years gained much currency in naval writing, demands--like the word "jingo"--preciseness of definition; and this, in general acceptance, it has not yet attained. it remains, therefore, somewhat vague, and so occasions misunderstandings between men whose opinions perhaps do not materially differ. the writer will not attempt to define, but a brief explanation of the term and its origin may not be amiss. it was first used, in , by the british admiral lord torrington, when defending his course in declining to engage decisively, with an inferior force, a french fleet, then dominating in the channel, and under cover of which it was expected that a descent upon the english coast would be made by a great french army. "had i fought otherwise," he said, "our fleet had been totally lost, and the kingdom had lain open to invasion. as it was, most men were in fear that the french would invade; but i was always of another opinion, for i always said that whilst we had a fleet in being, they would not dare to make an attempt." a "fleet in being," therefore, is one the existence and maintenance of which, although inferior, on or near the scene of operations, is a perpetual menace to the various more or less exposed interests of the enemy, who cannot tell when a blow may fall, and who is therefore compelled to restrict his operations, otherwise possible, until that fleet can be destroyed or neutralized. it corresponds very closely to "a position on the flank and rear" of an enemy, where the presence of a smaller force, as every military student knows, harasses, and may even paralyze offensive movements. when such a force is extremely mobile, as a fleet of armored cruisers may be, its power of mischief is very great; potentially, it is forever on the flank and rear, threatening the lines of communications. it is indeed as a threat to communications that the "fleet in being" is chiefly formidable. the theory received concrete and convincing illustration during the recent hostilities, from the effect exerted--and justly exerted--upon our plans and movements by cervera's squadron, until there had been assembled before santiago a force at once so strong and so numerous as to make his escape very improbable. even so, when a telegram was received from a capable officer that he had identified by night, off the north coast of cuba, an armored cruiser,--which, if of that class, was most probably an enemy,--the sailing of shafter's expedition was stopped until the report could be verified. so much for the positive, material influence--in the judgment of the writer, the reasonable influence--of a "fleet in being." as regards the moral effect, the effect upon the imagination, it is scarcely necessary more than to allude to the extraordinary play of the fancy, the kaleidoscopic effects elicited from our own people, and from some foreign critics, in propounding dangers for ourselves and ubiquity for cervera. against the infection of such tremors it is one of the tasks of those in responsibility to guard themselves and, if possible, their people. "don't make pictures for yourself," was napoleon's warning to his generals. "every naval operation since i became head of the government has failed, because my admirals see double and have learned--where i don't know--that war can be made without running risks." the probable value of a "fleet in being" has, in the opinion of the writer, been much overstated; for, even at the best, the game of evasion, which this is, if persisted in, can have but one issue. the superior force will in the end run the inferior to earth. in the meanwhile, however, vital time may have been lost. it is conceivable, for instance, that cervera's squadron, if thoroughly effective, might, by swift and well-concealed movements, have detained our fleet in the west indies until the hurricane of september, , swept over the caribbean. we had then no reserve to replace armored ships lost or damaged. but, for such persistence of action, there is needed in each unit of the "fleet in being" an efficiency rarely attainable, and liable to be lost by unforeseen accident at a critical moment. where effect, nay, safety, depends upon mere celerity of movement, as in retreat, a crippled ship means a lost ship; or a lost fleet, if the body sticks to its disabled member. such efficiency it is probable cervera's division never possessed. the length of its passage across the atlantic, however increased by the embarrassment of frequently recoaling the torpedo destroyers, so far over-passed the extreme calculations of our naval authorities, that ready credence was given to an apparently authentic report that it had returned to spain; the more so that such concentration was strategically correct, and it was incorrect to adventure an important detachment so far from home, without the reinforcement it might have received in cadiz. this delay, in ships whose individual speed had originally been very high, has been commonly attributed in our service to the inefficiency of the engine-room force; and this opinion is confirmed by a spanish officer writing in their "revista de la marina." "the americans," he says, "keep their ships cruising constantly, in every sea, and therefore have a large and qualified engine-room force. we have but few machinists, and are almost destitute of firemen." this inequality, however, is fundamentally due to the essential differences of mechanical capacity and development in the two nations. an amusing story was told the writer some years ago by one of our consuls in cuba. making a rather rough passage between two ports, he saw an elderly cuban or spanish gentleman peering frequently into the engine-room, with evident uneasiness. when asked the cause of his concern, the reply was, "i don't feel comfortable unless the man in charge of the engines talks english to them." when to the need of constant and sustained ability to move at high speed is added the necessity of frequent recoaling, allowing the hostile navy time to come up, it is evident that the active use of a "fleet in being," however perplexing to the enemy, must be both anxious and precarious to its own commander. the contest is one of strategic wits, and it is quite possible that the stronger, though slower, force, centrally placed, may, in these days of cables, be able to receive word and to corner its antagonist before the latter can fill his bunkers. of this fact we should probably have received a very convincing illustration, had a satisfactory condition of our coast defences permitted the flying squadron to be off cienfuegos, or even off havana, instead of in hampton roads. cervera's entrance to santiago was known to us within twenty-four hours. in twenty-four more it could have been communicated off cienfuegos by a fast despatch boat, after which less than forty-eight would have placed our division before santiago. the uncertainty felt by commodore schley, when he arrived off cienfuegos, as to whether the spanish division was inside or no, would not have existed had his squadron been previously blockading; and his consequent delay of over forty-eight hours--with the rare chance thus offered to cervera--would not have occurred. to coal four great ships within that time was probably beyond the resources of santiago; whereas the speed predicated for our own movements is rather below than above the dispositions contemplated to ensure it. the great end of a war fleet, however, is not to chase, nor to fly, but to control the seas. had cervera escaped our pursuit at santiago, it would have been only to be again paralyzed at cienfuegos or at havana. when speed, not force, is the reliance, destruction may be postponed, but can be escaped only by remaining in port. let it not, therefore, be inferred, from the possible, though temporary, effect of a "fleet in being," that speed is the chief of all factors in the battleship. this plausible, superficial notion, too easily accepted in these days of hurry and of unreflecting dependence upon machinery as the all in all, threatens much harm to the future efficiency of the navy. not speed, but power of offensive action, is the dominant factor in war. the decisive preponderant element of great land forces has ever been the infantry, which, it is needless to say, is also the slowest. the homely summary of the art of war, "to get there first with the most men," has with strange perverseness been so distorted in naval--and still more in popular--conception, that the second and more important consideration has been subordinated to the former and less essential. force does not exist for mobility, but mobility for force. it is of no use to get there first unless, when the enemy in turn arrives, you have also the most men,--the greater force. this is especially true of the sea, because there inferiority of force--of gun power--cannot be compensated, as on land it at times may be, by judiciously using accidents of the ground. i do not propose to fall into an absurdity of my own by questioning the usefulness of higher speed, _provided_ the increase is not purchased at the expense of strictly offensive power; but the time has come to say plainly that its value is being exaggerated; that it is in the battleship secondary to gun power; that a battle fleet can never attain, nor maintain, the highest rate of any ship in it, except of that one which at the moment is the slowest, for it is a commonplace of naval action that fleet speed is that of the slowest ship; that not exaggerated speed, but uniform speed--sustained speed--is the requisite of the battle fleet; that it is not machinery, as is often affirmed, but brains and guns, that win battles and control the sea. the true speed of war is not headlong precipitancy, but the unremitting energy which wastes no time. for the reasons that have been given, the safest, though not the most effective, disposition of an inferior "fleet in being" is to lock it up in an impregnable port or ports, imposing upon the enemy the intense and continuous strain of watchfulness against escape. this it was that torrington, the author of the phrase, proposed for the time to do. thus it was that napoleon, to some extent before trafalgar, but afterward with set and exclusive purpose, used the french navy, which he was continually augmenting, and yet never, to the end of his reign, permitted again to undertake any serious expedition. the mere maintenance of several formidable detachments, in apparent readiness, from the scheldt round to toulon, presented to the british so many possibilities of mischief that they were compelled to keep constantly before each of the french ports a force superior to that within, entailing an expense and an anxiety by which the emperor hoped to exhaust their endurance. to some extent this was cervera's position and function in santiago, whence followed logically the advisability of a land attack upon the port, to force to a decisive issue a situation which was endurable only if incurable. "the destruction of cervera's squadron," justly commented an italian writer, before the result was known, "is the only really decisive fact that can result from the expedition to santiago, because it will reduce to impotence the naval power of spain. the determination of the conflict will depend throughout upon the destruction of the spanish sea power, and not upon territorial descents, although the latter may aggravate the situation." the american admiral from before santiago, when urging the expedition of a land force to make the bay untenable, telegraphed, "the destruction of this squadron will end the war;" and it did. in other respects it is probable that the spanish admiral had little confidence in a squadron which, whatever the courage or other qualities of the officers and seamen, had never manoeuvred together until it left the cape de verde islands. since its destruction, a writer in a spanish naval magazine has told the following incident: "a little more than a year ago we visited general cervera in la carraca, [the cadiz arsenal], and we said to him: 'you appear to be indicated, by professional opinion, for the command of the squadron in case war is declared.' 'in that case,' he replied, 'i shall accept, knowing, however, that i am going to a trafalgar.' 'and how could that disaster be avoided?' 'by allowing me to expend beforehand fifty thousand tons of coal in evolutions and ten thousand projectiles in target practice. otherwise we shall go to a trafalgar. remember what i say.'" it is curious to contrast with this well-founded fear of an experienced and gallant officer, expressed in private conversation, the opinion of another spanish officer, lately minister of marine, reported to the madrid public through a newspaper,--the "heraldo," of april , . it illustrates, further, the curious illusions entertained in high quarters in spain: "we had an opportunity to-day of talking for a long time with general beranger, the last secretary of the navy under the conservative cabinet. to the questions which we directed to him concerning the conflict pending with the united states, he was kind enough to inform us that he confided absolutely in the triumph of our naval forces.... 'we shall conquer on the sea, and i am now going to give you my reasons. the first of these is the remarkable discipline that prevails on our warships; and the second, as soon as fire is opened, the crews of the american ships will commence to desert, since we all know that among them are people of all nationalities. ship against ship, therefore, a failure is not to be feared. i believe that the squadron detained at cape de verde, and particularly the destroyers, should have, and could have, continued the voyage to cuba, since they have nothing to fear from the american fleet.'" the review from which cervera's opinion is quoted has, since the disasters to the spanish navy, been full of complaints and of detailed statements concerning the neglect of the navy, both in its material and in drills, during the antecedent months of peace, owing to the practice of a misplaced, if necessary, economy. but that economy, it is justly argued, would not have been required to a disabling degree, if so disproportionate an amount of money had not been expended upon the army, by a state whose great colonial system could in war be sustained only by a fleet. "in more than a year," writes a captain in the spanish navy, "we have had only one target practice, and that limited in extent, in order to expend the least possible amount of ammunition." the short brilliant moments of triumph in war are the sign and the seal of the long hours of obscure preparations, of which target practice is but one item. had even the nominal force of spain been kept in efficient condition for immediate action, the task of the united states would have been greatly prolonged and far from so easy as it has been since declared by those among our people who delight to belittle the great work our country has just achieved, and to undervalue the magnanimity of its resolution to put a stop to outrages at our doors which were well said to have become intolerable. neither by land nor by sea was the state of the case so judged by professional men, either at home or abroad. it was indeed evident that, if we persevered, there could be but one issue; but this might have been postponed, by an active opponent, long enough to have disheartened our nation, if it was as easily to be discouraged by the difficulties and dangers, now past, as it is in some quarters represented again to be by the problems arising out of the war and its conquests. such discouragement, perplexity, and consequent frustration of the adversary's purposes are indeed the prime function of a "fleet in being,"--to create and to maintain moral effect, in short, rather than physical, unless indeed the enemy, yielding to moral effect, divides his forces in such wise as to give a chance for a blow at one portion of them. the tendency to this also received illustration in our war. "our sea-coast," said a person then in authority to the present writer, "was in a condition of unreasoning panic, and fought to have little squadrons scattered along it everywhere, according to the theory of defence always favored by stupid terror." the "stupidity," by all military experience, was absolute--unqualified; but the navy department succeeded in withstanding the "terror"--the moral effect--so far as to compromise on the flying squadron; a rational solution, though not unimpeachable. we thus, instead of a half-dozen naval groups, had only two, the combination of which might perhaps be effected in time enough. footnotes: [ ] in this number is included the _emperador carlos v._; which, however, did not accompany the other four under cervera. iii possibilities open to the spanish navy at the beginning of the war.--the reasons for blockading cuba.--first movements of the squadrons under admirals sampson and cervera. for the reasons just stated, it was upon cervera's squadron that the attention of instructed military students was chiefly turned at the outset of the war. grave suspicions as to its efficiency, indeed, were felt in many quarters, based partly upon actual knowledge of the neglect of the navy practised by the spanish government, and partly upon the inference that the general incapacity evident for years past in all the actions of the spanish authorities, and notably in cuba, could not but extend to the navy,--one of the most sensitive and delicate parts of any political organization; one of the first to go to pieces when the social and political foundations of a state are shaken, as was notably shown in the french revolution. but, though suspected, the ineffectiveness of that squadron could not be assumed before proved. until then--to use the words of an italian writer who has treated the whole subject of this war with comprehensive and instructive perspicacity--spain had "the possibility of contesting the command of the sea, and even of securing a definite preponderance, by means of a squadron possessed of truly exceptional characteristics, both tactical and strategic,"--in short, by means of a "fleet in being." it is true that in this estimate the writer quoted included the _carlos v._, a new and high-powered armored cruiser, and also a number of protected cruisers and of torpedo vessels, of various kinds, all possessing a rate of speed much superior to the more distinctly fighting ships in which consisted the strength of the united states squadrons. such a fleet, homogeneous in respect to the particular function which constitutes the power of a "fleet in being," whose effectiveness lies in its legs and in its moral effect, in its power to evade pursuit and to play upon the fears of an enemy, should be capable of rapid continuous movement; and such a fleet spain actually possessed when the war broke out--only it was not ready. "this splendid fleet," resumed our italian critic, giving rein, perhaps, to a southern imagination, but not wholly without just reason, "would be in a condition to impose upon the enemy the character which the conflict should assume, alike in strategy and in tactics, and thereby could draw the best and greatest advantage from the actual situation, with a strong probability of partial results calculated to restore the equilibrium between the two belligerent fleets, or even of successes so decisive, if obtained immediately after the declaration of war, as to include a possibility of a spanish preponderance." the present writer guards himself from being understood to accept fully this extensive programme for a fleet distinctly inferior in actual combative force; but the general assumption of the author quoted indicates the direction of effort which alone held out a hope of success, and which for that reason should have been vigorously followed by the spanish authorities. as the spanish navy--whatever its defects in organization and practice--is not lacking in thoughtful and instructed officers, it is probable that the despatch of cervera with only four ships, instead of at least the five armored cruisers well qualified to act together, which he might have had, not to speak of the important auxiliaries also disposable, was due to uninstructed popular and political pressure, of the same kind that in our country sought to force the division of our fleet among our ports. that the spanish government was thus goaded and taunted, at the critical period when cervera was lying in santiago, is certain. to that, most probably, judging from the words used in the cortes, we owe the desperate sortie which delivered him into our hands and reduced spain to inevitable submission. "the continuance of cervera's division in santiago, and its apparent inactivity," stated a leading naval periodical in madrid, issued two days before the destruction of the squadron, "is causing marked currents of pessimism, and of disaffection towards the navy, especially since the yankees have succeeded in effecting their proposed landing. this state of public feeling, which has been expressed with unrestricted openness in some journals, has been sanctioned in congress by one of the opposition members uttering very unguarded opinions, and reflecting injuriously upon the navy itself, as though upon it depended having more or fewer ships." the minister of marine, replying in the cortes, paraphrased as follows, without contradiction, the words of this critic, which voiced, as it would appear, a popular clamor: "you ask, 'why, after reaching santiago, has the squadron not gone out, and why does it not now go out?' why do four ships not go out to fight twenty? you ask again: 'if it does not go out, if it does not hasten to seek death, what is the use of squadrons? for what are fleets built, if not to be lost?' we are bound to believe, señor romero robledo, that your words in this case express neither what you intended to say nor your real opinion." nevertheless, they seem not to have received correction, nor to have been retracted; and to the sting of them, and of others of like character, is doubtless due the express order of the ministry under which cervera quitted his anchorage. like ourselves, our enemy at the outset of the war had his fleet in two principal divisions: one still somewhat formless and as yet unready, but of very considerable power, was in the ports of the peninsula; the other--cervera's--at the cape verde islands, a possession of portugal. the latter was really exceptional in its qualities, as our italian author has said. it was exceptional in a general sense, because homogeneous and composed of vessels of very high qualities, offensive and defensive; it was exceptional also, as towards us in particular, because we had of the same class but two ships,--one-half its own force,--the _new york_ and the _brooklyn_; and, moreover, we had no torpedo cruisers to oppose to the three which accompanied it. these small vessels, while undoubtedly an encumbrance to a fleet in extended strategic movements in boisterous seas, because they cannot always keep up, are a formidable adjunct--tactical in character--in the day of battle, especially if the enemy has none of them; and in the mild caribbean it was possible that they might not greatly delay their heavy consorts in passages which would usually be short. the two main divisions of the spanish fleet were thus about fifteen hundred miles apart when war began on the th of april. the neutrality of portugal made it impossible for cervera to remain long in his then anchorage, and an immediate decision was forced upon his government. it is incredible that among the advisers of the minister of marine--himself a naval officer--there was no one to point out that to send cervera at once to the antilles, no matter to what port, was to make it possible for the united states to prevent any future junction between himself and the remaining vessels of their navy. the squadron of either sampson or schley was able to fight him on terms of reasonable equality, to say the least. either of our divisions, therefore, was capable of blockading him, if caught in port; and it was no more than just to us to infer that, when once thus cornered, we should, as we actually did at santiago, assemble both divisions, so as to render escape most improbable and the junction of a reinforcement practically impossible. such, in fact, was the intention from the very first: for, this done, all our other undertakings, cuban blockade and what not, would be carried on safely, under cover of our watching fleet, were the latter distant ten miles or a thousand from such other operations. the writer, personally, attaches but little importance to the actual consequences of strictly offensive operations attempted by a "fleet in being," when of so inferior force. as suggested by spanish and foreign officers, in various publications, they have appeared to him fantastic pranks of the imagination, such as he himself indulged in as a boy, rather than a sober judgment formed after considering both sides of the case. "i cannot but admire captain owen's zeal," wrote nelson on one occasion, "in his anxious desire to get at the enemy, but i am afraid it has made him overleap sandbanks and tides, and laid him aboard the enemy. i am as little used to find out the impossible as most folks, and i think i can discriminate between the impracticable and the fair prospect of success." the potentialities of cervera's squadron, after reaching the spanish antilles, must be considered under the limitations of his sandbanks and tides; of telegraph cables betraying his secrets, of difficulties and delays in coaling, of the chances of sudden occasional accidents to which all machinery is liable, multiplied in a fleet by the number of vessels composing it; and to these troubles, inevitable accompaniments of such operations, must in fairness be added the assumption of reasonable watchfulness and intelligence on the part of the united states, in the distribution of its lookouts and of its ships. the obvious palliative to the disadvantage thus incurred by spain would have been to add to cervera ships sufficient to force us at least to unite our two divisions, and to keep them joined. this, however, could not be done at once, because the contingent in spain was not yet ready; and fear of political consequences and public criticism at home, such as that already quoted, probably deterred the enemy from the correct military measure of drawing cervera's squadron back to the canaries, some eight hundred or nine hundred miles; or even to spain, if necessary. this squadron itself had recently been formed in just this way; two ships being drawn back from the antilles and two sent forward from the peninsula. if spain decided to carry on the naval war in the caribbean,--and to decide otherwise was to abandon cuba in accordance with our demand,--she should have sent all the armored ships she could get together, and have thrown herself frankly, and at whatever cost, upon a mere defensive policy for her home waters, relying upon coast defences--or upon mere luck, if need were--for the safety of the ports. war cannot be made without running risks. when you have chosen your field for fighting, you must concentrate upon it, letting your other interests take their chance. to do this, however, men must have convictions, and conviction must rest upon knowledge, or else ignorant clamor and contagious panic will sweep away every reasonable teaching of military experience. and so cervera went forth with his four gallant ships, foredoomed to his fate by folly, or by national false pride, exhibited in the form of political pressure disregarding sound professional judgment and military experience. we were not without manifestations here of the same uninstructed and ignoble outcry; but fortunately our home conditions permitted it to be disregarded without difficulty. nevertheless, although under circumstances thus favorable we escaped the worst effects of such lack of understanding, the indications were sufficient to show how hard, in a moment of real emergency, it will be for the government to adhere to sound military principles, if there be not some appreciation of these in the mass of the people; or, at the very least, among the leaders to whom the various parts of the country are accustomed to look for guidance. it may be profitable at this point to recall a few dates; after which the narrative, avoiding superfluous details, can be continued in such outline as is required for profitable comment, and for eliciting the more influential factors in the course of events, with the consequent military lessons from them to be deduced. on april th the president of the united states approved the joint resolution passed by the two houses of congress, declaring the independence of cuba, and demanding that spain should relinquish her authority there and withdraw her forces. a blockade, dated april nd, was declared of the north coast of cuba, from cardenas on the east to bahia honda, west of havana, and of the port of cienfuegos on the south side of the island. on april th a bill declaring that war between the united states and spain existed, and had existed since the st of the month, was passed by congress and approved the same evening by the president, thus adding another instance to the now commonplace observation that hostilities more frequently precede than follow a formal declaration. on april th, admiral cervera's division--four armored cruisers and three torpedo destroyers--quitted the cape de verde islands for an unknown destination, and disappeared during near a fortnight from the knowledge of the united states authorities. on may , commodore dewey by a dash, the rapidity and audacity of which reflected the highest credit upon his professional qualities, destroyed the spanish squadron at manila, thereby paralyzing also all spanish operations in the east. the government of the united states was thus, during an appreciable time, and as it turned out finally, released from all military anxiety about the course of events in that quarter. meantime the blockade of the cuban coasts, as indicated above, had been established effectively, to the extent demanded by international law, which requires the presence upon the coast, or before the port, declared blockaded, of such a force as shall constitute a manifest danger of capture to vessels seeking to enter or to depart. in the reserved, not to say unfriendly, attitude assumed by many of the european states, the precise character of which is not fully known, and perhaps never will be, it was not only right, but practically necessary, to limit the extent of coast barred to merchant ships to that which could be thus effectually guarded, leaving to neutral governments no sound ground for complaint. blockade is one of the rights conceded to belligerent states, by universal agreement, which directly, as well as indirectly, injures neutrals, imposing pecuniary losses by restraints upon trade previously in their hands. the ravages of the insurrection and the narrow policy of spain in seeking to monopolize intercourse with her colonies had, indeed, already grievously reduced the commerce of the island; but with our war there was sure to spring up a vigorous effort, both legal and contraband, to introduce stores of all kinds, especially the essentials of life, the supply of which was deficient. such cargoes, not being clearly contraband, could be certainly excluded only by blockade; and the latter, in order fully to serve our military objects, needed at the least to cover every port in railway communication with havana, where the bulk of the spanish army was assembled. this it was impossible to effect at the first, because we had not ships enough; and therefore, as always in such cases, a brisk neutral trade, starting from jamaica and from mexico, as well as from europe and the north american continent, was directed upon the harbors just outside the limits of the blockade,--towards sagua la grande and adjacent waters in the north, and to batabano and other ports in the south. such trade would be strictly lawful, from an international standpoint, unless declared by us to be contraband, because aiding to support the army of the enemy; and such declarations, by which provisions are included in the elastic, but ill-defined category of contraband, tend always to provoke the recriminations and unfriendliness of neutral states. blockade avoids the necessity for definitions, for by it all goods become contraband; the extension of it therefore was to us imperative. as things were, although this neutral trade frustrated our purposes to a considerable degree, it afforded us no ground for complaint. on the contrary, we were at times hard driven by want of vessels to avoid laying ourselves open to reclamation, on the score of the blockade being invalid, even within its limited range, because ineffective. this was especially the case at the moment when the army was being convoyed from tampa, as well as immediately before, and for some days after that occasion: before, because it was necessary then to detach from the blockade and to assemble elsewhere the numerous small vessels needed to check the possible harmful activity of the spanish gunboats along the northern coast, and afterwards, because the preliminary operations about santiago, concurring with dark nights favorable to cervera's escape, made it expedient to retain there many of the lighter cruisers, which, moreover, needed recoaling,--a slow business when so many ships were involved. our operations throughout labored--sometimes more, sometimes less--under this embarrassment, which should be borne in mind as a constant, necessary, yet perplexing element in the naval and military plans. the blockade, in fact, while the army was still unready, and until the spanish navy came within reach, was the one decisive measure, sure though slow in its working, which could be taken; the necessary effect of which was to bring the enemy's ships to this side of the ocean, unless spain was prepared to abandon the contest. the italian writer already quoted, a fair critic, though spanish in his leanings, enumerates among the circumstances most creditable to the direction of the war by the navy department the perception that "blockade must inevitably cause collapse, given the conditions of insurrection and of exhaustion already existing in the island." from this specific instance, the same author, whose military judgments show much breadth of view, later on draws a general conclusion which is well worth the attention of american readers, because much of our public thought is committed to the belief that at sea private property, so called,--that is, merchant ships and their cargoes,--should not be liable to capture in war; which, duly interpreted, means that the commerce of one belligerent is not to be attacked or interrupted by the other. "blockade," says our italian, "is the fundamental basis of the conflict for the dominion of the seas, when the contest cannot be brought to an immediate issue;" that is, to immediate battle. blockade, however, is but one form of the unbloody pressure brought to bear upon an enemy by interruption of his commerce. the stoppage of commerce, in whole or in part, exhausts without fighting. it compels peace without sacrificing life. it is the most scientific warfare, because the least sanguinary, and because, like the highest strategy, it is directed against the communications,--the resources,--not the persons, of the enemy. it has been the glory of sea-power that its ends are attained by draining men of their dollars instead of their blood. eliminate the attack upon an enemy's sea-borne commerce from the conditions of naval war,--in which heretofore it has been always a most important factor,--and the sacrifice of life will be proportionately increased, for two reasons: first, the whole decision of the contest will rest upon actual conflict; and, second, failing decisive results in battle, the war will be prolonged, because by retaining his trade uninjured the enemy retains all his money power to keep up his armed forces. the establishment and maintenance of the blockade therefore was, in the judgment of the present writer, not only the first step in order, but also the first, by far, in importance, open to the government of the united states as things were; prior, that is, to the arrival of cervera's division at some known and accessible point. its importance lay in its twofold tendency; to exhaust the enemy's army in cuba, and to force his navy to come to the relief. no effect more decisive than these two could be produced by us before the coming of the hostile navy, or the readiness of our own army to take the field, permitted the contest to be brought, using the words of our italian commentator, "to an immediate issue." upon the blockade, therefore, the generally accepted principles of warfare would demand that effort should be concentrated, until some evident radical change in the conditions dictated a change of object,--a new objective; upon which, when accepted, effort should again be concentrated, with a certain amount of "exclusiveness of purpose." blockade, however, implies not merely a sufficient number of cruisers to prevent the entry or departure of merchant ships. it further implies, because it requires, a strong supporting force sufficient to resist being driven off by an attack from within or from without the port; for it is an accepted tenet of international law that a blockade raised by force ceases to exist, and cannot be considered re-established until a new proclamation and reoccupancy of the ground in force. hence it follows that, prior to such re-establishment, merchant vessels trying to enter or to depart cannot be captured in virtue of the previous proclamation. consequent upon this requirement, therefore, the blockades on the north and on the south side, to be secure against this military accident, should each have been supported by a division of armored ships capable of meeting cervera's division on fairly equal terms; for, considering the sea distance between cienfuegos and havana, one such division could not support both blockades. it has already been indicated why it was impossible so to sustain the cienfuegos blockaders. the reason, in the last analysis, was our insufficient sea-coast fortification. the flying squadron was kept in hampton roads to calm the fears of the seaboard, and to check any enterprise there of cervera, if intended or attempted. the other division of the armored fleet, however, was placed before havana, where its presence not only strengthened adequately the blockading force proper, but assured also the safety of our naval base at key west, both objects being attainable by the same squadron, on account of their nearness to each other. it should likewise be noticed that the same principle of concentration of effort upon the single purpose--the blockade--forbade, _a priori_, any attempts at bombardment by which our armored ships should be brought within range of disablement by heavy guns on shore. if the blockade was our object, rightly or wrongly, and if a blockade, to be secure against serious disturbance, required all the armored ships at our disposal,--as it did,--it follows logically and rigorously that to risk those ships by attacking forts is false to principle, unless special reasons can be adduced sufficiently strong to bring such action within the scope of the principle properly applied. it is here necessary clearly to distinguish. sound principles in warfare are as useful and as necessary as in morals; when established, the presumption in any case is all on their side, and there is no one of them better established than concentration. but as in morals, so in war, the application of principle, the certainty of right, is not always clear. could it always be, war would be an exact science; which it is not, but an art, in which true artists are as few as in painting or sculpture. it may be that a bombardment of the fortifications of havana, or of some other place, might have been expedient, for reasons unknown to the writer; but it is clearly and decisively his opinion that if it would have entailed even a remote risk of serious injury to an armored ship, it stood condemned irretrievably (unless it conduced to getting at the enemy's navy), because it would hazard the maintenance of the blockade, our chosen object, upon which our efforts should be concentrated.[ ] there is concentration of purpose, as well as concentration in place, and ex-centric action in either sphere is contrary to sound military principle. the question of keeping the armored division under admiral sampson in the immediate neighborhood of havana, for the purpose of supporting the blockade by the lighter vessels, was one upon which some diversity of opinion might be expected to arise. cervera's destination was believed--as it turned out, rightly believed--to be the west indies. his precise point of arrival was a matter of inference only, as in fact was his general purpose. a natural surmise was that he would go first to puerto rico, for reasons previously indicated. but if coal enough remained to him, it was very possible that he might push on at once to his ultimate objective, if that were a cuban port, thus avoiding the betrayal of his presence at all until within striking distance of his objective. that he could get to the united states coast without first entering a coaling port, whence he would be reported, was antecedently most improbable; and, indeed, it was fair to suppose that, if bound to havana, coal exigencies would compel him to take a pretty short route, and to pass within scouting range of the windward passage, between cuba and haïti. whatever the particular course of reasoning, it was decided that a squadron under admiral sampson's command should proceed to the windward passage for the purpose of observation, with a view to going further eastward if it should appear advisable. accordingly, on the th of may, five days after cervera left the cape de verde, the admiral sailed for the appointed position, taking with him all his armored sea-going ships--the _iowa_, the _indiana_, and the _new york_--and two monitors, the _amphitrite_ and the _terror_. of course, some smaller cruisers and a collier accompanied him. it is almost too obvious for mention that this movement, if undertaken at all, should be made, as it was, with all the force disposable, this being too small to be safely divided. the monitors promptly, though passively, proceeded to enforce another ancient maritime teaching,--the necessity for homogeneousness, especially of speed and manoeuvring qualities, in vessels intending to act together. of inferior speed at the best, they had, owing to their small coal endurance, and to minimize the delay in the progress of the whole body, consequent upon their stopping frequently to coal, to be towed each by an armored ship,--an expedient which, although the best that could be adopted, entailed endless trouble and frequent stoppages through the breaking of the tow-lines. [illustration: the caribbean sea (map)] shortly before midnight of may th, the squadron was twenty miles north of cape haïtien, about six hundred sea miles east of havana. it was there learned, by telegrams received from the department, that no information had yet been obtained as to the movements of the spanish division, but that two swift steamers, lately of the american transatlantic line, had been sent to scout to the eastward of martinique and guadaloupe. the instructions to these vessels were to cruise along a north and south line, eighty miles from the islands named. they met at the middle once a day, communicated, and then went back in opposite directions to the extremities of the beat. in case the enemy were discovered, word of course would be sent from the nearest cable port to washington, and to the admiral, if accessible. the two vessels were directed to continue on this service up to a certain time, which was carefully calculated to meet the extreme possibilities of slowness on the part of the spanish division, if coming that way; afterwards they were to go to a given place, and report. it may be added that they remained their full time, and yet missed by a hair's breadth sighting the enemy. the captain of one of them, the _harvard_, afterwards told the writer that he believed another stretch to the south would have rewarded him with success. the case was one in which blame could be imputed to nobody; unless it were to the spaniards, in disappointing our very modest expectations concerning their speed as a squadron, which is a very different thing from the speed of a single ship. among the telegrams received at this time by the admiral from the department were reports of rumors that colliers for the spanish division had been seen near guadaloupe; also that spanish vessels were coaling and loading ammunition at st. thomas. neither of these was well founded, nor was it likely that the enemy's division would pause for such purpose at a neutral island, distant, as st. thomas is, less than one hundred miles from their own harbors in puerto rico. immediately after the receipt of these telegrams, the admiral summoned all his captains between and a.m., may th, to a consultation regarding the situation. he then decided to go on to san juan, the chief seaport of puerto rico, upon the chance of finding the spanish squadron there. the coaling of the monitors, which had begun when the squadron stopped the previous afternoon, was resumed next morning. at . , may th, a telegram from the department reported a story, "published in the newspapers," that the spanish division had been seen on the night of the th, near martinique. the department's telegram betrayed also some anxiety about key west and the havana blockade; but, while urging a speedy return, the details of the admiral's movements were left to his own discretion. the squadron then stood east, and on the early morning of the th arrived off san juan. an attack upon the forts followed at once, lasting from . to . a.m.; but, as it was evident that the spanish division was not there, the admiral decided not to continue the attack, although satisfied that he could force a surrender. his reasons for desisting are given in his official report as follows:-- "the fact that we should be held several days in completing arrangements for holding the place; that part [of the squadron] would have to be left to await the arrival of troops to garrison it; that the movements of the spanish squadron, our main objective, were still unknown; that the flying squadron was still north and not in a position to render any aid; that havana, cervera's natural objective, was thus open to entry by such a force as his, while we were a thousand miles distant,--made our immediate movement toward havana imperative." it will be noted that the admiral's conclusions, as here given, coincided substantially with the feeling of the department as expressed in the telegram last mentioned. the squadron started back immediately to the westward. during the night of this same day, thursday, may th, towards midnight, reliable information was received at the navy department that cervera's squadron had arrived off martinique,--four armored cruisers and three torpedo destroyers, one of the latter entering the principal port of the island. the movements of the spanish division immediately preceding its appearance off martinique can be recovered in the main from the log of the _cristobal colon_, which was found on board that ship by the united states officers upon taking possession after her surrender on july . some uncertainty attends the conclusions reached from its examination, because the record is brief and not always precise in its statements; but, whatever inaccuracy of detail there may be, the general result is clear enough. at noon on may th the division was one hundred and thirty miles east of the longitude of martinique, and fifteen miles south of its southernmost point. being thus within twelve hours' run of the island, admiral cervera evidently, and reasonably, considered that he might now be in the neighborhood of danger, if the united states government had decided to attempt to intercept him with an armored division, instead of sticking to the dispositions known to him when he sailed,--the blockade of cuba and the holding the flying squadron in reserve. in order not to fall in with an enemy unexpectedly, especially during the night, the speed of the division was reduced to something less than four knots, and the torpedo destroyer _terror_ was sent ahead to reconnoitre and report. the incident of her separating from her consorts is not noted,--a singular omission, due possibly to its occurring at night and so escaping observation by the _colon_; but it is duly logged that she was sighted "to port" next morning, may th, at a.m., and that, until she was recognized, the crew were sent to their quarters for action. this precaution had also been observed during the previous night, the men sleeping beside their guns,--a sufficient evidence of the suspicions entertained by the spanish admiral. at a.m.--by which hour, or very soon afterwards, the communication of the _terror_ with the admiral recorded by the log must have taken place--there had been abundance of time since daybreak for a -knot torpedo destroyer, low-lying in the water, to remain unseen within easy scouting distance of martinique, and thence to rejoin the squadron, which would then be forty or fifty miles distant from the island. she could even, by putting forth all her speed, have communicated with the shore; possibly without the knowledge of the american representatives on the spot, if the sympathies of the inhabitants were with the spaniards, as has been generally believed. however that may be, shortly after her junction the division went ahead again seven knots, the speed logged at noon of may th, which, as steam formed, was increased to ten knots. at p.m. martinique was abeam on the starboard hand--north. at sundown the ships went to general quarters, and the crews were again kept at their guns during the night. by this time cervera doubtless had been informed that sampson's division had gone east from cuba, but its destination could have been only a matter of inference with him, for the attack upon san juan did not take place till the following morning. the fact of keeping his men at quarters also justifies the conclusion that he was thus uncertain about sampson, for the stationariness of the flying squadron would be known at martinique. after mentioning that the ship's company went to quarters, the log of the _colon_ adds: "stopped from . to a.m." whether the . was a.m. or p.m., whether, in short, the squadron continued practically motionless during the night of may th- th, can only be conjectured, but there can be little doubt that it did so remain. the spaniards still observe the old-fashioned sea-day of a century ago, abandoned long since by the british and ourselves, according to which may th begins at noon of may th. a continuous transaction, such as stopping from evening to morning, would fall, therefore, in the log of the same day, as it here does; whereas in a united states ship of war, even were our records as brief and fragmentary as the _colon's_, the fact of the stoppage, extending over the logs of two days, would have been mentioned in each. it is odd, after passing an hour or two in putting this and that together out of so incomplete a narrative, to find recorded in full, a few days later, the following notable incident: "at . p.m. flagship made signal: 'if you want fresh beef, send boat.' answered: 'many thanks; do not require any.'" log-books do state such occurrences, particularly when matters of signal; but then they are supposed also to give a reasonably full account of each day's important proceedings. whatever the movements back and forth, or the absence of movement, by the spanish ships during the night, at . a.m. the next day, may th, while sampson's division was still engaged with the forts at san juan, they were close to martinique, "four miles from diamond rock," a detached islet at its southern end. the next entry, the first for the sea-day of may th, is: "at . p.m. lost sight of martinique." as the land there is high enough to be visible forty or fifty miles under favorable conditions, and as the squadron on its way to curaçao averaged knots per hour, it seems reasonable to infer that the spanish admiral, having received news of the attack on san juan, though possibly not of the result, had determined upon a hasty departure and a hurried run to the end of his journey, before he could be intercepted by sampson, the original speed of whose ships was inferior to that of his own, and whom he knew to be hampered by monitors. the spaniards did not take coal at martinique. this may have been due to refusal by the french officials to permit it, according to a common neutral rule which allows a neutral only to give enough to reach the nearest national port. as the ships still had enough to reach curaçao, they had more than enough to go to puerto rico. it may very well be, also, that cervera, not caring to meet sampson, whose force, counting the monitors, was superior to his own, thought best to disappear at once again from our knowledge. he did indeed prolong his journey to santiago, if that were his original destination, by nearly two hundred miles, through going to curaçao; not to speak of the delay there in coaling. but, if the dutch allowed him to take all that he wanted, he would in his final start be much nearer cuba than at martinique, and he would be able, as far as fuel went, to reach either santiago, cienfuegos, or puerto rico, or even havana itself,--all which possibilities would tend to perplex us. it is scarcely probable, however, that he would have attempted the last-named port. to do so, not to speak of the greater hazard through the greater distance, would, in case of his success, not merely have enabled, but invited, the united states to concentrate its fleet in the very best position for us, where it would not only have "contained" the enemy, but have best protected our own base at key west. in the absence of certain knowledge, conjectural opinions, such as the writer has here educed, are not unprofitable; rather the reverse. to form them, the writer and the reader place themselves perforce nearly in cervera's actual position, and pass through their own minds the grist of unsolved difficulties which confronted him. the result of such a process is a much more real mental possession than is yielded by a quiet perusal of any ascertained facts, because it involves an argumentative consideration of opposing conditions, and not a mere passive acceptance of statements. the general conclusion of the present writer, from this consideration of cervera's position, and of that of our own government, is that the course of the spanish admiral was opportunist, solely and simply. such, in general, and necessarily, must be that of any "fleet in being," in the strict sense of the phrase, which involves inferiority of force; whereas the stronger force, if handled with sagacity and strength, constrains the weaker in its orbit as the earth governs the moon. placed in an extremely false position by the fault, militarily unpardonable, of his government, admiral cervera doubtless did the best he could. that in so doing he caused the united states authorities to pass through some moments of perplexity is certain, but it was the perplexity of interest rather than of apprehension; and in so far as the latter was felt at all, it was due to antecedent faults of disposition on our own part, the causes of which have been in great measure indicated already. the writer is not an angler, but he understands that there is an anxious pleasure in the suspense of playing a fish, as in any important contest involving skill. to say that there was any remarkable merit in the movements of the spanish admiral is as absurd as to attribute particular cleverness to a child who, with his hands behind his back, asks the old conundrum, "right or left?" "it is all a matter of guess," said nelson, "and the world attributes wisdom to him who guesses right;" but all the same, by unremitting watchfulness, sagacious inference, and diligent pursuit, he ran the french fleet down. at martinique, admiral cervera had all the west indies before him where to choose, and the united states coast too, conditioned by coal and other needs, foreseen or unforeseen. we ran him down at santiago; and had he vanished from there, we should have caught him somewhere else. the attempt of the spanish authorities to create an impression that some marvellous feat of strategy was in process of execution, to the extreme discomfiture of the united states navy, was natural enough, considering the straits they were in, and the consciousness of the capable among them that a squadron of that force never should have been sent across the sea; but, though natural, the pretension was absurd, and, though echoed by all the partisan press in europe, it did not for a moment impose as true upon those who were directing the movements of the united states ships. footnotes: [ ] a principal object of these papers, as has been stated, is to form a correct public opinion; for by public opinion, if misguided, great embarrassment is often caused to those responsible for the conduct of a war. as concrete examples teach far better than abstract principles, the writer suggests to the consideration of his readers how seriously would have been felt, during the hostilities, the accident which befell the battleship _massachusetts_, on dec. , , a month after the above sentences were written. an injury in battle, engaged without adequate object, would have had the same effect, and been indefensible. iv problems presented by cervera's appearance in west indian waters.--movements of the united states divisions and of the oregon.--functions of cruisers in a naval campaign. the departure of admiral cervera from martinique for curaçao was almost simultaneous with that of admiral sampson from san juan for key west. the immediate return of the latter to the westward was dictated by reasons, already given in his own words, the weight of which he doubtless felt more forcibly because he found himself actually so far away from the centre of the blockade and from his base at key west. when he began thus to retrace his steps, he was still ignorant of cervera's arrival. the following night, indeed, he heard from a passing vessel the rumor of the spanish squadron's regaining cadiz, with which the navy department had been for a moment amused. he stopped, therefore, to communicate with washington, intending, if the rumor were confirmed, to resume the attack upon san juan. but on the morning of the th--sunday--at . , his despatch-boat returned to him with the official intelligence, not only of the enemy's being off martinique, but of his arrival at curaçao, which occurred shortly after daylight of the th. the same telegram informed him that the flying squadron was on its way to key west, and directed him to regain that point himself with all possible rapidity. cervera left behind him at martinique one of his torpedo destroyers, the _terror_. a demonstration was made by this vessel, probably, though it may have been by one of her fellows, before st. pierre,--another port of the island,--where the _harvard_ was lying; and as the latter had been sent hurriedly from home with but a trifling battery, some anxiety was felt lest the enemy might score a point upon her, if the local authorities compelled her to leave. if the spaniard had been as fast as represented, he would have had an advantage over the american in both speed and armament,--very serious odds. the machinery of the former, however, was in bad order, and she soon had to seek a harbor in fort de france, also in martinique; after which the usual rule, that two belligerents may not leave the same neutral port within twenty-four hours of each other, assured the _harvard_ a safe start. this incident, otherwise trivial, is worthy of note, for it shows one of the results of our imperfect national preparation for war. if the conditions had allowed time to equip the _harvard_ with suitable guns, she could have repulsed such an enemy, as a ship of the same class, the _st. paul_, did a few weeks later off san juan, whither the _terror_ afterwards repaired, and where she remained till the war was over. the news of cervera's appearance off martinique was first received at the navy department about midnight of may th- th, nearly thirty-six hours after the fact. as our representatives there, and generally throughout the west indies, were very much on the alert, it seems not improbable that their telegrams, to say the least, were not given undue precedence of other matters. that, however, is one of the chances of life, and most especially of war. it is more to the purpose, because more useful to future guidance, to consider the general situation at the moment the telegram was received, the means at hand to meet the exigencies of the case, and what instructive light is thereby thrown back upon preceding movements, which had resulted in the actual conditions. admiral cervera's division had been at martinique, and, after a brief period of suspense, was known to have disappeared to the westward. the direction taken, however, might, nay, almost certainly must, be misleading,--that was part of his game. from it nothing could be decisively inferred. the last news of the _oregon_ was that she had left bahia, in brazil, on the th of the month. her whereabouts and intended movements were as unknown to the united states authorities as to the enemy. an obvious precaution, to assure getting assistance to her, would have been to prescribe the exact route she should follow, subject only to the conditional discretion which can never wisely be taken from the officer in command on the spot. in that way it would have been possible to send a division to meet her, if indications at any moment countenanced the suspicion entertained by some--the author among others--that cervera would attempt to intercept her. after careful consideration, this precaution had not been attempted, because the tight censorship of the press had not then been effectually enforced, and it was feared that even so vital and evident a necessity as that of concealing her movements would not avail against the desire of some newspapers to manifest enterprise, at whatever cost to national interests. if we ever again get into a serious war, a close supervision of the press, punitive as well as preventive, will be one of the first military necessities, unless the tone and disposition, not of the best, but of the worst, of its members shall have become sensibly improved; for occasional unintentional leakage, by well-meaning officials possessing more information than native secretiveness, cannot be wholly obviated, and must be accepted, practically, as one of the inevitable difficulties of conducting war. the _oregon_, therefore, was left a loose end, and was considered to be safer so than if more closely looked after. from the time she left bahia till she arrived at barbados, and from thence till she turned up off jupiter inlet, on the florida coast, no one in washington knew where she was. nevertheless, she continued a most important and exposed fraction of the national naval force. that cervera had turned west when last seen from martinique meant nothing. it was more significant and reassuring to know that he had not got coal there. still, it was possible that he might take a chance off barbados, trusting, as he with perfect reason could, that when he had waited there as long as his coal then on hand permitted, the british authorities would let him take enough more to reach puerto rico, as they did give captain clark sufficient to gain a united states port. when the _oregon_ got to barbados at . a.m. of may th, less than six days had elapsed since cervera quitted martinique; and the two islands are barely one hundred miles apart. all this, of course, is very much more clear to our present knowledge than it could possibly be to the spanish admiral, who probably, and not unnaturally, thought it far better to get his "fleet in being" under the guns of a friendly port than to hazard it on what might prove a wild-goose chase; for, after all, captain clark might not have gone to barbados. it may be interesting to the reader to say here that the navy department,--which was as much in the dark as cervera himself,--although it was necessarily concerned about the _oregon_, and gave much thought to the problem how best to assure her safety, was comforted by the certainty that, whatever befell the ship, the national interests would not be gravely compromised if she did meet the enemy. the situation was not novel or unprecedented, and historical precedents are an immense support to the spirit in doubtful moments. conscious of the power of the ship herself, and confident in her captain and officers, whom it knew well, the department was assured, to use words of nelson when he was expecting to be similarly outnumbered, "before we are destroyed, i have little doubt but the enemy will have their wings so completely clipped that they will be easily overtaken." such odds for our ship were certainly not desired; but, the best having been done that could be in the circumstances, there was reasonable ground to believe that, by the time the enemy got through with her, they would not amount to much as a fighting squadron. some little while after the return of admiral sampson's squadron to new york, the writer chanced to see, quoted as an after-dinner speech by the chief engineer of the _oregon_, the statement that captain clark had communicated to his officers the tactics he meant to pursue, if he fell in with the spanish division. his purpose, as so explained, deserves to be noted; for it assures our people, if they need any further assurance, that in the single ship, as in the squadrons, intelligent skill as well as courage presided in the councils of the officers in charge. the probability was that the spanish vessels, though all reputed faster than the _oregon_, had different rates of speed, and each singly was inferior to her in fighting force, in addition to which the american ship had a very heavy stern battery. the intention therefore was, in case of a meeting, to turn the stern to the enemy and to make a running fight. this not only gave a superiority of fire to the _oregon_ so long as the relative positions lasted, but it tended, of course, to prolong it, confining the enemy to their bow fire and postponing to the utmost possible the time of their drawing near enough to open with the broadside rapid-fire batteries. moreover, if the spanish vessels were not equally fast, and if their rate of speed did not much exceed that of the _oregon_, both very probable conditions, it was quite possible that in the course of the action the leading ship would outstrip her followers so much as to be engaged singly, and even that two or more might thus be successively beaten in detail. if it be replied that this is assuming a great deal, and attributing stupidity to the enemy, the answer is that the result here supposed has not infrequently followed upon similar action, and that war is full of uncertainties,--an instance again of the benefit and comfort which some historical acquaintance with the experience of others imparts to a man engaged with present perplexities. deliberately to incur such odds would be unjustifiable; but when unavoidably confronted with them, resolution enlightened by knowledge may dare still to hope. an instructive instance of drawing such support from the very fountain heads of military history, in the remote and even legendary past, is given by captain clark in a letter replying to inquiries from the present writer:-- "there is little to add to what you already know about the way i hoped to fight cervera's fleet, if we fell in with it. what i feared was that he would be able to bring his ships up within range together, supposing that the slowest was faster than the _oregon_; but there was the chance that their machinery was in different stages of deterioration, and there was also the hope that impetuosity or excitement might after a time make some press on in advance of the others. i, of course, had in mind the tactics of the last of the horatii, and hopefully referred to them. the announcement milligan (the chief engineer) spoke of was made before we reached bahia, i think before we turned cape frio, as it was off that headland that i decided to leave the _marietta_ and _nictheroy_, (now the _buffalo_), and to push on alone. you may be sure that was an anxious night for me when i decided to part company. the department was, of course, obliged to leave much to my discretion, and i knew that the spaniards might all close to rapid-fire range, overpower all but our turret guns, and then send in their torpedo boats." it was upon the _marietta_ that he had previously depended, in a measure, to thwart the attacks of these small vessels; but in such a contest as that with four armored cruisers she could scarcely count, and she was delaying his progress in the run immediately before him. "the torpedo boat [he continues] was a rattlesnake to me, that i feared would get in his work while i was fighting the tiger; but i felt that the chances were that cervera was bound to the west indies, and so that the need of the _oregon_ there was so great that the risk of his turning south to meet me should be run, so i hurried to bahia, and cabled to the department my opinion of what the _oregon_ might do alone and in a running fight.... my object was to add the _oregon_ to our fleet, and not to meet the spaniards, if it could be avoided." it may be added that in this his intention coincided with the wish of the department. "so when, in barbados, the reports came off that the spanish fleet (and rumors had greatly increased its size) was at martinique, that three torpedo boats had been seen from the island, i ordered coal to be loaded till after midnight, but left soon after dark, started west, then turned and went around the island"--that is, well to the eastward--"and made to the northward." this was on the evening of may th. six days later the ship was off the coast of florida, and in communication with the department. the _oregon_ may properly be regarded as one of the three principal detachments into which the united states fleet was divided at the opening of the eventful week, may th- th, and which, however they might afterwards be distributed around the strategic centre,--which we had chosen should be about havana and cienfuegos,--needed to be brought to it as rapidly as possible. no time was avoidably lost. on the evening of may th, eighteen hours after cervera's appearance at martinique was reported, the two larger divisions, under sampson and schley, were consciously converging upon our point of concentration at key west; while the third, the _oregon_, far more distant, was also moving to the same place in the purpose of the department, though, as yet, unconsciously to herself. sampson had over twenty-four hours' start of the flying squadron; and the distances to be traversed, from puerto rico and hampton roads, were practically the same.[ ] but the former was much delayed by the slowness of the monitors, and, great as he felt the need of haste to be, and urgent as was the department's telegram, received on the th, he very properly would not allow his vessels to separate until nearer their destination. precautionary orders were sent by him to the _harvard_ and _yale_--two swift despatch vessels then under his immediate orders--to coal to the utmost and to hold themselves at the end of a cable ready for immediate orders; while commodore remey, commanding at key west, was directed to have every preparation complete for coaling the squadron on the th, when it might be expected to arrive. the _st. louis_, a vessel of the same type as the _harvard_, met the admiral while these telegrams were being written. she was ordered to cut the cables at santiago and guantanamo bay, and afterwards at ponce, puerto rico. the flying squadron had sailed at p.m. of the th. its fighting force consisted of the _brooklyn_, armored cruiser, flagship; the _massachusetts_, first-class, and the _texas_, second-class, battleships. it is to be inferred from the departure of these vessels that the alarm about our own coast, felt while the whereabouts of the hostile division was unknown, vanished when it made its appearance. the result was, perhaps, not strictly logical; but the logic of the step is of less consequence than its undoubted military correctness. we had chosen our objective, and now we were concentrating upon it,--a measure delayed too long, though unavoidably. commodore schley was directed to call off charleston for orders; for, while it is essential to have a settled strategic idea in any campaign, it is also necessary, in maritime warfare, at all events, to be ready to change a purpose suddenly and to turn at once upon the great objective,--which dominates and supersedes all others,--the enemy's navy, when a reasonable prospect of destroying it, or any large fraction of it, offers. when schley left hampton roads, it was known only that the spanish division had appeared off martinique. the general intention, that our own should go to key west, must therefore be held subject to possible modification, and to that end communication at a half-way point was imperative. no detention was thereby caused. at . p.m. of the th the flying squadron, which had been somewhat delayed by ten hours of dense fog, came off charleston bar, where a lighthouse steamer had been waiting since the previous midnight. from the officer in charge of her the commodore received his orders, and at p.m. was again under way for key west, where he arrived on the th, anticipating by several hours sampson's arrival in person, and by a day the coming of the slower ships of the other division. but if it is desirable to ensure frequent direct communication with the larger divisions of the fleet, at such a moment, when their movements must be held subject to sudden change to meet the as yet uncertain developments of the enemy's strategy, it is still more essential to keep touch from a central station with the swift single cruisers, the purveyors of intelligence and distributors of the information upon which the conduct of the war depends. if the broad strategic conception of the naval campaign is correct, and the consequent action consistent, the greater fighting units--squadrons or fleets--may be well, or better, left to themselves, after the initial impulse of direction is given, and general instructions have been issued to their commanders. these greater units, however, cannot usually be kept at the end of a telegraph cable; yet they must, through cables, maintain, with their centres of intelligence, communication so frequent as to be practically constant. the flying squadron when off cienfuegos, and admiral sampson's division at the time now under consideration, while on its passage from san juan to key west, are instances in point. conversely, dependence may be placed upon local agents to report an enemy when he enters port; but when at sea for an unknown destination, it is necessary, if practicable, to get and keep touch with him, and to have his movements, actual and probable, reported. in short, steady communication must be maintained, as far as possible, between the always fixed points where the cables end, and the more variable positions where the enemy's squadrons and our own are, whether for a stay or in transit. this can be done only through swift despatch vessels; and for these, great as is the need that no time be wasted in their missions, the homely proverb, "more haste, less speed," has to be kept in mind. to stop off at a wayside port, to diverge even considerably from the shortest route, may often be a real economy of time. the office of cruisers thus employed is to substitute certainty for conjecture; to correct or to confirm, by fuller knowledge, the inferences upon which the conduct of operations otherwise so much depends. accurate intelligence is one of the very first _desiderata_ of war, and as the means of obtaining and transmitting it are never in excess of the necessities, those means have to be carefully administered. historically, no navy ever has had cruisers enough; partly because the lookout and despatch duties themselves are so extensive and onerous; partly because vessels of the class are wanted for other purposes also,--as, for instance, in our late war, for the blockade of the cuban ports, which was never much more than technically "effective," and for the patrolling of our atlantic seaboard. true economical use of the disposable vessels, obtaining the largest results with the least expenditure of means never adequate, demands much forethought and more management, and is best effected by so arranging that the individual cruisers can be quickly got hold of when wanted. this is accomplished by requiring them to call at cable ports and report; or by circumscribing the area in which they are to cruise, so that they can be readily found; or by prescribing the course and speed they are to observe,--in short, by ensuring a pretty close knowledge of their position at every moment. for the purposes of intelligence, a cruiser with a roving commission, or one which neglects to report its movements when opportunity offers, is nearly useless; and few things are more justly exasperating than the failure of a cruiser to realize this truth in practice. of course, no rule is hard and fast to bind the high discretion of the officer senior on the spot; but if the captains of cruisers will bear in mind, as a primary principle, that they, their admirals, and the central office, are in this respect parts of one highly specialized and most important system in which co-operation must be observed, discretion will more rarely err in these matters, where errors may be so serious. that with a central office, admirals, and captains, all seeking the same ends, matters will at times work at cross purposes, only proves the common experience that things will not always go straight here below. when nelson was hunting for the french fleet before the battle of the nile, his flagship was dismasted in a gale of wind off corsica. the commander of the frigates, his lookout ships, having become separated in the gale, concluded that the admiral would have to return to gibraltar, and took his frigates there. "i thought he knew me better," commented nelson. "every moment i have to regret the frigates having left me," he wrote later; "the return to syracuse," due to want of intelligence, "broke my heart, which on any extraordinary anxiety now shows itself." it is not possible strictly to define official discretion, nor to guard infallibly against its misuse; but, all the same, it is injurious to an officer to show that he lacks sound judgment. when the flying squadron sailed, there were lying in hampton roads three swift cruisers,--the _new orleans_, the _st. paul_, and the _minneapolis_. two auxiliary cruisers, the _yosemite_ and the _dixie_, were nearly but not quite ready for sea. it was for some time justly considered imperative to keep one such ship there ready for an immediate mission. the _new orleans_ was so retained, subject to further requirements of the department; but the _minneapolis_ and the _st. paul_ sailed as soon as their coaling was completed,--within twenty-four hours of the squadron. the former was to cruise between haïti and the caicos bank, on the road which cervera would probably follow if he went north of haïti; the other was to watch between haïti and jamaica, where he might be encountered if he took the windward passage, going south of haïti. at the time these orders were issued the indications were that the spanish division was hanging about martinique, hoping for permission to coal there; and as both of our cruisers were very fast vessels and directed to go at full speed, the chances were more than good that they would reach their cruising ground before cervera could pass it. these intended movements were telegraphed to sampson, and it was added, "very important that your fast cruisers keep touch with the spanish squadron." this he received may th. with his still imperfect information he gave no immediate orders which would lose him his hold of the _harvard_ and the _yale_; but shortly after midnight he learned, off cape haïtien, that the spanish division was to have left curaçao the previous evening at six o'clock--only six hours before this despatch reached him. he at once cabled the _harvard_ and the _yale_, to which, as being under his immediate charge, the department had given no orders, to go to sea, the former to cruise in the mona passage, to detect the enemy if he passed through it for puerto rico, the _yale_ to assist the _st. paul_ at the station of which he had been notified from washington. the department was informed by him of these dispositions. sampson at the same time cabled remey at key west to warn the blockaders off cienfuegos--none of which were armored--of the possible appearance of the enemy at that port. in this step he had been anticipated by the department, which, feeling the urgency of the case and uncertain of communicating betimes through him, had issued an order direct to remey, thirty-six hours before, that those ships, with a single exception, should be withdrawn; and that the vessels on the north coast should be notified, but not removed. these various movements indicate the usefulness and the employments of the cruiser class, one of which also carried the news to cienfuegos, another along the north coast, while a third took sampson's telegrams from his position at sea to the cable port. owing to our insufficient number of vessels of the kind required, torpedo boats, of great speed in smooth water, but of delicate machinery and liable to serious retardation in a sea-way, were much used for these missions, to the great hurt of their engines, not intended for long-continued high exertion, and to their own consequent injury for their particular duties. the _st. paul's_ career exemplified also the changes of direction to which cruisers are liable, and the consequent necessity of keeping them well in hand both as regards position and preparation, especially of coal. between the time the _minneapolis_ sailed and her own departure, at p.m., of may th, the news of the spanish division's arrival at curaçao was received; and as there had been previous independent information that colliers had been ordered to meet it in the gulf of venezuela, only a hundred miles from curaçao, the conclusion was fair that the enemy needed coal and hoped to get it in that neighborhood. why else, indeed, if as fast as reported, and aware, as he must be, that sampson was as far east as san juan, had he not pushed direct for cuba, his probable objective? in regard to colliers being due in the gulf of venezuela, the reports proved incorrect; but the inference as to the need of coal was accurate, and that meant delay. the _st. paul_ was therefore ordered to key west, instructions being telegraphed there to coal her full immediately on arriving. she would there be as near the windward passage as curaçao is, and yet able, in case of necessity, to proceed by the yucatan passage or in any direction that might meanwhile become expedient. it may be added that the _st. paul_ reached key west and was coaled ready for sea by the evening of may th, four days from the time she left hampton roads, a thousand miles distant. while on her passage, the department had entertained the purpose of sending her to the gulf of venezuela and adding to her the _harvard_ and the _minneapolis_, the object being not only to find the enemy, if there, but that one of the three should report him, while the other two dogged his path until no doubt of his destination could remain. their great speed, considered relatively to that which the enemy had so far shown, gave reasonable probability that thus his approach could be communicated by them, and by cables, throughout the whole field of operations, with such rapidity as to ensure cornering him at once, which was the first great essential of our campaign. a cruiser reporting at cape haïtien was picked up and sent to the _minneapolis_, whose whereabouts was sufficiently known, because circumscribed, and she received her orders; but they served only to develop the weakness of that ship and of the _columbia_, considered as cruisers. the coal left after her rapid steaming to her cruising ground did not justify the further sweep required, and her captain thought it imperative to go first to st. thomas to recoal,--a process which involved more delay than on the surface appears. the bunkers of this ship and of her sister, the _columbia_, are minutely subdivided,--an arrangement very suitable, even imperative, in a battleship, in order to localize strictly any injury received in battle, but inconsequent and illogical in a vessel meant primarily for speed. a moment's reflection upon the services required of cruisers will show that their efficiency does not depend merely upon rapid going through the water, but upon prompt readiness to leave port, of which promptness quick coaling is a most important factor. this is gravely retarded by bunkers much subdivided. the design of these two ships, meant for speed, involves this lack of facility for recoaling. there is, therefore, in them a grave failure in that unity of conception which should dominate all designs. the movements, actual and projected, of the cruisers at this moment have purposely been dwelt upon at some length. such movements and the management of them play a most important part in all campaigns, and it is desirable that they should be understood, through illustration such as this; because the provision for the service should be antecedently thorough and consistent in plan and in execution, in order to efficiency. confusion of thought, and consequent confusion of object, is fatal to any conception,--at least, to any military conception; it is absolutely opposed to concentration, for it implies duality of object. in the designing of a cruiser, as of any class of warship, the first step, before which none should be taken, is to decide the primary object to be realized,--what is this ship meant to do? to this primary requirement every other feature should be subordinated. its primacy is not only one of time, but of importance also. the recognition, in practice, of this requisite does not abolish nor exclude the others by its predominance. it simply regulates their development; for they not only must not militate against it, they must minister to it. it is exactly as in a novel or in a work of art, for every military conception, from the design of a ship up, should be a work of art. perfection does not exclude a multiplicity of detail, but it does demand unity of motive, a single central idea, to which all detail is strictly accessory, to emphasize or to enhance,--not to distract. the cruiser requirements offer a concrete illustration of the application of this thought. rapidity of action is the primary object. in it is involved both coal endurance and facility for recoaling; for each economizes time, as speed does. defensive strength--of which subdivision of coal bunkers is an element--conduces only secondarily to rapidity of movement, as does offensive power; they must, therefore, be very strictly subordinated. they must not detract from speed; yet so far as they do not injure that, they should be developed, for by the power to repel an enemy--to avert detention--they minister to rapidity. with the battleship, in this contrary to the cruiser, offensive power is the dominant feature. while, therefore, speed is desirable to it, excessive speed is not admissible, if, as the author believes, it can be obtained only at some sacrifice of offensive strength. when admiral sampson sent off the telegrams last mentioned, before daylight of may th, the flagship was off cape haïtien. during her stoppage for this purpose, the squadron continued to stand west, in order not to increase the loss of time due to the slowness of the monitors, through which the progress of the whole body did not exceed from seven to eight sea miles per hour. cape haïtien is distant from key west nearly seven hundred miles; and throughout this distance, being almost wholly along the coast of cuba, no close telegraphic communication could be expected. at the squadron's rate of advance it could not count upon arriving at key west, and so regaining touch with washington, before the morning of the th, and the department was thus notified. thirty-six hours later, at . a.m., may th, being then in the old bahama channel, between cuba and the bahama banks, the admiral felt that his personal presence, under existing conditions, was more necessary near havana and key west. leaving the division, therefore, in charge of the senior officer, captain evans, of the _iowa_, he pushed forward with the flagship _new york_, the fastest of the armored vessels. six hours later he was met by the torpedo boat _dupont_, bringing him a telegram from the department, dated the th, forwarded through key west, directing him to send his most suitable armored ship ahead to join the flying squadron. this order was based on information that cervera was bringing munitions of war essential to the defence of havana, and that his instructions were peremptory to reach either havana or a port connected with it by railroad. such commands pointed evidently to cienfuegos, which place, moreover, was clearly indicated from the beginning of the campaign, as already shown in these papers, as the station for one division of our armored fleet. the department could calculate certainly that, by the time its message reached sampson, his division would be so far advanced as to ensure interposing between havana and the spaniards, if the latter came by the windward passage--from the eastward. it was safe, therefore, or at least involved less risk of missing the enemy, to send the flying squadron to cienfuegos, either heading him off there, or with a chance of meeting him in the yucatan channel, if he tried to reach havana by going west of cuba. but as cienfuegos was thought the more likely destination, and was for every reason a port to be effectually blockaded, it was desirable to reinforce schley, not by detaining him, under the pressing need of his getting to cienfuegos, but by a battleship following him as soon as possible. of course, such a ship might be somewhat exposed to encountering the enemy's division single-handed, which is contrary to rule. but rules are made to be broken on occasion, as well as to be observed generally; and again, and always, war cannot be made without running risks, of which the greatest is misplaced or exaggerated caution. from the moment the spanish ships were reported at curaçao, a close lookout had been established in the yucatan channel. by his personal action, in quitting his squadron in order to hasten forward, admiral sampson had anticipated the wishes of the department. at p.m., may th, he reached key west, where he found the flying squadron and the _st. paul_, anchored in the outer roads. his own telegrams, and those from the secretary of the navy, had ensured preparations for coaling all vessels as they arrived, to the utmost rapidity that the facilities of the port admitted. the _st. paul_, whose orders had been again changed, sailed the same evening for cape haïtien. the flying squadron started for cienfuegos at a.m. the following day, the th, and was followed twenty-six hours later by the battleship _iowa_. shortly after the admiral left the fleet, it had been overtaken by the torpedo boat _porter_, from cape haïtien, bearing a despatch which showed the urgency of the general situation, although it in no way fettered the discretion of the officer in charge. captain evans, therefore, very judiciously imitated sampson's action, quitted the fleet, and hastened with his own ship to key west, arriving at dark of the th. being a vessel of large coal endurance, she did not delay there to fill up, but she took with her the collier _merrimac_ for the ships before cienfuegos. the remainder of sampson's division arrived on the th. the monitors _puritan_ and _miantonomoh_, which had not been to san juan, sailed on the th for the havana blockade, where they were joined before noon of the st by the _indiana_, and the _new york_, the latter having the admiral on board. commodore schley, with the flying squadron, arrived off cienfuegos toward midnight of the same day. the _iowa_, came up twelve hours later, about noon of the nd, and some four or five light cruisers joined on that or the following days. on the th the _oregon_ communicated with washington off jupiter inlet, on the east coast of florida. her engines being reported perfectly ready, after her long cruise, she was directed to go to key west, where she coaled, and on the th left for the havana blockade. it is difficult to exaggerate the honor which this result does to chief engineer milligan and to the officers responsible under him for the condition of her machinery. the combination of skill and care thus evidenced is of the highest order. such, in general outline, omitting details superfluous to correct comprehension, was the course of incidents on our side, in the cuban campaign, during the ten days, may th- st; from the bombardment of san juan de puerto rico to the establishment of the two armored divisions in the positions which, under better conditions of national preparation, they should have occupied by the st of the month. all is well that ends well--so far at least as the wholly past is concerned; but for the instruction of the future it is necessary not to cast the past entirely behind our backs before its teachings have been pondered and assimilated. we cannot expect ever again to have an enemy so entirely inapt as spain showed herself to be; yet, even so, cervera's division reached santiago on the th of may, two days before our divisions appeared in the full force they could muster before havana and cienfuegos. had the spanish admiral been trying for one of those ports, even at the low rate of speed observed in going from curaçao to santiago--about seven and five-tenth knots--he could have left curaçao on the evening of may th, and have reached cienfuegos on the st, between midnight and daybreak, enabling him to enter the harbor by a.m.--more than twelve hours before the arrival there of our flying squadron. the writer assumes that, had our coast defences been such as to put our minds at ease concerning the safety of our chief seaboard cities, the flying squadron would from the first have been off cienfuegos. he is forced to assume so, because his own military conviction has always been that such would have been the proper course. whatever _coup de main_ might have been possible against a harbor inadequately defended as were some of ours,--the fears of which, even, he considered exaggerated,--no serious operations against a defended seaboard were possible to any enemy after a transatlantic voyage, until recoaled. it would have been safe, militarily speaking, to place our two divisions before the ports named. it was safer to do so than to keep one at hampton roads; for offence is a safer course than defence. consider the conditions. the spaniards, after crossing the atlantic, would have to coal. there were four principal ports at which they might do so,--havana, cienfuegos, santiago, and san juan de puerto rico. the first two, on the assumption, would be closed to them, unless they chose to fight a division so nearly equal to their own force that, whatever the result of the battle, the question of coaling would have possessed no further immediate interest for them. santiago and san juan, and any other suitable eastern port open to them--if such there was--were simply so many special instances of a particular case; and of these san juan was the most favorable to them, because, being the most distant, it ensured more time for coaling and getting away again before our divisions could arrive. after their departure from curaçao was known, but not their subsequent intentions, and while our divisions were proceeding to havana and cienfuegos, measures were under consideration at the navy department which would have made it even then difficult for them to escape action, if they went to san juan for coal; but which would have raised the difficult close to the point of the impossible, had our divisions from the first been placed before havana and cienfuegos, which strategic conditions dictated, but fears for our own inadequately defended coast prevented. to ensure this result, the contemplated method, one simply of sustained readiness, was as follows. adequate lookouts around puerto rico were to be stationed, by whom the enemy's approach would be detected and quickly cabled; and our two divisions were to be kept ready to proceed at an instant's notice, coaled to their best steaming lines, as far as this was compatible with a sufficiency of fuel to hold their ground after arriving off san juan. two of our fastest despatch vessels, likewise at their best steaming immersion, were to be held at key west ready to start at once for cienfuegos to notify the squadron there; two, in order that if one broke down on the way, one would surely arrive within twenty-four hours. thus planned, the receipt of a cable at the department from one of the lookouts off puerto rico would be like the touching of a button. the havana division, reached within six hours, would start at once; that at cienfuegos eighteen hours after the former. barring accidents, we should, in five days after the enemy's arrival, have had off san juan the conditions which it took over a week to establish at santiago; but, allowing for accidents, there would, within five days, have been at least one division, a force sufficient to hold the enemy in check. five days, it may be said, is not soon enough. it would have been quite soon enough in the case of spaniards after a sea voyage of twenty-five hundred miles, in which the larger vessels had to share their coal with the torpedo destroyers. in case of a quicker enemy of more executive despatch, and granting, which will be rare, that a fleet's readiness to depart will be conditioned only by coal, and not by necessary engine repairs to some one vessel, it is to be remarked that the speed which can be, and has been, assumed for our ships in this particular case, nine knots, is far less than the most modest demands for a battleship,--such as those made even by the present writer, who is far from an advocate of extreme speed. had not our deficiency of dry docks left our ships very foul, they could have covered the distance well within four days. ships steady at thirteen knots would have needed little over three; and it is _sustained_ speed like this, not a spurt of eighteen knots for twelve hours, that is wanted. no one, however, need be at pains to dispute that circumstances alter cases; or that the promptness and executive ability of an enemy are very material circumstances. similarly, although the method proposed would have had probable success at san juan, and almost certain success at any shorter distance, it would at two thousand miles be very doubtfully expedient. assuming, moreover, that it had been thought unadvisable to move against san juan, because doubtful of arriving in time, what would have been the situation had cervera reached there, our armored divisions being off havana and cienfuegos? he would have been watched by the four lookouts--which were ordered before santiago immediately upon his arrival there--and by them followed when he quitted port. four leaves a good margin for detaching successively to cable ports before giving up this following game, and by that time his intentions would be apparent. where, indeed, should he go? before havana and cienfuegos would be divisions capable of fighting him. santiago, or any eastern port, is san juan over again, with disadvantage of distance. matanzas is but havana; he would find himself anticipated there, because one of those vessels dogging his path would have hurried on to announce his approach. were his destination, however, evidently a north atlantic port, as some among us had fondly feared, our division before havana would be recalled by cable, and that before cienfuegos drawn back to havana, leaving, of course, lookouts before the southern port. cienfuegos is thereby uncovered, doubtless; but either the spaniard fails to get there, not knowing our movements, or, if he rightly divines them and turns back, our coast is saved. strategy is a game of wits, with many unknown quantities; as napoleon and nelson have said--and not they alone--the unforeseen and chance must always be allowed for. but, if there are in it no absolute certainties, there are practical certainties, raised by experience to maxims, reasonable observance of which gives long odds. prominent among these certainties are the value of the offensive over the defensive, the advantage of a central position, and of interior lines. all these would have been united, strategically, by placing our armored divisions before havana and cienfuegos. as an offensive step, this supported, beyond any chance of defeat, the blockade of the cuban coast, as proclaimed, with the incidental additional advantage that key west, our base, was not only accessible to us, but defended against serious attack, by the mere situation of our havana squadron. central position and interior lines were maintained, for, havana being nearly equidistant from puerto rico and the chesapeake, the squadrons could be moved in the shortest time in either direction, and they covered all points of offence and defence within the limits of the theatre of war by lines shorter than those open to the enemy, which is what "interior lines" practically means. if this disposition did possess these advantages, the question naturally arises whether it was expedient for the havana division, before cervera's arrival was known, and with the flying squadron still at hampton roads, to move to the eastward to san juan, as was done. the motive of this step, in which the navy department acquiesced, was the probability, which must be fully admitted, that san juan was cervera's primary destination. if it so proved, our squadron would be nearer at hand. it was likely, of course, that cervera would first communicate with a neutral port, as he did at martinique, to learn if the coast were clear before pushing for san juan. the result of his going to the latter place would have been to present the strategic problem already discussed. cervera heard that our fleet was at san juan, went to curaçao, and afterwards to santiago, because, as the spanish minister of marine declared in the cortes, it was the only port to which he could go. our admiral's official report, summing up the conditions after the bombardment of san juan, as they suggested themselves to his mind at the time, has been quoted in a previous section. in the present we have sought to trace as vividly as possible the hurried and various measures consequent upon cervera's movements; to reproduce, if may be, the perplexities--the anxieties, perhaps, but certainly not the apprehensions--of the next ten days, in which, though we did not fear being beaten, we did fear being outwitted, which is to no man agreeable. if sampson's division had been before havana and schley's at hampton roads when cervera appeared, the latter could have entered san juan undisturbed. what could we then have done? in virtue of our central position, three courses were open. . we could have sent our havana division to san juan, as before proposed, and the flying squadron direct to the same point, with the disadvantage, however, as compared with the disposition advocated last, that the distance to it from hampton roads is four hundred miles more than from cienfuegos. . we could have moved the havana squadron to san juan, sending the flying squadron to key west to coal and await further orders. this is only a modification of no. . or, , we could have ordered the flying squadron to key west, and at the same moment sent the havana division before cienfuegos,--a simultaneous movement which would have effected a great economy of time, yet involved no risk, owing to the distance of the spanish division from the centre of operations. of these three measures the last would have commended itself to the writer had cervera's appearance, reported at martinique, left it at all doubtful whether or not he were aiming for havana or cienfuegos. in our estimation, that was the strategic centre, and therefore to be covered before all else. so long as cervera's destination was unknown, and might, however improbable, be our coast, there was possible justification for keeping the flying squadron there; the instant he was known to be in the west indies, to close the two cuban ports became the prime necessity. but had he entered san juan without previous appearance, the first or the second should have been adopted, in accordance with the sound general principle that the enemy's fleet, if it probably can be reached, is the objective paramount to all others; because the control of the sea, by reducing the enemy's navy, is the determining consideration in a naval war. without dogmatizing, however, upon a situation which did not obtain, it appears now to the writer, not only that the eastward voyage of our havana division was unfortunate, viewed in the light of subsequent events, but that it should have been seen beforehand to be a mistake because inconsistent with a well-founded and generally accepted principle of war, the non-observance of which was not commanded by the conditions. the principle is that which condemns "eccentric" movements. the secondary definition of this word--"odd" or "peculiar"--has so dislodged all other meanings in common speech that it seems necessary to recall that primarily, by derivation, it signifies "away from the centre," to which sense it is confined in technical military phrase. our centre of operations had been fixed, and rightly fixed, at havana and cienfuegos. it was subject, properly, to change--instant change--when the enemy's fleet was known to be within striking distance; but to leave the centre otherwise, on a calculation of probabilities however plausible, was a proposition that should have been squarely confronted with the principle, which itself is only the concrete expression of many past experiences. it is far from the writer's wish to advocate slavery to rule; no bondage is more hopeless or more crushing; but when one thinks of acting contrary to the weight of experience, the reasons for such action should be most closely scrutinized, and their preponderance in the particular case determined. these remarks are offered with no view of empty criticism of a mistake--if such it were--in which the writer was not without his share. in military judgments error is not necessarily censurable. one of the greatest captains has said: "the general who has made no mistake has made few campaigns." there are mistakes and mistakes; errors of judgment, such as the most capable man makes in the course of a life, and errors of conduct which demonstrate essential unfitness for office. of the latter class was that of admiral byng, when he retired from minorca; a weakness not unparalleled in later times, but which, whatever the indulgence accorded to the offender, is a military sin that should for itself receive no condonement of judgment. as instances of the former, both nelson and napoleon admitted, to quote the latter's words: "i have been so often mistaken that i no longer blush for it." my wish is to illustrate, by a recent particular instance, a lesson professionally useful to the future,--the value of rules. by the disregard of rule in this case we uncovered both havana and cienfuegos, which it was our object to close to the enemy's division. had the latter been more efficient, he could have reached one or the other before we regained the centre. our movement was contrary to rule; and while the inferences upon which it was based were plausible, they were not, in the writer's judgment, adequate to constitute the exception. footnotes: [ ] the distance from hampton roads to key west is increased, owing to the adverse current of the gulf stream through much of the route. v the guard set over cervera.--influence of inadequate numbers upon the conduct of naval and military operations.--cÁmara's rush through the mediterranean, and consequent measures taken by the united states. the result of the various movements so far narrated was to leave the flying squadron may nd, off cienfuegos, and admiral sampson's division off havana, on the st. the latter was seriously diminished in mobile combatant force by the removal of the _iowa_, detached to the south of the island to join the ships under schley. it was confidently expected that there, rather than at any northern port, the enemy would make his first appearance; and for that reason the flying squadron was strengthened by, and that off havana deprived of, a vessel whose qualities would tell heavily in conflict with an active antagonist, such as a body of armored cruisers ought to be. only by great good fortune could it be expected that the monitors, upon which sampson for the moment had largely to depend, could impose an engagement upon cervera's division if the latter sought to enter havana by a dash. by taking from the admiral his most powerful vessel, he was exposed to the mortification of seeing the enemy slip by and show his heels to our sluggish, low-freeboard, turreted vessels; but the solution was the best that could be reached under the conditions. it was not till the th of the month that the junction of the _oregon_ put our division before havana on terms approaching equality as regards quickness of movement. on the th of may the department received probable, but not certain, information that the enemy's division had entered santiago. this, as is now known, had occurred on the early morning of the same day. singularly enough, less than twenty-four hours before, on the th, the auxiliary steamer _st. louis_, captain goodrich, lately one of the american transatlantic liners, had been close in with the mouth of this port, which had hitherto lain outside our sphere of operations, and had made a determined and successful attempt to cut the telegraph cable leading from santiago to jamaica. in doing this, the _st. louis_, which, like her sister ships (except the _st. paul_), had not yet received an armament suitable to her size or duties, lay for three-quarters of an hour under the fire of the enemy, at a distance of little over a mile. fortunately a six-inch rifled gun on the socapa battery, which was then being mounted, was not ready until the following day; and the _st. louis_ held her ground without injury until a piece had been cut out of the cable. in this work she was assisted by the tug _wompatuck_, lieutenant-commander jungen. the two vessels then moved away to guantanamo bay, having been off santiago nearly forty-eight hours. it may certainly be charged as good luck to cervera that their departure before his arrival kept our government long in uncertainty as to the fact, which we needed to know in the most positive manner before stripping the havana blockade in order to concentrate at santiago. the writer remembers that the captain of the _st. louis_, having soon afterwards to come north for coal, found it difficult to believe that he could have missed the spanish vessels by so little; and the more so because he had spent the th off guantanamo, less than fifty miles distant. by that time, however, our information, though still less than eye-witness, was so far probable as to preponderate over his doubts; but much perplexity would have been spared us had the enemy been seen by this ship, whose great speed would have brought immediate positive intelligence that all, and not only a part, had entered the port. on this point we did not obtain certainty until three weeks later. in yet another respect luck, as it is commonly called, went against us at this time. the _wompatuck_ was sent by captain goodrich into the mouth of the harbor at guantanamo to attempt to grapple the cable there. the tug and the _st. louis_ were both forced to retire, not by the weight of fire from the coast, but by a petty spanish gunboat, aided by "a small gun on shore." could this fact have been communicated to commodore schley when he decided to return to key west on the th, on account of the difficulty of coaling, he might have seen the facility with which the place could be secured and utilized for a coaling station, as it subsequently was by admiral sampson, and that there thus was no necessity of starting back some seven hundred miles to key west, when he had with him four thousand tons of coal in a collier. when the lower bay was occupied, on the th of june, our attacking vessels were only the naval unprotected cruiser _marblehead_ and the auxiliary cruiser _yankee_, the former of which was with the flying squadron during its passage from cienfuegos to santiago, and throughout the subsequent proceedings up to sampson's arrival off the latter port. no resistance to them was made by the spanish gunboat, before which the vulnerable and inadequately armed _st. louis_ and _wompatuck_ had very properly retired. although the information received of cervera's entering santiago was not reliable enough to justify detaching sampson's ships from before havana, it was probable to a degree that made it imperative to watch the port in force at once. telegrams were immediately sent out to assemble the four auxiliary cruisers--_st. paul_, _st. louis_, _harvard_, and _yale_--and the fast naval cruiser _minneapolis_ before the mouth of the harbor. the number of these ships shows the importance attached to the duty. it was necessary to allow largely for the chapter of accidents; for, to apply a pithy saying of the chief of the naval bureau of equipment,--"the only way to have coal enough is to have too much,"--the only way to assemble ships enough when things grow critical, is to send more than barely enough. all those that received their orders proceeded as rapidly as their conditions allowed, but the department could not get hold of the _st. louis_. this failure illustrates strongly the remark before made concerning the importance of knowing just where cruisers are to be found; for of all the five ships thus sought to be gathered, the _st. louis_ was, at the moment, the most important, through her experience of the defenceless state of the harbor at guantanamo, which she could have communicated to schley. the latter, when he arrived off santiago on the evening of the th, found the _minneapolis_, the _st. paul_, and the _yale_ on the ground. the _harvard_ had already been there, but had gone for the moment to st. nicolas mole, with despatches that the commodore had sent before him from cienfuegos. she joined the squadron again early next day, may th. on the morning of the th, the _st. paul_ had captured the british steamer _restormel_, with , tons of coal for the spanish squadron. this vessel had gone first to puerto rico, and from there had been directed to curaçao, where she arrived two days after cervera had departed. when taken she reported that two other colliers were in puerto rico when she sailed thence. this would seem to indicate that that port, and not santiago, had been the original destination of the enemy, for it would have been quite as easy for the colliers to go to santiago at once; probably safer, for we were not then thinking of santiago in comparison with san juan. this conjecture is strengthened by the fact that there were only , tons of cardiff coal in santiago, a condition which shows both how little the spanish government expected to use the port and how serious this capture at this instant was to the enemy. the intention of commodore schley to return to key west precipitated the movement of admiral sampson, with his two fastest ships, to santiago; but the step would certainly have been taken as soon as the doubt whether all the spanish division had entered was removed. the department, under its growing conviction that the enemy was there, had already been increasingly disturbed by the delay of the flying squadron before cienfuegos. this delay was due to the uncertainty of its commander as to whether or not cervera was in the latter port; nor was there then known reason to censure the decision of the officer on the spot, whose information, dependent upon despatch vessels, or upon local scouting, was necessarily, in some respects, more meagre than that of the department, in cable communication with many quarters. nevertheless, he was mistaken, and each succeeding hour made the mistake more palpable and more serious to those in washington; not, indeed, that demonstrative proof had been received there--far from it--but there was that degree of reasonable probability which justifies practical action in all life, and especially in war. there was not certainty enough to draw away our ships from before havana,--to the exposure also of key west,--but there was quite sufficient certainty to take the chance of leaving cienfuegos and going off santiago; for, to put the case at its weakest, we could not close both ports, and had, therefore, to make a choice. against the risk of the enemy trying to dash out of santiago and run for some other point, provision was made by a telegram to the _yale_ to inform every vessel off santiago that the flying squadron was off cienfuegos, and that orders had been sent it to proceed with all possible despatch off santiago. if, therefore, the enemy did run out before the arrival of schley, our scouts would know where to look for the latter; that is, somewhere on the shortest line between the two ports. the embarrassment imposed upon the department, under the telegram that the flying squadron was returning to key west, was increased greatly by the fact that the five cruisers ordered before the port were getting very short of coal. if the squadron held its ground, this was comparatively immaterial. it would be injurious, unquestionably, to the communications and to the lookout, but not necessarily fatal to the object in view, which was that cervera should not get out without a fight and slip away again into the unknown. but, if the squadron went, the cruisers could not stay, and the enemy might escape unobserved. fortunately, on second thoughts, the commodore decided to remain; but before that was known to the department, sampson had been directed, on may th, to proceed with the _new york_ and the _oregon_, the latter of which had only joined him on the th. the telegram announcing that the flying squadron would hold on came indeed before the two ships started, but it was not thought expedient to change their orders. word also had then been received that two of the spanish division had been sighted inside from our own vessels, and though this still left a doubt as to the whereabouts of the others, it removed the necessity of covering key west, which had caused the department, on the first knowledge of schley's returning, to limit its orders to sampson to be ready to set out for santiago the instant the flying squadron returned. by the departure of the _new york_ and the _oregon_, the _indiana_ was left the only battleship to the westward. her speed was insufficient to keep up with the two others, and it was determined to employ her in convoying the army when it was ready,--a duty originally designed for sampson's division as a whole. admiral sampson with his two ships arrived off santiago on the st of june at a.m., and established at once the close watch of the port which lasted until the sally and destruction of cervera's squadron. "from that time on," says the spanish lieutenant muller, who was in the port from the first, as second in command of the naval forces of the province, "the hostile ships, which were afterwards increased in number, established day and night a constant watch, without withdrawing at nightfall, as they used to do." into the particulars of this watch, which lasted for a month and which effectively prevented any attempt of the enemy to go out by night, the writer does not purpose to enter, as his object in this series of papers is rather to elicit the general lessons derivable from the war than to give the details of particular operations. it is only just to say, however, that all the dispositions of the blockade,--to use the common, but not strictly accurate, expression,--from the beginning of june to the day of the battle, were prescribed by the commander-in-chief on the spot, without controlling orders, and with little, if any, suggestion on the subject from the department. the writer remembers none; but he does well remember the interest with which, during the dark nights of the month, he watched the size of the moon, which was new on the th, and the anxiety each morning lest news might be received of a successful attempt to get away on the part of the enemy, whose reputed speed so far exceeded that of most of our ships. it was not then known that, by reason of the methods unremittingly enforced by our squadron, it was harder to escape from santiago by night than by day, because of the difficulty of steering a ship through an extremely narrow channel, with the beam of an electric light shining straight in the eyes, as would there have been the case for a mile before reaching the harbor's mouth. the history of the time--now nearly a year--that has elapsed since these lines were first written, impels the author, speaking as a careful student of the naval operations that have illustrated the past two centuries and a half, to say that in his judgment no more onerous and important duty than the guard off santiago fell upon any officer of the united states during the hostilities; and that the judgment, energy, and watchfulness with which it was fulfilled by admiral sampson merits the highest praise. the lack of widely diffused popular appreciation of military conditions, before referred to in these papers, has been in nothing more manifest than in the failure to recognize generally, and by suitable national reward, both the difficulty of his task, and that the dispositions maintained by him ensured the impossibility of cervera's escaping undetected, as well as the success of the action which followed his attempt at flight. this made further fighting on spain's part hopeless and vindicated, if vindication were needed, the department's choice of the commander-in-chief; but, as a matter of fact, the reply of that great admiral and experienced administrator, lord st. vincent, when he sent nelson to the nile, meets decisively all such cases: "those who are responsible for results"--as the navy department (under the president), was--"must be allowed the choice of their agents." the writer may perhaps be excused for adding, that, having had no share, direct or indirect, in this selection, which entirely preceded his connection with the department, he can have no motive of self-justification regarding an appointment for which he could deserve neither credit nor blame. the office of the navy department at that moment, so far as santiago itself was concerned, was chiefly administrative: to maintain the number of ships and their necessary supplies of coal, ammunition, and healthy food at the highest point consistent with the requirements of other parts of the field of war. during the month of june, being, as it was, the really decisive period of the campaign, these demands for increase of force naturally rose higher in every quarter. a numerous convoy had to be provided for the army expedition; the battle fleet had to be supplemented with several light cruisers; it became evident that the sphere of the blockade must be extended, which meant many more ships; and in the midst of all this, cámara started for suez. all this only instances the common saying, "it never rains but it pours." our battle fleet before santiago was more than powerful enough to crush the hostile squadron in a very short time, if the latter attempted a stand-up fight. the fact was so evident that it was perfectly clear nothing of the kind would be hazarded; but, nevertheless, we could not afford to diminish the number of armored vessels on this spot, now become the determining centre of the conflict. the possibility of the situation was twofold. either the enemy might succeed in an effort at evasion, a chance which required us to maintain a distinctly superior force of battleships in order to allow the occasional absence of one or two for coaling or repairs, besides as many lighter cruisers as could be mustered for purposes of lookout, or, by merely remaining quietly at anchor, protected from attack by the lines of torpedoes, he might protract a situation which tended not only to wear out our ships, but also to keep them there into the hurricane season,--a risk which was not, perhaps, adequately realized by the people of the united states. it is desirable at this point to present certain other elements of the naval situation which weightily affected naval action at the moment, and which, also, were probably overlooked by the nation at large, for they give a concrete illustration of conditions which ought to influence our national policy, as regards the navy, in the present and immediate future. we had to economize our ships because they were too few. there was no reserve. the navy department had throughout, and especially at this period, to keep in mind, not merely the exigencies at santiago, but the fact that we had not a battleship in the home ports that could in six months be made ready to replace one lost or seriously disabled, as the _massachusetts_, for instance, not long afterwards was, by running on an obstruction in new york bay. surprise approaching disdain was expressed, both before and after the destruction of cervera's squadron, that the battle fleet was not sent into santiago either to grapple the enemy's ships there, or to support the operations of the army, in the same way, for instance, that farragut crossed the torpedo lines at mobile. the reply--and, in the writer's judgment, the more than adequate reason--was that the country could not at that time, under the political conditions which then obtained, afford to risk the loss or disablement of a single battleship, unless the enterprise in which it was hazarded carried a reasonable probability of equal or greater loss to the enemy, leaving us, therefore, as strong as before relatively to the naval power which in the course of events might yet be arrayed against us. if we lost ten thousand men, the country could replace them; if we lost a battleship, it could not be replaced. the issue of the war, as a whole and in every locality to which it extended, depended upon naval force, and it was imperative to achieve, not success only, but success delayed no longer than necessary. a million of the best soldiers would have been powerless in face of hostile control of the sea. dewey had not a battleship, but there can be no doubt that that capable admiral thought he ought to have one or more; and so he ought, if we had had them to spare. the two monitors would be something, doubtless, when they arrived; but, like all their class, they lacked mobility. when cámara started by way of suez for the east, it was no more evident than it was before that we ought to have battleships there. that was perfectly plain from the beginning; but battleships no more than men can be in two places at once, and until cámara's movement had passed beyond the chance of turning west, the spanish fleet in the peninsula had, as regarded the two fields of war, the west indies and the philippines, the recognized military advantage of an interior position. in accepting inferiority in the east, and concentrating our available force in the west indies, thereby ensuring a superiority over any possible combination of spanish vessels in the latter quarter, the department acted rightly and in accordance with sound military precedent; but it must be remembered that the spanish navy was not the only possibility of the day. the writer was not in a position to know then, and does not know now, what weight the united states government attached to the current rumors of possible political friction with other states whose people were notoriously sympathizers with our enemy. the public knows as much about that as he does; but it was clear that if a disposition to interfere did exist anywhere, it would not be lessened by a serious naval disaster to us, such as the loss of one of our few battleships would be. just as in the maintenance of a technically "effective" blockade of the cuban ports, so, also, in sustaining the entireness and vigor of the battle fleet, the attitude of foreign powers as well as the strength of the immediate enemy had to be considered. for such reasons it was recommended that the orders on this point to admiral sampson should be peremptory; not that any doubt existed as to the discretion of that officer, who justly characterized the proposition to throw the ships upon the mine fields of santiago as suicidal folly, but because it was felt that the burden of such a decision should be assumed by a superior authority, less liable to suffer in personal reputation from the idle imputations of over-caution, which at times were ignorantly made by some who ought to have known better, but did not. "the matter is left to your discretion," the telegram read, "except that the united states armored vessels must not be risked." when cervera's squadron was once cornered, an intelligent opponent would, under any state of naval preparedness, have seen the advisability of forcing him out of the port by an attack in the rear, which could be made only by an army. as nelson said on one occasion, "what is wanted now is not more ships, but troops." under few conditions should such a situation be prolonged. but the reasons adduced in the last paragraph made it doubly incumbent upon us to bring the matter speedily to an issue, and the combined expedition from tampa was at once ordered. having in view the number of hostile troops in the country surrounding santiago, as shown by the subsequent returns of prisoners, and shrewdly suspected by ourselves beforehand, it was undoubtedly desirable to employ a larger force than was sent. the criticism made upon the inadequate number of troops engaged in this really daring movement is intrinsically sound, and would be wholly accurate if directed, not against the enterprise itself, but against the national shortsightedness which gave us so trivial an army at the outbreak of the war. the really hazardous nature of the movement is shown by the fact that the column of escario, three thousand strong, from manzanillo, reached santiago on july rd; too late, it is true, abundantly too late, to take part in the defence of san juan and el caney, upon holding which the city depended for food and water; yet not so late but that it gives a shivering suggestion how much more arduous would have been the task of our troops had escario come up in time. the incident but adds another to history's long list of instances where desperate energy and economy of time have wrested safety out of the jaws of imminent disaster. the occasion was one that called upon us to take big risks; and success merely justifies doubly an attempt which, from the obvious balance of advantages and disadvantages, was antecedently justified by its necessity, and would not have been fair subject for blame, even had it failed. the navy department did not, however, think that even a small chance of injury should be taken which could be avoided; and it may be remarked that, while the man is unfit for command who, on emergency, is unable to run a very great risk for the sake of decisive advantage, he, on the other hand, is only less culpable who takes even a small risk of serious harm against which reasonable precaution can provide. it has been well said that nelson took more care of his topgallant masts,[ ] in ordinary cruising, than he did of his whole fleet when the enemy was to be checked or beaten; and this combination of qualities apparently opposed is found in all strong military characters to the perfection of which both are necessary. it was determined, accordingly, to collect for the transports a numerous naval guard or convoy, to secure them against possible attacks by the spanish gunboats distributed along the north coast of cuba, by which route the voyage was to be made. the care was probably thought excessive by many and capable men; but the unforeseen is ever happening in war. here or there a young spanish officer might unexpectedly prove, not merely brave, as they all are, but enterprising, which few of them seem to be. the transport fleet had no habit of manoeuvring together; the captains, many of them, were without interest in the war, and with much interest in their owners, upon whom they commonly depended for employment; straggling, and panic in case of attack, could be surely predicted; and, finally, as we scarcely had men enough for the work before them, why incur the hazard of sacrificing even one ship-load of our most efficient but all too small regular army? for such reasons it was decided to collect a dozen of the smaller cruisers, any one of which could handle a spanish gunboat, and which, in virtue of their numbers, could be so distributed about the transports as to forestall attack at all points. the mere notoriety that so powerful a flotilla accompanied the movement was protection greater, perhaps, than the force itself; for it would impose quiescence even upon a more active enemy. as a further measure of precaution, directions were given to watch also the torpedo destroyer in san juan during the passage of the army. the _indiana_, as has been said, formed part of the convoy; the dispositions and order of sailing being arranged, and throughout superintended, by her commanding officer, captain henry c. taylor. on saturday, june th, commodore remey, commanding the naval base at key west, telegraphed that the naval vessels composing the convoy would be ready to sail that evening. the army was embarked and ready to move on the th, but early that morning was received the report, alluded to in a previous paper, that an armored cruiser with three vessels in company had been sighted by one of our blockading fleet the evening before, in the nicolas channel, on the north coast of cuba. upon being referred back, the statement was confirmed by the officer making it, and also by another vessel which had passed over the same ground at nearly the same time. the account being thus both specific and positive, the sailing of the transports was countermanded,--the naval vessels of the convoy being sent out from key west to scour the waters where the suspicious ships had been seen, and admiral sampson directed to send his two fastest armored vessels to key west, in order that the expedition might proceed in force. the admiral, being satisfied that the report was a mistake, of a character similar to others made to him at the same time, did not comply; a decision which, under the circumstances of his fuller knowledge, must be considered proper as well as fortunate. the incident was mortifying at the time, and--considering by how little escario arrived late--might have been disastrous; but it is one of those in which it is difficult to assign blame, though easy to draw a very obvious moral for outlooks. the expedition finally got away from tampa on the th of june, and arrived off santiago on the th. the process of collecting and preparing the convoy, the voyage itself, and the delay caused by the false alarm, constituted together a period of three weeks, during which the naval vessels of the expedition were taken away from the blockade. some days more were needed to coal them, and to get them again to their stations. meanwhile it was becoming evident that the limits of the blockade must be extended, in order that full benefit might be derived from it as a military measure. the southern ports of cuba west of santiago, and especially the waters about the isle of pines and batabano, which is in close rail connection with havana, were receiving more numerous vessels, as was also the case with sagua la grande, on the north. in short, the demand for necessaries was producing an increasing supply, dependent upon jamaica and mexico in the south, upon europe and north american ports in the north, and the whole was developing into a system which would go far to defeat our aims, unless counteracted by more widespread and closer-knit measures on our part. it was decided, therefore, to proclaim a blockade of the south coast of cuba from cape cruz, a little west of santiago, to cape frances, where the foul ground west of the isle of pines terminates. the isle of pines itself was to be seized, in order to establish there a secure base, for coal and against hurricanes, for the small vessels which alone could operate in the surrounding shoal water; and an expedition, composed mainly of the battalion of marines, was actually on the way for that purpose when the protocol was signed. during the three weeks occupied by the preparation and passage of the santiago expedition, the blockade had been barely "effective," technically; it could not at all be considered satisfactory from our point of view, although we were stripping the coast defence fleet of its cruisers, one by one, for the service in cuba. our utmost hope at the time, and with every available vessel we could muster, was so far to satisfy the claims of technicality, as to forestall any charges of ineffectiveness by neutrals, whose cruisers at times seemed somewhat curious. in the midst of all this extra strain cámara's squadron left cadiz and made its hurried rush eastward. one effect of this was to release, and instantly, all the patrol vessels on our northern coast. these were immediately ordered to key west for blockade duty, commodore howell also going in person to take charge of this work. on the other hand, however, uneasiness could not but be felt for dewey in case cámara actually went on, for, except the monitor _monterey_, we could get no armored ship out before the two spanish armored vessels arrived; and if they had the same speed which they maintained to suez--ten knots--it was doubtful whether the _monterey_ would anticipate them. it may be mentioned here, as an interesting coincidence, that the same day that word came that cámara had started back for spain, a telegram was also received that the _monterey_ had had to put back to honolulu, for repairs to the collier which accompanied her. this, of course, was news then ten days old, communication from honolulu to san francisco being by steamer, not by cable. the strengthening of our blockade by the vessels of the northern patrol fleet was therefore the first and, as it proved, the only lasting result of cámara's move. what the object was of that singular "vagabondaggio," as it is not inaptly called by an italian critic, is to the author incomprehensible, to use also the qualifying word of the same foreign writer. that the intention was merely to provoke us to some "eccentric" movement, by playing upon our fears about our forces at manila, would be perfectly reconcilable with going as far as port said, and remaining there for some days, as was done, in difficulty, actual or feigned, about getting coal; but why the large expense was incurred of passing through the canal, merely to double the amount by returning, is beyond understanding. it may have been simply to carry bluff to the extreme point; but it is difficult not to suspect some motive not yet revealed, and perhaps never to be known. possibly, however, the measures taken by ourselves may have had upon the spanish government the effect which, in part, they were intended to produce. a squadron of two battleships and four cruisers, drawn from admiral sampson's fleet, was constituted to go to manila by way of suez, under the command of commodore watson, until then in charge of the blockade on the north coast of cuba. colliers to accompany these were at the same time prepared in our atlantic ports. upon the representations of the admiral, he was authorized to suspend the sailing of the detachment until all the armored vessels were fully coaled, in order to ensure maintaining before santiago for a considerable period the five that would be left to him. to this modification of the first order contributed also the darkness of the nights at that moment; for the moon, though growing, was still young. but, as our object was even more to prevent cámara from proceeding than to send the reinforcement, it was desired that these dispositions should have full publicity, and, to ensure it the more fully, watson was directed to go in all haste to santiago with his flagship, the _newark_, to take over his new command, the avowed objective of which was the spanish coast, then deprived of much of its defence by the departure of cámara's ships, and most imperfectly provided with local fortifications. had cámara gone on to the east, watson would have followed him, and, although arriving later, there was no insuperable difficulty to so combining the movements of our two divisions--dewey's and watson's--as to decide the final result, and to leave spain without her second division of ships. cámara's delay at the mediterranean end of the canal, which extended over several days, suggested either doubts as to the reality of his rumored destination, or a belief that the equipment and preparation--in coal especially--for so distant an expedition had been imperfect. this contributed to postpone watson's departure, and the first passage of the canal (july nd) by the spaniards coincided in date very closely with the destruction of their other division under cervera. after the action off santiago the battleships needed to be again supplied with ammunition, and before that could be effected cámara was on his way back to spain. this abandonment by the enemy of their projected voyage to manila concurred with the critical position of the army before santiago to postpone the project of reinforcing dewey, who no longer needed battleships so far as his immediate operations were concerned. besides, the arrival of both the _monterey_ and the _monadnock_ was now assured, even if the enemy resumed his movement, which was scarcely possible. when santiago fell, however, it was felt to be necessary to re-establish our fleet in the pacific, by way either of the straits of magellan or of the suez canal. the latter was chosen, and the entire battle fleet--except the _texas_, rejected on account of her small coal endurance--was directed to join the movement and to accompany some distance within the straits the two battleships which, with their smaller cruisers and colliers, were to go to manila. the preparations for this movement were kept secret for quite a time, under the cover of an avowed intention to proceed against puerto rico; but nothing, apparently, can wholly escape the prying curiosity of the press, which dignifies this not always reputable quality with the title of "enterprise." no great harm resulted; possibly even the evident wish of the government for secrecy, though thus betrayed, may have increased the apprehension of the enemy as to the damage intended to their coasts. on the latter point the position of our government, as understood by the writer, was perfectly simple. in case the enemy refused peace when resistance was obviously and utterly hopeless, bombardment of a seaport might be resorted to, but with the utmost reluctance, and merely to compel submission and acquiescence in demonstrated facts. it is not possible to allow one's own people to be killed and their substance wasted merely because an adversary will not admit he is whipped, when he is. when our fleet reached the spanish coast that case might have arisen; but probably the unwillingness of our government so to act would have postponed its decision to the very last moment, in order to spare the enemy the final humiliation of yielding, not to reasonable acceptance of facts, but to direct threat of violence. the purpose of bombardment, so freely asserted by the press, was one of the numerous baseless discoveries with which it enlightened its reader during the hostilities,--mixtures of truth and error, so ingeniously proportioned as to constitute an antidote, than which none better could then be had against its numerous indiscretions. the determining factor in this proposed movement of the battle fleet as a whole was the necessity, or at least the advantage, of reinforcing dewey, and of placing two battleships in the pacific. it was not thought expedient now to send them by themselves, as at first proposed, for the reason already given in another instance in this paper; that is, the impropriety of taking even a small risk, if unnecessary. cámara's two ships had now returned to spain, and there were besides in the ports of the peninsula other armed vessels, which, though evidently unfit for a distant voyage, might be good for some work in the straits of gibraltar, where our two ships must pass. that the latter would beat them all, if assembled, we quite believed, as we had hoped that the _oregon_ might do had she met cervera; but the _oregon_ could not be helped without neglecting more immediately pressing duties, whereas, at the end of july, there was nothing to detain our heavy ships in the west indies. it was determined, therefore, to keep them massed and to send them across the ocean. it was probable, nearly to the extent of absolute certainty, that neither before nor after the separation of the division bound for the east would the entire spanish navy venture an attack upon the formidable force thus confronting its ports. to ensure success without fighting is always a proper object of military dispositions; and, moreover, there were reasons before alluded to for maintaining in perfect integrity vessels whose organized fighting efficiency had now been fully vindicated to the world. even during peace negotiations, one's position is not injured by the readiness of the battle fleet. in short, it should be an accepted apothegm, with those responsible for the conduct of military operations, that "war is business," to which actual fighting is incidental. as in all businesses, the true aim is the best results at the least cost; or, as the great french admiral, tourville, said two centuries ago, "the best victories are those which expend least of blood, of hemp, and of iron." such results, it is true, are more often granted to intelligent daring than to excessive caution; but no general rule can supersede the individual judgment upon the conditions before it. there are no specifics in warfare. to this main reason, others less immediately important concurred. the ships would be taken out of a trying climate, and removed from the chance of hurricanes; while the crews would receive a benefit, the value of which is avouched by naval history, in change of scene, of occupation, and of interests. the possibility of the enemy attempting to divert us from our aim, by sending vessels to the west indies, was considered, and, although regarded as wildly improbable, provision against it was made. as nelson wrote to his commander-in-chief before the advance on copenhagen: "there are those who think, if you leave the sound open, that the danish fleet may sail from copenhagen to join the dutch or french. i own i have no fears on that subject; for it is not likely that whilst their capital is menaced with an attack, nine thousand of her best men should be sent out of the kingdom." it was still less probable that spain in the present case would attempt any diversion to the west indies, and the movement of our heavy-armored vessels to her shores could now justly be considered to cover all our operations on this side of the atlantic. the detailed arrangements made for frequent communication, however, would have kept the department practically in touch with our fleet throughout, and have enabled us to counteract any despairing effort of the enemy. footnotes: [ ] the lighter upper masts, upon which speed much depended in moderate weather. the peace conference and the moral aspect of war the peace conference and the moral aspect of war to determine the consequences of an historical episode, such as the recent peace conference at the hague, is not a matter for prophecy, but for experience, which alone can decide what positive issues, for good or for ill, shall hereafter trace their source to this beginning. the most that the present can do is to take note of the point so far reached, and of apparent tendencies manifested; to seek for the latter a right direction; to guide, where it can, currents of general thought, the outcome of which will be beneficial or injurious, according as their course is governed by a just appreciation of fundamental truths. the calling of the conference of the hague originated in an avowed desire to obtain relief from immediate economical burdens, by the adoption of some agreement to restrict the preparations for war, and the consequent expense involved in national armaments; but before its meeting the hope of disarmament had fallen into the background, the vacant place being taken by the project of abating the remoter evils of recurrent warfare, by giving a further impulse, and a more clearly defined application, to the principle of arbitration, which thenceforth assumed pre-eminence in the councils of the conference. this may be considered the point at which we have arrived. the assembled representatives of many nations, including all the greatest upon the earth, have decided that it is to arbitration men must look for relief, rather than to partial disarmament, or even to an arrest in the progress of preparations for war. of the beneficence of the practice of arbitration, of the wisdom of substituting it, when possible, for the appeal to arms, with all the misery therefrom resulting, there can be no doubt; but it will be expected that in its application, and in its attempted development, the tendencies of the day, both good and bad, will make themselves felt. if, on the one hand, there is solid ground for rejoicing in the growing inclination to resort first to an impartial arbiter, if such can be found, when occasion for collision arises, there is, on the other hand, cause for serious reflection when this most humane impulse is seen to favor methods, which by compulsion shall vitally impair the moral freedom, and the consequent moral responsibility, which are the distinguishing glory of the rational man, and of the sovereign state. one of the most unfortunate characteristics of our present age is the disposition to impose by legislative enactment--by external compulsion, that is--restrictions of a moral character, which are either fundamentally unjust, or at least do not carry with them the moral sense of the community, as a whole. it is not religious faith alone that in the past has sought to propagate itself by force of law, which ultimately is force of physical coercion. if the religious liberty of the individual has been at last won, as we hope forever, it is sufficiently notorious that the propensity of majorities to control the freedom of minorities, in matters of disputed right and wrong, still exists, as certain and as tyrannical as ever was the will of philip ii. that there should be no heretic within his dominion. many cannot so much as comprehend the thought of the english bishop, that it was better to see england free than england sober. in matters internal to a state, the bare existence of a law imposes an obligation upon the individual citizen, whatever his personal conviction of its rightfulness or its wisdom. yet is such obligation not absolute. the primary duty, attested alike by the law and the gospel, is submission. the presumption is in favor of the law; and if there lie against it just cause for accusation, on the score either of justice or of expediency, the interests of the commonwealth and the precepts of religion alike demand that opposition shall be conducted according to the methods, and within the limits, which the law of the land itself prescribes. but it may be--it has been, and yet again may be--that the law, however regular in its enactment, and therefore unquestionable on the score of formal authority, either outrages fundamental political right, or violates the moral dictates of the individual conscience. of the former may be cited as an instance the stamp act, perfectly regular as regarded statutory validity, which kindled the flame of revolution in america. of the second, the fugitive slave law, within the memory of many yet living, is a conspicuous illustration. under such conditions, the moral right of resistance is conceded--nay, is affirmed and emphasized--by the moral consciousness of the races from which the most part of the american people have their origin, and to which, almost wholly, we owe our political and religious traditions. such resistance may be passive, accepting meekly the penalty for disobedience, as the martyr who for conscience' sake refused the political requirement of sacrificing to the image of the cæsar; or it may be active and violent, as when our forefathers repelled taxation without representation, or when men and women, of a generation not yet wholly passed away, refused to violate their consciences by acquiescing in the return of a slave to his bondage, resorting to evasion or to violence, according to their conditions or temperaments, but in every case deriving the sanction for their unlawful action from the mandate of their personal conscience. and let it be carefully kept in mind that it is not the absolute right or wrong of the particular act, as seen in the clearer light of a later day, that justified men, whether in the particular instances cited, or in other noteworthy incidents in the long series of steps by which the english-speaking races have ascended to their present political development. it is not the demonstrable rightfulness of a particular action, as seen in the dispassionate light of the arbiter, posterity, that has chiefly constituted the merit of the individual rebel against the law in which he beheld iniquity; the saving salt, which has preserved the healthfulness of the body politic, has been the fidelity to conscience, to the faithful, if passionate, arbiter of the moment, whose glorious predominance in the individual or in the nation gives a better assurance of the highest life than does the clearest intellectual perception of the rightfulness, or of the expediency, of a particular course. one may now see, or think that he sees, as does the writer, with lincoln, that if slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. it was not so clear half a century ago; and while no honor is too great for those early heroes, who for this sublime conviction withstood obloquy and persecution, legal and illegal, it should be never forgotten that the then slave states, in their resolute determination to maintain, by arms, if need be, and against superior force, that which they believed to be their constitutional political right, made no small contribution to the record of fidelity to conscience and to duty, which is the highest title of a nation to honor. be it by action or be it by submission, by action positive or by action negative, whatsoever is not of faith--of conviction--is sin. the just and necessary exaltation of the law as the guarantee of true liberty, with the consequent accepted submission of the individual to it, and the recognized presumption in favor of such submission, have tended to blind us to the fact that the individual, in our highest consciousness, has never surrendered his moral freedom,--his independence of conscience. no human law overbears that supreme appeal, which carries the matter from the tribunal of man into the presence of god; nor can human law be pleaded at this bar as the excuse for a violation of conscience. it is a dangerous doctrine, doubtless, to preach that there may be a "higher law" than obedience to law; but truth is not to be rejected because dangerous, and the time is not long past when the phrase voiced a conviction, the forcible assertion of which brought slavery to an end forever. the resort to arms by a nation, when right cannot otherwise be enforced, corresponds, or should correspond, precisely to the acts of the individual man which have been cited; for the old conception of an appeal to the almighty, resembling in principle the mediæval trial by battle, is at best but a partial view of the truth, seen from one side only. however the result may afterwards be interpreted as indicative of the justice of a cause,--an interpretation always questionable,--a state, when it goes to war, should do so not to test the rightfulness of its claims, but because, being convinced in its conscience of that rightfulness, no other means of overcoming evil remains. nations, like men, have a conscience. like men, too, the light of conscience is in nations often clouded, or misguided, by passion or by interest. but what of that? does a man discard his allegiance to conscience because he knows that, itself in harmony with right, its message to him is perplexed and obscured by his own infirmities? not so. fidelity to conscience implies not only obedience to its dictates, but earnest heart-searching, the use of every means, to ascertain its true command; yet withal, whatever the mistrust of the message, the supremacy of the conscience is not impeached. when it is recognized that its final word is spoken, nothing remains but obedience. even if mistaken, the moral wrong of acting against conviction works a deeper injury to the man, and to his kind, than can the merely material disasters that may follow upon obedience. even the material evils of war are less than the moral evil of compliance with wrong. "yes, my friend," replied to me a foreign diplomatist to whom i was saying some such things, "but remember that only a few years ago the conscience of your people was pressing you into war with great britain in the venezuelan question." "admitting," i replied, "that the first national impulse, the first movement of the conscience, if you like, was mistaken,--which is at least open to argument,--it remains that there was no war; time for deliberation was taken, and more than that can be asked of no conscience, national or personal. but, further, had the final decision of conscience been that just cause for war existed, no evil that war brings could equal the moral declension which a nation inflicts upon itself, and upon mankind, by deliberate acquiescence in wrong, which it recognizes and which it might right." nor is this conclusion vitiated by the fact that war is made at times upon mistaken conviction. it is not the accuracy of the decision, but the faithfulness to conviction, that constitutes the moral worth of an action, national or individual. the general consciousness of this truth is witnessed by a common phrase, which excludes from suggested schemes of arbitration all questions which involve "national honor or vital interests." no one thing struck me more forcibly during the conference at the hague than the exception taken and expressed, although in a very few quarters, to the word "honor," in this connection. there is for this good reason; for the word, admirable in itself and if rightly understood, has lost materially in the clearness of its image and superscription, by much handling and by some misapplication. honor does not forbid a nation to acknowledge that it is wrong, or to recede from a step which it has taken through wrong motives or mistaken reasons; yet it has at times been so thought, to the grievous injury of the conception of honor. it is not honor, necessarily, but sound policy, which prescribes that peace with a semi-civilized foe should not be made after a defeat; but, however justifiable the policy, the word "honor" is defaced by thus misapplying it. the varying fortunes, the ups and downs of the idea of arbitration at the conference of the hague, as far as my intelligence could follow them, produced in me two principal conclusions, which so far confirmed my previous points of view that i think i may now fairly claim for them that they have ripened into _opinions_, between which word, and the cruder, looser views received passively as _impressions_, i have been ever careful to mark a distinction. in the first place, compulsory arbitration stands at present no chance of general acceptance. there is but one way as yet in which arbitration can be compulsory; for the dream of some advanced thinkers, of an international army, charged with imposing the decrees of an international tribunal upon a recalcitrant state, may be dismissed as being outside of practical international politics, until at least the nations are ready for the intermediate step of moral compulsion, imposed by a self-assumed obligation--by a promise. compulsory arbitration as yet means only the moral compulsion of a pledge, taken beforehand, and more or less comprehensive, to submit to arbitration questions which rest still in the unknown future; the very terms of which therefore cannot be foreseen. although there is a certain active current of agitation in favor of such stipulations, there is no general disposition of governments to accede, except under very narrow and precise limitations, and in questions of less than secondary importance. secondly, there appears to be, on the other hand, a much greater disposition than formerly to entertain favorably the idea of arbitration, as a means to be in all cases considered, and where possible to be adopted, in order to solve peaceably difficulties which threaten peace. in short, the consciences of the nations are awake to the wickedness of unnecessary war, and are disposed, as a general rule, to seek first, and where admissible, the counterpoise of an impartial judge, where such can be found, to correct the bias of national self-will; but there is an absolute indisposition, an instinctive revolt, against signing away, beforehand, the national conscience, by a promise that any other arbiter than itself shall be accepted in questions of the future, the import of which cannot yet be discerned. of this feeling the vague and somewhat clumsy phrase, "national honor and vital interests," has in the past been the expression; for its very indeterminateness reserved to conscience in every case the decision,--"may another judge for me here, or must i be bound by my own sense of right?" under these circumstances, and having reached so momentous a stage in progress as is indicated by the very calling together of a world conference for the better assuring of peace, may it not be well for us to pause a moment and take full account of the idea, arbitration, on the right hand and on the left? noble and beneficent in its true outlines, it too may share, may even now be sharing, the liability of the loftiest conceptions to degenerate into catchwords, or into cant. "liberty, what crimes have been wrought in thy name!" and does not religion share the same reproach, and conscience also? yet will we not away with any of the three. the conviction of a nation is the conviction of the mass of the individuals thereof, and each individual has therefore a personal responsibility for the opinion he holds on a question of great national, or international, moment. let us look, each of us,--and especially each of us who fears god,--into his own inner heart, and ask himself how far, in his personal life, he is prepared to accept arbitration. is it not so that the reply must be, "in doubtful questions of moment, wherever i possibly can, knowing my necessary, inevitable proneness to one-sided views, i will seek an impartial adviser, that my bias may be corrected; but when that has been done, when i have sought what aid i can, if conscience still commands, it i must obey. from that duty, burdensome though it may be, no man can relieve me. conscience, diligently consulted, is to the man the voice of god; between god and the man no other arbiter comes." and if this be so, a pledge beforehand is impossible. i cannot bind myself for a future of which i as yet know nothing, to abide by the decision of any other judge than my own conscience. much humor--less wit--has been expended upon the emperor of germany's supposed carefulness to reject arbitration because an infringement of his divine rights; a phrase which may well be no more than a blunt expression of the sense that no third party can relieve a man from the obligations of the position to which he is called by god, and that for the duties of that position the man can confidently expect divine guidance and help. be that as it may, the divine right of conscience will, among americans, receive rare challenge. it has been urged, however, that a higher organization of the nations, the provision of a supreme tribunal issuing and enforcing judgments, settling thereby quarrels and disputed rights, would produce for the nations of the earth a condition analogous to that of the individual citizen of the state, who no longer defends his own cause, nor is bound in conscience to maintain his own sense of right, when the law decides against him. the conception is not novel, not even modern; something much like it was put forth centuries ago by the papacy concerning its own functions. it contains two fallacies. first, the submission of the individual citizen is to force, to the constitution of which he personally contributes little, save his individual and general assent. to an unjust law he submits under protest, doubtless often silent; but he submits, not because he consents to the wrong, whether to himself personally or to others, but because he cannot help it. this will perhaps be denied, with the assertion that willing, intelligent submission to law, even when unjust, is yielded by most for the general good. one has, however, only to consider the disposition of the average man to evade payment of taxes, to recognize how far force daily enters into the maintenance and execution of law. nations, on the contrary, since no force exists, or without their volition can exist, to compel them to accept the institution of an authority superior to their own conscience, yield a willing acquiescence to wrong, when they so yield in obedience to an external authority imposed by themselves. the matter is not helped by the fact of a previous promise to accept such decisions. the wrong-doing of an individual, in consequence of an antecedent promise, does not relieve the conscience thus rashly fettered. the ancient warning still stands, "suffer not thy mouth to cause thy flesh to sin." for the individual or the nation, arbitration is not possible where the decision may violate conscience; it therefore can be accepted only when it is known that interest merely, not duty, will be affected by the judgment, and such knowledge cannot exist antecedent to the difficulty arising. there is a further--a second--fallacy in the supposed analogy between the submission of individuals to law, and the advocated submission of states to a central tribunal. the law of the state, overwhelming as is its power relatively to that of the individual citizen, can neither bind nor loose in matters pertaining to the conscience. still less can any tribunal, however solemnly constituted, liberate a state from its obligation to do right; still less, i say, because the state retains, what the individual has in great part lost, the power to maintain what it believes to be right. many considerations may make it more right--i do not say _more expedient_--for a man or for a nation, to submit to, or to acquiesce in, wrong than to resist; but in such cases it is conscience still that decides where the balance of justice turns distinctly to the side of wrong. it is, i presume, universally admitted, that occasions may arise where conscience not only justifies, but compels, resistance to law; whether it be the christian citizen refusing to sacrifice, or the free citizen to subject himself to unconstitutional taxation, or to become the instrument of returning the slave to his master. so also for the christian state. existing wrong may have to be allowed, lest a greater wrong be done. conscience only can decide; and for that very reason conscience must be kept free, that it may decide according to its sense of right, when the case is presented. there is, therefore, the very serious consideration attendant upon what is loosely styled "compulsory" arbitration,--arbitration stipulated, that is, in advance of a question originating, or of its conditions being appreciated,--that a state may thereby do that which a citizen as towards the state does not do; namely, may voluntarily assume a moral obligation to do, or to allow, wrong. and it must be remembered, also, that many of the difficulties which arise among states involve considerations distinctly beyond and higher than law as international law now exists; whereas the advocated permanent tribunal, to which the ultra-organizers look, to take cognizance of all cases, must perforce be governed by law as it exists. it is not, in fact, to be supposed that nations will submit themselves to a tribunal, the general principles of which have not been crystallized into a code of some sort. a concrete instance, however, is always more comprehensible and instructive than a general discussion. let us therefore take the incidents and conditions which preceded our recent war with spain. the facts, as seen by us, may, i apprehend, be fairly stated as follows: in the island of cuba, a powerful military force,--government it scarcely could be called,--foreign to the island, was holding a small portion of it in enforced subjection, and was endeavoring, unsuccessfully, to reduce the remainder. in pursuance of this attempt, measures were adopted that inflicted immense misery and death upon great numbers of the population. such suffering is indeed attendant upon war; but it may be stated as a fundamental principle of civilized warfare that useless suffering is condemned, and it had become apparent to military eyes that spain could not subdue the island, nor restore orderly conditions. the suffering was terrible, and was unavailing. under such circumstances, does any moral obligation lie upon a powerful neighboring state? or, more exactly, if there is borne in upon the moral consciousness of a mighty people that such an afflicted community as that of cuba at their doors is like lazarus at the gate of the rich man, and that the duty of stopping the evil rests upon them, what is to be done with such a case of conscience? could the decision of another, whether nation or court, excuse our nation from the ultimate responsibility of its own decision? but, granting that it might have proved expedient to call in other judges, when we had full knowledge of the circumstances, what would have been our dilemma if, conscience commanding one course, we had found ourselves antecedently bound to abide by the conclusions of another arbiter? for let us not deceive ourselves. absolutely justifiable, nay, imperative, as most of us believe our action to have been, when tried at the bar of conscience, no arbitral court, acceptable to the two nations, would have decided as our own conscience did. a european diplomatist of distinguished reputation, of a small nation likeliest to be unbiassed, so said to me personally, and it is known that more than one of our own ablest international lawyers held that we were acting in defiance of international law as it now exists; just as the men who resisted the fugitive slave law acted in defiance of the statute law of the land. decision must have gone against us, so these men think, on the legal merits of the case. of the moral question the arbiter could take no account; it is not there, indeed, that moral questions must find their solution, but in the court of conscience. referred to arbitration, doubtless the spanish flag would still fly over cuba. there is unquestionably a higher law than law, concerning obedience to which no other than the man himself, or the state, can give account to him that shall judge. the freedom of the conscience may be fettered or signed away by him who owes to it allegiance, yet its supremacy, though thus disavowed, cannot be overthrown. the conference at the hague has facilitated future recourse to arbitration, by providing means through which, a case arising, a court is more easily constituted, and rules governing its procedure are ready to hand; but it has refrained from any engagements binding states to have recourse to the tribunal thus created. the responsibility of the state to its own conscience remains unimpeached and independent. the progress thus made and thus limited is to a halting place, at which, whether well chosen or not, the nations must perforce stop for a time; and it will be wise to employ that time in considering the bearings, alike of that which has been done, and of that which has been left undone. our own country has a special need thus carefully to consider the possible consequences of arbitration, understood in the sense of an antecedent pledge to resort to it; unless under limitations very carefully hedged. there is an undoubted popular tendency in direction of such arbitration, which would be "compulsory" in the highest moral sense,--the compulsion of a promise. the world at large, and we especially, stand at the opening of a new era, concerning whose problems little can be foreseen. among the peoples, there is manifested intense interest in the maturing of our national convictions, as being, through asia, new-comers into active international life, concerning whose course it is impossible to predict; and in many quarters, probably in all except great britain, the attitude toward us is watchful rather than sympathetic. the experience of crete and of armenia does not suggest beneficent results from the arbitration of many counsellors; especially if contrasted with the more favorable issue when russia, in , acting on her own single initiative, forced by the conscience of her people, herself alone struck the fetters from bulgaria; or when we ourselves last year, rejecting intermediation, loosed the bonds from cuba, and lifted the yoke from the neck of the oppressed. it was inevitable that thoughts like these should recur frequently to one of the writer's habit of thought, when in constant touch with the atmosphere that hung around the conference, although the latter was by it but little affected. the poet's words, "the parliament of man, the federation of the world," were much in men's mouths this past summer. there is no denying the beauty of the ideal, but there was apparent also a disposition, in contemplating it, to contemn the slow processes of evolution by which nature commonly attains her ends, and to impose at once, by convention, the methods that commended themselves to the sanguine. fruit is not best ripened by premature plucking, nor can the goal be reached by such short cuts. step by step, in the past, man has ascended by means of the sword, and his more recent gains, as well as present conditions, show that the time has not yet come to kick down the ladder which has so far served him. three hundred years ago, the people of the land in which the conference was assembled wrenched with the sword civil and religious peace and national independence from the tyranny of spain. then began the disintegration of her empire, and the deliverance of peoples from her oppression, but this was completed only last year, and then again by the sword--of the united states. in the centuries which have since intervened, what has not "justice, with valor armed," when confronted by evil in high places, found itself compelled to effect by resort to the sword? to it was due the birth of our own nation, not least among the benefits of which was the stern experience that has made great britain no longer the mistress, but the mother, of her dependencies. the control, to good from evil, of the devastating fire of the french revolution and of napoleon was due to the sword. the long line of illustrious names and deeds, of those who bore it not in vain, has in our times culminated--if indeed the end is even yet nearly reached--in the new birth of the united states by the extirpation of human slavery, and in the downfall, but yesterday, of a colonial empire identified with tyranny. what the sword, and it supremely, tempered only by the stern demands of justice and of conscience, and the loving voice of charity, has done for india and for egypt, is a tale at once too long and too well known for repetition here. peace, indeed, is not adequate to all progress; there are resistances that can be overcome only by explosion. what means less violent than war would in a half-year have solved the caribbean problem, shattered national ideas deep rooted in the prepossessions of a century, and planted the united states in asia, face to face with the great world problem of the immediate future? what but war rent the veil which prevented the english-speaking communities from seeing eye to eye, and revealed to each the face of a brother? little wonder that a war which, with comparatively little bloodshed, brought such consequences, was followed by the call for a peace conference! power, force, is a faculty of national life; one of the talents committed to nations by god. like every other endowment of a complex organization, it must be held under control of the enlightened intellect and of the upright heart; but no more than any other can it be carelessly or lightly abjured, without incurring the responsibility of one who buries in the earth that which was intrusted to him for use. and this obligation to maintain right, by force if need be, while common to all states, rests peculiarly upon the greater, in proportion to their means. much is required of those to whom much is given. so viewed, the ability speedily to put forth the nation's power, by adequate organization and other necessary preparation, according to the reasonable demands of the nation's intrinsic strength and of its position in the world, is one of the clear duties involved in the christian word "watchfulness,"--readiness for the call that may come, whether expectedly or not. until it is demonstrable that no evil exists, or threatens the world, which cannot be obviated without recourse to force, the obligation to readiness must remain; and, where evil is mighty and defiant, the obligation to use force--that is, war--arises. nor is it possible, antecedently, to bring these conditions and obligations under the letter of precise and codified law, to be administered by a tribunal; and in the spirit legalism is marked by blemishes as real as those commonly attributed to "militarism," and not more elevated. the considerations which determine good and evil, right and wrong, in crises of national life, or of the world's history, are questions of equity often too complicated for decision upon mere rules, or even principles, of law, international or other. the instances of bulgaria, of armenia, and of cuba, are entirely in point, and it is most probable that the contentions about the future of china will afford further illustration. even in matters where the interest of nations is concerned, the moral element enters; because each generation in its day is the guardian of those which shall follow it. like all guardians, therefore, while it has the power to act according to its best judgment, it has no right, for the mere sake of peace, to permit known injustice to be done to its wards. the present strong feeling, throughout the nations of the world, in favor of arbitration, is in itself a subject for congratulation almost unalloyed. it carries indeed a promise, to the certainty of which no paper covenants can pretend; for it influences the conscience by inward conviction, not by external fetter. but it must be remembered that such sentiments, from their very universality and evident laudableness, need correctives, for they bear in themselves a great danger of excess or of precipitancy. excess is seen in the disposition, far too prevalent, to look upon war not only as an evil, but as an evil unmixed, unnecessary, and therefore always unjustifiable; while precipitancy, to reach results considered desirable, is evidenced by the wish to _impose_ arbitration, to prevent recourse to war, by a general pledge previously made. both frames of mind receive expression in the words of speakers, among whom a leading characteristic is lack of measuredness and of proportion. thus an eminent citizen is reported to have said: "there is no more occasion for two nations to go to war than for two men to settle their difficulties with clubs." singularly enough, this point of view assumes to represent peculiarly christian teaching, willingly ignorant of the truth that christianity, while it will not force the conscience by other than spiritual weapons, as "compulsory" arbitration might, distinctly recognizes the sword as the resister and remedier of evil in the sphere "of this world." arbitration's great opportunity has come in the advancing moral standards of states, whereby the disposition to deliberate wrong-doing has diminished, and consequently the occasions for redressing wrong by force the less frequent to arise. in view of recent events however, and very especially of notorious, high-handed oppression, initiated since the calling of the peace conference, and resolutely continued during its sessions in defiance of the public opinion--the conviction--of the world at large, it is premature to assume that such occasions belong wholly to the past. much less can it be assumed that there will be no further instances of a community believing, conscientiously and entirely, that honor and duty require of it a certain course, which another community with equal integrity may hold to be inconsistent with the rights and obligations of its own members. it is quite possible, especially to one who has recently visited holland, to conceive that great britain and the boers are alike satisfied of the substantial justice of their respective claims. it is permissible most earnestly to hope that, in disputes between sovereign states, arbitration may find a way to reconcile peace with fidelity to conscience, in the case of both; but if the conviction of conscience remains unshaken, war is better than disobedience,--better than acquiescence in recognized wrong. the great danger of undiscriminating advocacy of arbitration, which threatens even the cause it seeks to maintain, is that it may lead men to tamper with equity, to compromise with unrighteousness, soothing their conscience with the belief that war is so entirely wrong that beside it no other tolerated evil is wrong. witness armenia, and witness crete. war has been avoided; but what of the national consciences that beheld such iniquity and withheld the hand? note.--this paper was the means of bringing into the author's hands a letter by the late general sherman, which forcibly illustrates how easily, in quiet moments, men forget what they have owed, and still owe, to the sword. from the coincidence of its thought with that of the article itself, permission to print it here has been asked and received. new york, february th, . dear general meigs,--i attended the centennial ceremonies in honor of the supreme court yesterday, four full hours in the morning at the metropolitan opera house, and about the same measure of time at the grand banquet of lawyers in the evening at the lenox lyceum. the whole was superb in all its proportions, but it was no place for a soldier. i was bidden to the feast solely and exclusively because in for a few short months i was an attorney at leavenworth, kansas. the bar association of the united states has manifestly cast aside the sword of liberty. justice and law have ignored the significance of the great seal of the united states, with its emblematic olive branch and thirteen arrows, "all proper," and now claim that, without force, law and moral suasion have carried us through one hundred years of history. of course, in your study you will read at leisure these speeches, and if in them you discover any sense of obligation to the soldier element, you will be luckier than i, a listener. from to the supreme court was absolutely paralyzed; their decrees and writs were treated with contempt south of the potomac and ohio; they could not summon a witness or send a deputy marshal. war, and the armed power of the nation, alone removed the barrier and restored to the u.s. courts their lawful jurisdiction. yet, from these honied words of flattery, a stranger would have inferred that at last the lawyers of america had discovered the sovereign panacea of a government without force, either visible or in reserve. i was in hopes the civil war had dispelled this dangerous illusion, but it seems not. you and i can fold our hands and truly say we have done a man's share, and leave the consequences to younger men who must buffet with the next storms; but a government which ignores the great truths illuminated in heraldic language over its very capitol is not yet at the end of its woes. with profound respect, w.t. sherman. the relations of the united states to their new dependencies the relations of the united states to their new dependencies in modern times there have been two principal colonizing nations, which not merely have occupied and administered a great transmarine domain, but have impressed upon it their own identity--the totality of their political and racial characteristics--to a degree that is likely to affect permanently the history of the world at large. these two nations, it is needless to say, are great britain and spain. russia, their one competitor, differs from them in that her sustained advance over alien regions is as wholly by land as theirs has been by sea. france and holland have occupied and administered, and continue to occupy and administer, large extents of territory; but it is scarcely necessary to argue that in neither case has the race possessed the land, nor have the national characteristics been transmitted to the dwellers therein as a whole. they have realized, rather, the idea recently formulated by mr. benjamin kidd for the development of tropical regions,--administration from without. the unexpected appearance of the united states as in legal control of transmarine territory, which as yet they have not had opportunity either to occupy or to administer, coincides in time with the final downfall of spain's colonial empire, and with a stage in the upward progress of that of great britain, so marked, in the contrast it presents to the ruin of spain, as to compel attention and comparison, with an ultimate purpose to draw therefrom instruction for the united states in the new career forced upon them. the larger colonies of great britain are not indeed reaching their majority, for that they did long ago; but the idea formulated in the phrase "imperial federation" shows that they, and the mother country herself, have passed through and left behind the epoch when the accepted thought in both was that they should in the end separate, as sons leave the father's roof, to set up, each for himself. to that transition phase has succeeded the ideal of partnership, more complex indeed and difficult of attainment, but trebly strong if realized. the terms of partnership, the share of each member in the burdens and in the profits, present difficulties which will delay, and may prevent, the consummation; time alone can show. the noticeable factor in this change of mind, however, is the affectionate desire manifested by both parent and children to ensure the desired end. between nations long alien we have high warrant for saying that interest alone determines action; but between communities of the same blood, and when the ties of dependence on the one part are still recent, sentiments--love and mutual pride--are powerful, provided there be good cause for them. and good cause there is. since she lost what is now the united states, great britain has become benevolent and beneficent to her colonies. it is not in colonies only, however, that great britain has been beneficent to weaker communities; nor are benevolence and beneficence the only qualities she has shown. she has been strong also,--strong in her own interior life, whence all true strength issues; strong in the quality of the men she has sent forth to colonize and to administer; strong to protect by the arm of her power, by land, and, above all, by sea. the advantage of the latter safeguard is common to all her dependencies; but it is among subject and alien races, and not in colonies properly so called, that her terrestrial energy chiefly manifests itself, to control, to protect, and to elevate. of these functions, admirably discharged in the main, india and egypt are the conspicuous illustrations. in them she administers from without, and cannot be said to colonize, for the land was already full. conspicuous result constitutes example: for imitation, if honorable; for warning, if shameful. experience is the great teacher, and is at its best when personal; but in the opening of a career such experience is wanting to the individual, and must be sought in the record of other lives, or of other nations. the united states are just about to enter on a task of government--of administration--over regions which, in inhabitants, in climate, and in political tradition, differ essentially from themselves. what are the conditions of success? we have the two great examples. great britain has been, in the main, and increasingly, beneficent and strong. spain, from the very first, as the records show, was inhumanly oppressive to the inferior races; and, after her own descendants in the colonies became aliens in habit to the home country, she to them also became tyrannically exacting. but, still more, spain became weaker and weaker as the years passed, the tyranny of her extortions being partially due to exigencies of her political weakness and to her economical declension. let us, however, not fail to observe that the beneficence, as well as the strength, of great britain has been a matter of growth. she was not always what she now is to the alien subject. there is, therefore, no reason to despair, as some do, that the united states, who share her traditions, can attain her success. the task is novel to us; we may make blunders; but, guided by her experience, we should reach the goal more quickly. and it is to our interest to do so. enlightened self-interest demands of us to recognize not merely, and in general, the imminence of the great question of the farther east, which is rising so rapidly before us, but also, specifically, the importance to us of a strong and beneficent occupation of adjacent territory. in the domain of color, black and white are contradictory; but it is not so with self-interest and beneficence in the realm of ideas. this paradox is now too generally accepted for insistence, although in the practical life of states the proper order of the two is too often inverted. but, where the relations are those of trustee to ward, as are those of any state which rules over a weaker community not admitted to the full privileges of home citizenship, the first test to which measures must be brought is the good of the ward. it is the first interest of the guardian, for it concerns his honor. whatever the part of the united states in the growing conflict of european interests around china and the east, we deal there with equals, and may battle like men; but our new possessions, with their yet minor races, are the objects only of solicitude. ideas underlie action. if the paramount idea of beneficence becomes a national conviction, we may stumble and err, we may at times sin, or be betrayed by unworthy representatives; but we shall advance unfailingly. i have been asked to contribute to the discussion of this matter something from my own usual point of view; which is, of course, the bearing of sea power upon the security and the progress of nations. well, one great element of sea power, which, it will be remembered, is commercial before it is military, is that there be territorial bases of action in the regions important to its commerce. that is self-interest. but the history of spain's decline, and the history of great britain's advance,--in the latter of which the stern lesson given by the revolt of the united states is certainly a conspicuous factor, as also, perhaps, the other revolt known as the indian mutiny, in ,--alike teach us that territories beyond the sea can be securely held only when the advantage and interests of the inhabitants are the primary object of the administration. the inhabitants may not return love for their benefits,--comprehension or gratitude may fail them; but the sense of duty achieved, and the security of the tenure, are the reward of the ruler. i have understood also that, through the pages of "the engineering magazine," i should speak to the men who stand at the head of the great mechanical industries of the country,--the great inventors and the leaders in home development,--and that they would be willing to hear me. but what can i say to them that they do not know? their own businesses are beyond my scope and comprehension. the opportunities offered by the new acquisitions of the united states to the pursuits with which they are identified they can understand better than i. neither is it necessary to say that adequate--nay, great--naval development is a condition of success, although such an assertion is more within my competence, as a student of navies and of history. that form of national strength which is called sea power becomes now doubly incumbent. it is needed not merely for national self-assertion, but for beneficence; to ensure to the new subjects of the nation peace and industry, uninterrupted by wars, the great protection against which is preparation--to use that one counsel of washington's which the anti-imperialist considers to be out of date. i have, therefore, but one thing which i have not already often said to offer to such men, who affect these great issues through their own aptitudes and through their far-reaching influence upon public opinion, which they touch through many channels. sea power, as a national interest, commercial and military, rests not upon fleets only, but also upon local territorial bases in distant commercial regions. it rests upon them most securely when they are extensive, and when they have a numerous population bound to the sovereign country by those ties of interest which rest upon the beneficence of the ruler; of which beneficence power to protect is not the least factor. mere just dealing and protection, however, do not exhaust the demands of beneficence towards alien subjects, still in race-childhood. the firm but judicious remedying of evils, the opportunities for fuller and happier lives, which local industries and local development afford, these also are a part of the duty of the sovereign power. above all, there must be constant recognition that self-interest and beneficence alike demand that the local welfare be first taken into account. it is possible, of course, that it may at times have to yield to the necessities of the whole body; but it should be first considered. the task is great; who is sufficient for it? the writer believes firmly in the ultimate power of ideas. napoleon is reported to have said: "imagination rules the world." if this be generally so, how much more the true imaginations which are worthy to be called ideas! there is a nobility in man which welcomes the appeal to beneficence. may it find its way quickly now to the heads and hearts of the american people, before less worthy ambitions fill them; and, above all, to the kings of men, in thought and in action, under whose leadership our land makes its giant strides. there is in this no quixotism. materially, the interest of the nation is one with its beneficence; but if the ideas get inverted, and the nation sees in its new responsibilities, first of all, markets and profits, with incidental resultant benefit to the natives, it will go wrong. through such mistakes great britain passed. she lost the united states; she suffered bitter anguish in india; but india and egypt testify to-day to the nobility of her repentance. spain repented not. the examples are before us. which shall we follow? and is there not a stimulus to our imagination, and to high ambition, to read, as we easily may, how the oppressed have been freed, and the degraded lifted, in india and in egypt, not only by political sagacity and courage, but by administrative capacity directing the great engineering enterprises, which change the face of a land and increase a hundredfold the opportunities for life and happiness? the profession of the writer, and the subject consequently of most of his writing, stands for organized force, which, if duly developed, is the concrete expression of the nation's strength. but while he has never concealed his opinion that the endurance of civilization, during a future far beyond our present foresight, depends ultimately upon due organization of force, he has ever held, and striven to say, that such force is but the means to an end, which end is durable peace and progress, and therefore beneficence. the triumphs and the sufferings of the past months have drawn men's eyes to the necessity for increase of force, not merely to sustain over-sea dominion, but also to ensure timely use, in action, of the latent military and naval strength which the nation possesses. the speedy and inevitable submission of spain has demonstrated beyond contradiction the primacy of navies in determining the issue of transmarine wars; for after cavité and santiago had crippled hopelessly the enemy's navy, the end could not be averted, though it might have been postponed. on the other hand, the numerical inadequacy of the troops sent to santiago, and their apparently inadequate equipment, have shown the necessity for greater and more skilfully organized land forces. the deficiency of the united states in this respect would have permitted a prolonged resistance by the enemy's army in cuba,--a course which, though sure ultimately to fail, appealed strongly to military punctilio. these lessons are so obvious that it is not supposable that the national intelligence, which has determined the american demand for the philippines, can overlook them; certainly not readers of the character of those to whom this paper is primarily addressed. but when all this has been admitted and provided for, it still remains that force is but the minister, under whose guardianship industry does its work and enjoys peaceably the fruits of its labor. to the mechanical industries of the country, in their multifold forms, our new responsibilities propound the questions, not merely of naval and military protection, but of material development, which, first beneficent to the inhabitants and to the land, gives also, and thereby, those firm foundations of a numerous and contented population, and of ample local resources, upon which alone military power can securely rest. distinguishing qualities of ships of war distinguishing qualities of ships of war from the descriptions of warships usually published, it would naturally be inferred that the determination of their various qualities concern primarily the naval architect and the marine engineer. this is an error. warships exist for war. their powers, being for the operations of war, are military necessities, the appreciation of which, and the consequent qualities demanded, are military questions. only when these have been decided, upon military reasons, begins the office of the technologist; namely, to produce the qualities prescribed by the sea officer. an eminent british naval architect used to say, "i hold that it is the part of the naval officers to tell us just what qualities--speed, gun-power, armor, coal endurance, etc.--are required in a ship to be built, and then leave it to us to produce the ship." these words distinguish accurately and summarily the functions of the military and the technical experts in the development of navies. it is from the military standpoint, solely, that this article is written. the military function of a navy is to control the sea, so far as the sea contributes to the maintenance of the war. the sea is the theatre of naval war; it is the field in which the naval campaign is waged; and, like other fields of military operations, it does not resemble a blank sheet of paper, every point of which is equally important with every other point. like the land, the sea, as a military field, has its important centres, and it is not controlled by spreading your force, whatever its composition, evenly over an entire field of operations, like butter over bread, but by occupying the centres with aggregated forces--fleets or armies--ready to act in masses, in various directions from the centres. this commonplace of warfare is its first principle. it is called concentration, because the forces are not spread out, but drawn together at the centres which for the moment are most important. concentrated forces, therefore, are those upon which warfare depends for efficient control, and for efficient energy in the operations of war. they have two chief essential characteristics: force, which is gained by concentration of numbers; and mobility, which is the ability to carry the force rapidly, as well as effectively, from the centre to any point of the outlying field where action, offensive or defensive, becomes necessary. it is essential to keep in mind both these factors, and to study them in their true mutual relations of priority, in order and in importance,--force first, mobility second; for the force does not exist for the mobility, but the mobility for the force, which it subserves. force without mobility is useful; even though limited, as in coast fortifications; mobility without force is almost useless for the greater purposes of war. consequently, when it is found, as is frequently the case, that one must yield somewhat, in order to the full development of the other, it is extreme mobility, extreme speed, which must give way to greater force. this caution may seem superfluous, but it is not so; for in the popular fancy, and in the appreciation of the technical expert, and to some extent also in the official mind as well,--owing to that peculiar fad of the day which lays all stress on machinery,--mobility, speed, is considered the most important characteristic in every kind of ship of war. let the reader ask himself what is the most pronounced impression left upon his mind by newspaper accounts of a new ship. is it not that she is expected to make so many knots? compared with that, what does the average man know of the fighting she can do, when she has reached the end of that preposterously misleading performance called her trial trip? the error is of the nature of a half-truth, the most dangerous of errors; for it is true that, as compared with land forces, the great characteristic of navies is mobility; but it is not true that, between different classes of naval vessels, the swiftest are the most efficient for control of the sea. force is for that the determining element. keeping these relations of force and mobility constantly in mind, there is a further consideration, easily evident, but which needs to be distinctly stated and remembered. when a ship is once built, she cannot be divided. if you have on land concentrated ten thousand men, you can detach any fraction of them you wish for a particular purpose; you can send one man or ten, or a company, or a regiment. you can, in short, make of them any fresh combination you choose. with ships, the least you can send is one ship, and the smallest you have may be more than you wish to spare. from this (as well as for other reasons) arises a necessity for ships of different classes and sizes, which must be determined beforehand. the determination must be reached not merely by _a priori_ reasoning, as though the problem were wholly new; but regard must be had to the experience of the past,--to the teaching of history. history is experience, and as such underlies progress, just as the cognate idea, experiment, underlies scientific advance. both history and reasoning, of the character already outlined in these papers, concur in telling us that control of the sea is exercised by vessels individually very large for their day, concentrated into bodies called fleets, stationed at such central points as the emergency demands. our predecessors of the past two centuries called these vessels "ships of the line of battle," from which probably derives our briefer modern name "battleship," which is appropriate only if the word "battle" be confined to fleet actions. among the naval entities, fleets are at once the most powerful and the least mobile; yet they are the only really determining elements in naval war. they are the most powerful, because in them are concentrated many ships, each of which is extremely strong for fighting. they are the least mobile, because many ships, which must keep together, can proceed only at the rate of the slowest among them. it is natural to ask why not build them all equally fast? the reply is, it is possible to do so within very narrow limits, but it is not possible to keep them so. every deterioration, accident, or adverse incident, which affects one involves all, as regards speed, though not as regards fighting force. in our recent war, when an extensive operation was contemplated, the speed of one battleship reduced the calculated speed of the fleet by one knot,--one sea mile per hour. but, it may be urged, will not your slowest speed be much increased, if every vessel be originally faster? doubtless; but speed means tonnage,--part of the ship's weight devoted to engines; and weight, if given to speed, is taken from other qualities; and if, to increase speed, you reduce fighting power, you increase something you cannot certainly hold, at the expense of something at once much more important and more constant--less liable to impairment. in the operation just cited the loss of speed was comparatively of little account; but the question of fighting force upon arrival was serious. an escape from this dilemma is sought by the advocates of very high speed for battleships by increasing the size of the individual ship. if this increase of size is accompanied by increase of speed, but not proportionately of fighting power, the measure, in the opinion of the writer, stands self-condemned. but, granting that force gains equally with speed, there is a further objection already mentioned. the exigencies of war demand at times division, as well as concentration; and, in fact, concentration, properly understood, does not mean keeping ships necessarily within sight of one another, but so disposed that they can unite readily at will,--a consideration which space forbids me more than to state. now, a big ship cannot be divided into two; or, more pertinently, eight ships cannot be made into ten when you want two bodies of five each. the necessity, or supposed necessity, of maintaining the flying squadron at hampton roads during the late hostilities exactly illustrates this idea. under all the conditions, this disposition was not wholly false to concentration, rightly considered; but had the ships been fewer and bigger, it could not have been made. the net result, therefore, of the argument, supported, as the writer believes, by the testimony of history, is: ( ) that a navy which wishes to affect decisively the issues of a maritime war must be composed of heavy ships--"battleships"--possessing a maximum of fighting power, and so similar in type as to facilitate that uniformity of movement and of evolution upon which concentration, once effected, must depend for its maintenance, whether during a passage or in actual engagement; ( ) that in such ships, regarded as fighting factors, which is their primary function, size is limited, as to the minimum, by the advisability of concentrating as much fighting power as possible under the hand of a single captain; but, on the other hand, size is also limited, as to its maximum, by the need of retaining ability to subdivide the whole fleet, according to particular exigencies; ( ) as regards that particular form of mobility called speed, the writer regards it as distinctly secondary for the battleship; that, to say the least, the present proportions of weight assigned to fighting force should not be sacrificed to obtain increase of speed. neither should the size of the individual ships be increased merely to obtain rates of speed higher than that already shown by some of our present battleships. concerning that particular function of mobility which is called coal endurance,--that is, the ability to steam a certain distance without stopping to recoal,--the convenience to military operations of such a quality is evident; but it is obvious that it cannot, with the fuels now available, be possessed beyond very narrow limits. a battleship that can steam the greatest distance that separates two fortified coaling stations of her nation, with a reasonable margin above that to meet emergencies, will evidently be able to remain for a long while with the fleet, when this is concentrated to remain under reduced steam at a particular point. the recoaling of ships is a difficulty which must be met by improving the methods of that operation, not by sacrificing the military considerations which should control the size and other qualities of the vessel. it is the belief of the writer that ten thousand tons represent very nearly the minimum, and twelve thousand the maximum, of size for the battleship. our present battleships fall within those limits, and, although less uniform in their qualities than might be desired, they give perfectly satisfactory indications that the requisite qualities can all be had without increase of size. when more is wanted--and we should always be striving for perfection--it should be sought in the improvement of processes, and not in the adding of ton to ton, like a man running up a bill. it is the difference between economy and extravagance. into battleships such as these should go the greater proportion of the tonnage a nation gives to its navy. ships so designed may reach the ground of action later than those which have more speed; but when they arrive, the enemy, if of weaker fighting power, must go, and what then has been the good of their speed? war is won by holding on, or driving off; not by successful running away. an important consideration in determining the necessary composition of a navy is the subdivision of fighting power into offensive and defensive. the latter is represented chiefly by armor, the former by guns; although other factors contribute to both. the relative importance of the two depends upon no mere opinion of the writer, but upon a consensus of authority practically unanimous, and which, therefore, demands no argument, but simple statement. offensive action--not defensive--determines the issues of war. "the best defence against the enemy's fire is a rapid fire from our own guns," was a pithy phrase of our admiral farragut; and in no mere punning sense it may be added that it is for this reason that the rapid-fire gun of the present day made such big strides in professional favor, the instant it was brought to the test of battle. the rapid-fire gun is smaller than the great cannon mounted in the turrets; but, while the latter have their proper usefulness, the immensely larger number of projectiles fired in a given time, and valid against the target presented to them, makes the rapid-fire battery a much stronger weapon, offensively, than the slow-acting giants. here is the great defect of the monitor, properly so-called; that is, the low-freeboard monitor. defensively, the monitor is very strong; offensively, judged by present-day standards, it is weak, possessing the heavy cannon, but deficient in rapid fire. consequently, its usefulness is limited chiefly to work against fortifications,--a target exceptional in resistance, and rarely a proper object for naval attack. it is the opinion of the writer that no more monitors should be built, except as accessory to the defence of those harbors where submarine mines cannot be depended upon,--as at san francisco and puget sound. it should be added that the monitor at sea rolls twice as rapidly as the battleship, which injuriously affects accuracy of aim; that is, offensive power. the general principle of the decisive superiority of offensive power over defensive is applicable throughout,--to the operations of a war, to the design of a battleship, to the scheme of building a whole navy. it is to the erroneous belief in mere defence that we owe much of the faith in the monitor, and some of the insistence upon armor; while the cry that went up for local naval defence along our coast, when war threatened in the spring of , showed an ignorance of the first principles of warfare, which, if not resisted, would have left us impotent even before spain. brief mention only can be given to the other classes of vessels needed by the navy. concerning them, one general remark must be made. they are subsidiary to the fighting fleet, and represent rather that subdivision of a whole navy which is opposed to the idea of concentration, upon which the battleship rests. as already noted, a built ship cannot be divided; therefore, battleships must be supplemented by weaker or smaller vessels, to perform numerous detached and often petty services. from this characteristic of detachment--often singly--important engagements will rarely be fought by these smaller vessels. therefore, in them fighting power declines in relative importance, and speed, to perform their missions, increases in proportion. as their essential use is not to remain at the centres, but to move about, they are called generically cruisers, from the french word _croiser_,--to cross. they cross back and forth, they rove the sea,--despatch boats, lookouts, scouts, or raiders. they are the cavalry of the fleet. prominent among these in modern navies is the so-called "armored" cruiser,--a type to which belonged the four principal vessels of cervera's squadron. the name itself is interesting, as indicating the inveterate tendency of mankind to straddle,--the reluctance to choose one of two opposite things, and frankly to give up the other. armor, being an element of fighting power, belongs properly to the battleship rather than the cruiser; and in the latter, if the weight spent in armor detracts from speed or coal endurance, it contravenes the leading idea of a cruiser,--mobility. but, while the name is incongruous, the type has its place as an armored vessel, though not as a cruiser. in our service at least--where it is represented by the _new york_ and the _brooklyn_--it is practically a second-class battleship, in which weight taken from fighting power is given to enginery and to speed. the advantage arising from this is purely tactical; that is, it comes into play only when in touch with the enemy. the armored cruiser belongs with the fleet, therefore her superior speed does not tell in making passages; but when fleets are in presence, or in the relative conditions of chase and pursuit, there is an advantage in being able to throw to the front, rear, or flanks, vessels which on a pinch can either fight or fly. this, be it noted in passing, is no new thing, but as old as naval history. a squadron of fast battleships of the day, thrown to the front of a fleet to harass the flanks of the enemy, is a commonplace of naval tactics, alike of galleys and sailing ships. off santiago, the _new york_ and _brooklyn_ were, by admiral sampson, placed on the flanks of his squadron. whichever way cervera turned he would find a vessel of speed and fighting power equal to those of his own ships. though unequal in fighting power to a first-class battleship, many circumstances may arise which would justify the armored cruiser in engaging one, provided her own fleet was in supporting distance. from their hybrid type, and from the exceptional circumstances under which they can be used, the tonnage put into these vessels should be but a small percentage of that given to the battle fleet, to which, and not to the cruisers, they really belong. concerning all other cruisers, mobility, represented in speed and coal endurance, is the chief requisite. notwithstanding occasional aberrations in the past, the development of the cruiser classes may be safely entrusted by the public to the technical experts; provided it be left to naval officers, military men, to say what qualities should predominate. moreover, as such vessels generally act singly, it is of less importance that they vary much in type, and the need of subdivision carries with it that of numerous sizes; but battleships, including armored cruisers, are meant to work together, and insistence should be made upon homogeneousness, especially in manoeuvring qualities. to sum up: the attention of the public should be centred upon the armored fleet, to which the bulk of expenditure should be devoted; the monitor, pure and simple,--save for very exceptional uses,--should be eliminated; the development of the true cruiser,--not armored,--both in type and in numbers, does not require great interest of the public; much of the duties of this class, also, can be discharged fairly well by purchased vessels, although such will never have the proportion of fighting power which every type of ship of war should possess. as a rule, it is undesirable that a military force, land or sea, should have to retreat before one of equal size, as auxiliary cruisers often would. current fallacies upon naval subjects current fallacies upon naval subjects all matters connected with the sea tend to have, in a greater or less degree, a distinctly specialized character, due to the unfamiliarity which the sea, as a scene of _action_, has for the mass of mankind. nothing is more trite than the remark continually made to naval officers, that life at sea must give them a great deal of leisure for reading and other forms of personal culture. without going so far as to say that there is no more leisure in a naval officer's life than in some other pursuits--social engagements, for instance, are largely eliminated when at sea--there is very much less than persons imagine; and what there is is broken up by numerous petty duties and incidents, of which people living on shore have no conception, because they have no experience. it is evident that the remark proceeds in most cases from the speaker's own consciousness of the unoccupied monotony of an ocean passage, in which, unless exceptionally observant, he has not even detected the many small but essential functions discharged by the officers of the ship, whom he sees moving about, but the aim of whose movements he does not understand. the passenger, as regards the economy of the vessel, is passive; he fails to comprehend, often even to perceive, the intense functional activity of brain and body which goes on around him--the real life of the organism. in the progress of the world, nautical matters of every kind are to most men what the transactions of a single ship are to the passenger. they receive impressions, which they mistake for opinions--a most common form of error. these impressions are repeated from mouth to mouth, and having the common note of superficial observation, they are found to possess a certain resemblance. so they serve mutually to fortify one another, and to constitute a _quasi_ public opinion. the repetition and stereotyping of impressions are greatly forwarded by the system of organized gossip which we call the press. it is in consequence of this, quite as much as of the extravagances in a certain far from reputable form of journalism, that the power of the press, great as it unquestionably still is, is not what it should be. it intensifies the feeling of its own constituents, who usually take the paper because they agree with it; but if candid representation of all sides constitutes a fair attempt to instruct the public, no man expects a matter to be fairly put forward. so far does this go, in the experience of the present writer, that one of the most reputable journals in the country, in order to establish a certain extreme position, quoted his opinion in one paragraph, while omitting to give the carefully guarded qualification expressed in the very succeeding paragraph; whereby was conveyed, by implication, the endorsement of the extreme opinion advocated, which the writer certainly never held. direct misrepresentation, however, whether by commission or by omission, careless or wilful, is probably less harmful than the indirect injury produced by continual repetition of unintentional misconceptions. the former occurs generally in the case of living, present-moment questions; it reaches chiefly those already convinced; and it has its counteraction in the arguments of the other party, which are read by the appropriate constituency. the real work of those questions of the day goes on behind the scenes; and the press affects them, not because of its intrinsic power, but only in so far as it is thought to represent the trend of thought in a body of voters. on subjects of less immediate moment, as military and naval matters are--except when war looms near, and preparation is too late--men's brains, already full enough of pressing cares, refuse to work, and submit passively to impressions, as the eye, without conscious action, takes note of and records external incidents. unfortunately these impressions, uncorrected by reflection, exaggerated in narration, and intensified by the repetition of a number of writers, come to constitute a body of public belief, not strictly rational in its birth or subsequent growth, but as impassive in its resistance to argument as it was innocent of mental process during its formation. the intention of the present paper is to meet, and as far as possible to remove, some such current errors of the day on naval matters--popular misconceptions, continually encountered in conversation and in the newspapers. accepting the existence of the navy, and the necessity for its continuance--for some starting-point must be assumed--the errors to be touched upon are: . that the united states needs a navy "for defence only." . that a navy "for defence only" means for the immediate defence of our seaports and coast-line; an allowance also being made for scattered cruisers to prey upon an enemy's commerce. . that if we go beyond this, by acquiring any territory overseas, either by negotiation or conquest, we step at once to the need of having a navy larger than the largest, which is that of great britain, now the largest in the world. . that the difficulty of doing this, and the expense involved, are the greater because of the rapid advances in naval improvement, which it is gravely said make a ship obsolete in a very few years; or, to use a very favorite hyperbole, she becomes obsolete before she can be launched. the assertion of the rapid obsolescence of ships of war will be dwelt upon, in the hopes of contravening it. . after this paper had been written, the calamity to the united states ship _maine_, in the harbor of havana, elicited, from the mourning and consternation of the country, the evident tokens of other unreasoning apprehensions--springing from imperfect knowledge and vague impressions--which at least should be noticed cursorily, and if possible appeased. _first_, the view that the united states should plan its navy--in numbers and in sizes of ships--for defence only, rests upon a confusion of ideas--a political idea and a military idea--under the one term of "defence." politically, it has always been assumed in the united states, and very properly, that our policy should never be wantonly aggressive; that we should never seek our own advantage, however evident, by an unjust pressure upon another nation, much less by open war. this, it will be seen, is a political idea, one which serves for the guidance of the people and of the statesmen of the country in determining--not _how_ war is to be carried on, which is a military question, but--under what circumstances war is permissible, or unjust. this is a question of civil policy, pure and simple, and by no means a military question. as a nation, we have always vehemently avowed that we will, and do, act justly; in practice, like other states, and like mankind generally, when we have wanted anything very badly, we have--at least at times--managed to see that it was just that we should have it. in the matter of general policy our hands are by no means clean from aggression. general grant, after retiring from public life, maintained that the war with mexico was an unjust war; a stigma which, if true, stains our possession of california and much other territory. the acquisition of louisiana was as great an outrage upon the technical rights of spain as the acquisition of hawaii would be upon the technical rights of the fast-disappearing aborigines; and there can be little doubt that, although we did not go to war with spain to get florida, we made things so uncomfortable for her that she was practically forced at last to get out. it does not follow necessarily that any of these actions were wrong, even if we consider that the so-called _legal_ rights of mexico and spain were set aside by the strong hand; for law is simply an invention of mankind to secure justice, and when justice, the natural rights of the greater number, is prevented by the legal, not the natural, rights of a few, the latter may be set aside, as it is at every election, where large minorities of people are forced to submit to what they consider grievous wrong. the danger incurred by overleaping law to secure what is right may be freely admitted; but no great responsibility, such as the use of power always is, can be exercised at all without some danger of abuse. however, be that as it may, there can be no question that in times past we have aggressed upon the legal rights of other states; and in the annexation of louisiana we infringed the letter of our own constitution. we broke the law in order to reach an end eminently beneficial to the majority of those concerned. nevertheless, while thus aggressive on occasion, warring for offence and not for defence only, it is distinctly a good thing that we hold up the ideal, and persuade ourselves that we cherish it; that we prepare means of war only for defence. it is better honestly to profess a high standard, even if we fall from it at times, than wilfully to adopt a lower ideal of conduct. the phrase "war for defence only" conveys, therefore, a political idea, and, as such, a proper and noble idea. unfortunately, in our country, where almost all activities fall under two chief heads--politics and business--politics, the less sensitively organized but more forceful of the two, intrudes everywhere and masters everything. we dread standing armies. why? because standing armies, being organized masses of men, trained to obey capable leaders, may overcome the resistance of a people which is far greater in numbers, but unorganized. what are our politics now but organized masses of men, habituated to obey their leaders, among whom to change their vote is stigmatized as the treason of an arnold, and between which the popular will is driven helplessly from side to side, like a shuttlecock between two battledores? politics cleans our streets, regulates our education, and so on; it is not to be wondered at that it intrudes into the military sphere, with confidence all the greater because it is there especially ignorant. let there be no misunderstanding, however. it is perfectly right that the policy of the country should dictate the character and strength of the military establishment; the evil is when policy is controlled by ignorance, summed up in a mistaken but captivating catchword--"for defence only." among all masters of military art--including therein naval art--it is a thoroughly accepted principle that mere defensive war means military ruin, and therefore national disaster. it is vain to maintain a military or naval force whose power is not equal to assuming the offensive soon or late; which cannot, first or last, go out, assail the enemy, and hurt him in his vital interests. a navy for defence only, in the _political_ sense, means a navy that will only be used in case we are forced into war; a navy for defence only, in the _military_ sense, means a navy that can only await attack and defend its own, leaving the enemy at ease as regards his own interests, and at liberty to choose his own time and manner of fighting. it is to be observed also that the most beneficial use of a military force is not to _wage_ war, however successfully, but to _prevent_ war, with all its suffering, expense, and complication of embarrassments. of course, therefore, a navy for defence only, from which an enemy need fear no harm, is of small account in diplomatic relations, for it is nearly useless as a deterrent from war. whatever there may be in our conditions otherwise to prevent states from attacking us, a navy "for defence only" will not add to them. for mere harbor defence, fortifications are decisively superior to ships, except where peculiar local conditions are found. all our greatest cities on the atlantic and gulf coasts can be locally defended better by forts than by ships; but if, instead of a navy "for defence only," there be one so large that the enemy must send a great many ships across the atlantic, if he sends any, then the question whether he can spare so great a number is very serious, considering the ever-critical condition of european politics. suppose, for instance, we could put twenty battleships in commission for war in thirty days, and that we had threatening trouble with either germany, france, great britain, or russia. there is not one of these, except great britain, that could afford to send over here twenty-five battleships, which would be the very fewest needed, seeing the distance of their operations from home; while great britain, relying wholly on her navy for the integrity of her empire, equally cannot afford the hostility of a nation having twenty battleships, and with whom her points of difference are as inconsequential to her as they are with us. it should be remembered, too, that any war which may arise with the naval nations of europe--or with japan, which will soon rank with them--will not be with reference to our own territories, but to our external relations. in the monroe doctrine, as now understood and viewed in the light of the venezuela incident, with the utterances then made by our statesmen of all parties, we have on hand one of the biggest contracts any modern state has undertaken. nor may we anticipate from other nations the easy acquiescence of great britain. the way the latter sticks by canada should warn us that we prevailed in venezuela because the matter to her was not worth war. great britain is gorged with land. her statesmen are weary of looking after it, and of the persistence with which one advance compels another. it is not so with germany and france. the latter is traditionally our friend, however, and her ambitions, even when she held canada, have ever pointed east rather than west. but how about germany? it is the fashion here to proclaim the emperor a fool, for his shibboleth is imperialistic and not republican; but if he be, it is with the folly of the age on the european continent--the hunger for ships, colonies, and commerce, after which the great napoleon so hankered, and upon which the prosperity of great britain has been built. ships, colonies, commerce, mean to a european nation of to-day just what our vast, half-improved, heavily tariffed territory means to us. they mean to those nations room to expand, land wherewith to portion off the sons and daughters that cannot find living space at home, widespread political and international influence, through blood affiliation with prosperous colonies, the power of which, in the sentiment of brotherhood, received such illustration in the queen's jubilee--one of the most majestic sights of the ages; for no roman triumph ever equalled for variety of interest the jubilee, in which not victorious force, but love, the all-powerful, was the tie that knit the diversities of the great pageant into one coherent, living whole. what political power is stable save that which holds men's hearts? and what holds men's hearts like blood-relationship, permitted free course and given occasional manifestation and exchange? german colonies, like unto those of great britain--such is the foolish day-dream of the german emperor, if folly it be; but if he be a fool, he knows at least that reciprocal advantage, reciprocal interests, promote the exchange of kindly offices, by which has been kept alive the love between englishmen at home and englishmen in the colonies. he knows, also, that such advantages derive from power, from force--not force exerted necessarily but force possessed--and that force, power, depends not upon fleets and armies only, but upon positions also--war being, as napoleon used to say, "a business of positions"--one of those pregnant phrases of the great captain upon which a man may meditate many hours without exhausting it. a state that aims at maritime power and at colonial empire, as germany unquestionably--nay, avowedly--now does, needs not only large and widely dispersed colonies; she further needs influence upon those routes of commerce which connect together countries and colonies, and for that she wants possession of minor points, whose value is rather military than commercial, but which essentially affect the control of the sea and of the communications. now the secrets of the emperor and of his more confidential advisers are not all worn upon the sleeve, as might be inferred from the audacity and apparent imprudence of occasional utterances. it is known, however, not only from his words, which might be discounted, but from his acts, that he wants a big navy, that he has meddled in south africa, and that he has on a slight pretext, but not, it may well be believed, in any frivolous spirit, seized kiao-chou, in china. what all this means to himself can be only a matter of inference. the present writer, after inquiring in quarters likely to be well informed, has been able to obtain nothing more positive than deductions, reasonably made, by men whose business it is to watch current events in europe; but the idea has long been forming in the minds of political thinkers, looking not only upon the moves of the political chess-board as they superficially appear in each day's news, and are dictated largely by momentary emergencies, but seeking also to detect the purpose and temperament of the players--be they men in power or national tendencies--that the german emperor is but continuing and expanding a scheme of policy inherited from his predecessors in the government of the state. nay, more; it is thought that this policy represents a tendency and a need of the german people itself, in the movement towards national unity between its racial constituents, in which so great an advance has already been accomplished in the last thirty years. elements long estranged, but of the same blood, can in no way more surely attain to community of interest and of view than by the development of an external policy, of which the benefits and the pride may be common to all. true unity requires some common object, around which diverse interests may cling and crystallize. nations, like families, need to look outside themselves, if they would escape, on the one hand, narrow self-satisfaction, or, on the other, pitiful internal dissensions. the far-reaching external activities fostered in great britain by her insular position have not only intensified patriotism, but have given also a certain nobility of breadth to her statesmanship up to the middle of this century. why, then, should not germany, whose political unity was effected near two centuries after that of great britain, do wisely in imitating a policy whereby the older state has become an empire, that still travels onward to a further and greater unity, which, if realized, shall embrace in one fold remote quarters of the world? where is the folly of the one conception or of the other? the folly, if it prove such, has as yet no demonstrable existence, save in the imaginations of a portion of the people of the united states, who, clinging to certain maxims of a century ago--when they were quite applicable--or violently opposed to any active interest in matters outside our family of states, find that those who differ from themselves are, if americans, jingoes, and if foreigners, like the present emperor william and mr. chamberlain, fools. the virtues and the powers of the british and german peoples may prove unequal to their ambitions--time alone can show; but it is a noble aim in their rulers to seek to extend their influence, to establish their positions, and to knit them together, in such wise that as races they may play a mighty part in the world's history. the ambition is noble, even if it fail; if it succeed, our posterity may take a different view of its folly, and of our own wisdom in this generation. for there are at least two steps, in other directions than those as yet taken, by which the emperor, when he feels strong enough at sea--he is yet scarcely in middle life--might greatly and suddenly increase the maritime empire of germany, using means which are by no means unprecedented, historically, but which would certainly arouse vehement wrath in the united states, and subject to a severe test our maxim of a navy for defence only. there is a large and growing german colony in southern brazil, and i am credibly informed that there is a distinct effort to divert thither, by means direct and indirect, a considerable part of the emigration which now comes to the united states, and therefore is lost politically to germany--for she has, of course, no prospect of colonization here. the inference is that the emperor hopes at a future day, for which he is young enough to wait, to find in southern brazil a strong german population, which in due time may seek to detach itself from the brazilian republic, as texas once detached itself from mexico; and which may then seek political union with germany, as texas sought political union with the united states, to obtain support against her former owners and masters. without advancing any particular opinion as to the advisable geographical limits of the monroe doctrine, we may be pretty sure that the american people would wordily resent an act which in our press would be called "the aggression of a european military monarchy upon the political or territorial rights of an american republic." this also could be accompanied with the liberal denunciation of william ii. which now ornaments our editorial columns; but hard words break no bones, and the practical question would remain, "what are you going to do about it?" with a navy "for defence only." if you cannot offend germany, in the military sense of "offend"--that is, if you cannot seek her out and _hurt_ her--how are you going to control her? in contemplation of the future contingencies of our national policy, let us contrast our own projected naval force with that now recommended to the german reichstag by the budget committee, despite the many prophecies that the emperor could not obtain his desired navy. "the budget committee of the reichstag to-day adopted, in accordance with the government proposals, parts of the naval bill, fixing the number of ships to be held in readiness for service as follows: flagship, battleships, large cruisers, small cruisers, coast-defence ironclads, and gunboats, besides torpedo-boats, schoolships, and small gunboats."[ ] that these numbers were fixed with reference to the united states is indeed improbable; but the united states should take note. a second means of expanding germany as a colonial power would be to induce the dutch--who are the germans of the lower rhine and the north sea--to seek union with the german empire, the empire of the germans of the upper rhine, of the elbe, and of the baltic. this, it may be said, would be far less difficult in consummation than the scheme last suggested; for in brazil, as in the united states and elsewhere, the german emigrant tends to identify himself with the institutions he finds around him, and shows little disposition to political independence--a fact which emphasizes the necessity of strictly german colonies, if the race, outside of europe, is not to undergo political absorption. the difficulties or the advantages which the annexation of holland might involve, as regards the political balance of power in europe, and the vast asiatic colonies of the dutch--sumatra, java, new guinea, etc.--are a consideration outside the present scope of american policy; but the transaction would involve one little incident as to which, unlike southern brazil, a decided opinion may be expressed, and that incident would be the transference of the island of curaçao, in the west indies, to germany. if curaçao and its political tenure do not fall within the purview of the monroe doctrine, the monroe doctrine has no existence; for the island, though small, has a wellnigh impregnable harbor, and lies close beside the routes to the central american isthmus, which is to us what egypt and suez are to england. but what objection can we urge, or what can we do, with a navy "for defence only," in the military sense of the word "defence"? the way out of this confusion of thought, the logical method of reconciling the political principle of non-aggression with a naval power capable of taking the offensive, if necessary, is to recognize, and to say, that defence means not merely defence of our territory, but defence of our just national interests, whatever they be and wherever they are. for example, the exclusion of direct european political control from the isthmus of panama is as really a matter of national defence as is the protection of new york harbor. take this as the political meaning of the phrase "a navy for defence only," and naval men, i think, must admit that it is no longer inapplicable as a military phrase, but expresses adequately the naval needs of the nation. but no military student can consider efficient a force so limited, in quantity or in quality, that it must await attack before it can act. now admitting this view as to the scope of the word "defence," what is the best method of defending your interests when you know that another intends to attack them? is it to busy yourself with precautions here, and precautions there, in every direction, to head him off when he comes? or is it to take the simpler means of so preparing that you have the power to hurt him, and to make him afraid that, if he moves, he will be the worse hurt of the two? in life generally a man who means mischief is kept in check best by fear of being hurt; if he has no more to dread than failure to do harm, no reason to apprehend receiving harm, he will make his attempt. but while this is probably true of life in general, it is notably true of warfare. the state which in war relies simply upon defending itself, instead of upon hurting the enemy, is bound to incur disaster, and for the very simple reason that the party which proposes to strike a blow has but one thing to do; whereas he who proposes only to ward off blows has a dozen things, for he cannot know upon which interest, of a dozen that he may have, the coming blow may fall. for this reason, again, a "navy for defence only" is a wholly misleading phrase, unless defence be construed to include _all_ national interests, and not only the national territory; and further, unless it be understood that the best defence of one's own interests is power to injure those of the enemy. in the summary of points to be dealt with has been included the opinion that offensive action by a navy may be limited to merely preying upon the enemy's commerce--that being considered not only a real injury, but one great enough to bring him to peace. concerning this, it will suffice here to say that national maritime commerce does not consist in a number of ships sprinkled, as by a pepper-pot, over the surface of the ocean. rightly viewed, it constitutes a great system, with the strength and weakness of such. its strength is that possessed by all organized power, namely, that it can undergo a good deal of local injury, such as scattered cruisers may inflict, causing inconvenience and suffering, without receiving vital harm. a strong man cannot be made to quit his work by sticking pins in him, or by bruising his shins or blacking his eyes; he must be hit in a vital part, or have a bone broken, to be laid up. the weaknesses of commerce--the fatally vulnerable parts of its system--are the commercial routes over which ships pass. they are the bones, the skeleton, the framework of the organism. hold them, break them, and commerce falls with a crash, even though no ship is taken, but all locked up in safe ports. but to effect this is not the work of dispersed cruisers picking up ships here and there, as birds pick up crumbs, but of vessels massed into powerful fleets, holding the sea, or at the least making the highways too dangerous for use. a navy so planned is for defence indeed, in the true sense that the best defence is to crush your enemy by depriving him of the use of the sea. we now come to the assertion that if the united states takes to itself interests beyond the sea--of which hawaii is an instance--it not only adds to its liabilities, which is true, but incurs an unnecessary exposure, to guard against which we need no less than the greatest navy in the world. it might be retorted that, willy-nilly, we already, by general national consent, have accepted numerous external interests--embraced under the monroe doctrine; and that, as regards hawaii, many even who reject annexation admit that our interests will not tolerate any other nation taking those islands. but how shall we enforce even that limited amount of interest if any other power--great britain, germany, or japan--decide to take, and the islanders acquiesce? in such cases we should even be worse off, militarily, than with annexation completed. let us, however, put aside this argument--of the many already existing external interests--and combat this allegation, that an immense navy would be needed, by recurring to the true military conception of defence already developed. the subject will thus tend to unity of treatment, centring round that word "defence." effective defence does not consist primarily in power to protect, but in power to injure. a man's defence against a snake, if cornered--if he must have to do with it--is not to protect himself, but to kill the snake. if a snake got into the room, as often happens in india, the position should not be estimated by ability to get out of the room one's self, but by power to get rid of the snake. in fact, a very interesting illustration of the true theory of defence is found in a casual remark in a natural history about snakes--that comparatively few are dangerous to man, but that the whole family is protected by the fear those few inspire. if attacked by a dog, safety is not sought chiefly in the means of warding him off, but by showing him the means possessed of hurting him, as by picking up a stone; and with a man, where an appeal lies to the intelligence, the argument from power to injure is peculiarly strong. if a burglar, thinking to enter a room, knows that he may--or will--kill the occupant, but that the latter may break his leg, he will not enter. the game would not be worth the candle. apply this thought now to the united states and its naval needs. as great britain is by very far the greatest naval power, let us take her to be the supposed enemy. if we possessed the hawaiian islands, and war unhappily broke out with great britain, she could now, if she desired, take them without trouble, so far as our navy is concerned; so could france; so possibly, five years hence, could japan. that is, under our present conditions of naval weakness, either france or great britain could spare ships enough to overcome our force, without fatally crippling her european fleet; whereas, were our navy half the size of the british, she could not afford to send half her fleet so far away from home; nor, if we had half ours in the pacific and half in the atlantic, could she afford to send one-third or one-fourth of her entire navy so far from her greater interests, independent of the fact that, even if victorious, it would be very badly used before our force was defeated. hawaii is not worth that to great britain; whereas it is of so much consequence to us that, even if lost, it would probably be returned at a peace, as martinique and guadeloupe invariably have been to france. great britain would not find its value equivalent to our resentment at her holding it. now the argument as to the british fleet is still stronger as to france, for she is as distant as great britain and has a smaller navy. the argument is different as regards japan, for she is nearer by far than they, only half as far again as we, and that power has recently given us an intimation which, if we disregard, we do so in face of the facts. her remonstrance about the annexation of hawaii, however far it went, gave us fair warning that a great naval state was about to come into being in the pacific, prepared to watch, and perhaps to contest, our action in what we thought our interests demanded. from that instant the navy of japan becomes a standard, showing, whether we annex the islands or not, a minimum beneath which our pacific fleet cannot be allowed to fall, without becoming a "navy for defence only," in the very worst sense. this brief train of reasoning will suggest why it is not necessary to have a navy equal to the greatest, in order to insure that sense of fear which deters a rival from war, or handicaps his action in war. the biggest navy that ever existed cannot all be sent on one mission, in any probable state of the political world. a much smaller force, favorably placed, produces an effect far beyond its proportionate numbers; for, to quote again napoleon's phrase, "war is a business of positions." this idea is by no means new, even to unprofessional men; on the contrary, it is so old that it is deplorable to see such fatuous arguments as the necessity of equalling great britain's navy adduced against any scheme of external policy. the annexation of hawaii, to recur to that, may be bad policy for many reasons, of which i am no good judge; but, as a naval student, i hesitate not to say that, while annexation _may_ entail a bigger navy than is demanded for the mere exclusion of other states from the islands--though i personally do not think so--it is absurd to say that we should need a navy equal to that of great britain. in gouverneur morris wrote that if the united states had twenty ships of the line in commission, no other state would provoke her enmity. at that time great britain's navy was relatively more powerful than it is now, while she and france were rivalling each other in testing the capacity of our country to stand kicking; but morris's estimate was perfectly correct, and shows how readily a sagacious layman can understand a military question, if only he will put his mind to it, and not merely echo the press. great britain then could not--and much more france could not--afford to have twenty ships of the line operating against her interests on the other side of the atlantic. they could not afford it in actual war; they could not afford it even in peace, because not only might war arise at any time, but it would be much more likely to happen if either party provoked the united states to hostility. the mere menace of such a force, its mere existence, would have insured decent treatment without war; and morris, who was an able financier, conjectured that to support a navy of such size for twenty years would cost the public treasury less than five years of war would,--not to mention the private losses of individuals in war. all policy that involves external action is sought to be discredited by this assertion, that it entails the expense of a navy equal to the greatest now existing on the sea, no heed being given to the fact that we already have assumed such external responsibilities, if any weight is to be attached to the evident existence of a strong popular feeling in favor of the monroe doctrine, or to presidential or congressional utterances in the venezuela business, or in that of hawaii. the assertion is as old as the century; as is also the complementary ignorance of the real influence of an inferior military or naval force in contemporary policy, when such force either is favored by position, or can incline decisively, to one side or the other, the scales in a doubtful balance. to such misapprehensions we owed, in the early part of this century, the impressment of hundreds of american seamen, and the despotic control of our commerce by foreign governments; to this, the blockading of our coasts, the harrying of the shores of chesapeake bay, the burning of washington, and a host of less remembered attendant evils. all these things might have been prevented by the timely maintenance of a navy of tolerable strength, deterring the warring powers from wanton outrage. in the present day the argument that none but the greatest navy is of any avail, and that such is too expensive for us to contemplate--as it probably is--is re-enforced by the common statement that the ship built to-day becomes obsolete in an extremely short time, the period stated being generally a rhetorical figure rather than an exact estimate. the word "obsolete" itself is used here vaguely. strictly, it means no more than "gone out of use;" but it is understood, correctly, i think, to mean "become useless." a lady's bonnet may become obsolete, being gone out of use because no longer in fashion, though it may still be an adequate head-covering; but an obsolete ship of war can only be one that is put out of use because it is useless. a ship momentarily out of use, because not needed, is no more obsolete than a hat hung up when the owner comes in. when a ship is called obsolete, therefore, it is meant that she is out of use for the same reason that many old english words are--because they are no longer good for their purpose; their meaning being lost to mankind in general, they no longer serve for the exchange of thought. in this sense the obsolescence of modern ships of war is just one of those half-truths which, as tennyson has it, are ever the worst of lies; it is harder to meet and fight outright than an unqualified untruth. it is true that improvement is continually going on in the various parts of the complex mechanism which constitutes a modern ship of war; although it is also true that many changes are made which are not improvements, and that reversion to an earlier type, the abandonment of a once fancied improvement, is no unprecedented incident in recent naval architecture and naval ordnance. the revulsion from the monitor, the turreted ship pure and simple, to the broadside battery analogous to that carried by the old ships of farragut and nelson, is one of the most singular and interesting changes in men's thoughts that the writer has met, either in his experience or in his professional reading. the day can be recalled when the broadside battleship was considered as dead as cock-robin--her knell was rung, and herself buried without honors; yet, not only has she revived, but i imagine that i should have a very respectable following among naval officers now in believing, as i do, that the broadside guns, and not those in the turrets, are the primary battery of the ship--primary, i mean, in fighting value. whatever the worth of this opinion,--which is immaterial to the present contention,--a change so radical as from broadside battery to turreted ships, and from the latter back to broadside, though without entirely giving up turrets, should cause some reasonable hesitancy in imputing obsoleteness to any armored steamship. the present battleship reproduces, in essential principles, the ships that preceded the epoch-making monitor--the pivot guns of the earlier vessels being represented by the present turrets, and their broadsides by the present broadside. the prevalence of the monitor type was an interlude, powerfully affecting the development of navies, but making nothing obsolete. it did not effect a revolution, but a modification--much as homoeopathy did in the "regular practice." there is, of course, a line on one side of which the term "obsolete" applies, but it may be said that no ship is obsolete for which fighting-work can be found, with a tolerable chance--a fighting chance--of her being successful; because, though unequal to this or that position of exposure, she, by occupying an inferior one, releases a better ship. and here again we must guard ourselves from thinking that inferior force--inferior in number or inferior in quality--has _no_ chance against a superior. the idea is simply another phase of "a navy equal to the greatest," another military heresy. a ship under the guns of one thrice her force, from which her speed cannot carry her, is doubtless a lost ship. she may be called even obsolete, though she be the last product of naval science, just from a dock-yard. before such extreme conditions are reached, however, by a ship or a fleet, many other factors than merely relative force come into play; primarily, man, with all that his personality implies--skill, courage, discipline,--after that, chance, opportunity, accidents of time, accidents of place, accidents of ground,--the whole unforeseeable chapter of incidents which go to form military history. a military situation is made up of many factors, and before a ship can be called obsolete, useless to the great general result, it must be determined that she can contribute no more than zero to either side of the equation--or of the inequality. from the time she left the hands of the designers, a unit of maximum value, throughout the period of her gradual declension, many years will elapse during which a ship once first-rate will be an object of consideration to friend and foe. she will wear out like a garment, but she does not necessarily become obsolete till worn out. it may be added that the indications now are that radical changes of design are not to be expected shortly, and that we have reached a type likely to endure. a ship built five years hence may have various advantages of detail over one now about to be launched, but the chances are they will not be of a kind that reverse the odds of battle. this, of course, is only a forecast, not an assertion; a man who has witnessed the coming and going of the monitor type will forbear prophecy. now, as always, the best ships in the greatest number, as on shore the best troops in the greatest masses, will be carried as speedily as possible, and maintained as efficiently as possible, on the front of operations. but in various directions and at various points behind that front there are other interests to be subserved, by vessels of inferior class, as garrisons may be made up wholly or in part of troops no longer well fitted for the field. but should disaster occur, or the foe prove unexpectedly strong, the first line of reserved ships will move forward to fill the gaps, analogous in this to the various corps of reserved troops who have passed their first youth, with which the continental organizations of military service have made us familiar. this possibility has been recognized so well by modern naval men that some even have looked for decisive results, not at the hands of the first and most powerful ships, but from the readiness and number of those which have passed into the reserve, and will come into play after the first shock of war. that a reserve force should decide a doubtful battle or campaign is a frequent military experience--an instance of superior staying power. there is no reason, therefore, to worry about a ship becoming obsolete, any more than there is over the fact that the best suit of to-day may be that for the office next year, and may finally descend to a dependent, or be cut down for a child. whatever money a nation is willing to spend on maintaining its first line of ships, it is not weaker, but stronger, when one of these drops into the reserve and is replaced by a newer ship. the great anxiety, in truth, is not lest the ships should not continue valid, but lest there be not trained men enough to man both the first line and the reserve. here the present article, as at first contemplated, would have closed; but the recent disaster to the _maine_ has produced its own crop of sudden and magnified apprehensions. these, to the professional mind, are necessarily a matter of concern, but chiefly because they have showed the seeds of a popular distrust before sown in men's minds. as evinced, however, they too are fallacies born of imperfect knowledge. the magnitude of the calamity was indisputable; but the calm self-possession of the nation and of the better portion of the press, face to face with the possible international troubles that might ensue, contrasted singularly with the unreasoned imaginations that immediately found voice concerning the nature and dangers of battleships. the political self-possession and dignity reposed upon knowledge--not, indeed, of the eventual effect upon our international relations--but knowledge, bred of long acquaintance with public affairs, that, before further action, there must be investigation; and that after investigation, action, if it must follow, would be taken with due deliberation. so men were content to wait for justice to pursue its even course. but the fact that such an appalling catastrophe had befallen one battleship fell upon the minds imperfectly informed in naval matters, and already possessed by various exaggerated impressions, loosely picked up from time to time. men knew not what to think, and so thought the worst--as we are all apt to do when in the dark. it is possible that naval officers, being accustomed to live over a magazine, and ordinarily to eat their meals within a dozen yards of the powder, may have a too great, though inevitable, familiarity with the conditions. there is, however, no contempt for them among us; and the precautions taken are so well known, the remoteness of danger so well understood, that it is difficult to comprehend the panic terror that found utterance in the remarks of some men, presumably well informed on general matters. it is evidently a very long and quite illogical step to infer that, because the results of an accident may be dreadful, therefore the danger of the accident occurring at all is very great. on land, a slight derangement of a rail, a slight obstacle on a track, the breaking of a wheel or of an axle, may plunge a railroad train to frightful disaster; but we know from annual experience that while such accidents do happen, and sometimes with appalling consequences, the chance of their happening in a particular case is so remote that we disregard it. at sea, every day of every year for centuries back, a couple of hundred warships--to speak moderately--have been traversing the ocean or lying in port, like the _maine_, with abundance of powder on board; and for the last quarter of a century very many of these have been, and now are, essentially of the type of that unfortunate vessel. the accident that befell her, if its origin be precisely determined, may possibly impose some further precaution not hitherto taken; but whatever the cause may prove to have been, it is clear that the danger of such an event happening is at no time great, because it is almost, if not quite, unprecedented among the great number of warships now continuously in service. similarly, on the seas, the disasters to the _ville du havre_, to the _oregon_, and, only three years ago, to the _elbe_, show the terrific results of collision, to which every ship crossing the ocean is liable. collisions between vessels less known than those named are of weekly occurrence. yet no general outcry is raised against the general safety of the transatlantic liners. people unconsciously realize that, where accidents are so infrequent, the risk to themselves in the individual case is slight, though the results, when they happen, are dreadful. men know instinctively that the precautions taken must be practically adequate, or safety would not be the almost universal rule which it is. it should be remembered, too, that the present battleship is not a sudden invention, springing up in a night, like jonah's gourd, or newly contrived by a council sitting for the purpose, like a brand-new constitution of the french revolution. the battleship of to-day is the outcome of a gradual evolution extending over forty years. its development has been governed by experience, showing defects or suggesting improvements; and the entire process has been superintended by men of the highest practical and scientific intelligence, naval architects and seamen, constantly exchanging ideas, not only with their own countrymen, but, through the scientific publications of the day, with the whole world. what ruskin said of the old ship of the line is still more true of the modern battleship: no higher exhibition of man's creative faculties is probably anywhere to be found. in view, therefore, of its genesis, and of the practical results of yearly cruisings, the battleship in its service of peace is entitled to the confidence we give to the work of competent men in all departments; nor should that confidence be withdrawn because of a single occurrence, if the _maine_ prove to have fallen victim to internal accident. if, on the other hand, her destruction proceeded from an external cause,--that is, if she fell as ships fall in war,--it may safely be said that, in actions between ships, no means of injury now in use on shipboard could effect the instantaneous and widespread destruction manifested in her case, unless by a shell finding its way to her magazine. this is a remote possibility, though it exists; but when it comes to fighting, men must remember that it is not possible to make war without running risks, and that it is highly improbable that one-tenth as many seamen will die from the explosion of their own magazines, so occasioned, as from the direct blow of the enemy's projectiles. note.--since this article was written, in january, , it has become known that the attitude of japan towards the united states, regarded as a power of the pacific, has been reversed, and that--as already remarked in the preface to this volume--her leading statesmen, instead of resenting the annexation of hawaii, now welcome cordially the advance of the united states to the philippines. this change, occurring as it has within four years, affords a striking indication of the degree to which the attention of mankind has been aroused by the character of russia's progress in northeastern asia, and upon the pacific, as well as of the influence thereby exerted upon the currents of men's thoughts, and upon international relations. footnotes: [ ] from a telegram from berlin of march , . [illustration] _uniform with "lessons of the war with spain and other articles."_ the interest of america in sea power, present and future. by capt. a.t. mahan. with two maps showing strategic points. crown vo. cloth, gilt top. $ . . contents i. the united states looking outward. ii. hawaii and our sea power. iii. the isthmus and our sea power. iv. anglo-american alliance. v. the future in relation to american naval power. vi. preparedness for naval war. vii. a twentieth century outlook. viii. strategic features of the gulf of mexico and the caribbean sea. all the civilized world knows captain mahan is an expert on naval matters. his present position on the board of strategy, directing the american fleets, has made him even more conspicuous than usual. these papers, in the light of the present war, prove captain mahan a most sane and sure prophet. it seems hard to imagine any topics more fascinating at the present time. no romance, no novel, could possibly equal such essays as these, by such an author, in present public interest. so many of his theories have come to reality as to be positively remarkable.--_the criterion._ the last paper, "strategic features of the caribbean sea and the gulf of mexico," written only last year, deals with problems that now confront the people of the united states in the shape of practical questions that will have to be decided for the present and the future. it is well within the bounds of truth to say that an intelligent comprehension of these questions is not possible without a reading of the present volume.--_philadelphia inquirer._ his paper on hawaii is timely at this moment, as it treats of the annexation of the sandwich islands from the point of view which our statesmen might well take, rather than from the professional view which a naval officer might be expected to hold.--_philadelphia telegraph._ the substance of all these essays concerns every intelligent voter in this country.--_boston herald._ little, brown, & company, publishers washington street, boston. the influence of sea power upon history, - . by capt. a.t. mahan. with charts illustrative of great naval battles. vo. cloth, gilt top. $ . . captain mahan has been recognized by all competent judges, not merely as the most distinguished living writer on naval strategy, but as the originator and first exponent of what may be called the philosophy of naval history.--_london times._ no book of recent publication has been received with such enthusiasm of grateful admiration as that written by an officer of the american navy, captain mahan, upon sea power and naval achievements. it simply supplants all other books on the subject, and takes its place in our libraries as the standard work.--dean hole, in "_more memories_." an altogether exceptional work; there is nothing like it in the whole range of naval literature.... the work is entirely original in conception, masterful in construction, and scholarly in execution.--_the critic._ captain mahan, whose name is famous all the world over as that of the author of "the influence of sea power upon history," a work, or rather a series of works, which may fairly be said to have codified the laws of naval strategy.--_the westminster gazette._ an instructive work of the highest value and interest to students and to the reading public, and should find its way into all the libraries and homes of the land.--_magazine of american history._ a book that must be read. _first_, it must be read by all schoolmasters, from the head-master of eton to the head of the humblest board-school in the country. no man is fit to train english boys to fulfil their duties as englishmen who has not marked, learned, and inwardly digested it. _secondly_, it must be read by every englishman and englishwoman who wishes to be worthy of that name. it is no hard or irksome task to which i call them. the writing is throughout clear, vigorous, and incisive.... the book deserves and must attain a world-wide reputation.--colonel maurice, _of the british army, in the "united service magazine_." little, brown, & company, publishers washington street, boston the influence of sea power upon the french revolution and empire. by capt. a.t. mahan. with maps and battle plans, vols. vo. cloth, gilt top. $ . . a highly interesting and an important work, having lessons and suggestions which are calculated to be of high value to the people of the united states. his pages abound with spirited and careful accounts of the great naval battles and manoeuvres which occurred during the period treated.--_new york tribune._ captain mahan has done more than to write a new book upon naval history. he has even done more than to write the best book that has ever been written upon naval history, though he has done this likewise; for he has written a book which may be regarded as founding a new school of naval historical writing. captain mahan's volumes are already accepted as the standard authorities of their kind, not only here, but in england and in europe generally. it should be a matter of pride to all americans that an officer of our own navy should have written such books.--theodore roosevelt, in "_political science quarterly_." the life of nelson: the embodiment of the sea power of great britain. by capt. a.t. mahan. with portraits and plates in photogravure and maps and battle plans. vols. vo. cloth, gilt top. $ . . captain mahan's work will become one of the greatest naval classics.--_london times._ the greatest literary achievement of the author of "the influence of sea power upon history." never before have charm of style, perfect professional knowledge, the insight and balanced judgment of a great historian, and deep admiration for the hero been blended in any biography of nelson.--_london standard._ little, brown, & company, publishers washington street, boston captain mahan's life of nelson new popular edition complete in one volume the life of nelson. the embodiment of the sea power of great britain. by capt. a.t. mahan. with portraits and plates in half-tone and a photogravure frontispiece. crown vo. cloth. pages, $ . . it is not astonishing that this standard life is already passing into a new edition. it has simply displaced all its predecessors except one, that of southey, which is the vade-mecum of british patriotism, a stimulant of british loyalty, literature of high quality, but in no sense a serious historical or psychological study.... the reader will find in this book three things; an unbroken series of verified historical facts related in minute detail; a complete picture of the hero, with every virtue justly estimated but with no palliation of weakness or fault; and lastly a triumphant vindication of a theses novel and startling to most, that the earth's barriers are continental, its easy ad defensible highways those of the trackless ocean.... captain mahan has revealed the modern world to itself.--_american historical review, july, ._ captain mahan's masterly life of nelson has already taken its place as the final book on the subject.--_mail and express_, new york. one never tires of reading or reflecting upon the marvellous career of horatio nelson, the greatest sea captain the world has known. captain mahan has written the best biography of lord nelson that has yet been given to the world.--_chicago evening post._ his biography is not merely the best life of nelson that has ever been written, but it is also perfect, and a model among all the biographies of the world.--_pall mall gazette._ little, brown, & company, publishers , washington street, boston * * * * * +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | typographical errors corrected in text: | | | | page : reconnoissance replaced with reconnaissance | | page : transferrence replaced with transference | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * [illustration] the surrender of santiago an account of the historic surrender of santiago to general shafter july , by frank norris san francisco paul elder and company nineteen seventeen copyright, , by otis f. wood the surrender of santiago for two days we had been at the headquarters of the second brigade (general mckibben's), so blissfully contented because at last we had a real wooden and tiled roof over our heads that even the tarantulas--archibald shook two of them from his blanket in one night--had no terrors for us. the headquarters were in an abandoned country seat, a little six-roomed villa, all on one floor, called the hacienda san pablo. to the left of us along the crest of hills, in a mighty crescent that reached almost to the sea, lay the army, panting from the effort of the first, second and third days of the month, resting on its arms, its eyes to its sights, maxim, hotchkiss and krag-jorgenson held ready, alert, watchful, straining in the leash, waiting the expiration of the last truce that had now been on for twenty-four hours. that night we sat up very late on the porch of the hacienda, singing "the spanish cavalier"--if you will recollect the words, singularly appropriate--"the star-spangled banner," and 'tis a way we had at caney, sir, 'tis a way we had at caney, sir, 'tis a way we had at caney, sir, to drive the dons away, an adaptation by one of the general's aides, which had a great success. inside, the general himself lay on his spread blankets, his hands clasped under his head, a pipe in his teeth, feebly applauding us at intervals and trying to pretend that we sang out of tune. the night was fine and very still. the wonderful cuban fireflies, that are like little electric lights gone somehow adrift, glowed and faded in the mango and bamboo trees, and after a while a whip-poor-will began his lamentable little plaint somewhere in the branches of the gorgeous vermilion flamboyana that overhung the hacienda. the air was heavy with smells, smells that inevitable afternoon downpours had distilled from the vast jungle of bush and vine and thicket all up and down the valley. in cuba everything, the very mud and water, has a smell. after every rain, as soon as the red-hot sun is out again, vegetation reeks and smokes and sweats, and these smells steam off into the air all night, thick and stupefying, like the interior of a cathedral after high mass. the orderly who brought the despatch should have dashed up at a gallop, clicked his spurs, saluted and begun with "the commanding general's compliments, sir," et cetera. instead, he dragged a very tired horse up the trail, knee-deep in mud, brought to, standing with a gasp of relief, and said, as he pushed his hat back from his forehead: "say, is here where general mckibben is?" we stopped singing and took our feet down from the railing of the veranda. in the room back of us we heard the general raise on an elbow and tell his orderly to light a candle. the orderly went inside, drawing a paper from his pocket, and the aides followed. through the open window we could plainly hear what followed, and see, too, for that matter, by twisting a bit on our chairs. the general had mislaid his eyeglasses and so passed the despatch to one of his aides, saying: "i'll get you to read this for me, nolan." on one knee, and holding the despatch to the candle-light, nolan read it aloud. it began tamely enough with the usual military formulas, and the first thirty words might have been part of any one of the many despatches the general had been receiving during the last three days. and then "to accompany the commanding general to a point midway between the spanish and american lines and there to receive the surrender of general toral. at noon, precisely, the american flag will be raised over the governor's palace in the city of santiago. a salute of twenty-one guns will be fired from captain capron's battery. the regimental bands will play 'the star-spangled banner' and the troops will cheer. shafter." there was a silence. the aide returned the paper to the general and straightened up, rubbing the dust from his knee. the general shifted his pipe to the other corner of his mouth. the little green parrot who lived in the premises trundled gravely across the brick floor, and for an instant we all watched her with the intensest attention. "hum," muttered the general reflectively between his teeth. "hum. they've caved in. well, you won't have to make that little reconnaissance of yours down the railroad, after all, mr. nolan." and so it was that we first heard of the surrender of santiago de cuba. we were up betimes the next morning. by six o'clock the general had us all astir and searching in our blanket rolls and haversacks for "any kind of a black tie." it was an article none of us possessed, and the general was more troubled over this lack of a black tie than the fact that he had neither vest nor blouse to do honor to the city's capitulation. but we had our own troubles. the flag was to be raised over the city at noon. sometime during the morning the spanish general would surrender to the american. the general--our general--and his aides, as well as all the division and brigade commanders, would ride out to be present at the ceremony--but how about the correspondents? almost to a certainty they would be refused. privileges extended to journalists and magazine writers had been few and very far between throughout the campaign. we would watch the affair through glasses from some hilltop, two miles, or three maybe, to the rear. but for all that, we saddled our horses and when the general and his staff started to ride down to corps headquarters, fell in with the aides, and resolved to keep up with the procession as far as our ingenuity and perseverance would make possible. it was early when we started and the heat had not yet begun to be oppressive. all along and through the lines there were signs of the greatest activity. over night the men had been withdrawn from the trenches and were pitching their shelter tents on the higher and drier ground, and where our road crossed the road from caney to santiago we came upon hundreds of refugees returning to the city whence they had been driven a few days previous. headquarters had been moved a mile or two nearer the trenches during the truce, and we found it occupying the site of general wheeler's tent on the battlefield of san juan. the ground is high and open hereabouts, and, as we came up we could see the general officers--each of them accompanied by his staff--closing in from every side upon the same spot. it was a great gathering. we had seen but few of these generals; most of them had been but mere names, names that found place in a breathless fragment of news shouted by an orderly galloping to or from the front. but now they were all here: wheeler, small, white-bearded and wiry; ludlow, who always contrived to appear better dressed than everyone else, in his trim field uniform and white leggings; randolph, with his bull neck and fine, salient chin, perhaps the most soldierly-looking of all, and others and others and others; kent, lawton, wood, chaffee, young, roosevelt, and our own general, who, barring wheeler, had perhaps done more actual fighting in the course of his life than any three of the others put together, yet who was like the man in mr. nye's song, "without coat or vest," even without "any kind of a black tie." shafter himself sat under the fly of his tent, his inevitable pith helmet on his head, a headgear he had worn ever since leaving the ship, holding court as it were on this, his own particular day. in the field below, the cavalry escort was forming, and aides, orderlies and adjutants came and went at the top speed of their horses, just as the military dramas had taught us to expect they should. but, except ourselves, not a correspondent was in sight, and we were very like to be ordered back at any moment. but the god descended from the machine in the person of captain mckittrick of the commanding general's staff, and we were given an unqualified permission to fall in so soon as the start should be made, provided only that we fell in at the rear of any one of the generals' staffs. but here a difficulty developed itself. the procession started almost immediately, and when we fell in at the rear of one of the staffs we found ourselves naturally at the head of the one immediately behind. it was a time when, if ever, precedence and rank were of paramount importance, and a brigadier-general does not take it kindly when two rather forlorn-appearing men, wearing neither stripe nor shoulder strap, and mounted upon an unkempt mule and a lamentable little white pony, rank him out of his place when he is marching to receive an enemy's surrender. as much was said to us, at first with military terseness, and latterly, this proving of no effect, with cursings and blasphemies. our _deus ex machina_ was far ahead with general shafter by this time, and it was only our mule that saved us from ultimate discomfiture. he belonged to a pack-train and his life had been spent in following close upon the footsteps of the animal in front of him. he was a mule with one idea; his universe collapsed, his cosmos came tumbling about his ears the instant that it became impossible for him to follow in a train. it was all one that archibald tore and tugged at the bit, or roweled him red. he could as easily have reined a locomotive from its track as to have swerved the creature from its direct line of travel by so much as an inch. so what with this and with that, we worried along until just beyond the line of our trenches, where the road broadened very considerably and we could compromise by riding on the flanks of the column. and an imposing column it was, nearly three hundred strong, and it actually appeared as if one-half was made up of brigadier-generals, major-generals, generals commanding divisions, staff officers and the like. a mere colonel was hardly better than a private on that day. we moved forward at a quick trot, general shafter's pith helmet bobbing briskly along on ahead. as we passed through our lines there was a smart cheer or two from the men, and at one point a band was banging away at a nimble sousa quickstep as we trotted by. we were now on what had been the debatable ground, as much the enemy's as ours, and had not gone far before we were suddenly aware of a group of spanish horsemen over the hedge of cactus to the left of the road, brightly dressed young fellows wearing the blue linen and red facings of the _guarda civile_, who at the sight of us turned and dashed back through the fields as though to give news of our approach. then there was a freshly macheted opening in the hedge; the column turned in, advanced parallel with the road some hundred yards through a field of standing grass and at last halted. at once the place was alive with spanish soldiery. they came forward to meet us in very brave and gay attire. first a corps of trumpeters sounded a pretty trumpet march. they blew defiantly, did these spanish trumpeters, and as loudly as ever they could, just to show us that they were not afraid--that they did not care, not they, pooh! after these came a small detachment of _guarda_, with arms, who watched the yankee soldiers with bovine intentness while they came to a halt and ordered arms in front of our position. toral, the defeated general, came next. suddenly it had become very quiet. the trumpeters had ceased blowing, and the rattling accoutrements of the moving troops had fallen still with the halt. the beaten general came out into the open space ahead of his staff, and general shafter rode out to meet him, and they both removed their hats. i cast a quick glance around the scene, at the spaniards in their blue linen uniforms, the red and lacquer of the _guarda civile_, the ordered mausers, the trumpeters resting their trumpets on their hips, at our own array, mckibben in his black shirt, ludlow in his white leggings, and the rank and file of the escort, the bronzed, blue-trousered troopers, erect and motionless upon their mounts. it was war, and it was magnificent, seen there under the flash of a tropic sun with all that welter of green to set it off, and there was a bigness about it so that to be there seeing it at all, and, in a way, part of it, made you feel that for that moment you were living larger and stronger than ever before. it was appomattox again, and mexico and yorktown. tomorrow nearly a hundred million people the world round would read of this scene, and as many more, yet unborn, would read of it, but today you could sit in your saddle on the back of your little white bronco and view it as easily as a play. toral rode forward toward shafter and, as i say, both uncovered. toral was well-looking, his face rather red from the sun and half hidden by a fine gray mustache. he was a little bald and his forehead was high and round. as the two generals shook hands it was so still that the noise of a man chopping wood in our lines nearly half a mile away was plainly audible. immediately at their backs the staffs of the two watched. the escort watched. back along the spanish and the american trenches thousands of men stood in line and watched; santiago watched, and washington, spain and the united states, the two hemispheres, the old world and the new, paused on that moment, watching. a sentence or two was spoken in low tones and the generals replaced their hats and shook hands smilingly. instantly a great creaking of saddles took place as the men eased their positions, and conversation began again. the spanish soldiers filed off through a break in the barbed wire fence, the defiant trumpeters playing their pretty march-call more defiantly than ever. introductions were the order of the next few moments, shafter introducing all his major and brigadier-generals to toral. meanwhile spanish soldiers were defiling past us along the road going toward our lines, and without arms. there was no rancor or bitterness in the expression of these men. they evinced mostly an abnormal curiosity in observing the cavalrymen who formed our escort, and the cavalry repaid it in kind. the soldiers on both sides wanted to know just what manner of men they had been fighting these last few weeks. i, myself, became lost in the fascination of these silent-shod soldiers (for they wear a kind of tennis shoe) filing off at their rapid marching gait. we noted that most of them were young, jolly, rather innocent-looking fellows, and we looked especially for officers, studying them and watching to see how "they took it." one fellow led a very fat cow, with his knapsack and impedimenta bound to her horns. they had nearly gone by and the end of their pack-train of little donkeys was already in sight when a general movement of our escort made me gather up the reins. the head of our column was just descending into the road, going on at a trot. the ride into the city was beginning. shall i ever forget that ride? we rode three abreast, always at a rapid trot and sometimes even at a canter, the general himself always setting the pace. just after leaving the field where the surrender had taken place the road broadened still more until it became a veritable highway, the broadest and best we had ever seen in cuba, but disfigured here and there with the dead horses of officers, the saddle and headstall still on the carcass. the city was in plain sight now, but its aspect, with which we had become so familiar, was changing with every hundred yards. at the junction of the caney road a block house was passed with its usual trench and trocha, strong enough against infantry, as we all knew by now. this one was of unusual strength and we would have given it more serious attention had not our eyes been smitten with the sight of a veritable marvel. it might have been the white swan of lohengrin there on the stony margin of the road, or the green dragon of whantley, or the holland submarine torpedo boat; but it was none of these. it was a carriage--a carriage. i say it was a carriage, a hack, with girls in white muslin frocks in it, the driver lounging on the box and two miserable horses dozing in the harness. i suppose it would be quite impossible to make a reader understand how incongruous this apparition seemed to us. it was in use, no doubt, carrying refugees from caney back into the city and its presence was easily accounted for. but mr. kipling's phantom rickshaw could hardly have produced a greater sensation. "a carriage!" "say, will you look at that!" "well, for god's sake!" "damned if it isn't a carriage!" "say, jim, look at the carriage!" "it is a carriage for a fact--well, of all the things!" "well, that get's me--a carriage!" it was among the troopers of the escort that the carriage had the greatest success. they chuckled over it as if it had some hidden, mirthful significance. they addressed strange allusions to the lounging driver, and when they had ridden by they turned in their saddles and watched it out of sight at the risk of breaking their necks. they rode the sprucer for it; they were in better spirits for it. they laughed, they talked, they went at a faster pace, they cocked their hats, they were gay, they were debonair. they had seen a carriage! and now we were close up. here was the hospital on the very outskirts, with its plethora of red cross flags. it was a hospital, after all, and not a barracks, as we had said, studying it through our field glasses during the last week, for blanketed and beflanneled objects, hollow-eyed, with bandaged heads, crowded silently at the grated windows staring at us galloping past. here was an abandoned trench, and here--steady all, pull down to a walk--here is the barbed wire entanglement we have heard so much about. formidable enough, surely; three lines of posts right across the road with barbed wire interwoven. a rabbit could not have passed here; and back of it trenches and rifle pits; nothing but artillery could have forced these lines. what fools to have abandoned them--well. we passed through the gap single file and gingerly, then forward again at a hard gallop, clattering rough-shod over paved streets, for now at last we were in the city of santiago. soldiers without arms, refugees, the men in brown derby hats--cubans, negroes, dark women with black lace upon their heads, and children absolutely naked, watched us very silently from the sidewalks and from balconies. the houses were of adobe, painted pale blue and pink, and roofed with rugged lichen-blackened tiles. the windows reached from sidewalk to roof and were grated heavily, the doors oak and clenched with great nail heads. santiago, santiago at last, after so many days of sailing, of marching, of countermarching, and of fighting. here we were in the city at last, riding in, hoofs clattering, sabres rattling, saddles creaking, and suddenly a great wave of exultation came over us all. i know the general felt it. i know the last trooper of the escort felt it. there was no thought of humanitarian principles then. the war was not a "crusade," we were not fighting for cubans just then, it was not for disinterested motives that we were there sabred and revolvered and carbined. santiago was ours--was ours, ours, by the sword we had acquired, we, americans, with no one to help--and the anglo-saxon blood of us, the blood of the race that has fought its way out of a swamp in friesland, conquering and conquering and conquering, on to the westward, the race whose blood instinct is the acquiring of land, went galloping through our veins to the beat of our horses' hoofs. every trooper that day looked down from his saddle upon cuban and spanish soldier as from a throne. even though not a soldier, it was impossible not to know their feeling, glorying, arrogant, the fine, brutal arrogance of the anglo-saxon, and we rode on there at a gallop through the crowded streets of the fallen city, heads high, sabres clattering, a thousand iron hoofs beating out a long roll--triumphant, arrogant conquerors. at the plaza we halted and dismounted. the cathedral was here, the cuban and spanish clubs and the governor's palace, a rather unimposing affair all on one floor, with the architectural magnificence of a railway station of the french provinces. the general and the generals went in and crowded the hall of audience, very clinquant with its black and white floor, glass chandeliers, long mirrors and single gilded center table. here for an hour deputations were received. the chief of police, leonardo ras y rodriguez, the ex-governor, and last of all and most imposing, monsignor francisco saenz de urturi, the archbishop, in his robes, purple cap and gold chain, followed by his suite. him, general shafter, came forward to meet, and the two shook hands under the tawdry chandelier. it was a strange enough sight. by many and devious and bloody ways had the priest and the soldier come to meet each other on that day. but it was drawing toward noon. i went out into the plaza again. the troops were already forming a line of cavalry that stretched along the street immediately before the governor's palace, and two companies of the ninth infantry and the band occupied the center where the little park is. i went across the plaza and stood on the terrace in front of the main doors of the cathedral. directly opposite was the governor's palace, the naked flagstaff on the roof over the door standing out lean and stark against the background of green hills. the sidewalks and streets outside the lines of soldiers were crowded with an even mixture of civilians and disarmed spanish soldiers. the spanish club on the left was suddenly closed, but the balconies of the san carlos--the cuban club--were filled with black-bearded, voluble gentlemen in white ducks and straw hats. every window in the "hotel" was occupied, each one of the little balconies of the cafe venus had its gathering, while the terrace of the cathedral was packed close. there were perhaps five thousand in the plaza de armas of santiago on that seventeenth day of july. at five minutes of the noon hour everything fell quiet. captain mckittrick and lieutenant miley had appeared on the roof of the palace by the flagstaff. unfortunately there was not a breath of wind. the minutes passed, two, three, four. the silence was profound, nobody spoke. in all those five thousand people there was scarcely a movement. then back of us from the direction of the cathedral's clock tower there came a slow wheezing as of the expansion of decrepit lungs, a creaking and jarring of springs and cog-wheels that grew rapidly louder till it culminated abruptly in a single sonorous stroke. at once captain mckittrick laid his hand to the halyards of the flagstaff, a bundle of bunting rose in the air, shapeless and without definite color. but suddenly, wonderful enough, there came a breeze, a brisk spurt out of the north. the bunting caught it, twisted upon itself, tumbled, writhed, then suddenly shook itself free, and in a single long billow rolled out into the stars and stripes of old glory. "pre-sent h' ar-r-r!" that was from the square, and in answer to the order came the krag-jorgensons leaping to the fists and the cavalry sabres swishing and flashing out into the sunlight. then the band: "oh, say, can you see--" while far off on the hills from our intrenchments capron's battery began to thunder the salute. the moment was perhaps the most intense of the whole campaign. there was no cheering and that was the best of it. it is hard to understand this, but the occasion was too big for mere shouting, and infinitely too solemn. i have heard the "miserere" in the sistine chapel, and in comparison with the raising of the flag over the city of santiago it was opera comique. for perhaps a full minute we stood with bared heads reverently watching the great flag as it strained in the breeze that, curiously enough, was now steady and strong, watching it as it strained and stiffened and grew out broader and broader over the conquered city till you believed the glory of it and the splendor and radiance of it must go flashing off there over those leagues of tumbling water till it blazed like a comet over madrid itself. and the great names came to the mind again--lexington, trenton, yorktown, , chapultepec, mexico, shiloh, gettysburg, the wilderness, appomattox, and now--guasima, san juan, el caney, santiago. published for the benefit of the red cross funds the surrender of santiago, a thrilling account of an historic event, was graphically set down by the late frank morris, and first published by otis f. wood, in the sun, new york, through whose courtesy it is now reprinted in booklet form. issued by paul elder & company at their tomoye press, under the direction of ricardo j. orozco, in may, nineteen seventeen. [illustration: john fox, jr.] crittenden a kentucky story of love and war by john fox, jr. illustrated by f. graham cootes * * * * * new york charles scribner's sons * * * * * copyright, , by charles scribner's sons * * * * * to the master of ballyhoo * * * * * illustrations john fox, jr. (from a photograph) frontispiece facing page "go on!" said judith "nothin', ole cap'n--jes doin' nothin'--jes lookin' for you" * * * * * crittenden i day breaking on the edge of the bluegrass and birds singing the dawn in. ten minutes swiftly along the sunrise and the world is changed: from nervous exaltation of atmosphere to an air of balm and peace; from grim hills to the rolling sweep of green slopes; from a high mist of thin verdure to low wind-shaken banners of young leaves; from giant poplar to white ash and sugar-tree; from log-cabin to homesteads of brick and stone; from wood-thrush to meadow-lark; rhododendron to bluegrass; from mountain to lowland, crittenden was passing home. he had been in the backwoods for more than a month, ostensibly to fish and look at coal lands, but, really, to get away for a while, as his custom was, from his worse self to the better self that he was when he was in the mountains--alone. as usual, he had gone in with bitterness and, as usual, he had set his face homeward with but half a heart for the old fight against fate and himself that seemed destined always to end in defeat. at dusk, he heard the word of the outer world from the lips of an old mountaineer at the foot of the cumberland--the first heard, except from his mother, for full thirty days--and the word was--war. he smiled incredulously at the old fellow, but, unconsciously, he pushed his horse on a little faster up the mountain, pushed him, as the moon rose, aslant the breast of a mighty hill and, winding at a gallop about the last downward turn of the snaky path, went at full speed alongside the big gray wall that, above him, rose sheer a thousand feet and, straight ahead, broke wildly and crumbled into historic cumberland gap. from a little knoll he saw the railway station in the shadow of the wall, and, on one prong of a switch, his train panting lazily; and, with a laugh, he pulled his horse down to a walk and then to a dead stop--his face grave again and uplifted. where his eyes rested and plain in the moonlight was a rocky path winding upward--the old wilderness trail that the kentucky pioneers had worn with moccasined feet more than a century before. he had seen it a hundred times before--moved always; but it thrilled him now, and he rode on slowly, looking up at it. his forefathers had helped blaze that trail. on one side of that wall they had fought savage and briton for a home and a country, and on the other side they had done it again. later, they had fought the mexican and in time they came to fight each other, for and against the nation they had done so much to upbuild. it was even true that a crittenden had already given his life for the very cause that was so tardily thrilling the nation now. thus it had always been with his people straight down the bloody national highway from yorktown to appomattox, and if there was war, he thought proudly, as he swung from his horse--thus it would now be with him. if there was war? he had lain awake in his berth a long while, looking out the window and wondering. he had been born among the bleeding memories of one war. the tales of his nursery had been tales of war. and though there had been talk of war through the land for weeks before he left home, it had no more seemed possible that in his lifetime could come another war than that he should live to see any other myth of his childhood come true. now, it was daybreak on the edge of the bluegrass, and, like a dark truth from a white light, three tall letters leaped from the paper in his hand--war! there was a token in the very dawn, a sword-like flame flashing upward. the man in the white house had called for willing hands by the thousands to wield it, and the kentucky legion, that had fought in mexico, had split in twain to fight for the north and for the south, and had come shoulder to shoulder when the breach was closed--the legion of his own loved state--was the first body of volunteers to reach for the hilt. regulars were gathering from the four winds to an old southern battlefield. already the legion was on its way to camp in the bluegrass. his town was making ready to welcome it, and among the names of the speakers who were to voice the welcome, he saw his own--clay crittenden. ii the train slackened speed and stopped. there was his horse--raincrow--and his buggy waiting for him when he stepped from the platform; and, as he went forward with his fishing tackle, a livery-stable boy sprang out of the buggy and went to the horse's head. "bob lef' yo' hoss in town las' night, mistuh crittenden," he said. "miss rachel said yestiddy she jes knowed you was comin' home this mornin'." crittenden smiled--it was one of his mother's premonitions; she seemed always to know when he was coming home. "come get these things," he said, and went on with his paper. "yessuh!" things had gone swiftly while he was in the hills. old ex-confederates were answering the call from the capitol. one of his father's old comrades--little jerry carter--was to be made a major-general. among the regulars mobilizing at chickamauga was the regiment to which rivers, a friend of his boyhood, belonged. there, three days later, his state was going to dedicate two monuments to her sons who had fallen on the old battlefield, where his father, fighting with one wing of the legion for the lost cause, and his father's young brother, fighting with the other against it, had fought face to face; where his uncle met death on the field and his father got the wound that brought death to him years after the war. and then he saw something that for a moment quite blotted the war from his brain and made him close the paper quickly. judith had come home--judith was to unveil those statues--judith page. the town was asleep, except for the rattle of milk-carts, the banging of shutters, and the hum of a street-car, and crittenden moved through empty streets to the broad smooth turnpike on the south, where raincrow shook his head, settled his haunches, and broke into the swinging trot peculiar to his breed--for home. spring in the bluegrass! the earth spiritual as it never is except under new-fallen snow--in the first shy green. the leaves, a floating mist of green, so buoyant that, if loosed, they must, it seemed, have floated upward--never to know the blight of frost or the droop of age. the air, rich with the smell of new earth and sprouting grass, the long, low skies newly washed and, through radiant distances, clouds light as thistledown and white as snow. and the birds! wrens in the hedges, sparrows by the wayside and on fence-rails, starlings poised over meadows brilliant with glistening dew, larks in the pastures--all singing as they sang at the first dawn, and the mood of nature that perfect blending of earth and heaven that is given her children but rarely to know. it was good to be alive at the breaking of such a day--good to be young and strong, and eager and unafraid, when the nation called for its young men and red mars was the morning star. the blood of dead fighters began to leap again in his veins. his nostrils dilated and his chin was raised proudly--a racial chord touched within him that had been dumb a long while. and that was all it was--the blood of his fathers; for it was honor and not love that bound him to his own flag. he was his mother's son, and the unspoken bitterness that lurked in her heart lurked, likewise, on her account, in his. on the top of a low hill, a wind from the dawn struck him, and the paper in the bottom of the buggy began to snap against the dashboard. he reached down to keep it from being whisked into the road, and he saw again that judith page had come home. when he sat up again, his face was quite changed. his head fell a little forward, his shoulders drooped slightly and, for a moment, his buoyancy was gone. the corners of the mouth showed a settled melancholy where before was sunny humour. the eyes, which were dreamy, kindly, gray, looked backward in a morbid glow of concentration; and over the rather reckless cast of his features, lay at once the shadow of suffering and the light of a great tenderness. slowly, a little hardness came into his eyes and a little bitterness about his mouth. his upper lip curved in upon his teeth with self-scorn--for he had had little cause to be pleased with himself while judith was gone, and his eyes showed now how proud was the scorn--and he shook himself sharply and sat upright. he had forgotten again. that part of his life belonged to the past and, like the past, was gone, and was not to come back again. the present had life and hope now, and the purpose born that day from five blank years was like the sudden birth of a flower in a desert. the sun had burst from the horizon now and was shining through the tops of the trees in the lovely woodland into which crittenden turned, and through which a road of brown creek-sand ran to the pasture beyond and through that to the long avenue of locusts, up which the noble portico of his old homestead, canewood, was visible among cedars and firs and old forest trees. his mother was not up yet--the shutters of her window were still closed--but the servants were astir and busy. he could see men and plough-horses on their way to the fields; and, that far away, he could hear the sound of old ephraim's axe at the woodpile, the noises around the barn and cowpens, and old aunt keziah singing a hymn in the kitchen, the old wailing cry of the mother-slave. "oh i wonder whur my baby's done gone, oh lawd! an' i git on my knees an' pray." the song stopped, a negro boy sprang out the kitchen-door and ran for the stiles--a tall, strong, and very black boy with a dancing eye, white teeth, and a look of welcome that was little short of dumb idolatry. "howdy, bob." "howdy, ole cap'n." crittenden had been "ole captain" with the servants--since the death of "ole master," his father--to distinguish him from "young captain," who was his brother, basil. master and servant shook hands and bob's teeth flashed. "what's the matter, bob?" bob climbed into the buggy. "you gwine to de wah." crittenden laughed. "how do you know, bob?" "oh, i know--i know. i seed it when you was drivin' up to de stiles, an' lemme tell you, ole cap'n." the horse started for the barn suddenly and bob took a wide circuit in order to catch the eye of a brown milkmaid in the cowpens, who sniffed the air scornfully, to show that she did not see him, and buried the waves of her black hair into the silken sides of a young jersey. "yes," he said, shaking his head and making threats to himself, "an' bob's gwine wid him." as crittenden climbed the stiles, old keziah filled the kitchen-door. "time you gittin' back, suh," she cried with mock severity. "i been studyin' 'bout you. little mo' an' i'd 'a' been comin' fer you myself. yes--suh." and she gave a loud laugh that rang through the yard and ended in a soft, queer little whoop that was musical. crittenden smiled but, instead of answering, raised his hand warningly and, as he approached the portico, he stepped from the gravel-walk to the thick turf and began to tiptoe. at the foot of the low flight of stone steps he stopped--smiling. the big double front door was wide open, and straight through the big, wide hallway and at the entrance of the dining-room, a sword--a long cavalry sabre--hung with a jaunty gray cap on the wall. under them stood a boy with his hands clasped behind him and his chin upraised. the lad could see the bullet-hole through the top, and he knew that on the visor was a faded stain of his father's blood. as a child, he had been told never to touch the cap or sword and, until this moment, he had not wanted to take them down since he was a child; and even now the habit of obedience held him back for a while, as he stood looking up at them. outside, a light wind rustled the leaves of the rose-bush at his mother's window, swept through the open door, and made the curtain at his elbow swell gently. as the heavy fold fell back to its place and swung out again, it caught the hilt of the sword and made the metal point of the scabbard clank softly against the wall. the boy breathed sharply, remembered that he was grown, and reverently reached upward. there was the stain where the blood had run down from the furrowed wound that had caused his father's death, long after the war and just before the boy was born. the hilt was tarnished, and when he caught it and pulled, the blade came out a little way and stuck fast. some one stepped on the porch outside and he turned quickly, as he might have turned had some one caught him unsheathing the weapon when a child. "hold on there, little brother." crittenden stopped in the doorway, smiling affectionately, and the boy thrust the blade back to the hilt. "why, clay," he cried, and, as he ran forward, "are you going?" he asked, eagerly. "i'm the first-born, you know," added crittenden, still smiling, and the lad stretched the sabre out to him, repeating eagerly, "are you going?" the older brother did not answer, but turned, without taking the weapon, and walked to the door and back again. "are you?" "me? oh, i have to go," said the boy solemnly and with great dignity, as though the matter were quite beyond the pale of discussion. "you do?" "yes; the legion is going." "only the members who volunteer--nobody has to go." "don't they?" said the lad, indignantly. "well, if i had a son who belonged to a military organization in time of peace"--the lad spoke glibly--"and refused to go with it to war--well, i'd rather see him dead first." "who said that?" asked the other, and the lad coloured. "why, judge page said it; that's who. and you just ought to hear miss judith!" again the other walked to the door and back again. then he took the scabbard and drew the blade to its point as easily as though it had been oiled, thrust it back, and hung it with the cap in its place on the wall. "perhaps neither of us will need it," he said. "we'll both be privates--that is, if i go--and i tell you what we'll do. we'll let the better man win the sword, and the better man shall have it after the war. what do you say?" "say?" cried the boy, and he gave the other a hug and both started for the porch. as they passed the door of his mother's room, the lad put one finger on his lips; but the mother had heard and, inside, a woman in black, who had been standing before a mirror with her hands to her throat, let them fall suddenly until they were clasped for an instant across her breast. but she gave no sign that she had heard, at breakfast an hour later, even when the boy cleared his throat, and after many futile efforts to bring the matter up, signalled across the table to his brother for help. "mother, basil there wants to go to war. he says if he had a son who belonged to a military organization in time of peace and refused to go with it in time of war, that he'd rather see him dead." the mother's lip quivered when she answered, but so imperceptibly that only the older son saw it. "that is what his father would have said," she said, quietly, and crittenden knew she had already fought out the battle with herself--alone. for a moment the boy was stunned with his good fortune--"it was too easy"--and with a whoop he sprang from his place and caught his mother around the neck, while uncle ben, the black butler, shook his head and hurried into the kitchen for corn-bread and to tell the news. "oh, i tell you it's great fun to _have_ to go to war! mother," added the boy, with quick mischief, "clay wants to go, too." crittenden braced himself and looked up with one quick glance sidewise at his mother's face. it had not changed a line. "i heard all you said in the hallway. if a son of mine thinks it his duty to go, i shall never say one word to dissuade him--if he thinks it is his duty," she added, so solemnly that silence fell upon the three, and with a smothered, "good lawd," at the door, ben hurried again into the kitchen. "both them boys was a-goin' off to git killed an' ole miss rachel not sayin' one wud to keep 'em back--not a wud." after breakfast the boy hurried out and, as crittenden rose, the mother, who pretended to be arranging silver at the old sideboard, spoke with her back to him. "think it over, son. i can't see that you should go, but if you think you ought, i shall have nothing to say. have you made up your mind?" crittenden hesitated. "not quite." "think it over very carefully, then--please--for my sake." her voice trembled, and, with a pang, crittenden thought of the suffering she had known from one war. basil's way was clear, and he could never ask the boy to give up to him because he was the elder. was it fair to his brave mother for him to go, too--was it right? "yes mother," he said, soberly. iii the legion came next morning and pitched camp in a woodland of oak and sugar trees, where was to be voiced a patriotic welcome by a great editor, a great orator, and young crittenden. before noon, company streets were laid out and lined with tents and, when the first buggies and rockaways began to roll in from the country, every boy-soldier was brushed and burnished to defy the stare of inspection and to quite dazzle the eye of masculine envy or feminine admiration. in the centre of the woodland was a big auditorium, where the speaking was to take place. after the orators were done, there was to be a regimental review in the bluegrass pasture in front of historic ashland. it was at the colonel's tent, where crittenden went to pay his respects, that he found judith page, and he stopped for a moment under an oak, taking in the gay party of women and officers who sat and stood about the entrance. in the centre of the group stood a lieutenant in the blue of a regular and with the crossed sabres of the cavalryman on his neck-band and the number of his regiment. the girl was talking to the gallant old colonel with her back to crittenden, but he would have known her had he seen but an arm, a shoulder, the poise of her head, a single gesture--although he had not seen her for years. the figure was the same--a little fuller, perhaps, but graceful, round, and slender, as was the throat. the hair was a trifle darker, he thought, but brown still, and as rich with gold as autumn sunlight. the profile was in outline now--it was more cleanly cut than ever. the face was a little older, but still remarkably girlish in spite of its maturer strength; and as she turned to answer his look, he kept on unconsciously reaffirming to his memory the broad brow and deep clear eyes, even while his hand was reaching for the brim of his hat. she showed only gracious surprise at seeing him and, to his wonder, he was as calm and cool as though he were welcoming back home any good friend who had been away a long time. he could now see that the lieutenant belonged to the tenth united states cavalry; he knew that the tenth was a colored regiment; he understood a certain stiffness that he felt rather than saw in the courtesy that was so carefully shown him by the southern volunteers who were about him; and he turned away to avoid meeting him. for the same reason, he fancied, judith turned, too. the mere idea of negro soldiers was not only repugnant to him, but he did not believe in negro regiments. these would be the men who could and would organize and drill the blacks in the south; who, in other words, would make possible, hasten, and prolong the race war that sometimes struck him as inevitable. as he turned, he saw a tall, fine-looking negro, fifty yards away, in the uniform of a sergeant of cavalry and surrounded by a crowd of gaping darkies whom he was haranguing earnestly. lieutenant and sergeant were evidently on an enlisting tour. just then, a radiant little creature looked up into crittenden's face, calling him by name and holding out both hands--phyllis, basil's little sweetheart. with her was a tall, keen-featured fellow, whom she introduced as a war correspondent and a northerner. "a sort of war correspondent," corrected grafton, with a swift look of interest at crittenden, but turning his eyes at once back to phyllis. she was a new and diverting type to the northern man and her name was fitting and pleased him. a company passed just then, and a smothered exclamation from phyllis turned attention to it. on the end of the line, with his chin in, his shoulders squared and his eyes straight forward, was crittenden's warrior-brother, basil. only his face coloured to show that he knew where he was and who was looking at him, but not so much as a glance of his eye did he send toward the tent. judith turned to crittenden quickly: "your little brother is going to the war?" the question was thoughtless and significant, for it betrayed to him what was going on in her mind, and she knew it and coloured, as he paled a little. "my little brother is going to the war," he repeated, looking at her. judith smiled and went on bravely: "and you?" crittenden, too, smiled. "i may consider it my duty to stay at home." the girl looked rather surprised--instead of showing the subdued sarcasm that he was looking for--and, in truth, she was. his evasive and careless answer showed an indifference to her wish and opinion in the matter that would once have been very unusual. straightway there was a tug at her heart-strings that also was unusual. the people were gathering into the open-air auditorium now and, from all over the camp, the crowd began to move that way. all knew the word of the orator's mouth and the word of the editor--they had heard the one and seen the other on his printed page many times; and it was for this reason, perhaps, that crittenden's fresh fire thrilled and swayed the crowd as it did. when he rose, he saw his mother almost under him and, not far behind her, judith with her father, judge page. the lieutenant of regulars was standing on the edge of the crowd, and to his right was grafton, also standing, with his hat under his arm--idly curious. but it was to his mother that he spoke and, steadfastly, he saw her strong, gentle face even when he was looking far over her head, and he knew that she knew that he was arguing the point then and there between them. it was, he said, the first war of its kind in history. it marked an epoch in the growth of national character since the world began. as an american, he believed that no finger of mediævalism should so much as touch this hemisphere. the cubans had earned their freedom long since, and the cries of starving women and children for the bread which fathers and brothers asked but the right to earn must cease. to put out of mind the americans blown to death at havana--if such a thing were possible--he yet believed with all his heart in the war. he did not think there would be much of a fight--the regular army could doubtless take good care of the spaniard--but if everybody acted on that presumption, there would be no answer to the call for volunteers. he was proud to think that the legion of his own state, that in itself stood for the reunion of the north and the south, had been the first to spring to arms. and he was proud to think that not even they were the first kentuckians to fight for cuban liberty. he was proud that, before the civil war even, a kentuckian of his own name and blood had led a band of one hundred and fifty brave men of his own state against spanish tyranny in cuba, and a crittenden, with fifty of his followers, were captured and shot in platoons of six. "a kentuckian kneels only to woman and his god," this crittenden had said proudly when ordered to kneel blindfolded and with his face to the wall, "and always dies facing his enemy." and so those kentuckians had died nearly half a century before, and he knew that the young kentuckians before him would as bravely die, if need be, in the same cause now; and when they came face to face with the spaniard they would remember the shattered battle-ship in the havana harbour, and something more--they would remember crittenden. and then the speaker closed with the words of a certain proud old confederate soldier to his son: "no matter who was right and who was wrong in the civil war, the matter is settled now by the sword. the constitution left the question open, but it is written there now in letters of blood. we have given our word that they shall stand; and remember it is the word of gentlemen and binding on their sons. there have been those in the north who have doubted that word; there have been those in the south who have given cause for doubt; and this may be true for a long time. but if ever the time comes to test that word, do you be the first to prove it. you will fight for your flag--mine now as well as yours--just as sincerely as i fought against it." and these words, said crittenden in a trembling voice, the brave gentleman spoke again on his death-bed; and now, as he looked around on the fearless young faces about him, he had no need to fear that they were spoken in vain. and so the time was come for the south to prove its loyalty--not to itself nor to the north, but to the world. under him he saw his mother's eyes fill with tears, for these words of her son were the dying words of her lion-hearted husband. and judith had sat motionless, watching him with peculiar intensity and flushing a little, perhaps at the memory of her jesting taunt, while grafton had stood still--his eyes fixed, his face earnest--missing not a word. he was waiting for crittenden, and he held his hand out when the latter emerged from the crowd, with the curious embarrassment that assails the newspaper man when he finds himself betrayed into unusual feeling. "i say," he said; "that was good, _good_!" the officer who, too, had stood still as a statue, seemed to be moving toward him, and again crittenden turned away--to look for his mother. she had gone home at once--she could not face him now in that crowd--and as he was turning to his own buggy, he saw judith and from habit started toward her, but, changing his mind, he raised his hat and kept on his way, while the memory of the girl's face kept pace with him. she was looking at him with a curious wistfulness that was quite beyond him to interpret--a wistfulness that was in the sudden smile of welcome when she saw him start toward her and in the startled flush of surprise when he stopped; then, with the tail of his eye, he saw the quick paleness that followed as the girl's sensitive nostrils quivered once and her spirited face settled quickly into a proud calm. and then he saw her smile--a strange little smile that may have been at herself or at him--and he wondered about it all and was tempted to go back, but kept on doggedly, wondering at her and at himself with a miserable grim satisfaction that he was at last over and above it all. she had told him to conquer his boyish love for her and, as her will had always been law to him, he had made it, at last, a law in this. the touch of the loadstone that never in his life had failed, had failed now, and now, for once in his life, desire and duty were one. he found his mother at her seat by her open window, the unopened buds of her favourite roses hanging motionless in the still air outside, but giving their fresh green faint fragrance to the whole room within; and he remembered the quiet sunset scene every night for many nights to come. every line in her patient face had been traced there by a sorrow of the old war, and his voice trembled: "mother," he said, as he bent down and kissed her, "i'm going." her head dropped quickly to the work in her lap, but she said nothing, and he went quickly out again. iv it was growing dusk outside. chickens were going to roost with a great chattering in some locust-trees in one corner of the yard. an aged darkey was swinging an axe at the woodpile and two little pickaninnies were gathering a basket of chips. already the air was filled with the twilight sounds of the farm--the lowing of cattle, the bleating of calves at the cowpens, the bleat of sheep from the woods, and the nicker of horses in the barn. through it all, crittenden could hear the nervous thud of raincrow's hoofs announcing rain--for that was the way the horse got his name, being as black as a crow and, as bob claimed, always knowing when falling weather was at hand and speaking his prophecy by stamping in his stall. he could hear basil noisily making his way to the barn. as he walked through the garden toward the old family graveyard, he could still hear the boy, and a prescient tithe of the pain, that he felt would strike him in full some day, smote him so sharply now that he stopped a moment to listen, with one hand quickly raised to his forehead. basil was whistling--whistling joyously. foreboding touched the boy like the brush of a bird's wing, and death and sorrow were as remote as infinity to him. at the barn-door the lad called sharply: "bob!" "suh!" answered a muffled voice, and bob emerged, gray with oatdust. "i want my buggy to-night." bob grinned. "sidebar?" "yes." "new whip--new harness--little buggy mare--reckon?" "i want 'em all." bob laughed loudly. "oh, i know. you gwine to see miss phyllis dis night, sho--yes, lawd!" bob dodged a kick from the toe of the boy's boot--a playful kick that was not meant to land--and went into the barn and came out again. "yes, an' i know somewhur else you gwine--you gwine to de war. oh, i know; yes, suh. dere's a white man in town tryin' to git niggers to 'list wid him, an' he's got a nigger sojer what say he's a officer hisself; yes, mon, a corpril. an' dis nigger's jes a-gwine through town drawin' niggers right _an'_ left. he talk to me, but i jes laugh at him, an' say i gwine wid ole cap'n ur young cap'n, i don't keer which. an' lemme tell you, young capn', ef you ur ole cap'n doan lemme go wid you, i'se gwine wid dat nigger corpril an' dat white man what 'long to a nigger regiment, an' i know you don't want me to bring no sech disgrace on de fambly dat way--no, suh. he axe what you de cap'n of," bob went on, aiming at two birds with one stone now, "an' i say you de cap'n of ever'body an' ever'ting dat come 'long--dat's what i say-an' he be cap'n of you wid all yo' unyform and sich, i say, if you jest come out to de fahm--yes, mon, dat he will sho." the boy laughed and bob reiterated: "oh, i'se gwine--i'se gwine wid you--" then he stopped short. the turbaned figure of aunt keziah loomed from behind the woodpile. "what dat i heah 'bout you gwine to de wah, nigger, what dat i heah?" bob laughed--but it was a laugh of propitiation. "law, mammy. i was jes projeckin' wid young cap'n." "fool nigger, doan know what wah is--doan lemme heah you talk no more 'bout gwine to de wah ur i gwine to w'ar you out wid a hickory--dat's whut i'll do--now you min'." she turned on basil then; but basil had retreated, and his laugh rang from the darkening yard. she cried after him: "an' doan lemme heah you puttin' dis fool nigger up to gittin' hisself killed by dem cubians neither; no suh!" she was deadly serious now. "i done spanked you heap o' times, an' 'tain't so long ago, an' you ain' too big yit; no, suh." the old woman's wrath was rising higher, and bob darted into the barn before she could turn back again to him, and a moment later darted his head, like a woodpecker, out again to see if she were gone, and grinned silently after her as she rolled angrily toward the house, scolding both bob and basil to herself loudly. a song rose from the cowpens just then. full, clear, and quivering, it seemed suddenly to still everything else into silence. in a flash, bob's grin settled into a look of sullen dejection, and, with his ear cocked and drinking in the song, and with his eye on the corner of the barn, he waited. from the cowpens was coming a sturdy negro girl with a bucket of foaming milk in each hand and a third balanced on her head, singing with all the strength of her lungs. in a moment she passed the corner. "molly--say, molly." the song stopped short. "say, honey, wait a minute--jes a minute, won't ye?" the milkmaid kept straight ahead, and bob's honeyed words soured suddenly. "go on, gal, think yo'self mighty fine, don't ye? nem' min'!" molly's nostrils swelled to their full width, and, at the top of her voice, she began again. "go on, nigger, but you jes wait." molly sang on: "take up yo' cross, oh, sinner-man." before he knew it, bob gave the response with great unction: "yes, lawd." then he stopped short. "i reckon i got to break dat gal's head some day. yessuh; she knows whut my cross is," and then he started slowly after her, shaking his head and, as his wont was, talking to himself. he was still talking to himself when basil came out to the stiles after supper to get into his buggy. "young cap'n, dat gal molly mighty nigh pesterin' de life out o' me. i done tol' her i'se gwine to de wah." "what did she say?" "de fool nigger--she jes laughed--she jes laughed." the boy, too, laughed, as he gathered the reins and the mare sprang forward. "we'll see--we'll see." and bob with a triumphant snort turned toward molly's cabin. the locust-trees were quiet now and the barn was still except for the occasional stamp of a horse in his stall or the squeak of a pig that was pushed out of his warm place by a stronger brother. the night noises were strong and clear--the cricket in the grass, the croaking frogs from the pool, the whir of a night-hawk's wings along the edge of the yard, the persistent wail of a whip-poor-will sitting lengthwise of a willow limb over the meadow-branch, the occasional sleepy caw of crows from their roost in the woods beyond, the bark of a house-dog at a neighbour's home across the fields, and, further still, the fine high yell of a fox-hunter and the faint answering yelp of a hound. and inside, in the mother's room, the curtain was rising on a tragedy that was tearing open the wounds of that other war--the tragedy upon which a bloody curtain had fallen more than thirty years before. the mother listened quietly, as had her mother before her, while the son spoke quietly, for time and again he had gone over the ground to himself, ending ever with the same unalterable resolve. there had been a crittenden in every war of the nation--down to the two crittendens who slept side by side in the old graveyard below the garden. and the crittenden--of whom he had spoken that morning--the gallant crittenden who led his kentuckians to death in cuba, in , was his father's elder brother. and again he repeated the dying old confederate's deathless words with which he had thrilled the legion that morning--words heard by her own ears as well as his. what else was left him to do--when he knew what those three brothers, if they were alive, would have him do? and there were other untold reasons, hid in the core of his own heart, faced only when he was alone, and faced again, that night, after he had left his mother and was in his own room and looking out at the moonlight and the big weeping willow that drooped over the one white tomb under which the two brothers, who had been enemies in the battle, slept side by side thus in peace. so far he had followed in their footsteps, since the one part that he was fitted to play was the _rôle_ they and their ancestors had played beyond the time when the first american among them, failing to rescue his king from carisbrooke castle, set sail for virginia on the very day charles lost his royal head. but for the civil war, crittenden would have played that _rôle_ worthily and without question to the end. with the close of the war, however, his birthright was gone--even before he was born--and yet, as he grew to manhood, he had gone on in the serene and lofty way of his father--there was nothing else he could do--playing the gentleman still, though with each year the audience grew more restless and the other and lesser actors in the drama of southern reconstruction more and more resented the particular claims of the star. at last, came with a shock the realization that with the passing of the war his occupation had forever gone. and all at once, out on his ancestral farm that had carried its name canewood down from pioneer days; that had never been owned by a white man who was not a crittenden; that was isolated, and had its slaves and the children of those slaves still as servants; that still clung rigidly to old traditions--social, agricultural, and patriarchal--out there crittenden found himself one day alone. his friends--even the boy, his brother--had caught the modern trend of things quicker than he, and most of them had gone to work--some to law, some as clerks, railroad men, merchants, civil engineers; some to mining and speculating in the state's own rich mountains. of course, he had studied law--his type of southerner always studies law--and he tried the practice of it. he had too much self-confidence, perhaps, based on his own brilliant record as a college orator, and he never got over the humiliation of losing his first case, being handled like putty by a small, black-eyed youth of his own age, who had come from nowhere and had passed up through a philanthropical old judge's office to the dignity, by and by, of a license of his own. losing the suit, through some absurd little technical mistake, crittenden not only declined a fee, but paid the judgment against his client out of his own pocket and went home with a wound to his foolish, sensitive pride for which there was no quick cure. a little later, he went to the mountains, when those wonderful hills first began to give up their wealth to the world; but the pace was too swift, competition was too undignified and greedy, and business was won on too low a plane. after a year or two of rough life, which helped him more than he knew, until long afterward, he went home. politics he had not yet tried, and politics he was now persuaded to try. he made a brilliant canvass, but another element than oratory had crept in as a new factor in political success. his opponent, wharton, the wretched little lawyer who had bested him once before, bested him now, and the weight of the last straw fell crushingly. it was no use. the little touch of magic that makes success seemed to have been denied him at birth, and, therefore, deterioration began to set in--the deterioration that comes from idleness, from energy that gets the wrong vent, from strong passions that a definite purpose would have kept under control--and the worse elements of a nature that, at the bottom, was true and fine, slowly began to take possession of him as weeds will take possession of an abandoned field. but even then nobody took him as seriously as he took himself. so that while he fell just short, in his own eyes, of everything that was worth while; of doing something and being something worth while; believing something that made the next world worth while; or gaining the love of a woman that would have made this life worth while--in the eyes of his own people he was merely sowing his wild oats after the fashion of his race, and would settle down, after the same fashion, by and by--that was the indulgent summary of his career thus far. he had been a brilliant student in the old university and, in a desultory way, he was yet. he had worried his professor of metaphysics by puzzling questions and keen argument until that philosopher was glad to mark him highest in his class and let him go. he surprised the old lawyers when it came to a discussion of the pure theory of law, and, on the one occasion when his mother's pastor came to see him, he disturbed that good man no little, and closed his lips against further censure of him in pulpit or in private. so that all that was said against him by the pious was that he did not go to church as he should; and by the thoughtful, that he was making a shameful waste of the talents that the almighty had showered so freely down upon him. and so without suffering greatly in public estimation, in spite of the fact that the ideals of southern life were changing fast, he passed into the old-young period that is the critical time in the lives of men like him--when he thought he had drunk his cup to the dregs; had run the gamut of human experience; that nothing was left to his future but the dull repetition of his past. only those who knew him best had not given up hope of him, nor had he really given up hope of himself as fully as he thought. the truth was, he never fell far, nor for long, and he always rose with the old purpose the same, even if it stirred him each time with less and less enthusiasm--and always with the beacon-light of one star shining from his past, even though each time it shone a little more dimly. for usually, of course, there is the hand of a woman on the lever that prizes such a man's life upward, and when judith page's clasp loosened on crittenden, the castle that the lightest touch of her finger raised in his imagination--that he, doubtless, would have reared for her and for him, in fact, fell in quite hopeless ruins, and no similar shape was ever framed for him above its ashes. it was the simplest and oldest of stories between the two--a story that began, doubtless, with the beginning, and will never end as long as two men and one woman, or two women and one man are left on earth--the story of the love of one who loves another. only, to the sufferers the tragedy is always as fresh as a knife-cut, and forever new. judith cared for nobody. crittenden laughed and pleaded, stormed, sulked, and upbraided, and was devoted and indifferent for years--like the wilful, passionate youngster that he was--until judith did love another--what other, crittenden never knew. and then he really believed that he must, as she had told him so often, conquer his love for her. and he did, at a fearful cost to the best that was in him--foolishly, but consciously, deliberately. when the reaction came, he tried to reëstablish his relations to a world that held no judith page. her absence gave him help, and he had done very well, in spite of an occasional relapse. it was a relapse that had sent him to the mountains, six weeks before, and he had emerged with a clear eye, a clear head, steady nerves, and with the one thing that he had always lacked, waiting for him--a purpose. it was little wonder, then, that the first ruddy flash across a sky that had been sunny with peace for thirty years and more thrilled him like an electric charge from the very clouds. the next best thing to a noble life was a death that was noble, and that was possible to any man in war. one war had taken away--another might give back again; and his chance was come at last. it was midnight now, and far across the fields came the swift faint beat of a horse's hoofs on the turnpike. a moment later he could hear the hum of wheels--it was his little brother coming home; nobody had a horse that could go like that, and nobody else would drive that way if he had. since the death of their father, thirteen years after the war, he had been father to the boy, and time and again he had wondered now why he could not have been like that youngster. life was an open book to the boy--to be read as he ran. he took it as he took his daily bread, without thought, without question. if left alone, he and the little girl whom he had gone that night to see would marry, settle down, and go hand in hand into old age without questioning love, life, or happiness. and that was as it should be; and would to heaven he had been born to tread the self-same way. there was a day when he was near it; when he turned the same fresh, frank face fearlessly to the world, when his nature was as unspoiled and as clean, his hopes as high, and his faith as child-like; and once when he ran across a passage in stevenson in which that gentle student spoke of his earlier and better self as his "little brother" whom he loved and longed for and sought persistently, but who dropped farther and farther behind at times, until, in moments of darkness, he sometimes feared that he might lose him forever--crittenden had clung to the phrase, and he had let his fancy lead him to regard this boy as his early and better self--better far than he had ever been--his little brother, in a double sense, who drew from him, besides the love of brother for brother and father for son, a tenderness that was almost maternal. the pike-gate slammed now and the swift rush of wheels over the bluegrass turf followed; the barn-gate cracked sharply on the night air and crittenden heard him singing, in the boyish, untrained tenor that is so common in the south, one of the old-fashioned love-songs that are still sung with perfect sincerity and without shame by his people: "you'll never find another love like mine, "you'll never find a heart that's half so true." and then the voice was muffled suddenly. a little while later he entered the yard-gate and stopped in the moonlight and, from his window, crittenden looked down and watched him. the boy was going through the manual of arms with his buggy-whip, at the command of an imaginary officer, whom, erect and martial, he was apparently looking straight in the eye. plainly he was a private now. suddenly he sprang forward and saluted; he was volunteering for some dangerous duty; and then he walked on toward the house. again he stopped. apparently he had been promoted now for gallant conduct, for he waved his whip and called out with low, sharp sternness; "steady, now! ready; fire!" and then swinging his hat over his head: "double-quick--charge!" after the charge, he sat down for a moment on the stiles, looking up at the moon, and then came on toward the house, singing again: "you'll never find a man in all this world who'll love you half so well as i love you." and inside, the mother, too, was listening; and she heard the elder brother call the boy into his room and the door close, and she as well knew the theme of their talk as though she could hear all they said. her sons--even the elder one--did not realize what war was; the boy looked upon it as a frolic. that was the way her two brothers had regarded the old war. they went with the south, of course, as did her father and her sweetheart. and her sweetheart was the only one who came back, and him she married the third month after the surrender, when he was so sick and wounded that he could hardly stand. now she must give up all that was left for the north, that had taken nearly all she had. was it all to come again--the same long days of sorrow, loneliness, the anxious waiting, waiting, waiting to hear that this one was dead, and that this one was wounded or sick to death--would either come back unharmed? she knew now what her own mother must have suffered, and what it must have cost her to tell her sons what she had told hers that night. ah, god, was it all to come again? v some days later a bugle blast started crittenden from a soldier's cot, when the flaps of his tent were yellow with the rising sun. peeping between them, he saw that only one tent was open. rivers, as acting-quartermaster, had been up long ago and gone. that blast was meant for the private at the foot of the hill, and crittenden went back to his cot and slept on. the day before he had swept out of the hills again--out through a blossoming storm of dogwood--but this time southward bound. incidentally, he would see unveiled these statues that kentucky was going to dedicate to her federal and confederate dead. he would find his father's old comrade--little jerry carter--and secure a commission, if possible. meanwhile, he would drill with rivers's regiment, as a soldier of the line. at sunset he swept into the glory of a southern spring and the hallowed haze of an old battlefield where certain gallant americans once fought certain other gallant americans fiercely forward and back over some six thousand acres of creek-bottom and wooded hills, and where uncle sam was pitching tents for his war-children--children, too--some of them--of those old enemies, but ready to fight together now, and as near shoulder to shoulder as the modern line of battle will allow. rivers, bronzed, quick-tempered, and of superb physique, met him at the station. "you'll come right out to camp with me." the town was thronged. there were gray slouched hats everywhere with little brass crosses pinned to them--tiny rifles, sabres, cannon--crosses that were not symbols of religion, unless this was a time when the master's coming meant the sword. under them were soldiers with big pistols and belts of big, gleaming cartridges--soldiers, white and black, everywhere--swaggering, ogling, and loud of voice, but all good-natured, orderly. inside the hotel the lobby was full of officers in uniform, scanning the yellow bulletin-boards, writing letters, chatting in groups; gray veterans of horse, foot, and artillery; company officers in from western service--quiet young men with bronzed faces and keen eyes, like rivers's--renewing old friendships and swapping experiences on the plains; subalterns down to the last graduating class from west point with slim waists, fresh faces, and nothing to swap yet but memories of the old school on the hudson. in there he saw grafton again and lieutenant sharpe, of the tenth colored cavalry, whom he had seen in the bluegrass, and rivers introduced him. he was surprised that rivers, though a southerner, had so little feeling on the question of negro soldiers; that many officers in the negro regiments were southern; that southerners were preferred because they understood the black man, and, for that reason, could better handle him. sharpe presented both to his father, colonel sharpe, of the infantry, who was taking credit to himself, that, for the first time in his life, he allowed his band to play "dixie" in camp after the southerners in congress had risen up and voted millions for the national defence. colonel sharpe spoke with some bitterness and crittenden wondered. he never dreamed that there was any bitterness on the other side--why? how could a victor feel bitterness for a fallen foe? it was the one word he heard or was to hear about the old war from federal or ex-confederate. indeed, he mistook a short, stout, careless appointee, major billings, with his negro servant, his southern mustache and goatee and his pompous ways, for a genuine southerner, and the major, though from vermont, seemed pleased. but it was to the soldier outside that crittenden's heart had been drawn, for it was his first stirring sight of the regular of his own land, and the soldier in him answered at once with a thrill. waiting for rivers, he stood in the door of the hotel, watching the strong men pass, and by and by he saw three coming down the street, arm in arm. on the edge of the light, the middle one, a low, thick-set, black-browed fellow, pushed his comrades away, fell drunkenly, and slipped loosely to the street, while the two stood above him in disgust. one of them was a mere boy and the other was a giant, with a lean face, so like lincoln's that crittenden started when the boy called impatiently: "pick him up, abe." the tall soldier stooped, and with one hand lifted the drunken man as lightly as though he had been a sack of wool, and the two caught him under the arms again. as they came on, both suddenly let go; the middle one straightened sharply, and all three saluted. crittenden heard rivers's voice at his ear: "report for this, reynolds." and the drunken soldier turned and rather sullenly saluted again. "you'll come right out to camp with me," repeated rivers. and now out at the camp, next morning, a dozen trumpets were ringing out an emphatic complaint into crittenden's sleeping ears: "i can't git 'em up, i can't git 'em up, i can't git 'em up in the mornin', i can't git 'em up, i can't git 'em up, i can't git 'em up at all. the corporal's worse than the sergeant, the sergeant's worse than the lieutenant, and the captain is worst of all." this is as high up, apparently, as the private dares to go, unless he considers the somnolent iniquity of the colonel quite beyond the range of the bugle. but the pathetic appeal was too much for crittenden, and he got up, stepping into a fragrant foot-bath of cold dew and out to a dapple gray wash-basin that sat on three wooden stakes just outside. sousing his head, he sniffed in the chill air and, looking below him, took in, with pure mathematical delight, the working unit of the army as it came to life. the very camp was the symbol of order and system: a low hill, rising from a tiny stream below him in a series of natural terraces to the fringe of low pines behind him, and on these terraces officers and men sitting, according to rank; the white tepees of the privates and their tethered horses--camped in column of troops--stretching up the hill toward him; on the first terrace above and flanking the columns, the old-fashioned army tents of company officer and subaltern and the guidons in line--each captain with his lieutenants at the head of each company street; behind them and on the next terrace, the majors three--each facing the centre of his squadron. and highest on top of the hill, and facing the centre of the regiment, the slate-coloured tent of the colonel, commanding every foot of the camp. "yes," said a voice behind him, "and you'll find it just that way throughout the army." crittenden turned in surprise, and the ubiquitous grafton went on as though the little trick of thought-reading were too unimportant for notice. "let's go down and take a look at things. this is my last day," grafton went on, "and i'm out early. i go to tampa to-morrow." all the day before, as he travelled, crittenden had seen the station thronged with eager countrymen--that must have been the way it was in the old war, he thought--and swarmed the thicker the farther he went south. and now, as the two started down the hill, he could see in the dusty road that ran through the old battlefield southern interest and sympathy taking visible shape. for a hundred miles around, the human swarm had risen from the earth and was moving toward him on wagon, bicycle, horseback, foot; in omnibus, carriage, cart; in barges on wheels, with projecting additions, and other land-craft beyond classification or description. and the people--the american southerners; rich whites, whites well-to-do, poor white trash; good country folks, valley farmers; mountaineers--darkies, and the motley feminine horde that the soldier draws the world over--all moving along the road as far as he could see, and interspersed here and there in the long, low cloud of dust with a clanking troop of horse or a red rumbling battery--all coming to see the soldiers--the soldiers! and the darkies! how they flocked and stared at their soldier-brethren with pathetic worship, dumb admiration, and, here and there, with a look of contemptuous resentment that was most curious. and how those dusky sons of mars were drinking deep into their broad nostrils the incense wafted to them from hedge and highway. for a moment grafton stopped still, looking. "great!" below the majors' terrace stood an old sergeant, with a gray mustache and a kind, blue eye. each horse had his nose in a mouth-bag and was contentedly munching corn, while a trooper affectionately curried him from tip of ear to tip of tail. "horse ever first and man ever afterward is the trooper's law," said grafton. "i suppose you've got the best colonel in the army," he added to the soldier and with a wink at crittenden. "yes, sir," said the guileless old sergeant, quickly, and with perfect seriousness. "we have, sir, and i'm not sayin' a wor-rd against the rest, sir." the sergeant's voice was as kind as his face, and grafton soon learned that he was called "the governor" throughout the regiment--that he was a kentuckian and a sharpshooter. he had seen twenty-seven years of service, and his ambition had been to become a sergeant of ordnance. he passed his examination finally, but he was then a little too old. that almost broke the sergeant's heart, but the hope of a fight, now, was fast healing it. "i'm from kentucky, too," said crittenden. the old soldier turned quickly. "i knew you were, sir." this was too much for grafton. "now-how-on-earth--" and then he checked himself--it was not his business. "you're a crittenden." "that's right," laughed the kentuckian. the sergeant turned. a soldier came up and asked some trifling question, with a searching look, grafton observed, at crittenden. everyone looked at that man twice, thought grafton, and he looked again himself. it was his manner, his bearing, the way his head was set on his shoulders, the plastic force of his striking face. but crittenden saw only that the sergeant answered the soldier as though he were talking to a superior. he had been watching the men closely--they might be his comrades some day--and, already, had noticed, with increasing surprise, the character of the men whom he saw as common soldiers--young, quiet, and above the average countryman in address and intelligence--and this man's face surprised him still more, as did his bearing. his face was dark, his eye was dark and penetrating and passionate; his mouth was reckless and weak, his build was graceful, and his voice was low and even--the voice of a gentleman; he was the refined type of the western gentleman-desperado, as crittenden had imagined it from fiction and hearsay. as the soldier turned away, the old sergeant saved him the question he was about to ask. "he used to be an officer." "who--how's that?" asked grafton, scenting "a story." the old sergeant checked himself at once, and added cautiously: "he was a lieutenant in this regiment and he resigned. he just got back to-day, and he has enlisted as a private rather than risk not getting to cuba at all. but, of course, he'll get his commission back again." the sergeant's manner fooled neither grafton nor crittenden; both respected the old sergeant's unwillingness to gossip about a man who had been his superior, and grafton asked no more questions. there was no idleness in that camp. each man was busy within and without the conical-walled tents in which the troopers lie like the spokes of a wheel, with heads out like a covey of partridges. before one tent sat the tall soldier--abe--and the boy, his comrade, whom crittenden had seen the night before. "where's reynolds?" asked crittenden, smiling. "guard-house," said the sergeant, shaking his head. not a scrap of waste matter was to be seen anywhere--not a piece of paper--not the faintest odour was perceptible; the camp was as clean as a dutch kitchen. "and this is a camp of cavalry, mind you," said grafton. "ten minutes after they have broken camp, you won't be able to tell that there has been a man or horse on the ground, except for the fact that it will be packed down hard in places. and i bet you that in a month they won't have three men in the hospital." the old sergeant nearly blushed with pleasure. "an' i've got the best captain, too, sir," he said, as they turned away, and grafton laughed. "that's the way you'll find it all through the army. each colonel and each captain is always the best to the soldier, and, by the way," he went on, "do you happen to know about this little united states regular army?" "not much." "i thought so. germany knows a good deal--england, france, prussia, russia--everybody knows but the american and the spaniard. just look at these men. they're young, strong, intelligent--bully, good americans. it's an army of picked men--picked for heart, body, and brain. almost each man is an athlete. it is the finest body of men on god almighty's earth to-day, and everybody on earth but the american and the spaniard knows it. and how this nation has treated them. think of that miserable congress--" grafton waved his hands in impotent rage and ceased--rivers was calling them from the top of the hill. so all morning crittenden watched the regimental unit at work. he took a sabre lesson from the old sergeant. he visited camps of infantry and artillery and, late that afternoon, he sat on a little wooded hill, where stood four draped, ghost-like statues--watching these units paint pictures on a bigger canvas below him, of the army at work as a whole. every green interspace below was thickly dotted with tents and rising spirals of faint smoke; every little plain was filled with soldiers, at drill. behind him wheeled cannon and caisson and men and horses, splashed with prophetic drops of red, wheeling at a gallop, halting, unlimbering, loading, and firing imaginary shells at imaginary spaniards--limbering and off with a flash of metal, wheel-spoke and crimson trappings at a gallop again; in the plain below were regiments of infantry, deploying in skirmish-line, advancing by rushes; beyond them sharpshooters were at target practice, and little bands of recruits and awkward squads were everywhere. in front, rose cloud after cloud of dust, and, under them, surged cloud after cloud of troopers at mounted drill, all making ready for the soldier's work--to kill with mercy and die without complaint. what a picture--what a picture! and what a rich earnest of the sleeping might of the nation behind it all. just under him was going an "escort of the standard," which he could plainly see. across the long drill-ground the regiment--it was rivers's regiment--stood, a solid mass of silent, living statues, and it was a brave sight that came now--that flash of sabres along the long length of the drill-field, like one leaping horizontal flame. it was a regimental acknowledgment of the honour of presentation to the standard, and crittenden raised his hat gravely in recognition of the same honour, little dreaming that he was soon to follow that standard up a certain cuban hill. what a picture! there the nation was concentrating its power. behind him that nation was patching up its one great quarrel, and now a gray phantom stalked out of the past to the music of drum and fife, and crittenden turned sharply to see a little body of men, in queer uniforms, marching through a camp of regulars toward him. they were old boys, and they went rather slowly, but they stepped jauntily and, in their natty old-fashioned caps and old gray jackets pointed into a v-shape behind, they looked jaunty in spite of their years. not a soldier but paused to look at these men in gray, who marched thus proudly through such a stronghold of blue, and were not ashamed. not a man joked or laughed or smiled, for all knew that they were old confederates in butter-nut, and once fighting-men indeed. all knew that these men had fought battles that made scouts and indian skirmishes and city riots and, perhaps, any battles in store for them with spain but play by contrast for the tin soldier, upon whom the regular smiles with such mild contempt; that this thin column had seen twice the full muster of the seven thousand strong encamped there melt away upon that very battlefield in a single day. and so the little remnant of gray marched through an atmosphere of profound respect, and on through a mist of memories to the rocky little point where the federal virginian thomas--"the rock of chickamauga"--stood against seventeen fierce assaults of hill-swarming demons in butter-nut, whose desperate valour has hardly a parallel on earth, unless it then and there found its counterpart in the desperate courage of the brothers in name and race whose lives they sought that day. they were bound to a patriotic love-feast with their old enemies in blue--these men in gray--to hold it on the hill around the four bronze statues that crittenden's state was putting up to her sons who fought on one or the other side on that one battlefield, and crittenden felt a clutch at his heart and his eyes filled when the tattered old flag of the stars and bars trembled toward him. under its folds rode the spirit of gallant fraternity--a little, old man with a grizzled beard and with stars on his shoulders, his hands folded on the pommel of his saddle, his eyes lifted dreamily upward--they called him the "bee-hunter," from that habit of his in the old war--his father's old comrade, little jerry carter. that was the man crittenden had come south to see. behind came a carriage, in which sat a woman in widow's weeds and a tall girl in gray. he did not need to look again to see that it was judith, and, motionless, he stood where he was throughout the ceremony, until he saw the girl lift her hand and the veil fall away from the bronze symbols of the soldier that was in her fathers and in his--stood resolutely still until the gray figure disappeared and the veterans, blue and gray intermingled, marched away. the little general was the last to leave, and he rode slowly, as if overcome with memories. crittenden took off his hat and, while he hesitated, hardly knowing whether to make himself known or not, the little man caught sight of him and stopped short. "why--why, bless my soul, aren't you tom crittenden's son?" "yes, sir," said crittenden. "i knew it. bless me, i was thinking of him just that moment--naturally enough--and you startled me. i thought it was tom himself." he grasped the kentuckian's hand warmly. "yes," he said, studying his face. "you look just as he did when we courted and camped and fought together." the tone of his voice moved crittenden deeply. "and you are going to the war--good--good! your father would be with me right now if he were alive. come to see me right away. i may go to tampa any day." and, as he rode away, he stopped again. "of course you have a commission in the legion." "no, sir. i didn't ask for one. i was afraid the legion might not get to cuba." the general smiled. "well, come to see me"--he smiled again--"we'll see--we'll see!" and he rode on with his hands still folded on the pommel of his saddle and his eyes still lifted, dreamily, upward. it was guard-mount and sunset when crittenden, with a leaping heart, reached rivers's camp. the band was just marching out with a corps of trumpeters, when a crash of martial music came across the hollow from the camp on the next low hill, followed by cheers, which ran along the road and were swollen into a mighty shouting when taken up by the camp at the foot of the hill. through the smoke and faint haze of the early evening, moved a column of infantry into sight, headed by a band. "tramp, tramp, tramp, the boys are marching!" along the brow of the hill, and but faintly seen through the smoky haze, came the pendulum-like swing of rank after rank of sturdy legs, with guidons fluttering along the columns and big, ghostly army wagons rumbling behind. up started the band at the foot of the hill with a rousing march, and up started every band along the line, and through madly cheering soldiers swung the regiment on its way to tampa--magic word, hope of every chafing soldier left behind--tampa, the point of embarkation for the little island where waited death or glory. rivers was deeply dejected. "don't you join any regiment yet," he said to crittenden; "you may get hung up here all summer till the war is over. if you want to get into the fun for sure--wait. go to tampa and wait. you might come here, or go there, and drill and watch for your chance." which was the conclusion crittenden had already reached for himself. the sun sank rapidly now. dusk fell swiftly, and the pines began their nightly dirge for the many dead who died under them five and thirty years ago. they had a new and ominous chant now to crittenden--a chant of premonition for the strong men about him who were soon to follow them. camp-fires began to glow out of the darkness far and near over the old battlefield. around a little fire on top of the hill, and in front of the colonel's tent, sat the colonel, with kind irish face, irish eye, and irish wit of tongue. near him the old indian-fighter, chaffee, with strong brow, deep eyes, long jaw, firm mouth, strong chin--the long, lean face of a thirteenth century monk who was quick to doff cowl for helmet. while they told war-stories, crittenden sat in silence with the majors three, and willings, the surgeon (whom he was to know better in cuba), and listened. every now and then a horse would loom from the darkness, and a visiting officer would swing into the light, and everybody would say: "how!" there is no humour in that monosyllable of good cheer throughout the united states army, and with indian-like solemnity they said it, tin cup in hand: "how!" once it was lawton, tall, bronzed, commanding, taciturn--but fluent when he did speak--or kent, or sumner, or little jerry carter himself. and once, a soldier stepped into the circle of firelight, his heels clicking sharply together; and crittenden thought an uneasy movement ran around the group, and that the younger men looked furtively up as though to take their cue from the colonel. it was the soldier who had been an officer once. the colonel showed not a hint of consciousness, nor did the impassive soldier to anybody but crittenden, and with him it may have been imagination that made him think that once, when the soldier let his eye flash quite around the group, he flushed slightly when he met crittenden's gaze. rivers shrugged his shoulders when crittenden asked about him later. "black sheep, ... well-educated, brave, well-born most likely, came up from the ranks, ... won a commission as sergeant fighting indians, but always in trouble--gambling, fighting, and so forth. somebody in washington got him a lieutenancy, and while the commission was on its way to him out west he got into a bar-room brawl. he resigned then, and left the army. he was gentleman enough to do that. now he's back. the type is common in the army, and they often come back. i expect he has decency enough to want to get killed. if he has, maybe he'll come out a captain yet." by and by came "tattoo," and finally far away a trumpet sounded "taps"; then another and another and another still. at last, when all were through, "taps" rose once more out of the darkness to the left. this last trumpeter had waited--he knew his theme and knew his power. the rest had simply given the command: "lights out!" lights out of the soldier's camp, they said. lights out of the soldier's life, said this one, sadly; and out of crittenden's life just now something that once was dearer than life itself. "love, good-night." such the trumpet meant to one poet, and such it meant to many another than crittenden, doubtless, when he stretched himself on his cot--thinking of judith there that afternoon, and seeing her hand lift to pull away the veil from the statues again. so it had always been with him. one touch of her hand and the veil that hid his better self parted, and that self stepped forth victorious. it had been thickening, fold on fold, a long while now; and now, he thought sternly, the rending must be done, and should be done with his own hands. and then he would go back to thinking of her as he saw her last in the bluegrass. and he wondered what that last look and smile of hers could mean. later, he moved in his sleep--dreaming of that brave column marching for tampa--with his mind's eye on the flag at the head of the regiment, and a thrill about his heart that waked him. and he remembered that it was the first time he had ever had any sensation about the flag of his own land. but it had come to him--awake and asleep--and it was genuine. vi it was mid-may now, and the leaves were full and their points were drooping toward the earth. the woods were musical with the cries of blackbirds as crittenden drove toward the pike-gate, and the meadow was sweet with the love-calls of larks. the sun was fast nearing the zenith, and air and earth were lusty with life. already the lane, lined with locust-trees, brambles, wild rose-bushes, and young elders, was fragrant with the promise of unborn flowers, and the turnpike, when he neared town, was soft with the dust of many a hoof and wheel that had passed over it toward the haze of smoke which rose over the first recruiting camp in the state for the spanish war. there was a big crowd in the lovely woodland over which hung the haze, and the music of horn and drum came forth to crittenden's ears even that far away, and raincrow raised head and tail and quickened his pace proudly. for a week he had drilled at chickamauga. he had done the work of a plain soldier, and he liked it--liked his temporary comrades, who were frankly men to men with him, in spite of his friendship with their superiors on top of the hill. to the big soldier, abe long, the wag of the regiment, he had been drawn with genuine affection. he liked abe's bunkie, the boy sanders, who was from maine, while abe was a westerner--the lineal descendant in frame, cast of mind, and character of the border backwoodsman of the revolution. reynolds was a bully, and crittenden all but had trouble with him; for he bullied the boy sanders when abe was not around, and bullied the "rookies." abe seemed to have little use for him, but as he had saved the big soldier's life once in an indian fight, abe stuck to him, in consequence, loyally. but blackford, the man who had been an officer once, had interested him most; perhaps, because blackford showed peculiar friendliness for him at once. from washington, crittenden had heard not a word; nor from general carter, who had left chickamauga before he could see him again. if, within two days more, no word came, crittenden had made up his mind to go to tampa, where the little general was, and where rivers's regiment had been ordered, and drill again and, as rivers advised, await his chance. the camp was like some great picnic or political barbecue, with the smoking trenches, the burgoo, and the central feast of beef and mutton left out. everywhere country folks were gathering up fragments of lunch on the thick grass, or strolling past the tents of the soldiers, or stopping before the colonel's pavilion to look upon the martial young gentlemen who composed his staff, their beautiful horses, and the colonel's beautiful guests from the river city--the big town of the state. everywhere were young soldiers in twos and threes keeping step, to be sure, but with eyes anywhere but to the front; groups lying on the ground, chewing blades of bluegrass, watching pretty girls pass, and lounging lazily; groups to one side, but by no means out of sight, throwing dice or playing "craps"--the game dear to the darkey's heart. on the outskirts were guards to gently challenge the visitor, but not very stern sentinels were they. as crittenden drove in, he saw one pacing a shady beat with a girl on his arm. and later, as he stood by his buggy, looking around with an amused sense of the playful contrast it all was to what he had seen at chickamauga, he saw another sentinel brought to a sudden halt by a surprised exclamation from a girl, who was being shown through the camp by a strutting lieutenant. the sentinel was basil and phyllis was the girl. "why, isn't that basil?" she asked in an amazed tone--amazed because basil did not speak to her, but grinned silently. "why, it is basil; why--why," and she turned helplessly from private to officer and back again. "can't you speak to me, basil?" basil grinned again sheepishly. "yes," he said, answering her, but looking straight at his superior, "i can if the lieutenant there will let me." phyllis was indignant. "let you!" she said, witheringly; and she turned on the hapless tyrant at her side. "now, don't you go putting on airs, just because you happen to have been in the legion a little longer than _some_ people. of course, i'm going to speak to my friends. i don't care where they are or what they happen to be at the time, or who happens to think himself over them." and she walked up to the helpless sentinel with her hand outstretched, while the equally helpless lieutenant got very red indeed, and basil shifted his gun to a very unmilitary position and held out his hand. "let me see your gun, basil," she added, and the boy obediently handed it over to her, while the little lieutenant turned redder still. "you go to the guard-house for that, crittenden," he said, quietly. "don't you know you oughtn't to give up your gun to anybody except your commanding officer?" "does he, indeed?" said the girl, just as quietly. "well, i'll see the colonel." and basil saluted soberly, knowing there was no guard-house for him that night. "anyhow," she added, "i'm the commanding officer here." and then the gallant lieutenant saluted too. "you are, indeed," he said; and phyllis turned to give basil a parting smile. crittenden followed them to the colonel's tent, which had a raised floor and the good cheer of cigar-boxes, and of something under his cot that looked like a champagne-basket; and he smiled to think of chaffee's spartan-like outfit at chickamauga. every now and then a soldier would come up with a complaint, and the colonel would attend to him personally. it was plain that the old ex-confederate was the father of the regiment, and was beloved as such; and crittenden was again struck with the contrast it all was to what he had just seen, knowing well, however, that the chief difference was in the spirit in which regular and volunteer approached the matter in hand. with one, it was a business pure and simple, to which he was trained. with the other, it was a lark at first, but business it soon would be, and a dashing business at that. there was the same crowd before the tent--judith, who greeted him with gracious frankness, but with a humorous light in her eye that set him again to wondering; and phyllis and phyllis's mother, mrs. stanton, who no sooner saw crittenden than she furtively looked at judith with a solicitude that was maternal and significant. there can be no better hot-bed of sentiment than the mood of man and woman when the man is going to war; and if mrs. stanton had not shaken that nugget of wisdom from her memories of the old war, she would have known it anyhow, for she was blessed with a perennial sympathy for the heart-troubles of the young, and she was as quick to apply a remedy to the children of other people as she was to her own, whom, by the way, she cured, one by one, as they grew old enough to love and suffer, and learn through suffering what it was to be happy. and how other mothers wondered how it was all done! in truth, her method--if she had a conscious method--was as mysterious and as sure as is the way of nature; and one could no more catch her nursing a budding passion here and there than one could catch nature making the bluegrass grow. everybody saw the result; nobody saw just how it was done. that afternoon an instance was at hand. judith wanted to go home, and mrs. stanton, who had brought her to camp, wanted to go to town. phyllis, too, wanted to go home, and her wicked little brother, walter, who had brought her, climbed into basil's brake before her eyes, and, making a face at her, disappeared in a cloud of dust. of course, neither of the brothers nor the two girls knew what was going on, but, a few minutes later, there was basil pleading with mrs. stanton to let him take phyllis home, and there was crittenden politely asking the privilege of taking judith into his buggy. the girl looked embarrassed, but when mrs. stanton made a gracious feint of giving up her trip to town, judith even more graciously declined to allow her, and, with a smile to crittenden, as though he were a conscious partner in her effort to save mrs. stanton trouble, gave him her hand and was helped into the smart trap, with its top pressed flat, its narrow seat and a high-headed, high-reined, half-thoroughbred restive between the slender shafts; and a moment later, smiled a good-by to the placid lady, who, with a sigh that was half an envious memory, half the throb of a big, kind heart, turned to her own carriage, assuring herself that it really was imperative for her to drive to town, if for no other reason than to see that her mischievous boy got out of town with the younger crittenden's brake. judith and crittenden were out of the push of cart, carriage, wagon, and street-car now, and out of the smoke and dust of the town, and crittenden pulled his horse down to a slow trot. the air was clear and fragrant and restful. so far, the two had spoken scarcely a dozen words. crittenden was embarrassed--he hardly knew why--and judith saw it, and there was a suppressed smile at the corners of her mouth which crittenden did not see. "it's too bad." crittenden turned suddenly. "it's a great pleasure." "for which you have mrs. stanton to thank. you would have got it for yourself five--dear me; is it possible?--five years ago." "seven years ago," corrected crittenden, grimly. "i was more self-indulgent seven years ago than i am now." "and the temptation was greater then." the smile at her mouth twitched her lips faintly, and still crittenden did not see; he was too serious, and he kept silent. the clock-like stroke of the horse's high-lifted feet came sharply out on the hard road. the cushioned springs under them creaked softly now and then, and the hum of the slender, glittering spokes was noiseless and drowsy. "you haven't changed much," said judith, "except for the better." "you haven't changed at all. you couldn't--for better or worse." judith smiled dreamily and her eyes were looking backward--very far backward. suddenly they were shot with mischief. "why, you really don't seem to--" she hesitated--"to like me any more." "i really don't--" crittenden, too, hesitated--"don't like you any more--not as i did." "you wrote me that." "yes." the girl gave a low laugh. how often he had played this harmless little part. but there was a cool self-possession about him that she had never seen before. she had come home, prepared to be very nice to him, and she was finding it easy. "and you never answered," said crittenden. "no; and i don't know why." the birds were coming from shade and picket--for midday had been warm--into the fields and along the hedges, and were fluttering from one fence-rail to another ahead of them and piping from the bushes by the wayside and the top of young weeds. "you wrote that you were--'getting over it.' in the usual way?" crittenden glanced covertly at judith's face. a mood in her like this always made him uneasy. "not in the usual way; i don't think it's usual. i hope not." "how, then?" "oh, pride, absence--deterioration and other things." "why, then?" judith's head was leaning backward, her eyes were closed, but her face seemed perfectly serious. "you told me to get over it." "did i?" crittenden did not deign to answer this, and judith was silent a long while. then her eyes opened; but they were looking backward again, and she might have been talking to herself. "i'm wondering," she said, "whether any woman ever really meant that when she said it to a man whom she--" crittenden turned quickly--"whom she liked," added judith as though she had not seen his movement. "she may think it her duty to say it; she may say it because it is her duty; but in her heart, i suppose, she wants him to keep on loving her just the same--if she likes him--" judith paused--"even more than a very little. that's very selfish, but i'm afraid it's true." and judith sighed helplessly. "i think you made it little enough that time," laughed crittenden. "are you still afraid of giving me too much hope?" "i am afraid of nothing--now." "thank you. you were ever too much concerned about me." "i was. other men may have found the fires of my conscience smouldering sometimes, but they were always ablaze whenever you came near. i liked you better than the rest--better than all----" crittenden's heart gave a faint throb and he finished the sentence for her. "but one." "but one." and that one had been unworthy, and judith had sent him adrift. she had always been frank with crittenden. that much he knew and no more--not even the man's name; but how he had wondered who and where and what manner of man he was! and how he had longed to see him! they were passing over a little bridge in a hollow where a cool current of air struck them and the freshened odour of moistening green things in the creek-bed--the first breath of the night that was still below the cloudy horizon. "deterioration," said judith, almost sharply. "what did you mean by that?" crittenden hesitated, and she added: "go on; we are no longer children." "oh, it was nothing, or everything, just as you look at it. i made a discovery soon after you went away. i found that when i fell short of the standard you"--crittenden spoke slowly--"had set for me, i got at least mental relief. i _couldn't_ think of you until--until i had recovered myself again." "so you----" "i used the discovery." "that was weak." "it was deliberate." "then it was criminal." "both, if you wish; but credit me with at least the strength to confess and the grace to be ashamed. but i'm beginning all over again now--by myself." he was flipping at one shaft with the cracker of his whip and not looking at her, and judith kept silent; but she was watching his face. "it's time," he went on, with slow humour. "so far, i've just missed being what i should have been; doing what i should have done--by a hair's breadth. i did pretty well in college, but thereafter, when things begin to count! law? i never got over the humiliation of my first ridiculous failure. business? i made a fortune in six weeks, lost it in a month, and was lucky to get out without having to mortgage a farm. politics? wharton won by a dozen votes. i just missed being what my brother is now--i missed winning you--everything! think of it! i am five feet eleven and three-quarters, when i should have been full six feet. i am the first crittenden to fall under the line in a century. i have been told"--he smiled--"that i have missed being handsome. there again i believe i overthrow family tradition. my youth is going--to no purpose, so far--and it looks as though i were going to miss life hereafter as well as here, since, along with everything else, i have just about missed faith." he was quite sincere and unsparing, but had judith been ten years older, she would have laughed outright. as it was, she grew sober and sympathetic and, like a woman, began to wonder, for the millionth time, perhaps, how far she had been to blame. "the comfort i have is that i have been, and still am, honest with myself. i haven't done what i ought not and then tried to persuade myself that it was right. i always knew it was wrong, and i did it anyhow. and the hope i have is that, like the man in browning's poem, i believe i always try to get up again, no matter how often i stumble. i sha'n't give up hope until i am willing to lie still. and i guess, after all--" he lifted his head suddenly--"i haven't missed being a man." "and a gentleman," added judith gently. "according to the old standard--no." crittenden paused. the sound of buggy wheels and a fast-trotting horse rose behind them. raincrow lifted his head and quickened his pace, but crittenden pulled him in as basil and phyllis swept by. the two youngsters were in high spirits, and the boy shook his whip back and the girl her handkerchief--both crying something which neither judith nor crittenden could understand. far behind was the sound of another horse's hoofs, and crittenden, glancing back, saw his political enemy--wharton--a girl by his side, and coming at full speed. at once he instinctively gave half the road, and raincrow, knowing what that meant, shot out his feet and crittenden tightened the reins, not to check, but to steady him. the head of the horse behind he could just see, but he went on talking quietly. "i love that boy," pointing with his whip ahead. "do you remember that passage i once read you in stevenson about his 'little brother'?" judith nodded. the horse behind was creeping up now, and his open nostrils were visible past the light hair blowing about judith's neck. crittenden spoke one quiet word to his own horse, and judith saw the leaders of his wrist begin to stand out as raincrow settled into the long reach that had sent his sire a winner under many a string. "well, i know what he meant--that boy never will. and that is as a man should be. the hope of the race isn't in this buggy--it has gone on before with phyllis and basil." once the buggy wheels ran within an inch of a rather steep bank, and straight ahead was a short line of broken limestone so common on bluegrass turnpikes, but judith had the southern girl's trust and courage, and seemed to notice the reckless drive as little as did crittenden, who made the wheels straddle the stones, when the variation of an inch or two would have lamed his horse and overturned them. "yes, they are as frank as birds in their love-making, and they will marry with as little question as birds do when they nest. they will have a house full of children--i have heard her mother say that was her ambition and the ambition she had for her children; and they will live a sane, wholesome, useful, happy life." the buggy behind had made a little spurt, and the horses were almost neck and neck. wharton looked ugly, and the black-eyed girl with fluffy black hair was looking behind judith's head at crittenden and was smiling. not once had judith turned her head, even to see who they were. crittenden hardly knew whether she was conscious of the race, but they were approaching her gate now and he found out. "shall i turn in?" he asked. "go on," said judith. there was a long, low hill before them, and up that crittenden let raincrow have his full speed for the first time. the panting nostrils of the other horse fell behind--out of sight--out of hearing. "and if he doesn't get back from the war, she will mourn for him sincerely for a year or two and then----" "marry someone else." "why not?" that was what she had so often told him to do, and now he spoke as though it were quite possible--even for him; and she was both glad and a little resentful. at the top of the hill they turned. the enemy was trotting leisurely up the slope, having given up the race earlier than they knew. judith's face was flushed. "i don't think you are so very old," she said. [illustration: "go on!" said judith.] crittenden laughed, and took off his hat very politely when they met the buggy, but wharton looked surly. the girl with the black hair looked sharply at judith, and then again at crittenden, and smiled. she must have cared little for her companion, judith thought, or something for crittenden, and yet she knew that most women smiled at crittenden, even when they did not know him very well. still she asked: "and the other things--you meant other women?" "yes, and no." "why no?" "because i have deceived nobody--not even myself--and heaven knows i tried that hard enough." "that was one?" she added, smiling. "i thought you knew me better than to ask such a question." again judith smiled--scanning him closely. "no, you aren't so very old--nor world-weary, after all." "no?" "no. and you have strong hands--and wrists. and your eyes are--" she seemed almost embarrassed--"are the eyes of a good man, in spite of what you say about yourself; and i would trust them. and it was very fine in you to talk as you did when we were tearing up that hill a moment ago." crittenden turned with a start of surprise. "oh," he said, with unaffected carelessness. "you didn't seem to be very nervous." "i trusted you." crittenden had stopped to pull the self-opening gate, and he drove almost at a slow walk through the pasture toward judith's home. the sun was reddening through the trees now. the whole earth was moist and fragrant, and the larks were singing their last songs for that happy day. judith was quite serious now. "do you know, i was glad to hear you say that you had got over your old feeling for me. i feel so relieved. i have always felt so responsible for your happiness, but i don't now, and it is _such_ a relief. now you will go ahead and marry some lovely girl and you will be happy and i shall be happier--seeing it and knowing it." crittenden shook his head. "no," he said, "something seems to have gone out of me, never to come back." there was nobody in sight to open the yard gate, and crittenden drove to the stiles, where he helped judith out and climbed back into his buggy. judith turned in surprise. "aren't you coming in?" "i'm afraid i haven't time." "oh, yes, you have." a negro boy was running from the kitchen. "hitch mr. crittenden's horse," she said, and crittenden climbed out obediently and followed her to the porch, but she did not sit down outside. she went on into the parlour and threw open the window to let the last sunlight in, and sat by it looking at the west. for a moment crittenden watched her. he never realized before how much simple physical beauty she had, nor did he realize the significance of the fact that never until now had he observed it. she had been a spirit before; now she was a woman as well. but he did note that if he could have learned only from judith, he would never have known that he even had wrists or eyes until that day; and yet he was curiously unstirred by the subtle change in her. he was busied with his own memories. "and i know it can never come back," he said, and he went on thinking as he looked at her. "i wonder if you can know what it is to have somebody such a part of your life that you never hear a noble strain of music, never read a noble line of poetry, never catch a high mood from nature, nor from your own best thoughts--that you do not imagine her by your side to share your pleasure in it all; that you make no effort to better yourself or help others; that you do nothing of which she could approve, that you are not thinking of her--that really she is not the inspiration of it all. that doesn't come but once. think of having somebody so linked with your life, with what is highest and best in you, that, when the hour of temptation comes and overcomes, you are not able to think of her through very shame. i wonder if _he_ loved you that way. i wonder if you know what such love is." "it never comes but once," he said, in a low tone, that made judith turn suddenly. her eyes looked as if they were not far from tears. a tiny star showed in the pink glow over the west-- "starlight, star bright!" "think of it. for ten years i never saw the first star without making the same wish for you and me. why," he went on, and stopped suddenly with a little shame at making the confession even to himself, and at the same time with an impersonal wonder that such a thing could be, "i used to pray for you always--when i said my prayers--actually. and sometimes even now, when i'm pretty hopeless and helpless and moved by some memory, the old prayer comes back unconsciously and i find myself repeating your name." for the moment he spoke as though not only that old love, but she who had caused it, were dead, and the tone of his voice made her shiver. and the suffering he used to get--the suffering from trifles--the foolish suffering from silly trifles! he turned now, for he heard judith walking toward him. she was looking him straight in the eyes and was smiling strangely. "i'm going to make you love me as you used to love me." her lips were left half parted from the whisper, and he could have stooped and kissed her--something that never in his life had he done--he knew that--but the old reverence came back from the past to forbid him, and he merely looked down into her eyes, flushing a little. "yes," she said, gently. "and i think you are just tall enough." in a flash her mood changed, and she drew his head down until she could just touch his forehead with her lips. it was a sweet bit of motherliness--no more--and crittenden understood and was grateful. "go home now," she said. vii at tampa--the pomp and circumstance of war. a gigantic hotel, brilliant with lights, music, flowers, women; halls and corridors filled with bustling officers, uniformed from empty straps to stars; volunteer and regular--easily distinguished by the ease of one and the new and conscious erectness of the other; adjutants, millionaire aids, civilian inspectors; gorgeous attachés--english, german, swedish, russian, prussian, japanese--each wondrous to the dazzled republican eye; cubans with cigarettes, cubans--little and big, war-like, with the tail of the dark eye ever womanward, brave with machétes; on the divans cuban senoritas--refugees at tampa--dark-eyed, of course, languid of manner, to be sure, and with the eloquent fan, ever present, omnipotent--shutting and closing, shutting and closing, like the wings of a gigantic butterfly; adventurers, adventuresses; artists, photographers; correspondents by the score--female correspondents; story writers, novelists, real war correspondents, and real draughtsmen--artists, indeed; and a host of lesser men with spurs yet to win--all crowding the hotel day and night, night and day. and outside, to the sea--camped in fine white sand dust, under thick stars and a hot sun--soldiers, soldiers everywhere, lounging through the streets and the railway stations, overrunning the suburbs; drilling--horseback and on foot--through clouds of sand; drilling at skirmish over burnt sedge-grass and stunted and charred pine woods; riding horses into the sea, and plunging in themselves like truant schoolboys. in the bay a fleet of waiting transports, and all over dock, camp, town, and hotel an atmosphere of fierce unrest and of eager longing to fill those wooden hulks, rising and falling with such maddening patience on the tide, and to be away. all the time, meanwhile, soldiers coming in--more and more soldiers--in freight-box, day-coach, and palace-car. that night, in the hotel, grafton and crittenden watched the crowd from a divan of red plush, grafton chatting incessantly. around them moved and sat the women of the "house of the hundred thousand"--officers' wives and daughters and sisters and sweethearts and army widows--claiming rank and giving it more or less consciously, according to the rank of the man whom they represented. the big man with the monocle and the suit of towering white from foot to crown was the english naval attaché. he stalked through the hotel as though he had the british empire at his back. "and he has, too," said grafton. "you ought to see him go down the steps to the café. the door is too low for him. other tall people bend forward--he always rears back." and the picturesque little fellow with the helmet was the english military attaché. crittenden had seen him at chickamauga, and grafton said they would hear of him in cuba. the prussian was handsome, and a count. the big, boyish blond was a russian, and a prince, as was the quiet, modest, little japanese--a mighty warrior in his own country. and the swede, the polite, the exquisite! "he wears a mustache guard. i offered him a cigar. he saluted: 'thank you,' he said. 'nevare i schmoke.'" "they are the pets of the expedition," grafton went on, "they and that war-like group of correspondents over there. they'll go down on the flag-ship, while we nobodies will herd together on one boat. but we'll all be on the same footing when we get there." just then a big man, who was sitting on the next divan twisting his mustache and talking chiefly with his hands, rolled up and called grafton. "huh!" he said. "huh!" mimicked grafton. "you don't know much about the army." "six weeks ago i couldn't tell a doughboy officer from a cavalryman by the stripe down his legs." the big man smiled with infinite pity and tolerance. "therefore," said grafton, "i shall not pass judgment, deliver expert military opinions, and decide how the campaign ought to be conducted--well, maybe for some days yet." "you've got to. you must have a policy--a policy. i'll give you one." and he began--favoring monosyllables, dashes, exclamation points, pauses for pantomime, indian sign language, and heys, huhs, and humphs that were intended to fill out sentences and round up elaborate argument. "there is a lot any damn fool can say, of course, hey? but you mustn't say it, huh? give 'em hell afterward." (pantomime.) "that's right, ain't it? understand? regular army all right." (sign language.) "these damn fools outside--volunteers, politicians, hey? had best army in the world at the close of the old war, see? best equipped, you understand, huh? congress" (violent indian sign language) "wanted to squash it--to squash it--that's right, you understand, huh? cut it down--cut it down, see? illustrate: wanted , mules for this push, got , , see? same principle all through; see? that's right! no good to say anything now--people think you complain of the regular army, huh? mustn't say anything now--give 'em hell afterward--understand?" (more sign language.) "hell afterward. all right now, got your policy, go ahead." grafton nodded basely, and without a smile: "thanks, old man--thanks. it's very lucid." a little later crittenden saw the stout civilian, major billings, fairly puffing with pride, excitement, and a fine uniform of khaki, whom he had met at chickamauga; and willings, the surgeon; and chaffee, now a brigadier; and lawton, soon to command a division; and, finally, little jerry carter, quiet, unassuming, dreamy, slight, old, but active, and tough as hickory. the little general greeted crittenden like a son. "i was sorry not to see you again at chickamauga, but i started here next day. i have just written you that there was a place on my staff for you or your brother--or for any son of your father and my friend. i'll write to washington for you to-night, and you can report for duty whenever you please." the little man made the astounding proposition as calmly as though he were asking the kentuckian to a lunch of bacon and hardtack, and crittenden flushed with gratitude and his heart leaped--his going was sure now. before he could stammer out his thanks, the general was gone. just then rivers, who, to his great joy, had got at least that far, sat down by him. he was much depressed. his regiment was going, but two companies would be left behind. his colonel talked about sending him back to kentucky to bring down some horses, and he was afraid to go. "to think of being in the army as long as i have been, just for this fight. and to think of being left here in this hell-hole all summer, and missing all the fun in cuba, not to speak of the glory and the game. we haven't had a war for so long that glory will come easy now, and anybody who does anything will be promoted. but it's missing the fight--the fight--that worries me," and rivers shook his head from side to side dejectedly. "if my company goes, i'm all right; but if it doesn't, there is no chance for me if i go away. i shall lose my last chance of slipping in somewhere. i swear i'd rather go as a private than not at all." this idea gave crittenden a start, and made him on the sudden very thoughtful. "can you get me in as a private at the last minute?" he asked presently. "yes," said rivers, quickly, "and i'll telegraph you in plenty of time, so that you can get back." crittenden smiled, for rivers's plan was plain, but he was thinking of a plan of his own. meanwhile, he drilled as a private each day. he was ignorant of the krag-jorgensen, and at chickamauga he had made such a laughable exhibition of himself that the old sergeant took him off alone one day, and when they came back the sergeant was observed to be smiling broadly. at the first target practice thereafter, crittenden stood among the first men of the company, and the captain took mental note of him as a sharpshooter to be remembered when they got to cuba. with the drill he had little trouble--being a natural-born horseman--so one day, when a trooper was ill, he was allowed to take the sick soldier's place and drill with the regiment. that day his trouble with reynolds came. all the soldiers were free and easy of speech and rather reckless with epithets, and, knowing how little was meant, crittenden merely remonstrated with the bully and smilingly asked him to desist. "suppose i don't?" crittenden smiled again and answered nothing, and reynolds mistook his silence for timidity. at right wheel, a little later, crittenden squeezed the bully's leg, and reynolds cursed him. he might have passed that with a last warning, but, as they wheeled again, he saw reynolds kick sanders so violently that the boy's eyes filled with tears. he went straight for the soldier as soon as the drill was over. "put up your guard." "aw, go to----" the word was checked at his lips by crittenden's fist. in a rage, reynolds threw his hand behind him, as though he would pull his revolver, but his wrist was caught by sinewy fingers from behind. it was blackford, smiling into his purple face. "hold on!" he said, "save that for a spaniard." at once, as a matter of course, the men led the way behind the tents, and made a ring--blackford, without a word, acting as crittenden's second. reynolds was the champion bruiser of the regiment and a boxer of no mean skill, and blackford looked anxious. "worry him, and he'll lose his head. don't try to do him up too quickly." reynolds was coarse, disdainful, and triumphant, but he did not look quite so confident when crittenden stripped and showed a white body, closely jointed at shoulder and elbow and at knee and thigh, and closely knit with steel-like tendons. the long muscles of his back slipped like eels under his white skin. blackford looked relieved. "do you know the game?" "a little." "worry him and wait till he loses his head--remember, now." "all right," said crittenden, cheerfully, and turned and faced reynolds, smiling. "gawd," said abe long. "he's one o' the fellows that laugh when they're fightin'. they're worse than the cryin' sort--a sight worse." the prophecy in the soldier's tone soon came true. the smile never left crittenden's face, even when it was so bruised up that smiling was difficult; but the onlookers knew that the spirit of the smile was still there. blackford himself was smiling now. crittenden struck but for one place at first--reynolds's nose, which was naturally large and red, because he could reach it every time he led out. the nose swelled and still reddened, and reynolds's small black eyes narrowed and flamed with a wicked light. he fought with his skill at first, but those maddening taps on his nose made him lose his head altogether in the sixth round, and he senselessly rushed at crittenden with lowered head, like a sheep. crittenden took him sidewise on his jaw as he came, and stepped aside. reynolds pitched to the ground heavily, and crittenden bent over him. "you let that boy alone," he said, in a low voice, and then aloud and calmly: "i don't like this, but it's in deference to your customs. i don't call names, and i allow nobody to call me names; and if i have another fight," reynolds was listening now, "it won't be with my fists." "well, mister man from kentucky," said abe, "i'd a damn sight ruther you'd use a club on me than them fists; but there's others of us who don't call names, and ain't called names; and some of us ain't easy skeered, neither." "i wasn't threatening," said crittenden, quickly, "but i have heard a good deal of that sort of thing flying around, and i don't want to get into this sort of a thing again." he looked steadily at the soldier, but the eye of abraham long quailed not at all. instead, a smile broke over his face. "i got a drink waitin' fer you," he said; and crittenden laughed. "git up an' shake hands, jim," said abe, sternly, to crittenden's opponent, "an' let's have a drink." reynolds got up slowly. "you gimme a damn good lickin,'" he said to crittenden. "shake!" crittenden shook, and seconds and principals started for long's tent. "boys," he said to the others, "i'm sorry fer ye. i ain't got but four drinks--and--" the old sergeant was approaching; "and one more fer the governor." rivers smiled broadly when he saw crittenden at noon. "the 'governor' told me," he said, "you couldn't do anything in this regiment that would do you more good with officers and men. that fellow has caused us more trouble than any other ten men in the regiment, and you are the first man yet to get the best of him. if the men could elect you, you'd be a lieutenant before to-morrow night." crittenden laughed. "it was disgusting, but i didn't see any other way out of it." tattoo was sounded. "are you sure you can get me into the army at any time?" "easy--as a private." "what regiment?" "rough riders or regulars." "all right, then, i'll go to kentucky for you." "no, old man. i was selfish enough to think it, but i'm not selfish enough to do it. i won't have it." "but i want to go back. if i can get in at the last moment i should go back anyhow to-night." "really?" "really. just see that you let me know in time." rivers grasped his hand. "i'll do that." next morning rumours were flying. in a week, at least, they would sail. and still regiments rolled in, and that afternoon crittenden saw the regiment come in for which grafton had been waiting--a picturesque body of fighting men and, perhaps, the most typical american regiment formed since jackson fought at new orleans. at the head of it rode two men--one with a quiet mesmeric power that bred perfect trust at sight, the other with a kindling power of enthusiasm, and a passionate energy, mental, physical, emotional, that was tireless; each a man among men, and both together an ideal leader for the thousand americans at their heels. behind them rode the rough riders--dusty, travel-stained troopers, gathered from every state, every walk of labour and leisure, every social grade in the union--day labourer and millionaire, clerk and clubman, college boys and athletes, southern revenue officers and northern policemen; but most of them westerners--texan rangers, sheriffs, and desperadoes--the men-hunters and the men-hunted; indians; followers of all political faiths, all creeds--catholics, protestants, jews; but cowboys for the most part; dare-devils, to be sure, but good-natured, good-hearted, picturesque, fearless. and americans--all! as the last troopers filed past, crittenden followed them with his eyes, and he saw a little way off blackford standing with folded arms on the edge of a cloud of dust and looking after them too, with his face set as though he were buried deep in a thousand memories. he started when crittenden spoke to him, and the dark fire of his eyes flashed. "that's where i belong," he said, with a wave of his hand after the retreating column. "i don't know one of them, and i know them all. i've gone to college with some; i've hunted, fished, camped, drank, and gambled with the others. i belong with them; and i'm going with them if i can; i'm trying to get an exchange now." "well, luck to you, and good-by," said crittenden, holding out his hand. "i'm going home to-night." "but you're coming back?" "yes." blackford hesitated. "are you going to join this outfit?"--meaning his own regiment. "i don't know; this or the rough riders." "well," blackford seemed embarrassed, and his manner was almost respectful, "if we go together, what do you say to our going as 'bunkies'?" "sure!" "thank you." the two men grasped hands. "i hope you will come back." "i'm sure to come back. good-by." "good-by, sir." the unconscious "sir" startled crittenden. it was merely habit, of course, and the fact that crittenden was not yet enlisted, but there was an unintended significance in the soldier's tone that made him wince. blackford turned sharply away, flushing. viii back in the bluegrass, the earth was flashing with dew, and the air was brilliant with a steady light that on its way from the sun was broken by hardly a cloud. the woodland was alive with bird-wing and bird-song and, under them, with the flash of metal and the joy of breaking camp. the town was a mighty pedestal for flag-staffs. everywhere flags were shaken out. main street, at a distance, looked like a long lane of flowers in a great garden--all blowing in a wind. under them, crowds were gathered--country people, negroes, and townfolk--while the town band stood waiting at the gate of the park. the legion was making ready to leave for chickamauga, and the town had made ready to speed its going. out of the shady woodland, and into the bright sunlight, the young soldiers came--to the music of stirring horn and drum--legs swinging rhythmically, chins well set in, eyes to the front--wheeling into the main street in perfect form--their guns a moving forest of glinting steel--colonel and staff superbly mounted--every heart beating proudly against every blue blouse, and sworn to give up its blood for the flag waving over them--the flag the fathers of many had so bitterly fought five and thirty years before. down the street went the flash and glitter and steady tramp of the solid columns, through waving flags and handkerchiefs and mad cheers--cheers that arose before them, swelled away on either side and sank out of hearing behind them as they marched--through faces bravely smiling, when the eyes were full of tears; faces tense with love, anxiety, fear; faces sad with bitter memories of the old war. on the end of the first rank was the boy basil, file-leader of his squad, swinging proudly, his handsome face serious and fixed, his eyes turning to right nor left--seeing not his mother, proud, white, tearless; nor crittenden, with a lump of love in his throat; nor even little phyllis--her pride in her boy-soldier swept suddenly out of her aching heart, her eyes brimming, and her handkerchief at her mouth to keep bravely back the sob that surged at her lips. the station at last, and then cheers and kisses and sobs, and tears and cheers again, and a waving of hands and flags and handkerchiefs--a column of smoke puffing on and on toward the horizon--the vanishing perspective of a rear platform filled with jolly, reckless, waving, yelling soldiers, and the tragedy of the parting was over. how every detail of earth and sky was seared deep into the memory of the women left behind that afternoon--as each drove slowly homeward: for god help the women in days of war! the very peace of heaven lay upon the earth. it sank from the low, moveless clouds in the windless sky to the sunlit trees in the windless woods, as still as the long shadows under them. it lay over the still seas of bluegrass--dappled in woodland, sunlit in open pasture--resting on low hills like a soft cloud of bluish-gray, clinging closely to every line of every peaceful slope. stillness everywhere. still cattle browsing in the distance; sheep asleep in the far shade of a cliff, shadowing the still stream; even the song of birds distant, faint, restful. peace everywhere, but little peace in the heart of the mother to whose lips was raised once more the self-same cup that she had drained so long ago. peace everywhere but for phyllis climbing the stairs to her own room and flinging herself upon her bed in a racking passion of tears. god help the women in the days of war! peace from the dome of heaven to the heart of the earth, but a gnawing unrest for judith, who walked very slowly down the gravelled walk and to the stiles, and sat looking over the quiet fields. only in her eyes was the light not wholly of sadness, but a proud light of sacrifice and high resolve. crittenden was coming that night. he was going for good now; he was coming to tell her good-by; and he must not go--to his death, maybe--without knowing what she had to tell him. it was not much--it was very little, in return for his life-long devotion--that she should at least tell him how she had wholly outgrown her girlish infatuation--she knew now that it was nothing else--for the one man who had stood in her life before him, and that now there was no other--lover or friend--for whom she had the genuine affection that she would always have for him. she would tell him frankly--she was a grown woman now--because she thought she owed that much to him--because, under the circumstances, she thought it was her duty; and he would not misunderstand her, even if he really did not have quite the old feeling for her. then, recalling what he had said on the drive, she laughed softly. it was preposterous. she understood all that. he had acted that little part so many times in by-gone years! and she had always pretended to take him seriously, for she would have given him mortal offence had she not; and she was pretending to take him seriously now. and, anyhow, what could he misunderstand? there was nothing to misunderstand. and so, during her drive home, she had thought all the way of him and of herself since both were children--of his love and his long faithfulness, and of her--her--what? yes--she had been something of a coquette--she had--she _had_; but men had bothered and worried her, and, usually, she couldn't help acting as she had. she was so sorry for them all that she had really tried to like them all. she had succeeded but once--and even that was a mistake. but she remembered one thing: through it all--far back as it all was--she had never trifled with crittenden. before him she had dropped foil and mask and stood frankly face to face always. there was something in him that had always forced that. and he had loved her through it all, and he had suffered--how much, it had really never occurred to her until she thought of a sudden that he must have been hurt as had she--hurt more; for what had been only infatuation with her had been genuine passion in him; and the months of her unhappiness scarcely matched the years of his. there was none other in her life now but him, and, somehow, she was beginning to feel there never would be. if there were only any way that she could make amends. never had she thought with such tenderness of him. how strong and brave he was; how high-minded and faithful. and he was good, in spite of all that foolish talk about himself. and all her life he had loved her, and he had suffered. she could see that he was still unhappy. if, then, there was no other, and was to be no other, and if, when he came back from the war--why not? why not? she felt a sudden warmth in her cheeks, her lips parted, and as she turned from the sunset her eyes had all its deep tender light. dusk was falling, and already raincrow and crittenden were jogging along toward her at that hour--the last trip for either for many a day--the last for either in life, maybe--for raincrow, too, like his master, was going to war--while bob, at home, forbidden by his young captain to follow him to chickamauga, trailed after crittenden about the place with the appealing look of a dog--enraged now and then by the taunts of the sharp-tongued molly, who had the little confidence in the courage of her fellows that marks her race. judith was waiting for him on the porch, and crittenden saw her from afar. she was dressed for the evening in pure white--delicate, filmy--showing her round white throat and round white wrists. her eyes were soft and welcoming and full of light; her manner was playful to the point of coquetry; and in sharp contrast, now and then, her face was intense with thought. a faint, pink light was still diffused from the afterglow, and she took him down into her mother's garden, which was old-fashioned and had grass-walks running down through it--bordered with pink beds and hedges of rose-bushes. and they passed under a shadowed grape-arbour and past a dead locust-tree, which a vine had made into a green tower of waving tendrils, and from which came the fragrant breath of wild grape, and back again to the gate, where judith reached down for an old-fashioned pink and pinned it in his button-hole, talking with low, friendly affection meanwhile, and turning backward the leaves of the past rapidly. did he remember this--and that--and that? memories--memories--memories. was there anything she had let go unforgotten? and then, as they approached the porch in answer to a summons to supper, brought out by a little negro girl, she said: "you haven't told me what regiment you are going with." "i don't know." judith's eyes brightened. "i'm so glad you have a commission." "i have no commission." judith looked puzzled. "why, your mother----" "yes, but i gave it to basil." and he explained in detail. he had asked general carter to give the commission to basil, and the general had said he would gladly. and that morning the colonel of the legion had promised to recommend basil for the exchange. this was one reason why he had come back to the bluegrass. judith's face was growing more thoughtful while he spoke, and a proud light was rising in her eyes. "and you are going as----" "as a private." "with the rough riders?" "as a regular--a plain, common soldier, with plain, common soldiers. i am trying to be an american now--not a southerner. i've been drilling at tampa and chickamauga with the regulars." "you are much interested?" "more than in anything for years." she had seen this, and she resented it, foolishly, she knew, and without reason--but, still, she resented it. "think of it," crittenden went on. "it is the first time in my life, almost, i have known what it was to wish to do something--to have a purpose--that was not inspired by you." it was an unconscious and rather ungracious declaration of independence--it was unnecessary--and judith was surprised, chilled--hurt. "when do you go?" crittenden pulled a telegram from his pocket. "to-morrow morning. i got this just as i was leaving town." "to-morrow!" "it means life or death to me--this telegram. and if it doesn't mean life, i don't care for the other. i shall come out with a commission or--not at all. if dead, i shall be a hero--if alive," he smiled, "i don't know what i'll be, but think of me as a hero, dead or alive, with my past and my present. i can feel a change already, a sort of growing pain, at the very thought." "when do you go to cuba?" "within four days." "four days! and you can talk as you do, when you are going to war to live the life of a common soldier--to die of fever, to be killed, maybe," her lip shook and she stopped, but she went on thickly, "and be thrown into an unknown grave or lie unburied in a jungle." she spoke with such sudden passion that crittenden was startled. "listen!" judge page appeared in the doorway, welcoming crittenden with old-time grace and courtesy. through supper, judith was silent and thoughtful and, when she did talk, it was with a perceptible effort. there was a light in her eyes that he would have understood once--that would have put his heart on fire. and once he met a look that he was wholly at loss to understand. after supper, she disappeared while the two men smoked on the porch. the moon was rising when she came out again. the breath of honeysuckles was heavy on the air, and from garden and fields floated innumerable odours of flower and clover blossom and moist grasses. crittenden lived often through that scene afterward--judith on the highest step of the porch, the light from the hallway on her dress and her tightly folded hands; her face back in shadow, from which her eyes glowed with a fire in them that he had never seen before. judge page rose soon to go indoors. he did not believe there was going to be much of a war, and his manner was almost cheery when he bade the young man good-by. "good luck to you," he said. "if the chance comes, you will give a good account of yourself. i never knew a man of your name who didn't." "thank you, sir." there was a long silence. "basil will hardly have time to get his commission, and get to tampa." "no. but he can come after us." she turned suddenly upon him. "yes--something has happened to you. i didn't know what you meant that day we drove home, but i do now. i feel it, but i don't understand." crittenden flushed, but made no answer. "you could not have spoken to me in the old days as you do now. your instinct would have held you back. and something has happened to me." then she began talking to him as frankly and simply as a child to a child. it was foolish and selfish, but it had hurt her when he told her that he no longer had his old feeling for her. it was selfish and cruel, but it was true, however selfish and cruel it seemed, and was--but she had felt hurt. perhaps that was vanity, which was not to her credit--but that, too, she could not help. it had hurt her every time he had said anything from which she could infer that her influence over him was less than it once was--although, as a rule, she did not like to have influence over people. maybe he wounded her as his friend in this way, and perhaps there was a little vanity in this, too--but a curious change was taking place in their relations. once he was always trying to please her, and in those days she would have made him suffer if he had spoken to her then as he had lately--but he would not have spoken that way then. and now she wondered why she was not angry instead of being hurt. and she wondered why she did not like him less. somehow, it seemed quite fair that she should be the one to suffer now, and she was glad to take her share--she had caused him and others so much pain. "_he_"--not even now did she mention his name--"wrote to me again, not long ago, asking to see me again. it was impossible. and it was the thought of you that made me know how impossible it was--_you_." the girl laughed, almost hardly, but she was thinking of herself when she did--not of him. the time and circumstance that make woman the thing apart in a man's life must come sooner or later to all women, and women must yield; she knew that, but she had never thought they could come to her--but they had come, and she, too, must give way. "it is all very strange," she said, as though she were talking to herself, and she rose and walked into the warm, fragrant night, and down the path to the stiles, crittenden silently following. the night was breathless and the moonlit woods had the still beauty of a dream; and judith went on speaking of herself as she had never done--of the man whose name she had never mentioned, and whose name crittenden had never asked. until that night, he had not known even whether the man were still alive or dead. she had thought that was love--until lately she had never questioned but that when that was gone from her heart, all was gone that would ever be possible for her to know. that was why she had told crittenden to conquer his love for her. and now she was beginning to doubt and to wonder--ever since she came back and heard him at the old auditorium--and why and whence the change now? that puzzled her. one thing was curious--through it all, as far back as she could remember, her feeling for him had never changed, except lately. perhaps it was an unconscious response in her to the nobler change that in spite of his new hardness her instinct told her was at work in him. she was leaning on the fence now, her elbow on the top plank, her hand under her chin, and her face uplifted--the moon lighting her hair, her face, and eyes, and her voice the voice of one slowly threading the mazes of a half-forgotten dream. crittenden's own face grew tense as he watched her. there was a tone in her voice that he had hungered for all his life; that he had never heard but in his imaginings and in his dreams; that he had heard sounding in the ears of another and sounding at the same time the death-knell of the one hope that until now had made effort worth while. all evening she had played about his spirit as a wistful, changeful light will play over the fields when the moon is bright and clouds run swiftly. she turned on him like a flame now. "until lately," she was saying, and she was not saying at all what she meant to say; but here lately a change was taking place; something had come into her feeling for him that was new and strange--she could not understand--perhaps it had always been there; perhaps she was merely becoming conscious of it. and when she thought, as she had been thinking all day, of his long years of devotion--how badly she had requited them--it seemed that the least she could do was to tell him that he was now first in her life of all men--that much she could say; and perhaps he had always been, she did not know; perhaps, now that the half-gods were gone, it was at last the coming of the--the--she was deeply agitated now; her voice was trembling; she faltered, and she turned suddenly, sharply, and with a little catch in her breath, her lips and eyes opening slowly--her first consciousness, perhaps, a wonder at his strange silence--and dazed by her own feeling and flushing painfully, she looked at him for the first time since she began to talk, and she saw him staring fixedly at her with a half-agonized look, as though he were speechlessly trying to stop her, his face white, bitter, shamed, helpless, not a word more dropped from her lips--not a sound. she moved; it seemed that she was about to fall, and crittenden started toward her, but she drew herself erect, and, as she turned--lifting her head proudly--the moonlight showed that her throat was drawn--nothing more. motionless and speechless, crittenden watched her white shape move slowly and quietly up the walk and grow dim; heard her light, even step on the gravel, up the steps, across the porch, and through the doorway. not once did she look around. * * * * * he was in his room now and at his window, his face hard as stone when his heart was parching for tears. it was true, then. he was the brute he feared he was. he had killed his life, and he had killed his love--beyond even her power to recall. his soul, too, must be dead, and it were just as well that his body die. and, still bitter, still shamed and hopeless, he stretched out his arms to the south with a fierce longing for the quick fate--no matter what--that was waiting for him there. ix by and by bulletins began to come in to the mother at canewood from her boy at tampa. there was little psychology in basil's bulletin: "i got here all right. my commission hasn't come, and i've joined the rough riders, for fear it won't get here in time. the colonel was very kind to me--called me mister. "i've got a lieutenant's uniform of khaki, but i'm keeping it out of sight. i may have no use for it. i've got two left spurs, and i'm writing in the waldorf-astoria. i like these northern fellows; they are gentlemen and plucky--i can see that. very few of them swear. i wish i knew where brother is. the colonel calls everybody mister--even the indians. "word comes to-night that we are to be off to the front. please send me a piece of cotton to clean my gun. and please be easy about me--do be easy. and if you insist on giving me a title, don't call me private--call me _trooper_. "yes, we are going; the thing is serious. we are all packed up now; have rolled up camping outfit and are ready to start. "baggage on the transport now, and we sail this afternoon. am sorry to leave all of you, and i have a tear in my eye now that i can't keep back. it isn't a summer picnic, and i don't feel like shouting when i think of home; but i'm always lucky, and i'll come out all right. i'm afraid i sha'n't see brother at all. i tried to look cheerful for my picture (enclosed). good-by. "some delay; actually on board and steam up. "waiting--waiting--waiting. it's bad enough to go to cuba in boats like these, but to lie around for days is trying. no one goes ashore, and i can hear nothing of brother. i wonder why the general didn't give him that commission instead of me. there is a curious sort of fellow here, who says he knows brother. his name is blackford, and he is very kind to me. he used to be a regular, and he says he thinks brother took his place in the --th and is a regular now himself--a private; i don't understand. there is mighty little rough riding about this. "p. s.--my bunkie is from boston--bob sumner. his father _commanded a negro regiment in a fight once against my father_; think of it! "hurrah! we're off." it was a tropical holiday--that sail down to cuba--a strange, huge pleasure-trip of steamships, sailing in a lordly column of three; at night, sailing always, it seemed, in a harbour of brilliant lights under multitudinous stars and over thickly sown beds of tiny phosphorescent stars that were blown about like flowers in a wind-storm by the frothing wake of the ships; by day, through a brilliant sunlit sea, a cool breeze--so cool that only at noon was the heat tropical--and over smooth water, blue as sapphire. music night and morning, on each ship, and music coming across the little waves at any hour from the ships about. porpoises frisking at the bows and chasing each other in a circle around bow and stern as though the transports sat motionless; schools of flying-fish with filmy, rainbow wings rising from one wave and shimmering through the sunlight to the foamy crest of another--sometimes hundreds of yards away. beautiful clear sunsets of rose, gold-green, and crimson, with one big, pure radiant star ever like a censor over them; every night the stars more deeply and thickly sown and growing ever softer and more brilliant as the boats neared the tropics; every day dawn rich with beauty and richer for the dewy memories of the dawns that were left behind. now and then a little torpedo-boat would cut like a knife-blade through the water on messenger service; or a gunboat would drop lightly down the hill of the sea, along the top of which it patrolled so vigilantly; and ever on the horizon hung a battle-ship that looked like a great gray floating cathedral. but nobody was looking for a fight--nobody thought the spaniard would fight--and so these were only symbols of war; and even they seemed merely playing the game. it was as grafton said. far ahead went the flag-ship with the huge commander-in-chief and his staff, the gorgeous attachés, and the artists and correspondents, with valets, orderlies, stenographers, and secretaries. somewhere, far to the rear, one ship was filled with newspaper men from stem to stern. but wily grafton was with lawton and chaffee, the only correspondent aboard their transport. on the second day, as he sat on the poop-deck, a negro boy came up to him, grinning uneasily: "i seed you back in ole kentuck, suh." "you did? well, i don't remember seeing you. what do you want?" "captain say he gwine to throw me overboard." "what for?" "i ain't got no business here, suh." "then what are you here for?" "lookin' fer ole cap'n, suh." "ole cap'n who?" said grafton, mimicking. "cap'n crittenden, suh." "well, if you are his servant, i suppose they won't throw you overboard. what's your name?" "bob, suh--bob crittenden." "crittenden," repeated grafton, smiling. "oh, yes, i know him; i should say so! so he's a captain?" "yes, suh," said bob, not quite sure whether he was lying or not. grafton spoke to an officer, and was allowed to take bob for his own servant, though the officer said he did not remember any captain of that name in the --th. to the newspaper man, bob was a godsend; for humour was scarce on board, and "jollying" bob was a welcome diversion. he learned many things of crittenden and the crittendens, and what great people they had always been and still were; but at a certain point bob was evasive or dumb--and the correspondent respected the servant's delicacy about family affairs and went no further along that line--he had no curiosity, and was questioning idly and for fun, but treated bob kindly and, in return, the fat of the ship, through bob's keen eye and quick hand, was his, thereafter, from day to day. grafton was not storing up much material for use; but he would have been much surprised if he could have looked straight across to the deck of the ship running parallel to his and have seen the dignified young statesman whom he had heard speak at the recruiting camp in kentucky; who made him think of henry clay; whom he had seen whisking a beautiful girl from the camp in the smartest turn-out he had seen south--had seen him now as private crittenden, with his fast friend, abe long, and passing in his company because of his bearing under a soubriquet donated by his late enemy, reynolds, as "old hamlet of kentuck." and crittenden would have been surprised had he known that the active darky whom he saw carrying coffee and shoes to a certain stateroom was none other than bob waiting on grafton. and that the rough rider whom he saw scribbling on a pad in the rigging of the _yucatan_ was none other than basil writing one of his bulletins home. it was hard for him to believe that he really was going to war, even now, when the long sail was near an end and the ships were running fearlessly along the big, grim coast-mountains of cuba, with bands playing and colors to the breeze; hard to realize that he was not to land in peace and safety and, in peace and safety, go back as he came; that a little further down those gashed mountains, showing ever clearer through the mist, were men with whom the quiet officers and men around him would soon be in a death-grapple. the thought stirred him, and he looked around at the big, strong fellows--intelligent, orderly, obedient, good-natured, and patient; patient, restless, and sick as they were from the dreadful hencoop life they had led for so many days--patient beyond words. he had risen early that morning. the rose light over the eastern water was whitening, and all over the deck his comrades lay asleep, their faces gray in the coming dawn and their attitudes suggesting ghastly premonitions--premonitions that would come true fast enough for some of the poor fellows--perhaps for him. stepping between and over the prostrate bodies, he made his way forward and leaned over the prow, with his hat in his hand and his hair blowing back from his forehead. already his face had suffered a change. for more than three long weeks he had been merely a plain man among plain men. at once when he became private crittenden, no. , company c, --th united states regular cavalry, at tampa, he was shorn of his former estate as completely as though in the process he had been wholly merged into some other man. the officers, at whose table he had once sat, answered his salute precisely as they answered any soldier's. he had seen rivers but seldom--but once only on the old footing, and that was on the night he went on board, when rivers came to tell him good-by and to bitterly bemoan the luck that, as was his fear from the beginning, had put him among the ill-starred ones chosen to stay behind at tampa and take care of the horses; as hostlers, he said, with deep disgust, adding hungrily: "i wish i were in your place." with the men, crittenden was popular, for he did his work thoroughly, asked no favors, shirked no duties. there were several officers' sons among them working for commissions, and, naturally, he drifted to them, and he found them all good fellows. of blackford, he was rather wary, after rivers's short history of him, but as he was friendly, unselfish, had a high sense of personal honour, and a peculiar reverence for women, crittenden asked no further questions, and was sorry, when he came back to tampa, to find him gone with the rough riders. with reynolds, he was particularly popular, and he never knew that the story of the tampa fight had gone to all the line officers of the regiment, and that nearly every one of them knew him by sight and knew his history. only once from an officer, however, and steadily always from the old sergeant, could he feel that he was regarded in a different light from the humblest soldier in the ranks--which is just what he would have asked. the colonel had cast an envious eye on raincrow at tampa, and, straightway, he had taken the liberty of getting the sergeant to take the horse to the colonel's tent with the request that he use him throughout the campaign. the horse came back with the colonel's thanks; but, when the order came that the cavalry was to go unmounted, the colonel sent word that he would take the horse now, as the soldier could not use him. so raincrow was aboard the ship, and the old colonel, coming down to look at the horse one day, found crittenden feeding him, and thanked him and asked him how he was getting along; and, while there was a smile about his humorous mouth, there was a kindly look in his blue eyes that pleased crittenden mightily. as for the old sergeant, he could never forget that the soldier was a crittenden--one of his revered crittendens. and, while he was particularly stern with him in the presence of his comrades, for fear that he might be betrayed into showing partiality--he was always drifting around to give him a word of advice and to shake his head over the step that crittenden had taken. that step had made him good in body and soul. it made him lean and tanned; it sharpened and strengthened his profile; it cleared his eye and settled his lips even more firmly. tobacco and liquor were scarce, and from disuse he got a new sensation of mental clearness and physical cleanliness that was comforting and invigorating, and helped bring back the freshness of his boyhood. for the first time in many years, his days were full of work and, asleep, awake, or at work, his hours were clock-like and steadied him into machine-like regularity. it was work of his hands, to be sure, and not even high work of that kind, but still it was work. and the measure of the self-respect that this fact alone brought him was worth it all. already, his mind was taking character from his body. he was distinctly less morbid and he found himself thinking during those long days of the sail of what he should do after the war was over. his desire to get killed was gone, and it was slowly being forced on him that he had been priggish, pompous, self-absorbed, hair-splitting, lazy, good-for-nothing, when there was no need for him to be other than what he meant to be when he got back. and as for judith, he felt the bitterness of gall for himself when he thought of her, and he never allowed himself to think of her except to absolve her, as he knew she would not absolve herself, and to curse himself heartily and bitterly. he understood now. it was just her thought of his faithfulness, her feeling of responsibility for him--the thought that she had not been as kind to him as she might have been (and she had always been kinder than he deserved)--all this had loosed her tears and her self-control, and had thrown her into a mood of reckless self-sacrifice. and when she looked up into his face that night of the parting, he felt her looking into his soul and seeing his shame that he had lost his love because he had lost himself, and she was quite right to turn from him, as she did, without another word. already, however, he was healthy enough to believe that he was not quite so hopeless as she must think him--not as hopeless as he had thought himself. life, now, with even a soldier's work, was far from being as worthless as life with a gentleman's idleness had been. he was honest enough to take no credit for the clean change in his life--no other life was possible; but he was learning the practical value and mental comfort of straight living as he had never learned them before. and he was not so prone to metaphysics and morbid self-examination as he once was, and he shook off a mood of that kind when it came--impatiently--as he shook it off now. he was a soldier now, and his province was action and no more thought than his superiors allowed him. and, standing thus, at sunrise, on the plunging bow of the ship, with his eager, sensitive face splitting the swift wind--he might have stood to any thoughtful american who knew his character and his history as a national hope and a national danger. the nation, measured by its swift leap into maturity, its striking power to keep going at the same swift pace, was about his age. south, north, and west it had lived, or was living, his life. it had his faults and his virtues; like him, it was high-spirited, high-minded, alert, active, manly, generous, and with it, as with him, the bad was circumstantial, trivial, incipient; the good was bred in the saxon bone and lasting as rock--if the surface evil were only checked in time and held down. like him, it needed, like a titan, to get back, now and then, to the earth to renew its strength. and the war would send the nation to the earth as it would send him, if he but lived it through. there was little perceptible change in the american officer and soldier, now that the work was about actually to begin. a little more soberness was apparent. everyone was still simple, natural, matter-of-fact. but that night, doubtless, each man dreamed his dream. the west point stripling saw in his empty shoulder-straps a single bar, as the man above him saw two tiny bars where he had been so proud of one. the captain led a battalion, the major charged at the head of a thousand strong; the colonel plucked a star, and the brigadier heard the tramp of hosts behind him. and who knows how many bold spirits leaped at once that night from acorns to stars; and if there was not more than one who saw himself the war-god of the anxious nation behind--saw, maybe, even the doors of the white house swing open at the conquering sound of his coming feet. and, through the dreams of all, waved aimlessly the mighty wand of the blind master--fate--giving death to a passion for glory here; disappointment bitter as death to a noble ambition there; and there giving unsought fame where was indifference to death; and then, to lend substance to the phantom of just deserts, giving a mortal here and there the exact fulfilment of his dream. two toasts were drunk that night--one by the men who were to lead the rough riders of the west. "may the war last till each man meets death, wears a wound, or wins himself better spurs." and, in the hold of the same ship, another in whiskey from a tin cup between two comrades: "bunkie," said blackford, to a dare-devil like himself, "welcome to the spanish bullet that knocks for entrance here"--tapping his heart. basil struck the cup from his hand, and blackford swore, laughed, and put his arm around the boy. x already now, the first little fight was going on, and grafton, the last newspaper man ashore, was making for the front--with bob close at his heels. it was hot, very hot, but the road was a good, hard path of clean sand, and now and then a breeze stirred, or a light, cool rain twinkled in the air. on each side lay marsh, swamp, pool, and tropical jungle--and, to grafton's northern imagination, strange diseases lurked like monsters everywhere. every strange, hot odour made him uneasy and, at times, he found himself turning his head and holding his breath, as he always did when he passed a pest-house in his childhood. about him were strange plants, strange flowers, strange trees, the music of strange birds, with nothing to see that was familiar except sky, mountain, running water, and sand; nothing home-like to hear but the twitter of swallows and the whistle of quail. that path was no road for a hard-drinking man to travel and, now and then, grafton shrank back, with a startled laugh, from the hideous things crawling across the road and rustling into the cactus--spiders with snail-houses over them; lizards with green bodies and yellow legs, and green legs and yellow bodies; hairy tarantulas, scorpions, and hideous mottled land-crabs, standing three inches from the sand, and watching him with hideous little eyes as they shuffled sidewise into the bushes. moreover, he was following the trail of an army by the uncheerful signs in its wake--the _débris_ of the last night's camp--empty cans, bits of hardtack, crackers, bad odours, and, by and by, odds and ends that the soldiers discarded as the sun got warm and their packs heavy--drawers, undershirts, coats, blankets, knapsacks, an occasional gauntlet or legging, bits of fat bacon, canned meats, hardtack--and a swarm of buzzards in the path, in the trees, and wheeling in the air--and smiling cubans picking up everything they could eat or wear. an hour later, he met a soldier, who told him there had been a fight. still, an hour later, rumours came thick, but so conflicting and wild that grafton began to hope there had been no fight at all. proof met him, then, in the road--a white man, on foot, with his arm in a bloody sling. then, on a litter, a negro trooper with a shattered leg; then another with a bullet through his throat; and another wounded man, and another. on horseback rode a sergeant with a bandage around his brow--grafton could see him smiling broadly fifty yards ahead--and the furrow of a mauser bullet across his temple, and just under his skin. "still nutty," said grafton to himself. further on was a camp of insurgents--little, thin, brown fellows, ragged, dirty, shoeless--each with a sugar-loaf straw hat, a remington rifle of the pattern of , or a brand new krag-jorgensen donated by uncle sam, and the inevitable and ever ready machéte swinging in a case of embossed leather on the left hip. very young they were, and very old; and wiry, quick-eyed, intelligent, for the most part and, in countenance, vivacious and rather gentle. there was a little creek next, and, climbing the bank of the other side, grafton stopped short, with a start, in the road. to the right and on a sloping bank lay eight gray shapes, muffled from head to foot, and grafton would have known that all of them were in their last sleep, but one, who lay with his left knee bent and upright, his left elbow thrust from his blanket, and his hand on his heart. he slept like a child. beyond was the camp of the regulars who had taken part in the fight. on one side stood a colonel, who himself had aimed a hotchkiss gun in the last battle--covered with grime and sweat, and with the passion of battle not quite gone from his eyes; and across the road soldiers were digging one long grave. grafton pushed on a little further, and on the top of the ridge and on the grassy sunlit knoll was the camp of the riders, just beyond the rifle-pits from which they had driven the spaniards. under a tree to the right lay another row of muffled shapes, and at once grafton walked with the colonel to the hospital, a quarter of a mile away. the path, thickly shaded and dappled with sunshine, ran along the ridge through the battlefield, and it was as pretty, peaceful, and romantic as a lovers' walk in a garden. here and there, the tall grass along the path was pressed flat where a wounded man had lain. in one place, the grass was matted and dark red; nearby was a blood-stained hat marked with the initials "e. l." here was the spot where the first victim of the fight fell. a passing soldier, who reluctantly gave his name as blackford, bared his left arm and showed the newspaper man three places between his wrist and elbow where the skin had been merely blistered by three separate bullets as he lay fighting unseen enemies. further on, lay a dead spaniard, with covered face. "there's one," said the colonel, with a careless gesture. a huge buzzard flapped from the tree over the dead man as they passed beneath. beyond was the open-air hospital, where two more rigid human figures, and where the wounded lay--white, quiet, uncomplaining. and there a surgeon told him how the wounded had lain there during the fight singing: "my country, 'tis of thee!" and grafton beat his hands together, while his throat was full and his eyes were full of tears. to think what he had missed--to think what he had missed! he knew that national interest would centre in this regiment of rough riders; for every state in the union had a son in its ranks, and the sons represented every social element in the national life. never was there a more representative body of men, nor a body of more varied elements standing all on one and the same basis of american manhood. he recalled how, at tampa, he had stood with the colonel while the regiment filed past, the colonel, meanwhile, telling him about the men--the strong men, who made strong stories for wister and strong pictures for remington. and the colonel had pointed with especial pride and affection to two boy troopers, who marched at the head of his column--a puritan from massachusetts and a cavalier through virginia blood from kentucky; one the son of a confederate general, the other the son of a union general--both beardless "bunkies," brothers in arms, and fast becoming brothers at heart--robert sumner and basil crittenden. the colonel waved his hand toward the wild westerners who followed them. "it's odd to think it--but those two boys are the fathers of the regiment." and now that grafton looked around and thought of it again--they were. the fathers of the regiment had planted plymouth and jamestown; had wrenched life and liberty and civilization from the granite of new england, the fastnesses of the cumberland, and the wildernesses of the rich valleys beyond; while the sires of these very westerners had gone on with the same trinity through the barren wastes of plains. and, now, having conquered the new world, puritan and cavalier, and the children of both were come together again on the same old mission of freedom, but this time the freedom of others; carrying the fruits of their own struggle back to the old land from which they came, with the sword in one hand, if there was need, but with the torch of liberty in the other--held high, and, as god's finger pointed, lighting the way. to think what he had missed! as grafton walked slowly back, an officer was calling the roll of his company under the quiet, sunny hill, and he stopped to listen. now and then there was no answer, and he went on--thrilled and saddened. the play was ended--this was war. outside the camp the road was full of half-angry, bitterly disappointed infantry--chaffee's men. when he reached the camp of the cavalry at the foot of the hill again, a soldier called his name as he passed--a grimy soldier--and grafton stopped in his tracks. "well, by god!" it was crittenden, who smiled when he saw grafton's bewildered face. then the kentuckian, too, stared in utter amazement at a black face grinning over grafton's shoulder. "bob!" he said, sharply. "yessuh," said bob humbly. "whar are you doing here?" "nothin', ole cap'n--jes doin' nothin'," said bob, with the _naïveté_ of a child. "jes lookin' for you." "is that your negro?" a sarcastic lieutenant was asking the question. "he's my servant, sir." "well, we don't allow soldiers to take their valets to the field." "my servant at home, sir, i meant. he came of his own accord." [illustration: "nothin', ole cap'n--jes doin' nothin'--jes lookin' for you."] "go find basil," crittenden said to bob, "and if you can't find him," he added in a lower tone, "and want anything, come back here to me." "yessuh," said bob, loath to go, but, seeing the lieutenant scowling, he moved on down the road. "i thought you were a captain," said grafton. crittenden laughed. "not exactly." "forward," shouted the lieutenant, "march!" grafton looked crittenden over. "well, i swear," he said heartily, and, as crittenden moved forward, grafton stood looking after him. "a regular--i do be damned!" that night basil wrote home. he had not fired his musket a single time. he saw nothing to shoot at, and he saw no use shooting until he did have something to shoot at. it was terrible to see men dead and wounded, but the fight itself was stupid--blundering through a jungle, bullets zipping about, and the spaniards too far away and invisible. he wanted to be closer. "general carter has sent for me to take my place on his staff. i don't want to go, but the colonel says i ought. i don't believe i would, if the general hadn't been father's friend and if my 'bunkie' weren't wounded. he's all right, but he'll have to go back. i'd like to have his wound, but i'd hate to have to go back. the colonel says he's sorry to lose me. he meant to make me a corporal, he says. i don't know what for--but hooray! "brother was not in the fight, i suppose. don't worry about me--please don't worry. "p. s.--i have often wondered what it would be like to be on the eve of a battle. it's no different from anything else." abe long and crittenden were bunkies now. abe's comrade, the boy sanders, had been wounded and sent to the rear. reynolds, too, was shot through the shoulder, and, despite his protests, was ordered back to the coast. "oh, i'll be on hand for the next scrap," he said. abe and crittenden had been side by side in the fight. it was no surprise to crittenden that any man was brave. by his code, a man would be better dead than alive a coward. he believed cowardice exceptional and the brave man the rule, but he was not prepared for abe's coolness and his humour. never did the westerner's voice change, and never did the grim half-smile leave his eyes or his mouth. once during the fight he took off his hat. "how's my hair parted?" he asked, quietly. a mauser bullet had mowed a path through abe's thick, upright hair, scraping the skin for three inches, and leaving a trail of tiny, red drops. crittenden turned to look and laugh, and a bullet cut through the open flap of his shirt, just over his heart. he pointed to it. "see the good turn you did me." while the two were cooking supper, the old sergeant came up. "if you don't obey orders next time," he said to crittenden, sternly, for abe was present, "i'll report you to the captain." crittenden had declined to take shelter during the fight--it was a racial inheritance that both the north and the south learned to correct in the old war. "that's right, governor," said abe. "the colonel himself wanted to know what damn fool that was standing out in the road. he meant you." "all right, sergeant," crittenden said. when he came in from guard duty, late that night, he learned that basil was safe. he lay down with a grateful heart, and his thoughts, like the thoughts of every man in that tropical forest, took flight for home. life was getting very simple now for him--death, too, and duty. already he was beginning to wonder at his old self and, with a shock, it came to him that there were but three women in the world to him--phyllis and his mother--and judith. he thought of the night of the parting, and it flashed for the first time upon him that judith might have taken the shame that he felt reddening his face as shame for her, and not for himself: and a pain shot through him so keen that he groaned aloud. above him was a clear sky, a quarter moon, an enveloping mist of stars, and the very peace of heaven. but there was little sleep--and that battle-haunted--for any: and for him none at all. * * * * * and none at all during that night of agony for judith, nor phyllis, nor the mother at canewood, though there was a reaction of joy, next morning, when the name of neither crittenden was among the wounded or the dead. nothing had been heard, so far, of the elder brother but, as they sat in the porch, a negro boy brought the town paper, and mrs. crittenden found a paragraph about a soldier springing into the sea in full uniform at siboney to rescue a drowning comrade, who had fallen into the surf while trying to land, and had been sunk to the bottom by his arms and ammunition. and the rescuer's name was crittenden. the writer went on to tell who he was, and how he had given up his commission to a younger brother and had gone as a private in the regular army--how he had been offered another after he reached cuba, and had declined that, too--having entered with his comrades, he would stay with them to the end. whereat the mother's face burned with a proud fire, as did phyllis's, when mrs. crittenden read on about this crittenden's young brother, who, while waiting for his commission, had gone as a rough rider, and who, after gallant conduct during the first fight, had taken his place on general carter's staff. phyllis clapped her hands, softly, with a long sigh of pride--and relief. "i can eat strawberries, now." and she blushed again. phyllis had been living on bacon and corn-bread, she confessed shamefacedly, because trooper basil was living on bacon and hardtack--little dreaming that the food she forced upon herself in this sacrificial way was being swallowed by that hearty youngster with a relish that he would not have known at home for fried chicken and hot rolls. "yes," laughed mrs. crittenden. "you can eat strawberries now. you can balance them against his cocoanuts." phyllis picked up the paper then, with a cry of surprise--the name signed to the article was grafton, whom she had seen at the recruiting camp. and then she read the last paragraph that the mother had not read aloud, and she turned sharply away and stooped to a pink-bed, as though she would pick one, and the mother saw her shoulders shaking with silent sobs, and she took the child in her arms. there was to be a decisive fight in a few days--the attack on santiago--that was what phyllis had read. the spaniard had a good muster-roll of regulars and aid from cervera's fleet; was well armed, and had plenty of time to intrench and otherwise prepare himself for a bloody fight in the last ditch. so that, each day there was a relief to the night agony, which, every morning, began straightway with the thought that the fight might be going on at that very hour. not once did judith come near. she had been ill, to be sure, but one day mrs. crittenden met her on the way to town and stopped her in the road; but the girl had spoken so strangely that the mother drove on, at loss to understand and much hurt. next day she learned that judith, despite her ill health and her father's protests, had gone to nurse the sick and the wounded--what phyllis plead in vain to do. the following day a letter came from mrs. crittenden's elder son. he was well, and the mother must not worry about either him or basil. he did not think there would be much fighting and, anyhow, the great risk was from disease, and he feared very little from that. basil would be much safer as an aid on a general's staff. he would get plenty to eat, would be less exposed to weather, have no long marches--as he would be mounted--and no guard duty at all hours of day and night. and, moreover, he would probably be less constantly exposed to bullets. so she must not worry about him. not one word was there about judith--not even to ask how she was, which was strange. he had said nothing about the girl when he told his mother good-by; and when she broached the subject, he answered sadly: "don't, mother; i can't say a word--not a word." in his letter he had outlined basil's advantages, not one of which was his--and sitting on the porch of the old homestead at sunset of the last rich day in june, the mother was following her eldest born through the transport life, the fiery marches, the night watches on lonely outposts, the hard food, the drenching rains, steaming heat, laden with the breath of terrible disease, not realizing how little he minded it all and how much good it was doing him. she did know, however, that it had been but play thus far to what must follow. perhaps, even now, she thought, the deadly work was beginning, while she sat in the shrine of peace--even now. and it was. almost at that hour the troops were breaking camp and moving forward along the one narrow jungle-road--choked with wagon, pack-mule, and soldier--through a haze of dust, and, turning to the right at the first crossing beyond corps head-quarters--under chaffee--for caney. now and then a piece of artillery, with its flashes of crimson, would pass through the advancing columns amid the waving of hats and a great cheering to take position against the stone fort at caney or at el poso, to be trained on the block-house at san juan. and through the sunset and the dusk the columns marched, and, after night fell, the dark, silent masses of slouch hats, shoulders, and gun-muzzles kept on marching past the smoke and flare of the deserted camp-fires that lighted thicket and grassy plot along the trail. and after the flames had died down to cinders--in the same black terrible silence, the hosts were marching still. that night a last good-by to all womankind, but wife, mother, sister, sweetheart. the world was to be a man's world next day, and the man a coarse, dirty, sweaty, swearing, good-natured, grimly humorous, cruel, kindly soldier, feverish for a fight and as primitive in passion as a cave-dweller fighting his kind for food. the great little fight was at hand. xi before dawn again--everything in war begins at dawn--and the thickets around a certain little gray stone fort alive with slouch hat, blue blouse, and krag-jorgensen, slipping through the brush, building no fires, and talking in low tones for fear the timorous enemy would see, or hear, and run before the american sharpshooter could get a chance to try his marksmanship; wondering, eight hours later, if the timorous enemy were ever going to run. eastward and on a high knoll stripped of bushes, four . guns unlimbered and thrown into position against that fort and a certain little red-roofed town to the left of it. this was caney. eastward still, three miles across an uneven expanse of green, jungle and jungle-road alive with men, bivouacing fearlessly around and under four more . guns planted on another high-stripped knoll--el poso--and trained on a little pagoda-like block-house, which sat like a christmas toy on top of a green little, steep little hill from the base of which curved an orchard-like valley back to sweeping curve of the jungle. this was san juan. nature loves sudden effects in the tropics. while chaffee fretted in valley-shadows around caney and lawton strode like a yellow lion past the guns on the hill and, eastward, gunner on the other hill at el poso and soldier in the jungle below listened westward, a red light ran like a flame over the east, the tops of the mountains shot suddenly upward and it was day--flashing day, with dripping dew and birds singing and a freshness of light and air that gave way suddenly when the sun quickly pushed an arc of fire over the green shoulder of a hill and smote the soldiers over and under the low trees like rays from an open furnace. it smote reynolds as he sat by the creek under the guns before san juan, idly watching water bubble into three canteens, and it opened his lips for an oath that he was too lazy to speak; it smote abe long cooking coffee on the bank some ten yards away, and made him raise from the fire and draw first one long forearm and then the other across his heat-wrinkled brow; but, unheeded, it smote crittenden--who stood near, leaning against a palm-tree--full in his uplifted face. perhaps that was the last sunrise on earth for him. he was watching it in cuba, but his spirit was hovering around home. he could feel the air from the woods in front of canewood; could hear the darkies going to work and aunt keziah singing in the kitchen. he could see his mother's shutter open, could see her a moment later, smiling at him from her door. and judith--where was she, and what was she doing? could she be thinking of him? the sound of his own name coming down through the hot air made him start, and, looking up toward the rough riders, who were gathered about a little stuccoed farm-house just behind the guns on the hill, he saw blackford waving at him. at the same moment hoofs beat the dirt-road behind him--familiar hoof-beats--and he turned to see basil and raincrow--for crittenden's colonel was sick with fever and basil had raincrow now--on their way with a message to chaffee at caney. crittenden saluted gravely, as did basil, though the boy turned in his saddle, and with an affectionate smile waved back at him. crittenden's lips moved. "god bless him." * * * * * "fire!" over on the hill, before caney, a man with a lanyard gave a quick jerk. there was a cap explosion at the butt of the gun and a bulging white cloud from the muzzle; the trail bounced from its shallow trench, the wheels whirled back twice on the rebound, and the shell was hissing through the air as iron hisses when a blacksmith thrusts it red-hot into cold water. basil could hear that awful hiss so plainly that he seemed to be following the shell with his naked eye; he could hear it above the reverberating roar of the gun up and down the coast-mountain; hear it until, six seconds later, a puff of smoke answered beyond the spanish column where the shell burst. then in eight seconds--for the shell travelled that much faster than sound--the muffled report of its bursting struck his ears, and all that was left of the first shot that started the great little fight was the thick, sunlit smoke sweeping away from the muzzle of the gun and the little mist-cloud of the shell rising slowly upward beyond the stone fort, which seemed not to know any harm was possible or near. * * * * * again crittenden, leaning against the palm, heard his name called. again it was blackford who was opening his mouth to shout some message when--ah! the shout died on blackford's lips, and every man on the hill and in the woods, at that instant, stayed his foot and his hand--even a man standing with a gray horse against the blue wall--he, too, stopped to listen. it really sounded too dull and muffled for a shell; but, a few seconds later, there was a roar against the big walls of living green behind caney. the first shot! "ready!" even with the cry at el poso came another sullen, low boom and another aggressive roar from caney: then a great crackling in the air, as though thousands of schoolboys were letting off fire-crackers, pack after pack. "fire!" every ear heard, every eye saw the sudden white mist at a gun-muzzle and followed that first shell screaming toward the little christmas toy sitting in the sun on that distant little hill. and yet it was nothing. another and yet another mass of shrapnel went screaming, and still there was no response, no sign. it was nothing--nothing at all. was the spaniard asleep? crittenden could see attaché, correspondent, aid, staff-officer, non-combatant, sight-seer crowding close about the guns--so close that the gunners could hardly work. he could almost hear them saying, one to another: "why, is this war--really war? why, this isn't so bad." twanged just then a bow-string in the direction of san juan hill, and the twang seemed to be getting louder and to be coming toward the little blue farm-house. no cannon was in sight; there was no smoke visible, and many, with an upward look, wondered what the queer sound could be. suddenly there was a screeching, crackling answer in the air; the atmosphere was rent apart as by a lightning stroke directly overhead. the man and the horse by the blue wall dropped noiselessly to the earth. a rough rider paled and limped down the hill and blackford shook his hand--a piece of shrapnel had fallen harmlessly on his wrist. on the hill--crittenden laughed as he looked--on the hill, nobody ran--everybody tumbled. besides the men at the guns, only two others were left--civilians. "you're a fool," said one. "you're another." "what'd you stay here for?" "because you did. what'd you stay for?" "because _you_ did." then they went down together--rapidly--and just in time. another shell shrieked. two artillerymen and two sergeants dropped dead at their guns, and a corporal fell, mortally wounded. a third burst in a group of cubans. several of them flew out, killed or wounded, into the air; the rest ran shrieking for the woods. below, those woods began to move. under those shells started the impatient soldiers down that narrow lane through the jungle, and with reynolds and abe long on the "point" was crittenden, his krag-jorgensen across his breast--thrilled, for all the world, as though he were on a hunt for big game. * * * * * and all the time the sound of ripping cloth was rolling over from caney, the far-away rumble of wagons over cobble-stones, or softened stage hail and stage thunder around the block-house, stone fort, and town. at first it was a desultory fire, like the popping of a bunch of fire-crackers that have to be relighted several times, and basil and grafton, galloping toward it, could hear the hiss of bullets that far away. but, now and then, the fire was as steady as a gatling-gun. behind them the artillery had turned on the stone fort, and grafton saw one shot tear a hole through the wall, then another, and another. he could see spaniards darting from the fort and taking refuge in the encircling stone-cut trenches; and then nothing else--for their powder was smokeless--except the straw hats of the little devils in blue, who blazed away from their trenches around the fort and minded the shells bursting over and around them as little as though they had been bursting snowballs. if the boy ahead noted anything, grafton could not tell. basil turned his head neither to right nor left, and at the foot of the muddy hill, the black horse that he rode, without touch of spur, seemed suddenly to leave the earth and pass on out of sight with the swift silence of a shadow. at the foot of a hill walked the first wounded man--a colonel limping between two soldiers. the colonel looked up smiling--he had a terrible wound in the groin. "well," he called cheerily, "i'm the first victim." grafton wondered. was it possible that men were going to behave on a battlefield just as they did anywhere else--just as naturally--taking wounds and death and horror as a matter of course? beyond were more wounded--the wounded who were able to help themselves. soon he saw them lying by the roadside, here and there a dead one; by and by, he struck a battalion marching to storm a block-house. he got down, hitched his horse a few yards from the road and joined it. he was wondering how it would feel to be under fire, when just as they were crossing another road, with a whir and whistle and buzz, a cloud of swift insects buzzed over his head. unconsciously imitating the soldiers near him, he bent low and walked rapidly. right and left of him sounded two or three low, horrible crunching noises, and right and left of him two or three blue shapes sank limply down on their faces. a sudden sickness seized him, nauseating him like a fetid odour--the crunching noise was the sound of a bullet crashing into a living human skull as the men bent forward. one man, he remembered afterward, dropped with the quick grunt of an animal--he was killed outright; another gave a gasping cry, "oh, god"--there was a moment of suffering consciousness for him; a third hopped aside into the bushes--cursing angrily. still another, as he passed, looked up from the earth at him with a curious smile, as though he were half ashamed of something. "i've got it, partner," he said, "i reckon i've got it, sure." and grafton saw a drop of blood and the tiny mouth of a wound in his gullet, where the flaps of his collar fell apart. he couldn't realize how he felt--he was not interested any longer in how he felt. the instinct of life was at work, and the instinct of self-defence. when the others dropped, he dropped gladly; when they rose, he rose automatically. a piece of brush, a bush, the low branch of a tree, a weed seemed to him protection, and he saw others possessed with the same absurd idea. once the unworthy thought crossed his mind, when he was lying behind a squad of soldiers and a little lower than they, that his chance was at least better than theirs. and once, and only once--with a bitter sting of shame--he caught himself dropping back a little, so that the same squad should be between him and the enemy: and forthwith he stepped out into the road, abreast with the foremost, cursing himself for a coward, and thereafter took a savage delight in reckless exposure whenever it was possible. and he soon saw that his position was a queer one, and an unenviable one, as far as a cool test of nerve was the point at issue. the officers, he saw, had their men to look after--orders to obey--their minds were occupied. the soldiers were busy getting a shot at the enemy--their minds, too, were occupied. it was his peculiar province to stand up and be shot at without the satisfaction of shooting back--studying his sensations, meanwhile, which were not particularly pleasant, and studying the grewsome horrors about him. and it struck him, too, that this was a ghastly business, and an unjustifiable, and that if it pleased god to see him through he would never go to another war except as a soldier. one consideration interested him and was satisfactory. nobody was shooting at him--nobody was shooting at anybody in particular. if he were killed, or when anybody was killed, it was merely accident, and it was thus pleasant to reflect that he was in as much danger as anybody. the firing was pretty hot now, and the wounded were too many to be handled. a hospital man called out sharply: "give a hand here." grafton gave a hand to help a poor fellow back to the field hospital, in a little hollow, and when he reached the road again that black horse and his boy rider were coming back like shadows, through a rain of bullets, along the edge of the woods. once the horse plunged sidewise and shook his head angrily--a mauser had stung him in the neck--but the lad, pale and his eyes like stars, lifted him in a flying leap over a barbed-wire fence and swung him into the road again. "damn!" said grafton, simply. then rose a loud cheer from the battery on the hill, and, looking west, he saw the war-balloon hung high above the trees and moving toward santiago. the advance had begun over there; there was the main attack--the big battle. it was interesting and horrible enough where he was, but caney was not santiago; and grafton, too, mounted his horse and galloped after basil. * * * * * at head-quarters began the central lane of death that led toward san juan, and basil picked his way through it at a slow walk--his excitement gone for the moment and his heart breaking at the sight of the terrible procession on its way to the rear. men with arms in slings; men with trousers torn away at the knee, and bandaged legs; men with brow, face, mouth, or throat swathed; men with no shirts, but a broad swathe around the chest or stomach--each bandage grotesquely pictured with human figures printed to show how the wound should be bound, on whatever part of the body the bullet entered. men staggering along unaided, or between two comrades, or borne on litters, some white and quiet, some groaning and blood-stained, some conscious, some dying, some using a rifle for a support, or a stick thrust through the side of a tomato-can. rolls, haversacks, blouses, hardtack, bibles, strewn by the wayside, where the soldiers had thrown them before they went into action. it was curious, but nearly all of the wounded were dazed and drunken in appearance, except at the brows, which were tightly drawn with pain. there was one man, with short, thick, upright red hair, stumbling from one side of the road to the other, with no wound apparent, and muttering: "oh, i don't know what happened to me. i don't know what happened to me." another, hopping across the creek on one leg--the other bare and wounded--and using his gun, muzzle down, as a vaulting-pole. another, with his arm in the sling, pointing out the way. "take this road," he said. "i don't know where that one goes, but i know this one. i went up this one, and brought back a _souvenir_," he added, cheerily, shaking a bloody arm. and everywhere men were cautioning him to beware of the guerillas, who were in the trees, adding horror to the scene--shooting wounded men on litters, hospital men, doctors. once, there was almost the horror of a panic in the crowded road. soldiers answered the guerilla fire from the road; men came running back; bullets spattered around. ahead, the road was congested with soldiers. beyond them was anchored the balloon, over the bloody ford--drawing the spanish fire to the troops huddled beneath it. there was the death-trap. and, climbing from an ambulance to mount his horse, a little, bent old man, weak and trembling from fever, but with his gentle blue eyes glinting fire--basil's hero--ex-confederate jerry carter. "give the yanks hell, boys," he shouted. * * * * * it had been a slow, toilsome march up that narrow lane of death, and, so far, crittenden had merely been sprinkled with mauser and shrapnel. his regiment had begun to deploy to the left, down the bed of a stream. the negro cavalry and the rough riders were deploying to the right. now broke the storm. imagine sheet after sheet of hailstones, coated with polished steel, and swerved when close to the earth at a sharp angle to the line of descent, and sweeping the air horizontally with an awful hiss--swifter in flight than a peal of thunder from sky to earth, and hardly less swift than the lightning flash that caused it. "t-t-seu-u-u-h! t-t-seu-oo! t-t-seu-oo!"--they went like cloud after cloud of lightning-winged insects, and passing, by god's mercy and the spaniard's bad marksmanship--passing high. between two crashes, came a sudden sputter, and some singing thing began to play up and down through the trees, and to right and left, in a steady hum. it was a machine gun playing for the range--like a mighty hose pipe, watering earth and trees with a steady, spreading jet of hot lead. it was like some strange, huge monster, unseeing and unseen, who knows where his prey is hidden and is searching for it blindly--by feeling or by sense of smell--coming ever nearer, showering the leaves down, patting into the soft earth ahead, swishing to right and to left, and at last playing in a steady stream about the prostrate soldiers. "swish-ee! swish-ee! swishee!" "whew!" said abe long. "god!" said reynolds. ah, ye scornful veterans of the great war. in ten minutes the spaniard let fly with his mauser more bullets than did you fighting hard for two long hours, and that one machine gun loosed more death stings in an hour than did a regiment of you in two. and they were coming from intrenchments on an all but vertical hill, from piles of unlimited ammunition, and from soldiers who should have been as placid as the earth under them for all the demoralization that hostile artillery fire was causing them. and not all of them passed high. after that sweep of glistening steel rain along the edge of the woods rose the cry here, there, everywhere: "hospital man! hospital man!" and here and there, in the steady pelt of bullets, went the quiet, brave fellows with red crosses on their sleeves; across the creek, crittenden could see a tall, young doctor, bare-headed in the sun, stretching out limp figures on the sand under the bank--could see him and his assistants stripping off blouse and trousers and shirt, and wrapping and binding, and newly wounded being ever brought in. and behind forged soldiers forward, a tall aide at the ford urging them across and stopping a panic among volunteers. "come back, you cowards--come back! push 'em back, boys!" a horse was crossing the stream. there was a hissing shriek in the air, a geyser spouting from the creek, the remnants of a horse thrown upward, and five men tossed in a swirl like straw: and, a moment later, a boy feebly paddling towards the shore--while the water ran past him red with blood. and, through it all, looking backward, crittenden saw little carter coming on horseback, calm of face, calm of manner, with his hands folded over his saddle, and his eyes looking upward--little carter who had started out in an ambulance that morning with a temperature of one hundred and four, and, meeting wounded soldiers, gave up his wagon to them, mounted his horse, and rode into battle--to come out normal at dusk. and behind him--erect, proud, face aflame, eyes burning, but hardly less cool--rode basil. crittenden's eyes filled with love and pride for the boy. "god bless him--god save him!" * * * * * a lull came--one of the curious lulls that come periodically in battle for the reason that after any violent effort men must have a breathing spell--and the mist of bullets swept on to the right like a swift passing shower of rain. there was a splash in the creek behind crittenden, and someone fell on his face behind the low bank with a fervent: "thank god, i've got this far!" it was grafton. "that nigger of yours is coming on somewhere back there," he added, and presently he rose and calmly peered over the bank and at the line of yellow dirt on the crest of the hill. a bullet spat in the ground close by. "that hit you?" he asked, without altering the tone of his voice--without even lowering his glasses. reynolds, on his right, had ducked quickly. crittenden looked up in surprise. the south had no monopoly of nerve--nor, in that campaign, the soldier. "well, by god," said reynolds, irritably--the bullet had gone through his sleeve. "this ain't no time to joke." grafton's face was still calm--he was still looking. presently he turned and beckoned to somebody in the rear. "there he is, now." looking behind, crittenden had to laugh. there was bob, in a cavalryman's hat, with a krag-jorgensen in his hand, and an ammunition belt buckled around him. as he started toward grafton, a lieutenant halted him. "why aren't you with your regiment?" he demanded sharply. "i ain't got no regiment. i'se looking fer ole captain." "get back into your regiment," said the officer, with an oath, and pointing behind to the tenth coloured cavalry coming up. "huh!" he said, looking after the officer a moment, and then he came on to the edge of the creek. "go to the rear, bob," shouted crittenden, sharply, and the next moment bob was crashing through the bushes to the edge of the creek. "foh gawd, ole cap'n, i sutn'ly is glad to fine you. i wish you'd jes show me how to wuk this gun. i'se gwine to fight right side o' you--you heah me." "go back, bob," said crittenden, firmly. "silence in the ranks," roared a lieutenant. bob hesitated. just then a company of the tenth cavalry filed down the road as they were deployed to the right. crittenden's file of soldiers could see that the last man was a short, fat darky--evidently a recruit--and he was swinging along as jauntily as in a cake-walk. as he wheeled pompously, he dropped his gun, leaped into the air with a yell of amazed rage and pain, catching at the seat of his trousers with both hands. a bullet had gone through both buttocks. "gawd, ole cap'n, did you see dat nigger?" a roar of laughter went down the bed of the creek. "go back!" repeated crittenden, threateningly, "and stop calling me old captain." bob looked after the file of coloured troops, and then at crittenden. "all right, ole cap'n; i tol' you in ole kentuck that i gwine to fight wid the niggers ef you don't lemme fight wid you. i don't like disgracin' the family dis way, but 'tain't my fault, an' s'pose you git shot--" the slap of the flat side of a sword across bob's back made him jump. "what are you doing here?" thundered an angry officer." get into line--get into line." "i ain't no sojer." "get into line," and bob ran after the disappearing file, shaking his head helplessly. the crash started again, and the hum of bees and the soft snap of the leaves when bullets clipped them like blows with a rattan cane, and the rattling sputter of the machine guns, and once more came that long, long wait that tries the soldier's heart, nerve, and brain. "why was not something done--why?" and again rose the cry for the hospital men, and again the limp figures were brought in from the jungle, and he could see the tall doctor with the bare head helping the men who had been dressed with a first-aid bandage to the protecting bank of the creek farther up, to make room for the fresh victims. and as he stood up once, crittenden saw him throw his hand quickly up to his temple and sink to the blood-stained sand. the assistant, who bent over him, looked up quickly and shook his head to another, who was binding a wounded leg and looking anxiously to know the fatal truth. "i've got it," said a soldier to crittenden's left; joyously, he said it, for the bullet had merely gone through his right shoulder. he could fight no more, he had a wound and he could wear a scar to his grave. "so have i," said another, with a groan. and then next him there was a sudden, soft thud: "t-h-u-p!" it was the sound of a bullet going into thick flesh, and the soldier sprang to his feet--the impulse seemed uncontrollable for the wounded to spring to their feet--and dropped with a groan--dead. crittenden straightened him out sadly--putting his hat over his face and drawing his arms to his sides. above, he saw with sudden nausea, buzzards circling--little cared they whether the dead were american or spaniard, as long as there were eyes to pluck and lips to tear away, and then straightway, tragedy merged into comedy as swiftly as on a stage. out of the woods across the way emerged a detail of negro troopers--sent to clear the woods behind of sharpshooters--and last came bob. the detail, passing along the creek on the other bank from them, scattered, and with bob next the creek. bob shook his gun aloft. "i can wuk her now!" another lull came, and from the thicket arose the cry of a thin, high, foreign voice: "americano--americano!" "whut regiment you b'long to?" the voice was a negro's and was bob's, and grafton and crittenden listened keenly. bob had evidently got a sharpshooter up a tree, and caught him loading his gun. "tenth cav'rly--tenth!" was the answer. bob laughed long and loud. "well, you jus the man i been lookin' fer--the fust white man i ever seed whut 'longed to a nigger regiment. come down, honey." there was the sharp, clean crack of a krag-jorgensen, and a yell of savage triumph. "that nigger's a bird," said grafton. something serious was going to be done now--the intuition of it ran down the line in that mysterious fashion by which information passes down a line of waiting men. the line rose, advanced, and dropped again. companies deployed to the left and behind--fighting their way through the chaparral as a swimmer buffets his way through choppy waves. every man saw now that the brigade was trying to form in line of battle for a charge on that curving, smokeless flame of fire that ran to and fro around the top of the hill--blazing fiercely and steadily here and there. for half an hour the officers struggled to form the scattering men. forward a little way; slipping from one bush and tree to another; through the thickets and bayonet grass; now creeping; now a dash through an open spot; now flat on the stomach, until crittenden saw a wire fence stretching ahead. followed another wait. and then a squad of negro troopers crossed the road, going to the right, and diagonally. the bullets rained about them, and they scuttled swiftly into the brush. the hindmost one dropped; the rest kept on, unseeing; but crittenden saw a lieutenant--it was sharpe, whom he had met at home and at chickamauga--look back at the soldier, who was trying to raise himself on his elbow--while the bullets seemed literally to be mowing down the tall grass about him. then crittenden heard a familiar grunt behind him, and the next minute bob's figure sprang out into the open--making for the wounded man by the sympathy of race. as he stooped, to crittenden's horror, bob pitched to the ground--threshing around like an animal that has received a blow on the head. without a thought, without consciousness of his own motive or his act, crittenden sprang to his feet and dashed for bob. within ten feet of the boy, his toe caught in a root and he fell headlong. as he scrambled to his feet, he saw sharpe making for him--thinking that he had been shot down--and, as he turned, with bob in his arms, half a dozen men, including grafton and his own lieutenant, were retreating back into cover--all under the same impulse and with the same motive having started for him, too. behind a tree, crittenden laid bob down, still turning his head from side to side helplessly. there was a trail of blood across his temple, and, wiping it away, he saw that the bullet had merely scraped along the skull without penetrating it. in a moment, bob groaned, opened his eyes, sat up, looked around with rolling eyes, grunted once or twice, straightened out, and reached for his gun, shaking his head. "gimme drink, ole cap'n, please, suh." crittenden handed him his canteen, and bob drank and rose unsteadily to his feet. "dat ain't nuttin'," he said, contemptuously, feeling along the wound. "'tain't nigh as bad as mule kick. 'tain't nuttin', 't all." and then he almost fell. "go back, bob." "all right, ole cap'n, i reckon i'll jus' lay down heah little while," he said, stretching out behind the tree. and grafton reached over for crittenden's hand. he was getting some new and startling ideas about the difference in the feeling toward the negro of the man who once owned him body and soul and of the man who freed him body and soul. and in the next few minutes he studied crittenden as he had done before--taking in detail the long hair, lean face strongly chiselled, fearless eye, modest demeanour--marking the intellectual look of the face--it was the face of a student--a gentleman--gently born. and, there in the heat of the fight, he fell to marvelling over the nation that had such a man to send into the field as a common soldier. again they moved forward. crittenden's lieutenant dropped--wounded. "go on," he cried, "damn it, go on!" grafton helped to carry him back, stepping out into the open for him, and crittenden saw a bullet lick up the wet earth between the correspondent's feet. forward again! it was a call for volunteers to advance and cut the wires. crittenden was the first to spring to his feet, and abe long and reynolds sprang after him. forward they slipped on their bellies, and the men behind saw one brown, knotty hand after another reach up from the grass and clip, clip, clip through the thickly braided wires. forward again! the men slipped like eels through and under the wires, and lay in the long grass behind. the time was come. "forward!" crittenden never knew before the thrill that blast sent through him, and never in his life did he know it again. it was the call of america to the american, white and black: and race and colour forgotten, the american answered with the grit of the saxon, the celt's pure love of a fight, and all the dash of the passionate gaul. as crittenden leaped to his feet, he saw reynolds leap, too, and then there was a hissing hell of white smoke and crackling iron at his feet--and reynolds disappeared. it was a marvel afterward but, at that moment, crittenden hardly noted that the poor fellow was blown into a hundred fragments. he was in the front line now. a brigadier, with his hat in his hand and his white hair shining in the sun, run diagonally across in front of his line of battle, and, with a wild cheer, the run of death began. god, how the bullets hissed and the shells shrieked; and, god, how slow--slow--slow was the run! crittenden's legs were of lead, and leaden were the legs of the men with him--running with guns trailing the earth or caught tightly across the breast and creeping unconsciously. he saw nothing but the men in front of him, the men who were dropping behind him, and the yellow line above, and the haven at the bottom of the hill. now and then he could see a little, dirty, blue figure leap into view on the hill and disappear. two men only were ahead of him when he reached the foot of the hill--sharpe and a tall cuban close at his side with machéte drawn--the one cuban hero of that fierce charge. but he could hear laboured panting behind him, and he knew that others were coming on. god, how steep and high that hill was! he was gasping for breath now, and he was side by side with cuban and lieutenant--gasping, too. to right and left--faint cheers. to the right, a machine gun playing like hail on the yellow dirt. to his left a shell, bursting in front of a climbing, struggling group, and the soldiers tumbling backward and rolling ten feet down the hill. a lull in the firing--the spaniards were running--and then the top--the top! sharpe sprang over the trench, calling out to save the wounded. a crouching spaniard raised his pistol, and sharpe fell. with one leap, crittenden reached him with the butt of his gun and, with savage exultation, he heard the skull of the spaniard crash. * * * * * straight in front, the spaniards were running like rabbits through the brush. to the left, kent was charging far around and out of sight. to the right, rough riders and negroes were driving spaniards down one hill and up the next. the negroes were as wild as at a camp meeting or a voodoo dance. one big sergeant strode along brandishing in each hand a piece of his carbine that had been shot in two by a mauser bullet, and shouting at the top of his voice, contemptuously: "heah, somebody, gimme a gun! gimme a gun, i tell ye," still striding ahead and looking never behind him. "you don't know how to fight. gimme a gun!" to the negro's left, a young lieutenant was going up the hill with naked sword in one hand and a kodak in the other--taking pictures as he ran. a bare-headed boy, running between him and a gigantic negro trooper, toppled suddenly and fell, and another negro stopped in the charge, and, with a groan, bent over him and went no farther. and all the time that machine gun was playing on the trenches like a hard rain in summer dust. whenever a spaniard would leap from the trench, he fell headlong. that pitiless fire kept in the trenches the spaniards who were found there--wretched, pathetic, half-starved little creatures--and some terrible deeds were done in the lust of slaughter. one gaunt fellow thrust a clasp-knife into the buttock of a shamming spaniard, and, when he sprang to his feet, blew the back of his head off. some of the riders chased the enemy over the hill and lay down in the shade. one of them pulled out of a dead spaniard's pocket cigarettes, cigars, and a lady's slipper of white satin; with a grunt he put the slipper back. below the trenches, two boyish prisoners sat under a tree, crying as though they were broken-hearted, and a big trooper walked up and patted them both kindly on the head. "don't cry, boys; it's all right--all right," he said, helplessly. * * * * * over at the block-house, crittenden stopped firing suddenly, and, turning to his men, shouted: "get back over the hill boys, they're going to start in again." as they ran back, a lieutenant-colonel met them. "are you in command?" crittenden saluted. "no, sir," he said. "yes, sir," said the old sergeant at his side. "he was. he brought these men up the hill." "the hell he did. where are your officers?" the old sergeant motioned toward the valley below, and crittenden opened his lips to explain, but just then the sudden impression came to him that some one had struck him from behind with the butt of a musket, and he tried to wheel around--his face amazed and wondering. then he dropped. he wondered, too, why he couldn't get around, and then he wondered how it was that he happened to be falling to the earth. darkness came then, and through it ran one bitter thought--he had been shot in the back. he did think of his mother and of judith--but it was a fleeting vision of both, and his main thought was a dull wonder whether there would be anybody to explain how it was that his wound was not in front. and then, as he felt himself lifted, it flashed that he would at least be found on top of the hill, and beyond the spaniard's trench, and he saw blackford's face above him. then he was dropped heavily to the ground again and blackford pitched across his body. there was one glimpse of abe long's anxious face above him, another vision of judith, and then quiet, painless darkness. * * * * * it was fiercer firing now than ever. the spaniards were in the second line of trenches and were making a sortie. under the hill sat grafton and another correspondent while the storm of bullets swept over them. grafton was without glasses--a mauser had furrowed the skin on the bridge of his nose, breaking his spectacle-frame so that one glass dropped on one side of his nose and the other on the other. the other man had several narrow squeaks, as he called them, and, even as they sat, a bullet cut a leaf over his head and it dropped between the pages of his note-book. he closed the book and looked up. "thanks," he said. "that's just what i want--i'll keep that." "i observe," said grafton, "that the way one of these infernal bullets sounds depends entirely on where you happen to be when you hear it. when a sharpshooter has picked you out and is plugging at you, they are intelligent and vindictive. coming through that bottom, they were for all the world like a lot of nasty little insects. and listen to 'em now." the other man listened. "hear 'em as they pass over and go out of hearing. that is for all the world like the last long note of a meadow lark's song when you hear him afar off and at sunset. but i notice that simile didn't occur to me until i got under the lee of this hill." he looked around. "this hill will be famous, i suppose. let's go up higher." they went up higher, passing a crowd of skulkers, or men in reserve--grafton could not tell which--and as they went by a soldier said: "well, if i didn't have to be here, i be damned if i wouldn't like to see anybody get me here. what them fellers come fer, i can't see." the firing was still hot when the two men got up to the danger line, and there they lay down. a wounded man lay at grafton's elbow. once his throat rattled and grafton turned curiously. "that's the death-rattle," he said to himself, and he had never heard a death-rattle before. the poor fellow's throat rattled again, and again grafton turned. "i never knew before," he said to himself, "that a dying man's throat rattled but once." then it flashed on him with horror that he should have so little feeling, and he knew it at once as the curious callousness that comes quickly to toughen the heart for the sights of war. a man killed in battle was not an ordinary dead man at all--he stirred no sensation at all--no more than a dead animal. already he had heard officers remarking calmly to one another, and apparently without feeling: "well, so and so was killed to-day." and he looked back to the disembarkation, when the army was simply in a hurry. two negro troopers were drowned trying to get off on the little pier. they were fished up; a rope was tied about the neck of each, and they were lashed to the pier and left to be beaten against the wooden pillars by the waves for four hours before four comrades came and took them out and buried them. such was the dreadful callousness that sweeps through the human heart when war begins, and he was under its influence himself, and long afterward he remembered with shame his idle and half-scientific and useless curiosity about the wounded man at his elbow. as he turned his head, the soldier gave a long, deep, peaceful sigh, as though he had gone to sleep. with pity now grafton turned to him--and he had gone to sleep, but it was his last sleep. "look," said the other man. grafton looked upward. along the trenches, and under a hot fire, moved little jerry carter, with figure bent, hands clasped behind him--with the manner, for all the world, of a deacon in a country graveyard looking for inscriptions on tombstones. now and then a bullet would have a hoarse sound--that meant that it had ricochetted. at intervals of three or four minutes a huge, old-fashioned projectile would labour through the air, visible all the time, and crash harmlessly into the woods. the americans called it the "long yellow feller," and sometimes a negro trooper would turn and with a yell shoot at it as it passed over. a little way off, a squad of the tenth cavalry was digging a trench--close to the top of the hill. now and then one would duck--particularly the one on the end. he had his tongue in the corner of his mouth, was twirling his pick over his shoulder like a railroad hand, and grunting with every stroke. grafton could hear him. "foh gawd (huh!) never thought (huh!) i'd git to love (huh!) a pick befoh!" grafton broke into a laugh. "you see the charge?" "part of it." "that tall fellow with the blue handkerchief around his throat, bare-headed, long hair?" "well--" the other man stopped for a moment. his eye had caught sight of a figure on the ground--on the top of the trench, and with the profile of his face between him and the afterglow, and his tone changed--"there he is!" grafton pressed closer. "what, that the fellow?" there was the handkerchief, the head was bare, the hair long and dark. the man's eyes were closed, but he was breathing. below them at that moment they heard the surgeon say: "up there." and two hospital men, with a litter, came toward them and took up the body. as they passed, grafton recoiled. "good god!" it was crittenden. and, sitting on the edge of the trench, with sharpe lying with his face on his arm a few feet away, and the tall cuban outstretched beside him, and the dead spaniards, americans, and cubans about them, grafton told the story of crittenden. and at the end the other man gave a low whistle and smote the back of one hand into the palm of the other softly. dusk fell quickly. the full moon rose. the stars came out, and under them, at the foot of the big mountains, a red fire burned sharply out in the mist rising over captured caney, from which tireless chaffee was already starting his worn-out soldiers on an all-night march by the rear and to the trenches at san juan. and along the stormed hill-side camp-fires were glowing out where the lucky soldiers who had rations to cook were cheerily frying bacon and hardtack. grafton moved down to watch one squad and, as he stood on the edge of the firelight, wondering at the cheery talk and joking laughter, somebody behind him said sharply: "watch out, there," and he turned to find himself on the edge of a grave which a detail was digging not ten yards away from the fire--digging for a dead comrade. never had he seen a more peaceful moonlit night than the night that closed over the battlefield. it was hard for him to realize that the day had not been a terrible dream, and yet, as the moon rose, its rich light, he knew, was stealing into the guerilla-haunted jungles, stealing through guava-bush and mango-tree, down through clumps of spanish bayonet, on stiff figures that would rise no more; on white, set faces with the peace of painless death upon them or the agony of silent torture, fought out under fierce heat and in the silence of the jungle alone. looking toward caney he could even see the hill from which he had witnessed the flight of the first shell that had been the storm centre of the hurricane of death that had swept all through the white, cloudless day. it burst harmlessly--that shell--and meant no more than a signal to fire to the soldiers closing in on caney, the cubans lurking around a block-house at a safe artillery distance in the woods and to the impatient battery before san juan. retrospectively now, it meant the death-knell of brave men, the quick cry and long groaning of the wounded, the pained breathing of sick and fever-stricken, the quickened heart-beats of the waiting and anxious at home--the low sobbing of the women to whom fatal news came. it meant cervera's gallant dash, sampson and schley's great victory, the fall of santiago; freedom for cuba, a quieter sleep for the _maine_ dead, and peace with spain. once more, as he rose, he looked at the dark woods, the dead-haunted jungles which the moon was draping with a more than mortal beauty, and he knew that in them, as in the long grass of the orchard-like valley below him, comrade was looking for dead comrade. and among the searchers was the faithful bob, looking for his old captain, crittenden, his honest heart nigh to bursting, for already he had found raincrow torn with a shell and he had borne a body back to the horror-haunted little hospital under the creek bank at the bloody ford--a body from which the head hung over his shoulder--limp, with a bullet-hole through the neck--the body of his young captain, basil. xii grafton sat, sobered and saddened, where he was awhile. the moon swung upward white and peaceful, toward mild-eyed stars. crickets chirped in the grass around him, and nature's low night-music started in the wood and the valley below, as though the earth had never known the hell of fire and human passion that had rocked it through that day. was there so much difference between the creatures of the earth and the creatures of his own proud estate? had they not both been on the same brute level that day? and, save for the wounded and the men who had comrades wounded and dead, were not the unharmed as careless, almost as indifferent as cricket and tree-toad to the tragedies of their sphere? had there been any inner change in any man who had fought that day that was not for the worse? would he himself get normal again, he wondered? was there one sensitive soul who fully realized the horror of that day? if so, he would better have been at home. the one fact that stood above every thought that had come to him that day was the utter, the startling insignificance of death. could that mean much more than a startlingly sudden lowering of the estimate put upon human life? across the hollow behind him and from a tall palm over the spanish trenches, rose, loud and clear, the night-song of a mocking-bird. over there the little men in blue were toiling, toiling, toiling at their trenches; and along the crest of the hill the big men in blue were toiling, toiling, toiling at theirs. all through the night anxious eyes would be strained for chaffee, and at dawn the slaughter would begin again. wherever he looked, he could see with his mind's eye stark faces in the long grass of the valley and the spanish-bayonet clumps in the woods. all day he had seen them there--dying of thirst, bleeding to death--alone. as he went down the hill, lights were moving along the creek bed. a row of muffled dead lay along the bed of the creek. yet they were still bringing in dead and wounded--a dead officer with his will and a letter to his wife clasped in his hand. he had lived long enough to write them. hollow-eyed surgeons were moving here and there. up the bank of the creek, a voice rose: "come on, boys"--appealingly--"you're not going back on me. come on, you cursed cowards! good! good! i take it back, boys. _now_ we've got 'em!" another voice: "kill me, somebody--kill me. for god's sake, kill me. won't somebody give me a pistol? god--god...." once grafton started into a tent. on the first cot lay a handsome boy, with a white, frank face and a bullet hole through his neck, and he recognized the dashing little fellow whom he had seen splashing through the bloody ford at a gallop, dropping from his horse at a barbed-wire fence, and dashing on afoot with the rough riders. the face bore a strong likeness to the face he had seen on the hill--of the kentuckian, crittenden--the kentucky regular, as grafton always mentally characterized him--and he wondered if the boy were not the brother of whom he had heard. the lad was still alive--but how could he live with that wound in his throat? grafton's eyes filled with tears: it was horror--horror--all horror. here and there along the shadowed road lay a lifeless mule or horse or a dead man. it was curious, but a man killed in battle was not like an ordinary dead man--he was no more than he was--a lump of clay. it was more curious still that one's pity seemed less acute for man than for horse: it was the man's choice to take the risk--the horse had no choice. here and there by the roadside was a grave. comrades had halted there long enough to save a comrade from the birds of prey. every now and then he would meet a pack-train loaded with ammunition and ration boxes; or a wagon drawn by six mules and driven by a swearing, fearless, tireless teamster. the forest was ringing with the noise of wheels, the creaking of harness, the shouts of teamsters and the guards with them and the officer in charge--all on the way to the working beavers on top of the conquered hill. going the other way were the poor wounded, on foot, in little groups of slowly moving twos and threes, and in jolting, springless army wagons--on their way of torture to more torture in the rear. his heart bled for them. and the way those men took their suffering! sometimes the jolting wagons were too much for human endurance, and soldiers would pray for the driver, when he stopped, not to start again. in one ambulance that he overtook, a man groaned. "grit your teeth," said another, an old irish sergeant, sternly--"grit your teeth; there's others that's hurt worse'n you." the sergeant lifted his head, and a bandage showed that he was shot through the face, and grafton heard not another sound. but it was the slightly hurt--the men shot in the leg or arm--who made the most noise. he had seen three men brought into the hospital from san juan. the surgeon took the one who was groaning. he had a mere scratch on one leg. another was dressed, and while the third sat silently on a stool, still another was attended, and another, before the surgeon turned to the man who was so patiently awaiting his turn. "where are you hurt?" the man pointed to his left side. "through?" "yes, sir." that day he had seen a soldier stagger out from the firing-line with half his face shot away and go staggering to the rear without aid. on the way he met a mounted staff officer, and he raised his hand to his hatless, bleeding forehead, in a stern salute and, without a gesture for aid, staggered on. the officer's eyes filled with tears. "lieutenant," said a trooper, just after the charge on the trenches, "i think i'm wounded." "can you get to the rear without help?" "i think i can, sir," and he started. after twenty paces he pitched forward--dead. his wound was through the heart. at the divisional hospital were more lights, tents, surgeons, stripped figures on the tables under the lights; rows of figures in darkness outside the tents; and rows of muffled shapes behind; the smell of anæsthetics and cleansing fluids; heavy breathing, heavy groaning, and an occasional curse on the night air. beyond him was a stretch of moonlit road and coming toward him was a soldier, his arm in a sling, and staggering weakly from side to side. with a start of pure gladness he saw that it was crittenden, and he advanced with his hand outstretched. "are you badly hurt?" "oh, no," said crittenden, pointing to his hand and arm, but not mentioning the bullet through his chest. "oh, but i'm glad. i thought you were gone sure when i saw you laid out on the hill." "oh, i am all right," he said, and his manner was as courteous as though he had been in a drawing-room; but, in spite of his nonchalance, grafton saw him stagger when he moved off. "i say, you oughtn't to be walking," he called. "let me help you," but crittenden waved him off. "oh, i'm all right," he repeated, and then he stopped. "do you know where the hospital is?" "god!" said grafton softly, and he ran back and put his arm around the soldier--crittenden laughing weakly: "i missed it somehow." "yes, it's back here," said grafton gently, and he saw now that the soldier's eyes were dazed and that he breathed heavily and leaned on him, laughing and apologizing now and then with a curious shame at his weakness. as they turned from the road at the hospital entrance, crittenden dropped to the ground. "thank you, but i'm afraid i'll have to rest a little while now. i'm all right now--don't bother--don't--bother. i'm all right. i feel kind o' sleepy--somehow--very kind--thank--" and he closed his eyes. a surgeon was passing and grafton called him. "he's all right," said the surgeon, with a swift look, adding shortly, "but he must take his turn." grafton passed on--sick. on along the muddy road--through more pack-trains, wagons, shouts, creakings, cursings. on through the beautiful moonlight night and through the beautiful tropical forest, under tall cocoanut and taller palm; on past the one long grave of the rough riders--along the battle-line of the first little fight--through the ghastly, many-coloured masses of hideous land-crabs shuffling sidewise into the cactus and shuffling on with an unearthly rustling of dead twig and fallen leaf: along the crest of the foothills and down to the little town of siboney, lighted, bustling with preparation for the wounded in the tents; bustling at the beach with the unloading of rations, the transports moving here and there far out on the moonlighted sea. down there were straggler, wounded soldier, teamster, mule-packer, refugee cuban, correspondent, nurse, doctor, surgeon--the flotsam and jetsam of the battle of the day. * * * * * the moon rose. "water! water! water!" crittenden could not move. he could see the lights in the tents; the half-naked figures stretched on tables; and doctors with bloody arms about them--cutting and bandaging--one with his hands inside a man's stomach, working and kneading the bowels as though they were dough. now and then four negro troopers would appear with something in a blanket, would walk around the tent where there was a long trench, and, standing at the head of this, two would lift up their ends of the blanket and the other two would let go, and a shapeless shape would drop into the trench. up and down near by strolled two young lieutenants, smoking cigarettes--calmly, carelessly. he could see all this, but that was all right; that was all right! everything was all right except that long, black shape in the shadow near him gasping: "water! water! water!" he could not stand that hoarse, rasping whisper much longer. his canteen he had clung to--the regular had taught him that--and he tried again to move. a thousand needles shot through him--every one, it seemed, passing through a nerve-centre and back the same path again. he heard his own teeth crunch as he had often heard the teeth of a drunken man crunch, and then he became unconscious. when he came to, the man was still muttering; but this time it was a woman's name, and crittenden lay still. good god! "judith--judith--judith!" each time more faintly still. there were other judiths in the world, but the voice--he knew the voice--somewhere he had heard it. the moon was coming; it had crossed the other man's feet and was creeping up his twisted body. it would reach his face in time, and, if he could keep from fainting again, he would see. "water! water! water!" why did not some one answer? crittenden called and called and called; but he could little more than whisper. the man would die and be thrown into that trench; or _he_ might, and never know! he raised himself on one elbow again and dragged his quivering body after it; he clinched his teeth; he could hear them crunching again; he was near him now; he would not faint; and then the blood gushed from his mouth and he felt the darkness coming again, and again he heard: "judith--judith!" then there were footsteps near him and a voice--a careless voice: "he's gone." he felt himself caught, and turned over; a hand was put to his heart for a moment and the same voice: "bring in that other man; no use fooling with this one." when the light came back to him again, he turned his head feebly. the shape was still there, but the moonlight had risen to the dead man's breast and glittered on the edge of something that was clinched in his right hand. it was a miniature, and crittenden stared at it--unwinking--stared and stared while it slowly came into the strong, white light. it looked like the face of judith. it wasn't, of course, but he dragged himself slowly, slowly closer. it was judith--judith as he had known her years ago. he must see now; he _must_ see _now_, and he dragged himself on and up until his eyes bent over the dead man's face. he fell back then, and painfully edged himself away, shuddering. "blackford! judith! blackford!" he was face to face with the man he had longed so many years to see; he was face to face at last with him--dead. as he lay there, his mood changed and softened and a curious pity filled him through and through. and presently he reached out with his left hand and closed the dead man's eyes and drew his right arm to his side, and with his left foot he straightened the dead man's right leg. the face was in clear view presently--the handsome, dare-devil face--strangely shorn of its evil lines now by the master-sculptor of the spirit--death. peace was come to the face now; peace to the turbulent spirit; peace to the man whose heart was pure and whose blood was tainted; who had lived ever in the light of a baleful star. he had loved, and he had been faithful to the end; and such a fate might have been his--as justly--god knew. footsteps approached again and crittenden turned his head. "why, he isn't dead!" it was willings, the surgeon he had known at chickamauga, and crittenden called him by name. "no, i'm not dead--i'm not going to die." willings gave an exclamation of surprise. "well, there's grit for you," said the other surgeon. "we'll take him next." "straighten _him_ out there, won't you?" said crittenden, gently, as the two men stooped for him. "don't put him in there, please," nodding toward the trench behind the tents; "and mark his grave, won't you, doctor? he's my bunkie." "all right," said willings, kindly. "and doctor, give me _that_--what he has in his hand, please. i know her." * * * * * a tent at siboney in the fever-camp overlooking the sea. "judith! judith! judith!" the doctor pointed to the sick man's name. "answer him?" but the nurse would not call his name. "yes, dear," she said, gently; and she put one hand on his forehead and the other on the hand that was clinched on his breast. slowly his hand loosened and clasped hers tight, and crittenden passed, by and by, into sleep. the doctor looked at him closely. he had just made the rounds of the tents outside, and he was marvelling. there were men who had fought bravely, who had stood wounds and the surgeon's knife without a murmur; who, weakened and demoralized by fever now, were weak and puling of spirit, and sly and thievish; who would steal the food of the very comrades for whom a little while before they had risked their lives--men who in a fortnight had fallen from a high plane of life to the pitiful level of brutes. only here and there was an exception. this man, crittenden, was one. when sane, he was gentle, uncomplaining, considerate. delirious, there was never a plaint in his voice; never a word passed his lips that his own mother might not hear; and when his lips closed, an undaunted spirit kept them firm. "aren't you tired?" the nurse shook her head. "then you had better stay where you are; his case is pretty serious. i'll do your work for you." the nurse nodded and smiled. she was tired and worn to death, but she sat as she was till dawn came over the sea, for the sake of the girl, whose fresh young face she saw above the sick man's heart. and she knew from the face that the other woman would have watched just that way for her. xiii the thunder of big guns, cervera's doom, and truce at the trenches. a trying week of hot sun, cool nights, tropical rains, and fevers. then a harmless little bombardment one sunday afternoon--that befitted the day; another week of heat and cold and wet and sickness. after that, the surrender--and the fierce little war was over. meantime, sick and wounded were homeward bound, and of the crittendens bob was the first to reach canewood. he came in one morning, hungry and footsore, but with a swagger of importance that he had well earned. he had left his young captain basil at old point comfort, he said, where the boy, not having had enough of war, had slipped aboard a transport and gone off with the kentucky legion for porto rico--the unhappy legion that had fumed all summer at chickamauga--and had hoisted sail for porto rico, without daring to look backward for fear it should be wigwagged back to land from washington. was basil well? "yas'm. young cap'n didn' min' dat little bullet right through his neck no mo'n a fly-bite. nothin' gwine to keep dat boy back." they had let him out of the hospital, or, rather, he had gotten out by dressing himself when his doctor was not there. an attendant tried to stop him. "an' young cap'n he jes drew hisself up mighty gran' an' says: 'i'm going to join my regiment,' he says. 'it sails to-morrow.' but ole cap'n done killed," bob reckoned; "killed on top of the hill where they druv the spaniards out of the ditches whar they wus shootin' from." mrs. crittenden smiled. "no, bob, he's coming home now," and bob's eyes streamed. "you've been a good boy, bob. come here;" and she led him into the hallway and told him to wait, while she went to the door of her room and called some one. molly came out embarrassed, twisting a corner of her apron and putting it in her mouth while she walked forward and awkwardly shook hands. "i think molly has got something to say to you, bob. you can go, molly," she added, smiling. the two walked toward the cabin, the negroes crowding about bob and shaking him by the hand and asking a thousand absurd questions; and bob, while he was affable, was lordly as well, and one or two of bob's possible rivals were seen to sniff, as did other young field hands, though bob's mammy was, for the first time in her life, grinning openly with pride in her "chile," and she waved the curious away and took the two in her own cabin, reappearing presently and walking toward the kitchen. bob and molly sat down on opposite sides of the fireplace, bob triumphant at last, and molly watching him furtively. "i believe you has somethin' to say to me, miss johnson," said bob, loftily. "well, i sut'nly is glad to welcome you home ag'in, mistuh crittenden," said molly. "is you?" bob was quite independent now, and molly began to weaken slightly. "an' is dat all you got to say?" "ole miss said i must tell you that i was mighty--mean--to--you--when you went--to--de wah, an' that--i'm sorry." "well, _is_ you sorry?" molly was silent. "quit yo' foolin', gal; quit yo' foolin'." in a moment bob was by her side, and with his arm around her; and molly rose to her feet with an ineffectual effort to unclasp his hands. "quit yo' foolin'!" bob's strong arms began to tighten, and the girl in a moment turned and gave way into his arms, and with her head on his shoulder, began to cry. but bob knew what sort of tears they were, and he was as gentle as though his skin had been as white as was his heart. * * * * * and crittenden was coming home--colour-sergeant crittenden, who had got out of the hospital and back to the trenches just in time to receive flag and chevrons on the very day of the surrender--only to fall ill of the fever and go back to the hospital that same day. there was tampa once more--the great hotel, the streets, silent and deserted, except for the occasional officer that rode or marched through the deep dust of the town, and the other soldiers, regulars and volunteers, who had suffered the disappointment, the heat, sickness, and hardship of war with little credit from the nation at large, and no reward, such even as a like fidelity in any path of peace would have brought them. half out of his head, weak and feverish, crittenden climbed into the dusty train and was whirled through the dusty town, out through dry marshes and dusty woods and dusty, cheerless, dead-flowered fields, but with an exhilaration that made his temple throb like a woman's. up through the blistered, sandy, piney lowlands; through chickamauga again, full of volunteers who, too, had suffered and risked all the ills of the war without one thrill of compensation; and on again, until he was once more on the edge of the bluegrass, with birds singing the sun down; and again the world for him was changed--from nervous exaltation to an air of balm and peace; from grim hills to the rolling sweep of low, brown slopes; from giant-poplar to broad oak and sugar-tree; from log-cabin to homestead of brick and stone. and so, from mountain of cuba and mountain of his own land, crittenden once more passed home. it had been green spring for the earth when he left, but autumn in his heart. now autumn lay over the earth, but in his heart was spring. as he glanced out of the window, he could see a great crowd about the station. a brass band was standing in front of the station-door--some holiday excursion was on foot, he thought. as he stepped on the platform, a great cheer was raised and a dozen men swept toward him, friends, personal and political, but when they saw him pale, thin, lean-faced, feverish, dull-eyed, the cheers stopped and two powerful fellows took him by the arms and half carried him to the station-door, where were waiting his mother--and little phyllis. when they came out again to the carriage, the band started "johnny comes marching home again," and crittenden asked feebly: "what does all this mean?" phyllis laughed through her tears. "that's for you." crittenden's brow wrinkled in a pathetic effort to collect his thoughts; but he gave it up and looked at his mother with an unspoken question on his lips. his mother smiled merely, and crittenden wondered why; but somehow he was not particularly curious--he was not particularly concerned about anything. in fact, he was getting weaker, and the excitement at the station was bringing on the fever again. half the time his eyes were closed, and when he opened them on the swiftly passing autumn fields, his gaze was listless. once he muttered several times, as though he were out of his head; and when they drove into the yard, his face was turning blue at the lips and his teeth began to chatter. close behind came the doctor's buggy. crittenden climbed out slowly and slowly mounted the stiles. on the top step he sat down, looking at the old homestead and the barn and the stubble wheat-fields beyond, and at the servants coming from the quarters to welcome him, while his mother stood watching and fondly humouring him. "uncle ephraim," he said to a respectful old white-haired man, "where's my buggy?" "right where you left it, suh." "well, hitch up--" raincrow, he was about to say, and then he remembered that raincrow was dead. "have you got anything to drive?" "yessuh; we got mr. basil's little mare." "hitch her up to my buggy, then, right away. i want you to drive me." the old darky looked puzzled, but mrs. crittenden, still with the idea of humouring him, nodded for him to obey, and the old man turned toward the stable. "yessuh--right away, suh." "where's basil, mother?" phyllis turned her face quickly. "he'll be here soon," said his mother, with a smile. the doctor looked at his flushed face. "come on, my boy," he said, firmly. "you must get out of the sun." crittenden shook his head. "mother, have i ever done anything that you asked me not to do?" "no, my son." "please don't make me begin now," he said, gently. "is--is she at home?" "yes; but she is not very well. she has been ill a long while," she added, but she did not tell him that judith had been nursing at tampa, and that she had been sent home, stricken with fever. the doctor had been counting his pulse, and now, with a grave look, pulled a thermometer from his pocket; but crittenden waved him away. "not yet, doctor; not yet," he said, and stopped a moment to control his voice before he went on. "i know what's the matter better than you do. i'm going to have the fever again; but i've got something to do before i go to bed, or i'll never get up again. i have come up from tampa just this way, and i can go on like this for two more hours; and i'm going." the doctor started to speak, but mrs. crittenden shook her head at him, and phyllis's face, too, was pleading for him. "mother, i'll be back in two hours, and then i'll do just what you and the doctor say; but not now." * * * * * judith sat bare-headed on the porch with a white shawl drawn closely about her neck and about her half-bare arms. behind her, on the floor of the porch, was, where she had thrown it, a paper in which there was a column about the home-coming of crittenden--plain sergeant crittenden. and there was a long editorial comment, full of national spirit, and a plain statement to the effect that the next vacant seat in congress was his without the asking. the pike-gate slammed--her father was getting home from town. the buggy coming over the turf made her think what a change a few months had brought to crittenden and to her; of the ride home with him the previous spring; and what she rarely allowed herself, she thought of the night of their parting and the warm colour came to her cheeks. he had never sent her a line, of course. the matter would never be mentioned--it couldn't be. it struck her while she was listening to the coming of the feet on the turf that they were much swifter than her father's steady-going old buggy horse. the click was different; and when the buggy, instead of turning toward the stable, came straight for the stiles, her heart quickened and she raised her head. she heard acutely the creak of the springs as some one stepped to the ground, and then, without waiting to tie his horse, stepped slowly over the stiles. unconsciously she rose to her feet, not knowing what to think--to do. and then she saw that the man wore a slouch hat, that his coat was off, and that a huge pistol was buckled around him, and she turned for the door in alarm. "judith!" the voice was weak, and she did not know it; but in a moment the light from the lamp in the hallway fell upon a bare-headed, gaunt-featured man in the uniform of a common soldier. "judith!" this time the voice broke a little, and for a moment judith stood speechless--still--unable to believe that the wreck before her was crittenden. his face and eyes were on fire--the fire of fever--she could not know that; and he was trembling and looked hardly able to stand. "i've come, judith," he said. "i haven't known what to do, and i've come to tell you--to--ask----" he was searching her face anxiously, and he stopped suddenly and passed one hand across, his eyes, as though he were trying to recall something. the girl had drawn herself slowly upward until the honeysuckle above her head touched her hair, and her face, that had been so full of aching pity for him that in another moment she must have gone and put her arms about him, took on a sudden, hard quiet; and the long anguish of the summer came out suddenly in her trembling lip and the whiteness of her face. "to ask for forgiveness," he might have said; but his instinct swerved him; and-- "for mercy, judith," he would have said, but the look of her face stopped the words in an unheard whisper; and he stooped slowly, feeling carefully for a step, and letting himself weakly down in a way that almost unnerved her again; but he had begun to talk now, quietly and evenly, and without looking up at her. "i'm not going to stay long. i'm not going to worry you. i'll go away in just a moment; but i had to come; i had to come. i've been a little sick, and i believe i've not quite got over the fever yet; but i couldn't go through it again without seeing you. i know that, and that's--why--i've--come. it isn't the fever. oh, no; i'm not sick at all. i'm very well, thank you----" he was getting incoherent, and he knew it, and stopped a moment. "it's you, judith----" he stopped again, and with a painful effort went on slowly--slowly and quietly, and the girl, without a word, stood still, looking down at him. "i--used--to--think--that--i--loved--you. i--used--to--think i was--a--man. i didn't know what love was, and i didn't know what it was to be a man. i know both now, thank god, and learning each has helped me to learn the other. if i killed all your feeling for me, i deserve the loss; but you must have known, judith, that i was not myself that night. you did know. your instinct told you the truth; you--knew--i loved--you--then--and that's why--that's why--you--god bless you--said--what--you--did. to think that i should ever dare to open my lips again! but i can't help it; i can't help it. i was crazy, judith--crazy--and i am now; but it didn't go and then come back. it never went at all, as i found out, going down to cuba--and yes, it did come back; but it was a thousand times higher and better love than it had ever been, for everything came back and i was a better man. i have seen nothing but your face all the time--nothing--nothing, all the time i've been gone; and i couldn't rest or sleep--i couldn't even die, judith, until i had come to tell you that i never knew a man could love a woman as--i--love--you--judith. i----" he rose very slowly, turned, and as he passed from the light, his weakness got the better of him for the first time, because of his wounds and sickness, and his voice broke in a half sob--the sob that is so terrible to a woman's ears; and she saw him clinch his arms fiercely around his breast to stifle it. * * * * * it was the old story that night--the story of the summer's heat and horror and suffering--heard and seen, and keenly felt in his delirium: the dusty, grimy days of drill on the hot sands of tampa; the long, long, hot wait on the transport in the harbour; the stuffy, ill-smelling breath of the hold, when the wind was wrong; the march along the coast and the grewsome life over and around him--buzzard and strange bird in the air, and crab and snail and lizard and scorpion and hairy tarantula scuttling through the tropical green rushes along the path. and the hunger and thirst and heat and dirt and rolling sweat of the last day's march and every detail of the day's fight; the stench of dead horse and dead man; the shriek of shell and rattle of musketry and yell of officer; the slow rush through the long grass, and the climb up the hill. and always, he was tramping, tramping, tramping through long, green, thick grass. sometimes a kaleidoscope series of pictures would go jumbling through his brain, as though some imp were unrolling the scroll of his brain backward, forward, and sidewise; a whirling cloud of sand, a driving sheet of visible bullets; a hose-pipe that shot streams of melted steel; a forest of smokestacks; the flash of trailing phosphorescent foam; a clear sky, full of stars--the mountains clear and radiant through sunlit vapours; camp-fires shooting flames into the darkness, and men and guns moving past them. through it all he could feel his legs moving and his feet tramping, tramping, tramping through long green grass. sometimes he was tramping toward the figure of a woman, whose face looked like judith's; and tramp as he could, he could never get close enough through that grass to know whether it was judith or not. but usually it was a hill that he was tramping toward, and then his foothold was good; and while he went slowly he got forward and he reached the hill, and he climbed it to a queer-looking little block-house on top, from which queer-looking little blue men were running. and now and then one would drop and not get up again. and by and by came his time to drop. then he would begin all over again, or he would go back to the coast, which he preferred to do, in spite of his aching wound, and the long wait in the hospital and the place where poor reynolds was tossed into the air and into fragments by a shell; in spite of the long walk back to siboney, the graves of the rough riders and the scuttling land-crabs; and the heat and the smells. then he would march back again to the trenches in his dream, as he had done in cuba when he got out of the hospital. there was the hill up which he had charged. it looked like the abode of cave-dwellers--so burrowed was it with bomb-proofs. he could hear the shouts of welcome as his comrades, and men who had never spoken to him before, crowded about him. how often he lived through that last proud little drama of his soldier life! there was his captain wounded, and there was the old sergeant--the "governor"--with chevrons and a flag. "you're a sergeant, crittenden," said the captain. he, crittenden, in blood and sympathy the spirit of secession--bearer now of the stars and stripes! how his heart thumped, and how his head reeled when he caught the staff and looked dumbly up to the folds; and in spite of all his self-control, the tears came, as they came again and again in his delirium. right at that moment there was a great bustle in camp. and still holding that flag, crittenden marched with his company up to the trenches. there was the army drawn up at parade, in a great ten-mile half-circle and facing santiago. there were the red roofs of the town, and the batteries, which were to thunder word when the red and yellow flag of defeat went down and the victorious stars and stripes rose up. there were little men in straw hats and blue clothes coming from santiago, and swinging hammocks and tethering horses in an open field, while more little men in panama hats were advancing on the american trenches, saluting courteously. and there were american officers jumping across the trenches to meet them, and while they were shaking hands, on the very stroke of twelve, there came thunder--the thunder of two-score and one salutes. and the cheers--the cheers! from the right rose those cheers, gathering volume as they came, swinging through the centre far to the left, and swinging through the centre back again, until they broke in a wild storm against the big, green hills. a storm that ran down the foothills to the rear, was mingled with the surf at siboney and swung by the rocking transports out to sea. under the sea, too, it sang, along the cables, to ring on through the white corridors of the great capitol and spread like a hurricane throughout all the waiting land at home! then he could hear bands playing--playing the "star-spangled banner"--and the soldiers cheering and cheering again. suddenly there was quiet; the bands were playing hymns--old, old hymns that the soldier had heard with bowed head at his mother's knee, or in some little old country church at home--and what hardships, privations, wounds, death of comrades had rarely done, those old hymns did now--they brought tears. then some thoughtful soldier pulled a box of hardtack across the trenches and the little spanish soldiers fell upon it like schoolboys and scrambled like pickaninnies for a penny. thus it was that day all around the shining circle of sheathed bayonets, silent carbines, and dumb cannon-mouths at the american trenches around santiago, where the fighting was done. and on a little knoll not far away stood sergeant crittenden, swaying on his feet--colour-sergeant to the folds of the ever-victorious, ever-beloved old glory waving over him, with a strange new wave of feeling surging through him. for then and there, crittenden, southerner, died straightway and through a travail of wounds, suffering, sickness, devotion, and love for that flag--crittenden, american, was born. and just at that proud moment, he would feel once more the dizziness seize him. the world would turn dark, and again he would sink slowly. and again, when all this was over, the sick man would go back to the long grass and tramp it once more until his legs ached and his brain swam. and when it was the hill that he could see, he was quiet and got rest for a while; and when it was the figure of judith--he knew now that it _was_ judith--he would call aloud for her, just as he did in the hospital at siboney. and always the tramp through the long grass would begin again-- tramp--tramp--tramp. he was very tired, but there was the long grass ahead of him, and he must get through it somehow. tramp--tramp--tramp. * * * * * xiv autumn came and the legion was coming home--basil was coming home. and phyllis was for one hour haughty and unforgiving over what she called his shameful neglect and, for another, in a fever of unrest to see him. no, she was not going to meet him. she would wait for him at her own home, and he could come to her there with the honours of war on his brow and plead on bended knee to be forgiven. at least that was the picture that she sometimes surprised in her own mind, though she did not want basil kneeling to anybody--not even to her. the town made ready, and the spirit of welcome for the home-coming was oddly like the spirit of god-speed that had followed them six months before; only there were more smiling faces, more and madder cheers, and as many tears, but this time they were tears of joy. for many a mother and daughter who did not weep when father and brother went away, wept now, that they were coming home again. they had run the risk of fever and sickness, the real terrors of war. god knew they had done their best to get to the front, and the people knew what account they would have given of themselves had they gotten their chance at war. they had had all the hardship--the long, long hardship without the one moment of recompense that was the soldier's reward and his sole opportunity for death or glory. so the people gave them all the deserved honour that they would have given had they stormed san juan or the stone fort at caney. the change that even in that short time was wrought in the regiment, everybody saw; but only the old ex-confederates and federals on the street knew the steady, veteran-like swing of the march and felt the solid unity of form and spirit that those few months had brought to the tanned youths who marched now like soldiers indeed. and next the colonel rode the hero of the regiment, who _had_ got to cuba, who _had_ stormed the hill, and who had met a spanish bullet face to face and come off conqueror--basil, sitting his horse as only the southerner, born to the saddle, can. how they cheered him, and how the gallant, generous old colonel nodded and bowed as though to say: "that's right; that's right. give it to him! give it to him!" phyllis--her mother and basil's mother being present--shook hands merely with basil when she saw him first at the old woodland, and basil blushed like a girl. they fell behind as the older people walked toward the auditorium, and basil managed to get hold of her hand, but she pulled it away rather haughtily. she was looking at him very reproachfully, a moment later, when her eyes became suddenly fixed to the neck of his blouse, and filled with tears. she began to cry softly. "why, phyllis." phyllis was giving way, and, thereupon, with her own mother and basil's mother looking on, and to basil's blushing consternation, she darted for his neck-band and kissed him on the throat. the throat flushed, and in the flush a tiny white spot showed--the mouth of a tiny wound where a mauser bullet had hissed straight through. then the old auditorium again, and crittenden, who had welcomed the legion to camp at ashland, was out of bed, against the doctor's advice, to welcome it to home and fireside. and when he faced the crowd--if they cheered basil, what did they do now? he was startled by the roar that broke against the roof. as he stood there, still pale, erect, modest, two pairs of eyes saw what no other eyes saw, two minds were thinking what none others were--the mother and judith page. others saw him as the soldier, the generous brother, the returned hero. these two looked deeper and saw the new man who had been forged from dross by the fire of battle and fever and the fire of love. there was much humility in the face, a new fire in the eyes, a nobler bearing--and his bearing had always been proud--a nobler sincerity, a nobler purpose. he spoke not a word of himself--not a word of the sickness through which he had passed. it was of the long patience and the patriotism of the american soldier, the hardship of camp life, the body-wearing travail of the march in tropical heat. and then he paid his tribute to the regular. there was no danger of the volunteer failing to get credit for what he had done, but the regular--there was no one to speak for him in camp, on the transports, on the march, in tropical heat, and on the battlefield. he had seen the regular hungry, wet, sick, but fighting still; and he had seen him wounded, dying, dead, and never had he known anything but perfect kindness from one to the other; perfect courtesy to outsider; perfect devotion to officer, and never a word of complaint--never one word of complaint. "sometimes i think that the regular who has gone will not open his lips if the god of battles tells him that not yet has he earned eternal peace." as for the war itself, it had placed the nation high among the seats of the mighty. it had increased our national pride, through unity, a thousand fold. it would show to the world and to ourselves that the heroic mould in which the sires of the nation were cast is still casting the sons of to-day; that we need not fear degeneracy nor dissolution for another hundred years--smiling as he said this, as though the dreams of greece and rome were to become realities here. it had put to rest for a time the troublous social problems of the day; it had brought together every social element in our national life--coal-heaver and millionaire, student and cowboy, plain man and gentleman, regular and volunteer--had brought them face to face and taught each for the other tolerance, understanding, sympathy, high regard; and had wheeled all into a solid front against a common foe. it had thus not only brought shoulder to shoulder the brothers of the north and south, but those brothers shoulder to shoulder with our brothers across the sea. in the interest of humanity, it had freed twelve million people of an alien race and another land, and it had given us a better hope for the alien race in our own. and who knew but that, up where france's great statue stood at the wide-thrown portals of the great city of the land, it had not given to the mighty torch that nightly streams the light of liberty across the waters from the new world to the old--who knew that it had not given to that light a steady, ever-onward-reaching glow that some day should illumine the earth? * * * * * the cuban fever does not loosen its clutch easily. crittenden went to bed that day and lay there delirious and in serious danger for more than a fortnight. but at the end a reward came for all the ills of his past and all that could ever come. his long fight was over, and that afternoon he lay by his window, which was open to the rich, autumn sunlight that sifted through the woods and over the pasture till it lay in golden sheens across the fence and the yard and rested on his window-sill, rich enough almost to grasp with his hand, should he reach out for it. there was a little colour in his face--he had eaten one good meal that day, and his long fight with the fever was won. he did not know that in his delirium he had spoken of judith--judith--judith--and this day and that had given out fragments from which his mother could piece out the story of his love; that, at the crisis, when his mother was about to go to the girl, judith had come of her own accord to his bedside. he did not know her, but he grew quiet at once when the girl put her hand on his forehead. now crittenden was looking out on the sward, green with the curious autumn-spring that comes in that bluegrass land: a second spring that came every year to nature, and was coming this year to him. and in his mood for field and sky was the old, dreamy mistiness of pure delight--spiritual--that he had not known for many years. it was the spirit of his youth come back--that distant youth when the world was without a shadow; when his own soul had no tarnish of evil; when passion was unconscious and pure; when his boyish reverence was the only feeling he knew toward every woman. and lying thus, as the sun sank and the shadows stole slowly across the warm bands of sunlight, and the meadow-lark called good-night from the meadows, whence the cows were coming homeward and the sheep were still browsing--out of the quiet and peace and stillness and purity and sweetness of it all came his last vision--the vision of a boy with a fresh, open face and no shadow across the mirror of his clear eyes. it looked like basil, but it was "the little brother" of himself coming back at last--coming with a glad, welcoming smile. the little man was running swiftly across the fields toward him. he had floated lightly over the fence, and was making straight across the yard for his window; and there he rose and floated in, and with a boy's trustfulness put his small, chubby hand in the big brother's, and crittenden felt the little fellow's cheek close to his as he slept on, his lashes wet with tears. the mother opened the door; a tall figure slipped gently in; the door was closed softly after it again, and judith was alone; for crittenden still lay with his eyes closed, and the girl's face whitened with pity and flamed slowly as she slowly slipped forward and stood looking down at him. as she knelt down beside him, something that she held in her hand clanked softly against the bed and crittenden opened his eyes. "mother!" there was no answer. judith had buried her face in her hands. a sob reached his ears and he turned quickly. "judith," he said; "judith," he repeated, with a quick breath. "why, my god, you! why--you--you've come to see me! you, after all--you!" he raised himself slowly, and as he bent over her, he saw his father's sword, caught tightly in her white hands--the old sword that was between him and basil to win and wear--and he knew the meaning of it all, and he had to steady himself to keep back his own tears. "judith!" his voice choked; he could get no further, and he folded his arms about her head and buried his face in her hair. xv the gray walls of indian summer tumbled at the horizon and let the glory of many fires shine out among the leaves. once or twice the breath of winter smote the earth white at dawn. christmas was coming, and god was good that christmas. peace came to crittenden during the long, dream-like days--and happiness; and high resolve had deepened. day by day, judith opened to him some new phase of loveliness, and he wondered how he could have ever thought that he knew her; that he loved her, as he loved her now. he had given her the locket and had told her the story of that night at the hospital. she had shown no surprise, and but very little emotion; moreover, she was silent. and crittenden, too, was silent, and, as always, asked no questions. it was her secret; she did not wish him to know, and his trust was unfaltering. besides, he had his secrets as well. he meant to tell her all some day, and she meant to tell him; but the hours were so full of sweet companionship that both forbore to throw the semblance of a shadow on the sunny days they spent together. it was at the stiles one night that judith handed crittenden back the locket that had come from the stiffened hand of the rough rider, blackford, along with a letter, stained, soiled, unstamped, addressed to herself, marked on the envelope "soldier's letter," and countersigned by his captain. "i heard him say at chickamauga that he was from kentucky," ran the letter, "and that his name was crittenden. i saw your name on a piece of paper that blew out of his tent one day. i guessed what was between you two, and i asked him to be my 'bunkie;' but as you never told him my name, i never told him who i was. i went with the rough riders, but we have been camped near each other. to-morrow comes the big fight. our regiments will doubtless advance together. i shall watch out for him as long as i am alive. i shall be shot. it is no premonition--no fear, no belief. i know it. i still have the locket you gave me. if i could, i would give it to him; but he would know who i am, and it seems your wish that he should not know. i should like to see you once more, but i should not like you to see me. i am too much changed; i can see it in my own face. good-night. good-by." there was no name signed. the initials were j. p., and crittenden looked up inquiringly. "his name was not blackford; it was page--jack page. he was my cousin," she went on, gently. "that is why i never told you. it all happened while you were at college. while you were here, he was usually out west; and people thought we were merely cousins, and that i was weaning him from his unhappy ways. i was young and foolish, but i had--you know the rest." the tears gathered in her eyes. "god pity him!" crittenden turned from her and walked to and fro, and judith rose and walked up to him, looking him in the eyes. "no, dear," she said; "i am sorry for him now--sorry, so sorry! i wish i could have helped him more. that is all. it has all gone--long ago. it never was. i did not know until i left you here at the stiles that night." crittenden looked inquiringly into her eyes before he stooped to kiss her. she answered his look. "yes," she said simply; "when i sent him away." crittenden's conscience smote him sharply. what right had he to ask such a question--even with a look? "come, dear," he said; "i want to tell you all--now." but judith stopped him with a gesture. "is there anything that may cross your life hereafter--or mine?" "no, thank god; no!" judith put her finger on his lips. "i don't want to know." * * * * * and god was good that christmas. the day was snapping cold, and just a fortnight before christmas eve. there had been a heavy storm of wind and sleet the night before, and the negroes of canewood, headed by bob and uncle ephraim, were searching the woods for the biggest fallen oak they could find. the frozen grass was strewn with wrenched limbs, and here and there was an ash or a sugar-tree splintered and prostrate, but wily uncle ephraim was looking for a yule-log that would burn slowly and burn long; for as long as the log burned, just that long lasted the holiday of every darky on the place. so the search was careful, and lasted till a yell rose from bob under a cliff by the side of the creek--a yell of triumph that sent the negroes in a rush toward him. bob stood on the torn and twisted roots of a great oak that wind and ice had tugged from its creek-washed roots and stretched parallel with the water--every tooth showing delight in his find. with the cries and laughter of children, two boys sprang upon the tree with axes, but bob waved them back. "go back an' git dat cross-cut saw!" he said. bob, as ex-warrior, took precedence even of his elders now. "fool niggers don't seem to know dar'll be mo' wood to burn if we don't waste de chips!" the wisdom of this was clear, and, in a few minutes, the long-toothed saw was singing through the tough bark of the old monarch--a darky at each end of it, the tip of his tongue in the corner of his mouth, the muscles of each powerful arm playing like cords of elastic steel under its black skin--the sawyers, each time with a mighty grunt, drew the shining, whistling blade to and fro to the handle. presently they began to sing--improvising: pull him t'roo! (grunt) yes, man. pull him t'roo--huh! saw him to de heart. gwine to have christmas. yes, man! gwine to have christmas. yes, man! gwine to have christmas long as he can bu'n. burn long, log! yes, log! burn long, log! yes, log, heah me, log, burn long! gib dis nigger christmas. yes, lawd, long christmas! gib dis nigger christmas. o log, burn long! and the saw sang with them in perfect time, spitting out the black, moist dust joyously--sang with them and without a breath for rest; for as two pair of arms tired, another fresh pair of sinewy hands grasped the handles. in an hour the whistle of the saw began to rise in key higher and higher, and as the men slowed up carefully, it gave a little high squeak of triumph, and with a "kerchunk" dropped to the ground. with more cries and laughter, two men rushed for fence-rails to be used as levers. there was a chorus now: soak him in de water, up, now! soak him in de water, up, now! o lawd, soak long! there was a tightening of big, black biceps, a swelling of powerful thighs, a straightening of mighty backs; the severed heart creaked and groaned, rose slightly, turned and rolled with a great splash into the black, winter water. another delighted chorus: "dyar now!" "hol' on," said bob; and he drove a spike into the end of the log, tied one end of a rope to the spike, and the other to a pliant young hickory, talking meanwhile: "gwine to rain, an' maybe ole mister log try to slip away like a thief in de dark. don't git away from bob; no suh. you be heah now christmas eve--sho'!" "gord!" said a little negro with bandy legs. "soak dat log till christmas an' i reckon he'll burn mo'n two weeks." god was good that christmas--good to the nation, for he brought to it victory and peace, and made it one and indivisible in feeling, as it already was in fact; good to the state, for it had sprung loyally to the defence of the country, and had won all the honour that was in the effort to be won, and man nor soldier can do more; good to the mother, for the whole land rang with praises of her sons, and her own people swore that to one should be given once more the seat of his fathers in the capitol; but best to her when the bishop came to ordain, and, on his knees at the chancel and waiting for the good old man's hands, was the best beloved of her children and her first-born--clay crittenden. to her a divine purpose seemed apparent, to bring her back the best of the old past and all she prayed for the future. as christmas day drew near, gray clouds marshalled and loosed white messengers of peace and good-will to the frozen earth until the land was robed in a thick, soft, shining mantle of pure white--the first spiritualization of the earth for the birth of spring. it was the mother's wish that her two sons should marry on the same day and on that day, and judith and phyllis yielded. so early that afternoon, she saw together judith, as pure and radiant as a snow-hung willow in the sunshine, and her son, with the light in his face for which she had prayed so many years--saw them standing together and clasp hands forever. they took a short wedding trip, and that straight across the crystal fields, where little phyllis stood with basil in uniform--straight and tall and with new lines, too, but deepened merely, about his handsome mouth and chin--waiting to have their lives made one. and, meanwhile, bob and molly too were making ready; for if there be a better hot-bed of sentiment than the mood of man and woman when the man is going to war it is the mood of man and woman when the man has come home from war; and with cries and grunts and great laughter and singing, the negroes were pulling the yule-log from its long bath and across the snowy fields; and when, at dusk, the mother brought her two sons and her two daughters and the pages and stantons to her own roof, the big log, hidden by sticks of pine and hickory, was sputtering christmas cheer with a blaze and crackle that warmed body and heart and home. that night the friends came from afar and near; and that night bob, the faithful, valiant bob, in a dress-suit that was his own and new, and mrs. crittenden's own gift, led the saucy molly, robed as no other dusky bride at canewood was ever arrayed, into the dining-room, while the servants crowded the doors and hallway and the white folk climbed the stairs to give them room. and after a few solemn moments, bob caught the girl in his arms and smacked her lips loudly: "now, gal, i reckon i got yer!" he cried; and whites and blacks broke into jolly laughter, and the music of fiddles rose in the kitchen, where there was a feast for bob's and molly's friends. rose, too, the music of fiddles under the stairway in the hall, and mrs. crittenden and judge page, and crittenden and mrs. stanton, and judith and basil, and none other than grafton and radiant little phyllis led the way for the opening quadrille. it was an old-fashioned christmas the mother wanted, and an old-fashioned christmas, with the dance and merriment and the graces of the old days, that the mother had. over the portrait of the eldest crittenden, who slept in cuba, hung the flag of the single star that would never bend its colours again to spain. above the blazing log and over the fine, strong face of the brave father, who had fought to dissolve the union, hung the stars and bars--proudly. and over the brave brother, who looked down from the north wall, hung proudly the stars and stripes for which he had given his young life. then came toasts after the good old fashion--graceful toasts--to the hostess and the brides, to the american soldier, regular and volunteer. and at the end, crittenden, regular, raised his glass and there was a hush. it was good, he said, to go back to the past; good to revive and hold fast to the ideals that time had proven best for humanity; good to go back to the earth, like the titans, for fresh strength; good for the man, the state, the nation. and it was best for the man to go back to the ideals that had dawned at his mother's knee; for there was the fountain-head of the nation's faith in its god, man's faith in his nation--man's faith in his fellow and faith in himself. and he drank to one who represented his own early ideals better than he should ever realize them for himself. then he raised his glass, smiling, but deeply moved: "my little brother." he turned to basil when he spoke and back again to judith, who, of all present, knew all that he meant, and he saw her eyes shine with the sudden light of tears. at last came the creak of wheels on the snow outside, the cries of servants, the good-bys and good-wishes and congratulations from one and all to one and all; the mother's kiss to basil and phyllis, who were under their mother's wing; the last calls from the doorway; the light of lanterns across the fields; the slam of the pike-gate--and, over the earth, white silence. the mother kissed judith and kissed her son. "my children!" then, as was her custom always, she said simply: "be sure to bolt the front door, my son." and, as he had done for years, crittenden slipped the fastenings of the big hall-door, paused a moment, and looked out. around the corner of the still house swept the sounds of merriment from the quarters. the moon had risen on the snowy fields and white-cowled trees and draped hedges and on the slender white shaft under the bent willow over his father's and his uncle's grave--the brothers who had fought face to face and were sleeping side by side in peace, each the blameless gentleman who had reverenced his conscience as his king, and, without regret for his way on earth, had set his foot, without fear, on the long way into the hereafter. for one moment his mind swept back over the short, fierce struggle of the summer. as they had done, so he had tried to do; and as they had lived, so he, with god's help, would live henceforth to the end. for a moment he thought of the flag hanging motionless in the dim drawing-room behind him--the flag of the great land that was stretching out its powerful hand to the weak and oppressed of the earth. and then with a last look to the willow and the shaft beneath, his lips moved noiselessly: "they will sleep better to-night." judith was standing in the drawing-room on his hearth, looking into his fire and dreaming. ah, god, to think that it should come to pass at last! he entered so softly that she did not hear him. there was no sound but the drowsy tick of the great clock in the hall and the low song of the fire. "sweetheart!" she looked up quickly, the dream gone from her face, and in its place the light of love and perfect trust, and she stood still, her arms hanging at her sides--waiting. "sweetheart!" god was good that christmas. the end * * * * * transcriber's notes: . punctuation has been normalized to contemporary standards. . contemporary spelling has been retained, with these corrections: p. "gretty" to "pretty" ("watching pretty girls"). p. "pacing ing" to "pacing" ("pacing a steady beat"). p. "critdenden" to "crittenden" ("private crittenden"). p. "chapparal" to "chaparral" ("through the chaparral"). the colored regulars in the united states army with a sketch of the history of the colored american, and an account of his services in the wars of the country, from the period of the revolutionary war to . introductory letter from lieutenant-general nelson a. miles commanding the army of the united states. * * * * * by chaplain t.g. steward, d.d., twenty-fifth u.s. infantry. philadelphia a.m.e. book concern, pine street. [illustration: chaplain t.g. steward, d.d.] table of contents. introductory. chapter i.--sketch of social history. the importation of the africans. character of the colored population in . colored population in british west indian possessions. free colored people of the south. free colored people of the north. notes. chapter ii.--the american negro and the military spirit. early literature of negro soldiers. negro soldiers in the war of the revolution. the war of . negro insurrections. negro troops in the civil war. notes. chapter iii.--the black regulars of the army of invasion in the spanish war. organization of negro regiments in the regular army. first movement in the war. chickamauga and tampa. notes. chapter iv.--brief sketch of spanish history. chapter v.--passage, landing, and first battle in cuba. the tenth cavalry at guasimas. the "rescue of the rough riders." was there an ambush? notes. chapter vi.--the battle of el caney. the capture of the stone fort by the twenty-fifth infantry. chapter vii.--san juan. cavalry division: the ninth and tenth regiments. kent's division: the twenty-fourth infantry. forming under fire. a gallant charge. chapter viii.--san juan (continued). kent's division. the twenty-fourth infantry. forming under fire. a gallant charge. chapter ix.--the surrender and afterwards. in the trenches. the twenty-fourth in the fever camp. are negro soldiers immune? camp wikoff. chapter x.--review and reflections. gallantry of the black regulars. diary of sergeant major e.l. baker, tenth cavalry. chapter xi.--the colored volunteers. the ninth ohio battalion. eighth illinois. twenty-third kansas. third north carolina. sixth virginia. third alabama. the immunes. chapter xii.--colored officers. by captain frank r. steward, a.b., ll.b., harvard, th u. s. volunteer infantry. appendix. preface. the material out of which the story of the colored regulars has been constructed has been collected with great pains, and upon it has been expended a serious amount of labor and care. all the movements of the cuban campaign, and particularly of the battles, have been carefully studied by the aid of official reports, and conversations and correspondence with those who participated in them. the work has been performed with an earnest desire to obtain and present the truth, hoping that the reader will be inspired by it to a more profound respect for the brave and skilled black men who passed through that severe baptism of fire and suffering, contributing their full share to their country's honor. it is also becoming in this place to mention with gratitude the encouragement given by the war department both in granting me the time in which to do the work, and also in supplying me with documents and furnishing other facilities. by this enlightened course on the part of the department great aid has been given to historical science, and, incidentally, very important service rendered to the cause of freedom and humanity. a struggling people has been helped and further glory reflected upon the government. the president, himself, has manifested a kindly interest in the work, and has wished that the story of the black soldiers should be told to the world. the interest of the commanding general of the army is shown in his letter. thus encouraged from official sources and receiving the most hearty words of cheer from friends, of whom none has been more potent or more earnest than bishop b.w. arnett, d.d., of the african m.e. church, i have, after five months of severe labor, about completed my task, so far as i find it in my power to complete it; and trusting that the majesty and interest of the story itself will atone for any defects in the style of the narration, the volume is now offered to a sympathetic public, affectionately dedicated to the men whose heroic services have furnished the theme for my pen. t.g. steward. wilberforce, ohio, september, . letter from general miles. headquarters of the army, washington, august , . rev. t.g. steward, chaplain th infantry, wilberforce, ohio. dear sir:--your letter of the th ultimo was duly received, but my time has been so much engrossed with official duties, requiring my presence part of the time out of the city, that it has not been practicable to comply with your request earlier; and even now i can only reply very briefly. you will remember that my acquaintance with negro character commenced during the civil war. the colored race then presented itself to me in the character of numerous contrabands of war, and as a people who, individually, yearned for the light and life of liberty. ages of slavery had reduced them to the lowest ebb of manhood. from that degree of degradation i have been an interested spectator of the marvelously rapid evolution of the down-trodden race. from the commencement of this evolution to the present time i have been more or less in a position to closely observe their progress. at the close of the war i was in command of one of the very important military districts of the south, and my concern for the welfare of all the people of that district, not excluding the people of color, you will find evidenced in the measures taken by me, more especially in regard to educational matters, at that time. the first regiment which i commanded on entering the regular army of the united states at the close of the war was made up of colored troops. that regiment--the th infantry--achieved a reputation for military conduct which forms a record that may be favorably compared with the best regiments in the service. then, again, refer to my general order no. , issued after the fall of santiago, and you will see that recognition is not grudgingly given to the troops who heroically fought there, whether of american, of african, or of latin descent. if so early in the second generation of the existence of the race in the glorious light of liberty it produces such orators as douglas, such educators as booker t. washington, such divines as the afro-american bishops, what may we not expect of the race when it shall have experienced as many generations of growth and development as the anglo-saxons who now dominate the thought, the inventive genius, the military prowess, and the commercial enterprise of the world! very truly yours, nelson a. miles. [illustration: lieutenant-general nelson a. miles.] headquarters of the army, siboney, cuba, july , . general field orders no. . the gratifying success of the american arms at santiago de cuba and some features of a professional character both important and instructive, are hereby announced to the army. the declaration of war found our country with a small army scattered over a vast territory. the troops composing this army were speedily mobilized at tampa, fla. before it was possible to properly equip a volunteer force, strong appeals for aid came from the navy, which had inclosed in the harbor of santiago de cuba an important part of the spanish fleet. at that time the only efficient fighting force available was the united states army, and in order to organize a command of sufficient strength, the cavalry had to be sent dismounted to santiago de cuba with the infantry and artillery. the expedition thus formed was placed under command of major-general shafter. notwithstanding the limited time to equip and organize an expedition of this character, there was never displayed a nobler spirit of patriotism and fortitude on the part of officers and men going forth to mantain the honor of their country. after encountering the vicissitudes of an ocean voyage, they were obliged to disembark on a foreign shore and immediately engage in an aggressive campaign. under drenching storms, intense and prostrating heat, within a fever-afflicted district, with little comfort or rest, either by day or night, they pursued their purpose of finding and conquering the enemy. many of them, trained in the severe experience of the great war, and in frequent campaigns on the western plains, officers and men alike exhibited a great skill, fortitude, and tenacity, with results which have added a new chapter of glory to their country's history. even when their own generals in several cases were temporarily disabled, the troops fought on with the same heroic spirit until success was finally achieved. in many instances the officers placed themselves in front of their commands, and under their direct and skillful leadership the trained troops of a brave army were driven from the thickets and jungles of an almost inaccessible country. in the open field the troops stormed intrenched infantry, and carried and captured fortified works with an unsurpassed daring and disregard of death. by gaining commanding ground they made the harbor of santiago untenable for the spanish fleet, and practically drove it out to a speedy destruction by the american navy. while enduring the hardships and privations of such campaign, the troops generously shared their scanty food with the , cuban patriots in arms, and the suffering people who had fled from the besieged city. with the twenty-four regiments and four batteries, the flower of the united states army, were also three volunteer regiments. these though unskilled in warfare, yet, inspired with the same spirit, contributed to the victory, suffered hardships, and made sacrifices with the rest. where all did so well, it is impossible, by special mention, to do justice to those who bore conspicuous part. but of certain unusual features mention cannot be omitted, namely, the cavalry dismounted, fighting and storming works as infantry, and a regiment of colored troops, who, having shared equally in the heroism as well as the sacrifices, is now voluntarily engaged in nursing yellow-fever patients and burying the dead. the gallantry, patriotism and sacrifices of the american army, as illustrated in this brief campaign, will be fully appreciated by a grateful country, and the heroic deeds of those who have fought and fallen in the cause of freedom will ever be cherished in sacred memory and be an inspiration to the living. by command of major-general miles: j.c. gilmore, brigadier-general, united states volunteers. introductory. to write the history of the negro race within that part of the western world known as the united states of america would be a task to which one might devote a life time and still fail in its satisfactory accomplishment. the difficulties lying in the way of collecting and unifying the material are very great; and that of detecting the inner life of the people much greater. facts and dates are to history what color and proportion are to the painting. employed by genius, color and form combine in a language that speaks to the soul, giving pleasure and instruction to the beholder; so the facts and dates occurring along the pathway of a people, when gathered and arranged by labor and care, assume a voice and a power which they have not otherwise. as these facts express the thoughts and feelings, and the growth, of a people, they become the language in which that people writes its history, and the work of the historian is to read and interpret this history for the benefit of his fellow men. borrowing a second illustration from the work of the artist, it may be said, that as nature reveals her secrets only to him whose soul is in deepest sympathy with her moods and movements, so a people's history can be discovered only by one whose heart throbs in unison with those who have made the history. to write the history of any people successfully one must read it by the heart; and the best part of history, like the best part of the picture, must ever remain unexpressed. the artist sees more, and feels more than he is able to transfer to his canvas, however entrancing his presentation; and the historian sees and feels more than his brightest pages convey to his readers. nothing less than a profound respect and love for humankind and a special attraction toward a particular people and age, can fit one to engage in so sublime a task as that of translating the history of a people into the language of common men. the history of the american negro differs very widely from that of any people whose life-story has been told; and when it shall come to be known and studied will open an entirely new view of experience. in it we shall be able to see what has never before been discovered in history; to wit: the absolute beginning of a people. brought to these shores by the ship-load as freight, and sold as merchandise; entirely broken away from the tribes, races, or nations of their native land; recognized only, as african slaves, and forbidden all movement looking toward organic life; deprived of even the right of family or of marriage, and corrupted in the most shameless manner by their powerful and licentious oppressors--it is from this heterogeneous protoplasm that the american negro has been developed. the foundation from which he sprang had been laid by piecemeal as the slave ships made their annual deposits of cargoes brought from different points on the west coast, and basely corrupted as is only too well known; yet out of it has grown, within less than three hundred years, an organic people. grandfathers, and great-grandfathers are among them; and personal acquaintance is exceedingly wide. in the face of slavery and against its teaching and its power, overcoming the seduction of the master class, and the coarse and brutal corruptions of the baser overseer class, the african slave persistently strove to clothe himself with the habiliments of civilization, and so prepared himself for social organization that as soon as the hindrances were removed, this vast people almost immediately set themselves in families; and for over thirty years they have been busily engaged hunting up the lost roots of their family trees. we know the pit whence the afro-american race was dug, the rock whence he was hewn; he was born here on this soil, from a people who in the classic language of the hebrew prophet, could be described as, no people. that there has been a majestic evolution quietly but rapidly going on in this mass, growing as it was both by natural development and by accretion, is plainly evident. heterogeneous as were the fragments, by the aid of a common language and a common lot, and cruel yet partially civilizing control, the whole people were forced into a common outward form, and to a remarkable extent, into the same ways of thinking. the affinities within were really aided by the repulsions without, and when finally freed from slavery, for an ignorant and inexperienced people, they presented an astonishing spectacle of unity. socially, politically and religiously, their power to work together showed itself little less than marvellous. the afro-american, developing from this slave base, now directs great organizations of a religious character, and in comprehensive sweep invites to his co-operation the inhabitants of the isles of the sea and of far-off africa. he is joining with the primitive, strong, hopeful and expanding races of southern africa, and is evidently preparing for a day that has not yet come. the progress made thus far by the people is somewhat like that made by the young, man who hires himself to a farmer and takes his pay in farming stock and utensils. he is thus acquiring the means to stock a farm, and the skill and experience necessary to its successful management at the same time. his career will not appear important, however, until the day shall arrive when he will set up for himself. the time spent on the farm of another was passed in comparative obscurity; but without it the more conspicuous period could never have followed. so, now, the american colored people are making history, but it is not of that kind that gains the attention of writers. having no political organizations, governments or armies they are not performing those deeds of splendor in statesmanship and war over which the pen of the historian usually delights to linger. the people, living, growing, reading, thinking, working, suffering, advancing and dying--these are all common-place occurrences, neither warming the heart of the observer, nor capable of brightening the page of the chronicler. this, however, is, with the insignificant exception of liberia, all that is yet to be found in the brief history of the afro-american race. the period for him to set up for himself has not yet come, and he is still acquiring means and training within a realm controlled in all respects by a people who maintain toward him an attitude of absolute social exclusion. his is the history of a people marching from nowhere to somewhere, but with no well-defined canaan before them and no moses to lead. it is indeed, on their part, a walk by faith, for as yet the wisest among the race cannot tell even the direction of the journey. before us lie surely three possible destinies, if not four; yet it is not clear toward which one of these we are marching. are we destined to see the african element of america's population blend with the euro-american element and be lost in a common people? will the colored american leave this home in which as a race he has been born and reared to manhood, and find his stage of action somewhere else on god's earth? will he remain here as a separate and subordinate people perpetuating the conditions of to-day only that they may become more humiliating and exasperating? or is there to arise a war of races in which the blacks are to be exterminated? who knows? fortunately the historian is not called upon to perform the duties of prophet. his work is to tell what has been; and if others, building upon his presentation of facts can deduce what is to be, it is no small tribute to the correctness of his interpretations; for all events are parts of one vast system ever moving toward some great end. one remark only need be made. it is reasonable to presume that this new afro-american will somehow and somewhere be given an opportunity to express that particular modification of material life which his spiritual nature will demand. whether that expression will be made here or elsewhere; whether it will be higher or lower than what now surrounds us, are questions which we may well leave to the future. no people can win and hold a place, either as a nation among other nations, or as an elementary component of a nation, merely by its own goodness or by the goodness of others. the struggle for national existence is a familiar one, and is always initiated by a display of physical force. those who have the power seize territory and government, and those who can, keep possession and control. it is in some instances the backing up of right by might, and in others the substituting of right by might. too often the greatest of all national crimes is to be weak. when the struggle is a quiet one, going on within a nation, and is that of an element seeking a place in the common social life of the country, much the same principles are involved. it is still a question to be settled by force, no matter how highly the claim of the weaker may be favored by reason and justice. the powers by which a special people may emerge from an unhappy condition and secure improved social relations, using the word social in its broadest sense, are physical, intellectual and material. there must be developed manly strength and courage and a power of intellect which will manifest itself in organization and attractiveness, and in the aptitude of employing appropriate methods for ends in view. to these must be added the power that comes through wealth; and thus, with the real advancement of condition and character will come, tardily and grudgingly perhaps, but nevertheless surely, improved social standing. once filled with the common national spirit, partaking of its thoughts, entering heartily into the common movements, having the same dress, language and manners as others, and being as able and as willing to help as to be helped, and withal being in fact the most intensely american element on the continent because constructed on this soil, we may hope that the afro-american will ultimately win and hold his proper place. the history made by the american negro has been so filled with suffering that we have overlooked the active side. the world has heard so much of the horrors of the "middle passage"; the awful sufferings of the slave; the barbarous outrages that have been perpetrated upon ex-slaves; the inhuman and senseless prejudices that meet colored americans almost everywhere on their native soil; that it has come to look upon this recital as the whole of the story. it needs to be told that these records constitute the dark side of the picture, dark and horrible enough, to be sure, but this is by no means the whole picture. if there are scenes whose representations would serve to ornament the infernal regions, pictures over which fiends might gloat, there are also others which angels might delight to gaze upon. there has been much of worthy action among the colored people of this country, wherever the bonds of oppression have been slackened enough to allow of free movement. there have been resistance to wrong by way of remonstrance and petition, sometimes even by force; laudable efforts toward self-education; benevolent and philanthropic movements; reform organizations, and commendable business enterprise both in individuals and associations. these show a toughness of fibre and steadiness of purpose sufficient to make the backbone of a real history. the present work deals with these elements of character as they are exhibited in the garb of the soldier. when men are willing to fight and die for what they hold dear, they have become a moving force, capable of disturbing the currents of history and of making a channel for the stream of their own actions. the american negro has evolved an active, aggressive element in the scientific fighting men he has produced. individual pugilists of that race have entered all classes, from featherweight to heavyweight, and have remained there; receiving blows and dealing blows; showing a sturdy, positive force; mastering and employing all the methods of attack and defence allowed in such encounters, and supporting themselves with that fortitude and courage so necessary to the ring. such combats are not to be commended, as they are usually mere tests of skill and endurance, entered into on the principles of the gambler, and they are introduced here for the sole purpose of showing the colored man as a positive force, yielding only to a superior degree of force of the same kind. the soldier stands for something far higher than the pugilist represents, although he has need of the same qualities of physical hardihood--contempt for suffering and coolness in the presence of danger, united with skill in the use of his weapons. the pugilist is his own general and never learns the high lessons of obedience; the soldier learns to subordinate himself to his commander, and to fight bravely and effectively under the direction of another. the evolution of the afro-american soldier was the work of a short period and suffered many interruptions. when the war of the revolution broke out the colored man was a slave, knowing nothing of the spirit or the training of the soldier; before it closed several thousand colored men had entered the army and some had won distinction for gallantry. less than forty years later, in the war of , the black man again appeared to take his stand under the flag of independence. the war of secession again witnessed the coming forth of the black soldier, this time in important numbers and performing heroic services on a grand scale, and under most discouraging circumstances, but with such success that he won a place in arms for all time. when the civil war closed, the american black man had secured his standing as a soldier--the evolution was complete. henceforth he was to be found an integral part of the army of the united states. the black man passed through the trying baptism of fire in the sixties and came out of it a full-fledged soldier. his was worse than an impartial trial; it was a trial before a jury strongly biased against him; in the service of a government willing to allow him but half pay; and in the face of a foe denying him the rights belonging to civilized warfare. yet against these odds, denied the dearest right of a soldier--the hope of promotion--scorned by his companions in arms, the negro on more than two hundred and fifty battle-fields, demonstrated his courage and skill, and wrung from the american nation the right to bear arms. the barons were no more successful in their struggle with king john when they obtained magna charta than were the american negroes with prejudice, when they secured the national recognition of their right and fitness to hold a place in the standing army of the united states. the afro-american soldier now takes his rank with america's best, and in appearance, skill, physique, manners, conduct and courage proves himself worthy of the position he holds. combining in his person the harvested influences of three great continents, europe, africa and america, he stands up as the typical soldier of the western world, the latest comer in the field of arms, but yielding his place in the line to none, and ever ready to defend his country and his flag against any and all foes. the mission of this book is to make clear this evolution, giving the historical facts with as much detail as possible, and setting forth finally the portrait of this new soldier. that this is a prodigious task is too evident to need assertion--a task worthy the most lofty talents; and in essaying it i humbly confess to a sense of unfitness; yet the work lies before me and duty orders me to enter upon it. a major general writes: "i wish you every success in producing a work important both historically and for the credit of a race far more deserving than the world has acknowledged." a brigadier general who commanded a colored regiment in cuba says to me most encouragingly: "you must allow me--for our intimate associations justify it--to write frankly. your education, habits of thought, fairness of judgment and comprehension of the work you are to undertake, better fit you for writing such a history than any person within my acquaintance. those noble men made the history at el caney and san juan; i believe you are the man to record it. may god help you to so set forth the deeds of that memorable first of july in front of santiago that the world may see in its true light what those brave, intelligent colored men did." both these men fought through the civil war and won distinction on fields of blood. to the devout prayer offered by one of them i heartily echo an amen, and can only wish that in it all my friends might join, and that god would answer it in granting me power to do the work in such a way as to bring great good to the race and reflect some glory to himself, in whose name the work is undertaken. chapter i. sketch of social history. the importation of the africans--character of the colored population in --colored population in british west indian possessions--free colored people of the south--free colored people of the north--notes. professor dubois, in his exhaustive work upon the "suppression of the african slave-trade," has brought within comparatively narrow limits the great mass of facts bearing upon his subject, and in synopses and indices has presented all of the more important literature it has induced. in his monograph, published as volume ii of the harvard historical series, he has traced the rise of this nefarious traffic, especially with reference to the american colonies, exhibited the proportions to which it expanded, and the tenacity with which it held on to its purpose until it met its death in the fate of the ill-starred southern confederacy. every step in his narrative is supported by references to unimpeachable authorities; and the scholarly monograph bears high testimony to the author's earnest labor, painstaking research and unswerving fidelity. should the present work stimulate inquiry beyond the scope herein set before the reader, he is most confidently referred to professor du bois' book as containing a complete exposition of the development and overthrow of that awful crime. it is from this work, however, that we shall obtain a nearer and clearer view of the african planted upon our shores. negro slavery began at an early day in the north american colonies; but up until the revolution of the demand for slaves was mainly supplied from england, the slaves being white.[ ] "it is probable," says professor dubois, "that about , slaves were brought to america each year between and , and after it rose to perhaps , annually. "before the revolution the total exportation to america is variously estimated as between , and , each year." something of the horrors of the "middle passage" may be shown by the records that out of , slaves shipped from africa during the years - , , , or nearly one-fourth of the entire number, perished at sea. in there were in the country nearly seven hundred thousand africans, these having been introduced by installments from various heathen tribes. the importation of slaves continued with more or less success up until , when the "wanderer" landed her cargo of in georgia. during the period from to the breaking out of the civil war, shortly after the landing of the last cargo of slaves, the colored population, both slave and free, had arisen to about four million, and had undergone great modifications. the cargo of the "wanderer" found themselves among strangers, even when trying to associate with those who in color and hair were like themselves. the slaves of differed greatly from the slaves of a hundred years earlier. they had lost the relics of that stern warlike spirit which prompted the stono insurrection, the denmark vesey insurrection, and the nat turner insurrection, and had accepted their lot as slaves, hoping that through god, freedom would come to them some time in the happy future. large numbers of them had become christians through the teaching of godly white women, and at length through the evangelistic efforts of men and women of their own race. independent religious organizations had been formed in the north, and large local churches with negro pastors were in existence in the south when the "wanderer" landed her cargo. there had been a steady increase in numbers, indicating that the physical well-being of the slave was not overlooked, and the slaves had greatly improved in character. sales made in south carolina between and show "boys," from to years of age, bringing from $ to $ ; and "large sales" are reported showing an "average of $ each," "negro men bringing from $ to $ ," and a "blacksmith" bringing $ . the averages generally obtained were above $ . a sale of negroes in families is reported in the "charleston courier" in which the writer says: "two or three families averaged from $ to $ for each individual." the same item states also that "c.g. whitney sold two likely female house servants, one for $ , the other for $ ." these cases are presented to illustrate the financial value of the american slave, and inferentially the progress he had made in acquiring the arts of modern civilization. slaves had become blacksmiths, wheelwrights, carriage-makers, carpenters, bricklayers, tailors, bootmakers, founders and moulders, not to mention all the common labor performed by them. slave women had become dressmakers, hairdressers, nurses and the best cooks to be found in the world. the slave-holders regarded themselves as the favored of mankind because of the competence and faithfulness of their slaves. the african spirit and character had disappeared, and in their place were coming into being the elements of a new character, existing in purely in a negative form. the slave had become an american. he was now a civilized slave, and had received his civilization from his masters. he had separated himself very far from his brother slave in st. domingo. the haytian negro fought and won his freedom before he had been civilized in slavery, and hence has never passed over the same ground that his american fellow-servant has been compelled to traverse. beside the slaves in the south, there were also several thousand "free persons of color," as they were called, dwelling in such cities as richmond, va., charleston, s.c., and new orleans, la. some of these had become quite wealthy and well-educated, forming a distinct class of the population. they were called creoles in louisiana, and were accorded certain privileges, although laws were carefully enacted to keep alive the distinction between them and the whites. in charleston the so-called colored people set themselves up as a class, prided themselves much upon their color and hair and in their sympathies joined almost wholly with the master class. representatives of their class became slave-holders and were in full accord with the social policy of the country. nevertheless their presence was an encouragement to the slave, and consequently was objected to by the slave-holder. the free colored man became more and more disliked in the south as the slave became more civilized. he was supposed by his example to contribute to the discontent of the slave, and laws were passed restricting his priveleges so as to induce him to leave. between and this question reached a crisis and free colored people from the south were to be seen taking up their homes in the northern states and in canada. (many of the people, especially from charleston, carried with them all their belittling prejudices, and after years of sojourn under the sway of enlightened and liberal ideas, proved themselves still incapable of learning the new way or forgetting the old.) there were, then, three very distinct classes of colored people in the country, to wit: the slave in the south, the free colored people of the south, and the free colored people of the north. these were also sub-divided into several smaller classes. slaves were divided into field hands, house servants and city slaves. the free colored people of the south had their classes based usually on color; the free colored people of the north had their divisions caused by differences in religion, differences as to place of birth, and numerous family conceits. so that surveyed as a whole, it is extremely difficult to get anything like a complete social map of these four millions as they existed at the outbreak of the civil war. for a quarter of a century there had been a steady concentration of the slave population within the cotton and cane-growing region, the grain-growing states of delaware, maryland and virginia having become to a considerable extent breeding farms. particularly was this the case with the more intelligent and higher developed individual slaves who appeared near the border line. the master felt that such persons would soon make their escape by way of the "underground railroad" or otherwise, and hence in order to prevent a total loss, would follow the dictates of business prudence and sell his bright slave man to georgia. the maryland or virginia slave who showed suspicious aspirations was usually checked by the threat, "i'll sell you to georgia;" and if the threat did not produce the desired reformation it was not long before the ambitious slave found himself in the gang of that most despised and most despicable of all creatures, the georgia slave-trader. georgia and canada were the two extremes of the slave's anticipation during the last decade of his experience. these stood as his earthly heaven and hell, the "underground railroad," with its agents, conducting to one, and the odious slave-trader, driving men, women and children, to the other. no netherlander ever hated and feared the devil more thoroughly than did the slaves of the border states hate and fear these outrages on mankind, the kidnapping slave-traders of the cotton and cane regions. i say kidnapping, for i have myself seen persons in georgia who had been kidnapped in maryland. if the devil was ever incarnate, i think it safe to look for him among those who engaged in the slave-trade, whether in a foreign or domestic form. nothing is more striking in connection with the history of american slavery than the conduct of great britain on the same subject. so inconsistent has this conduct been that it can be explained only by regarding england as a conglomerate of two elements nearly equal in strength, of directly opposite character, ruling alternately the affairs of the nation. as a slave-trader and slave-holder england was perhaps even worse than the united states. under her rule the slave decreased in numbers, and remained a savage. in jamaica, in st. vincent, in british guiana, in barbadoes, in trinidad and in grenada, british slavery was far worse than american slavery. in these colonies "the slave was generally a barbarian, speaking an unknown tongue, and working with men like himself, in gangs with scarcely a chance for improvement." an economist says, had the slaves of the british colonies been as well fed, clothed, lodged, and otherwise cared for as were those of the united states, their number at emancipation would have reached from seventeen to twenty millions, whereas the actual number emancipated was only , . had the blacks of the united states experienced the same treatment as did those of the british colonies, would have found among us less than , colored persons. in the united states were found ten colored persons for every slave imported, while in the british colonies only one was found for every three imported. hence the claim that the american negro is a new race, built up on this soil, rests upon an ample supply of facts. the american slave was born in our civilization, fed upon good american food, housed and clothed on a civilized plan, taught the arts and language of civilization, acquired necessarily ideas of law and liberty, and by was well on the road toward fitness for freedom. no lessons therefore drawn from the emancipation of british slaves in the west indies are of any direct value to us, inasmuch as british slavery was not like american slavery, the british freedman was in no sense the equal of the american freedman, and the circumstances surrounding the emancipation of the british slave had nothing of the inspiring and ennobling character with those connected with the breaking of the american negro's chains. yet, superior as the american negro was as a slave, he was very far below the standard of american citizenship as subsequent events conclusively proved. the best form of slavery, even though it may lead toward fitness for freedom, can never be regarded as a fit school in which to graduate citizens of so magnificent an empire as the united states. the slave of was perhaps, all things considered, the best slave the world had ever seen, if we except those who served the hebrews under the mosaic statutes. while there was no such thing among them as legal marriage or legitimate childhood, yet slave "families" were recognized even on the auction block, and after emancipation legal family life was erected generally upon relationships which had been formed in slavery. bishop gaines, himself born a slave of slave parents, says: "the negro had no civil rights under the codes of the southern states. it was often the case, it is true, that the marriage ceremony was performed, and thousands of couples regarded it, and observed it as of binding force, and were as true to each other as if they had been lawfully married." * * * "the colored people generally," he says, "held their marriage (if such unauthorized union may be called marriage) sacred, even while they were slaves. many instances will be recalled by the older people of the life-long fidelity which existed between the slave and his concubine" (wife, t.g.s.)" ... the mother of his children. my own father and mother lived together over sixty years. i am the fourteenth child of that union, and i can truthfully affirm that no marriage, however made sacred by the sanction of law, was ever more congenial and beautiful. thousands of like instances might be cited to the same effect. it will always be to the credit of the colored people that almost without exception, they adhered to their relations, illegal though they had been, and accepted gladly the new law which put the stamp of legitimacy upon their union and removed the brand of bastardy from the brows of their children." let us now sum up the qualifications that these people possessed in large degree, in order to determine their fitness for freedom, then so near at hand. they had acquired the english language, and the christian religion, including the christian idea of marriage, so entirely different in spirit and form from the african marriage. they had acquired the civilized methods of cooking their food, making and wearing clothes, sleeping in beds, and observing sunday. they had acquired many of the useful arts and trades of civilization and had imbibed the tastes and feelings, to some extent, at least, of the country in which they lived. becoming keen observers, shut out from books and newspapers, they listened attentively, learned more of law and politics than was generally supposed. they knew what the election of meant and were on tiptoe with expectation. although the days of insurrection had passed and the slave of ' was not ready to rise with the immortal john brown, he had not lost his desire for freedom. the steady march of escaping slaves guided by the north star, with the refrain: "i'm on my way to canada, that cold but happy land; the dire effects of slavery i can no longer stand," proved that the desire to be free was becoming more extensive and absorbing as the slave advanced in intelligence. it is necessary again to emphasize the fact that the american slaves were well formed and well developed physically, capable of enduring hard labor and of subsisting upon the plainest food. their diet for years had been of the simplest sort, and they had been subjected to a system of regulations very much like those which are employed in the management of armies. they had an hour to go to bed and an hour to rise; left their homes only upon written "passes," and when abroad at night were often halted by the wandering patrol. "run, nigger, run, the patrol get you," was a song of the slave children of south carolina. strangers who saw for the first time these people as they came out of slavery in were usually impressed with their robust appearance, and a conference of ex-slaves, assembled soon after the war, introduced a resolution with the following declaration: "whereas, slavery has left us in possession of strong and healthy bodies." it is probable that at least a half-million of men of proper age could then have been found among the newly liberated capable of bearing arms. they were inured to the plain ration, to labor and fatigue, and to subordination, and had long been accustomed to working together under the immediate direction of foremen. two questions of importance naturally arose at this period: first, did the american slave understand the issue that had been before the country for more than a half-century and that was now dividing the nation in twain and marshalling for deadly strife these two opposing armies? second, had he the courage necessary to take part in the struggle and help save the union? it would be a strange thing to say, but nevertheless a thing entirely true, that many of the negro slaves had a clearer perception of the real question at issue than did some of our most far-seeing statesmen, and a clearer vision of what would be the outcome of the war. while the great men of the north were striving to establish the doctrine that the coming war was merely to settle the question of secession, the slave knew better. god had hid certain things from the wise and prudent and had revealed them unto babes. lincoln, the wisest of all, was slow to see that the issue he himself had predicted was really at hand. as president, he declared for the preservation of the union, with or without slavery, or even upon the terms which he had previously declared irreconcilable, "half slave and half free." the negro slave saw in the outbreak of the war the death struggle of slavery. he knew that the real issue was slavery. the masters were careful to keep from the knowledge of the slave the events as well as the causes of the war, but in spite of these efforts the slave's keen perception enabled him to read defeat in the dejected mien of his master, and victory in his exultation. to prevent the master's knowing what was going on in their thoughts, the slaves constructed curious codes among themselves. in one neighborhood freedom was always spoken of as "new rice"; and many a poor slave woman sighed for the coming of new rice in the hearing of those who imagined they knew the inmost thoughts of their bondwomen. gleefully at times they would talk of the jollification they would make when the new rice came. it was this clear vision, this strong hope, that sustained them during the trying days of the war and kept them back from insurrection. bishop gaines says: "their prayers ascended for their deliverance, and their hearts yearned for the success of their friends. they fondly hoped for the hour of victory, when the night of slavery would end and the dawn of freedom appear. they often talked to each other of the progress of the war and conferred in secret as to what they might do to aid in the struggle. worn out with long bondage, yearning for the boon of freedom, longing for the sun of liberty to rise, they kept their peace and left the result to god." mr. douglass, whom this same bishop gaines speaks of very inappropriately as a "half-breed," seemed able to grasp the feelings both of the slave and the freeman and said: "from the first, i for one, saw in this war the end of slavery, and truth requires me to say that my interest in the success of the north was largely due to this belief." mr. seward, the wise secretary of state, had thought that the war would come and go without producing any change in the relation of master and slave; but the humble slave on the georgia cotton plantation, or in the carolina rice fields, knew that the booming of the guns of rebellion in charleston was the opening note of the death knell of slavery. the slave undoubtedly understood the issue, and knew on which side liberty dwelt. although thoroughly bred to slavery, and as contented and happy as he could be in his lot, he acted according to the injunction of the apostle: "art thou called being a servant, care not for it; but if thou mayest be made free, use it rather." the slaves tried to be contented, but they preferred freedom and knew which side to take when the time came for them to act. enough has been said to show that out of the african slave had been developed a thoroughly american slave, so well imbued with modern civilization and so well versed in american politics, as to be partially ready for citizenship. he had become law-abiding and order-loving, and possessed of an intelligent desire to be free. whether he had within him the necessary moral elements to become a soldier the pages following will attempt to make known. he had the numbers, the physical strength and the intelligence. he could enter the strife with a sufficient comprehension of the issues involved to enable him to give to his own heart a reason for his action. fitness for the soldier does not necessarily involve fitness for citizenship, but the actual discharge of the duties of the soldier in defence of the nation, entitles one to all common rights, to the nation's gratitude, and to the highest honors for which he is qualified. in concluding this chapter i shall briefly return to the free colored people of the south that the reader may be able to properly estimate their importance as a separate element. their influence upon the slave population was very slight, inasmuch as law and custom forbade the intercourse of these two classes. according to the census of there were in the slave-holding states altogether , free colored persons, , being mulattoes. in charleston there were free blacks and , mulattoes; in mobile, free blacks and mulattoes; in new orleans, , blacks and , mulattoes. as will be seen, nearly one-half of the entire number of free colored persons were mulattoes, while in the leading southern cities seventy-five per cent. of the free colored people were put in this class. the percentage of mulatto slaves to the total slave population at that time was . , and in the same cities which showed seventy-five per cent, of all the free colored persons mulattoes, the percentage of mulatto slaves was but . . mulatto in this classification includes all colored persons who are not put down as black. in new orleans the free mulattoes were generally french, having come into the union with the louisiana purchase, and among them were to be found wealthy slave-holders. they much resembled the class of mulattoes which obtained in st. domingo at the beginning of the century, and had but little sympathy with the blacks, although they were the first to acquiesce in emancipation, some of them actually leading their own slaves into the army of liberation. it is possible, however, that they had not fully realized the trend of the war, inasmuch as new orleans was excepted from the effects of the proclamation. it is certain that the free colored people of that city made a tender of support to the confederacy, although they were among the first to welcome the conquering "yankees," and afterward fought with marked gallantry in the union cause. the free mulattoes, or _browns_, as they called themselves, of charleston, followed much the same course as their fellow classmen of new orleans. here, too, they had been exclusive and to some extent slave-holders, had tendered their services to the confederacy, and had hastily come forward to welcome the conquerors. they were foremost among the colored people in wealth and intelligence, but their field of social operations had been so circumscribed that they had exerted but little influence in the work of americanizing the slave. separated from the slave by law and custom they did all in their power to separate themselves from him in thought and feeling. they drew the line against all blacks as mercilessly and senselessly as the most prejudiced of the whites and were duplicates of the whites placed on an intermediate plane. it was not unusual to find a charleston brown filled with more prejudice toward the blacks than were the whites. [transcriber's note: this footnote appeared in the text without a footnote anchor: "census of ."] the colored people of the north in numbered , , pennsylvania having the largest number, , ; then came new york with , ; ohio, , ; new jersey, , ; indiana, , ; massachusetts, , ; connecticut, , ; illinois, , ; michigan, , ; rhode island, , ; maine, , ; wisconsin, , ; iowa, , ; vermont, ; kansas, ; new hampshire, ; minnesota, ; oregon, . considerably more than one-half of this population was located within the states along the atlantic coast, viz.; maine, new hampshire, massachusetts, vermont, connecticut, rhode island, new york, pennsylvania and new jersey. here were to be found , free colored people. pennsylvania, new york and new jersey took the lead in this population, with massachusetts and connecticut coming next, while maine, new hampshire and vermont had but few. the cities, boston, new york and philadelphia, were the largest cities of free colored people then in the north. in boston there were , ; new york city, , , while in philadelphia there were , as early as the free colored people of philadelphia, through two distinguished representatives, absalom jones and richard allen, "two men of the african race," as the chroniclers say, "saw the irreligious and uncivilized state" of the "people of their complexion," and finally concluded "that a society should be formed without regard to religious tenets, provided the persons lived an orderly and sober life," the purpose of the society being "to support one another in sickness and for the benefit of their widows and fatherless children." accordingly a society was established, known as the free african society of philadelphia, and on the th, th-mo., , articles were published, including the following, which is inserted to show the breadth of the society's purpose: "and we apprehend it to be necessary that the children of our deceased members be under the care of the society, so far as to pay for the education of their children, if they cannot attend free school; also to put them out apprentices to suitable trades or places, if required."[ ] shortly after this we read of "the african school for the free instruction of the black people," and in , "the evening free school, held at the african methodist meeting house in philadelphia" was reported as being "kept very orderly, the scholars behaving in a becoming manner, and their improvement beyond the teachers' expectations, their intellects appearing in every branch of learning to be equal to those of the fairest complexion." the name african, as the reader will notice, is used with reference to school, church, and individuals; although not to the complete exclusion of "colored people" and "people of color." these phrases seem to have been coined in the west indies, and were there applied only to persons of mixed european and african descent. in the united states they never obtained such restricted use except in a very few localities. the practice of using african as a descriptive title of the free colored people of the north became very extensive and so continued up to the middle of the century. there were african societies, churches and schools in all the prominent centres of this population. in one, mr. p. loveridge, agent for colored schools of new york, wrote the editor of the african methodist magazine as follows:[ ] "as to the name of your periodical, act as we did with the name of our schools--away with africa. there are no africans in your connection. substitute colored for african and it will be, in my opinion, as it should be." the earnestness of the writer shows that the matter of parting with african was then a live question. the cool reply of the editor indicates how strong was the conservative element among the african people of ' . he says: "we are unable to see the reasonableness of the remarks. it is true we are not africans, or natives born upon the soil of africa, yet, as the descendants of that race, how can we better manifest that respect due to our fathers who begat us, than by the adoption of the term in our institutions, and inscribing it upon our public places of resort?" to this mr. loveridge rejoins in the following explanatory paragraph: "we who are engaged in the public schools in this city found upon examination of about children who attend our schools from year to year, not one african child among them. a suggestion was made that we petition the public school society to change the name african to colored schools. the gentlemen of that honorable body, perceiving our petition to be a logical one, acquiesced with us. hence the adjective african (which does not apply to us) was blotted out and colored substituted in its place. it is 'public schools for colored children.' we are americans and expect american sympathies." in the colored methodists conceived the idea of organizing and evangelizing their race, and to this end a convention was called and assembled in philadelphia of that year, composed of sixteen delegates, coming from pennsylvania, delaware, maryland and new jersey. the convention adopted a resolution that the people of philadelphia, baltimore and all other places who should unite with them, should become one body under the name and style of the african methodist episcopal church. similar action was taken by two other bodies of colored methodists, one in new york, the other in wilmington, delaware, about the same time. the people were coming together and beginning to understand the value of organization. this was manifested in their religious, beneficial and educational associations that were springing up among them. in the african methodist magazine appeared, the first organ of religious communication and thought issued by the american colored people. it was published in brooklyn, n.y., rev. george hogarth being its editor. there were papers published by the colored people prior to the appearance of the african methodist magazine, but these were individual enterprises. they were, however, indices of the thought of the race, and looking back upon them now, we may regard them as mile-stones set up along the line of march over which the people have come. new york, city and state, appears to have been the home of these early harbingers, and it was there that the earliest literary centre was established, corresponding to that centre of religious life and thought which had been earlier founded in philadelphia. in the first newspaper published on this continent by colored men issued from its office in new york. it was called "freedom's journal," and had for its motto "righteousness exalteth a nation." its editors and proprietors were messrs. cornish & russwurm. its name was subsequently changed to the "rights of all," mr. cornish probably retiring, and in it suspended, mr. russwurm going to africa. then followed "the weekly advocate," "the american," "the colored american," "the elevator," "the national watchman," "the clarion," "the ram's horn," "the north star," "frederick douglass' paper," and finally that crowning literary work of the race, "the anglo-african." "the anglo-african" appeared in , under the management of the strongest and most brilliant purely literary families the american negro up to that time had produced. it was edited and published by thomas hamilton, and like all the important literary ventures of the race in those days, had its birth in new york. it came out in and continued through the war, and in went out of existence honorably, having its work well done. its first volume, that of , contains the ablest papers ever given to the public by the american negro; and taken as a whole this volume is the proudest literary monument the race has as yet erected. reviewing the progress of the race in the north, we may say, the period of organized benevolence and united religious effort began before the close of the past century, philadelphia being its place of origin; that the religious movement reached much broader and clearer standing about , and in consequence there sprang up organizations comprehending the people of the whole country; that the religious movement advanced to a more intellectual stage when in the african methodist magazine appeared, since which time the organized religion of the american negro has never been for any considerable time without its organs of communication. the journalistic period began in , its centre being new york and the work of the journals almost wholly directed to two ends: the abolition of slavery, and the enfranchisement and political elevation of the free blacks. this work had reached its highest form in the anglo-african, as that epoch of our national history came to its close in the slave-holders' war. the titles of the newspapers indicate the opening and continuance of a period of anti-slavery agitation. their columns were filled with arguments and appeals furnished by men who gave their whole souls to the work. it was a period of great mental activity on the part of the free colored people. they were discussing all probable methods of bettering their condition. it was the period that produced both writers and orators. in the first convention called by colored men to consider the general condition of the race and devise means to improve that condition, met in the city of philadelphia. the history of this convention is so important that i append a full account of it as published in the anglo-african nearly thirty years after the convention met. it was called through the efforts of hezekiah grice, of baltimore, who afterwards emigrated to hayti, and for many years followed there the occupation of carver and gilder and finally became director of public works of the city of port-au-prince. while visiting that city years ago, i met a descendant of mr. grice, a lady of great personal beauty, charming manners, accomplished in the french language, but incapable of conversing at all in english. the conventions, begun in , continued to be held annually for a brief period, and then dropped into occasional and special gatherings. they did much good in the way of giving prominence to the colored orators and in stemming the tide of hostile sentiment by appealing to the country at large in language that reached many hearts. the physical condition, so far as the health and strength of the free colored people were concerned, was good. their mean age was the greatest of any element of our population, and their increase was about normal, or . per cent. annually. in the twenty years from to it had kept up this rate with hardly the slightest variation, while the increase of the free colored people of the south during the same period had been per cent, annually.[ ] the increase of persons of mixed blood in the north did not necessarily imply laxity of morals, as the census compilers always delighted to say, but could be easily accounted for by the marriages occurring between persons of this class. i have seen more than fifty persons, all of mixed blood, descend from one couple, and these with the persons joined to them by marriages as they have come to marriageable age, amounted to over seventy souls--all in about a half century. that the slaves had, despite their fearful death rate, the manumissions and the escapes, increased twice as fast as the free colored people of the north, three times as fast as the free colored people of the south, and faster than the white people with all the immigration of that period, can be accounted for only by the enormous birth rate of that people consequent upon their sad condition. their increase was abnormal, and when properly viewed, proves too much. there is no way of determining the general wealth of the colored people of the north at the period we are describing; but some light may be thrown upon their material condition from the consideration that they were supporting a few publications and building and supporting churches, and were holders of considerable real estate. in new york city, the thirteen thousand colored people paid taxes on nearly a million and a half in real estate, and had over a quarter million of dollars in the savings banks. it is probable that the twenty-five thousand in philadelphia owned more in proportion than their brethren in new york, for they were then well represented in business in that city. there were the fortens, bowers, casseys, gordons, and later stephen smith, william whipper and videl, all of whom were men of wealth and business. there were nineteen churches owned and supported by colored people of philadelphia, with a seating capacity of about , and valued at about $ , . [ ]the schools set apart for colored children were very inferior and were often kept alive by great sacrifices on the part of the colored people themselves. prior to the war and in many cases for some time afterward, the colored public schools were a disgrace to the country. a correspondent writing from hollidaysburg, pa., says, speaking of the school there: "the result of my inquiries here is that here, as in the majority of other places, the interest manifested for the colored man is more for political effect, and that those who prate the loudest about the moral elevation and political advancement of the colored man are the first to turn against him when he wants a friend." the correspondent then goes on to say that the school directors persist in employing teachers "totally incompetent." what the schools were in new york the report made by the new york society for the promotion of education among colored children to the honorable commissioners for examining into the condition of common schools in the city and county of new york, will show. reverend charles b. ray, who was president of this society, and philip a. white, its secretary, both continued to labor in the interest of education unto the close of their lives, mr. white dying as a member of the school board of the city of brooklyn, and mr. ray bequeathing his library to wilberforce university at his death. in summing up the conditions which they have detailed in their report they say: "from a comparison of the school houses occupied by the colored children with the splendid, almost palatial edifices, with manifold comforts, conveniences and elegancies which make up the school houses for white children in the city of new york, it is clearly evident that the colored children are painfully neglected and positively degraded. pent up in filthy neighborhoods, in old dilapidated buildings, they are held down to low associations and gloomy surroundings. * * * the undersigned enter their solemn protest against this unjust treatment of colored children. they believe with the experience of massachusetts, and especially the recent experience of boston before them, there is no sound reason why colored children shall be excluded from any of the common schools supported by taxes levied alike on whites and blacks, and governed by officers elected by the vote of colored as well as white voters." this petition and remonstrance had its effect, for mainly through its influence within two years very great improvements were made in the condition of the new york colored schools. for the especial benefit of those who erroneously think that the purpose of giving industrial education is a new thing in our land, as well as for general historical purposes, i call attention to the establishment of the institute for colored youth in philadelphia in . this institute was founded by the society of friends, and was supported in its early days and presumably still "by bequests and donations made by members of that society." the objects of the institute as set forth by its founders, fifty-seven years ago, are: "the education and improvement of colored youth of both sexes, to qualify them to act as teachers and instructors to their own people, either in the various branches of school learning or the mechanic arts and agriculture." two years later the african methodists purchased one hundred and eighty acres of land in eastern ohio and established what was called the union seminary, on the manual labor plan. it did not succeed, but it lingered along, keeping alive the idea, until it was eclipsed by wilberforce university, into which it was finally merged. the anti-slavery fight carried on in the north, into which the colored men entered and became powerful leaders, aroused the race to a deep study of the whole subject of liberty and brought them in sympathy with all people who had either gained or were struggling for their liberties, and prompted them to investigate all countries offering to them freedom. no country was so well studied by them as hayti, and from to there had been considerable emigration thither. liberia, central and south america and canada were all considered under the thought of emigration. thousands went to hayti and to canada, but the bulk preferred to remain here. they liked america, and had become so thoroughly in love with the doctrines of the republic, so imbued with the pride of the nation's history, so inspired with hope in the nation's future, that they resolved to live and die on her soil. when the troublous times of came and white men were fleeing to canada, colored men remained at their posts. they were ready to stand by the old flag and to take up arms for the union, trusting that before the close of the strife the flag might have to them a new meaning. an impassioned colored orator had said of the flag: "its stars were for the white man, and its stripes for the negro, and it was very appropriate that the stripes should be red." the free negro of the north was prepared in to support abraham lincoln with , as good american-born champions for universal liberty as the country could present. footnotes: [ ] slave trade--carey. [ ] outlines--tanner. [ ] a.m.e. magazine, . [ ] it is to be noted that in maryland and virginia an important number of white serving women married negro slave men in the early days of these colonies. [ ] in there were six high schools, or schools for higher education, in the united states that admitted colored students on equal footing with others. these were: oneida institute, new york; mount pleasant, amherst, mass.; canaan, n.h.; western reserve, ohio; gettysburg, pa.; and "one in the city of philadelphia of which miss buffam" was "principal." there was also one manual labor school in madison county, n.y., capable of accommodating eighteen students. it was founded by gerrit smith. notes. a. the first colored convention. on the fifteenth day of september, , there was held at bethel church, in the city of philadelphia, the first convention of the colored people of these united states. it was an event of historical importance; and, whether we regard the times or the men of whom this assemblage was composed, we find matter for interesting and profitable consideration. emancipation had just taken place in new york, and had just been arrested in virginia by the nat turner rebellion and walker's pamphlet. secret sessions of the legislatures of the several southern states had been held to deliberate upon the production of a colored man who had coolly recommended to his fellow blacks the only solution to the slave question, which, after twenty-five years of arduous labor of the most hopeful and noble-hearted of the abolitionists, seems the forlorn hope of freedom to-day--insurrection and bloodshed. great britain was in the midst of that bloodless revolution which, two years afterwards, culminated in the passage of the reform bill, and thus prepared the joyous and generous state of the british heart which dictated the west india emancipation act. france was rejoicing in the not bloodless _trois jours de juliet_. indeed, the whole world seemed stirred up with a universal excitement, which, when contrasted with the universal panics of and , leads one to regard as more than a philosophical speculation the doctrine of those who hold the life of mankind from the creation as but one life, beating with one heart, animated with one soul, tending to one destiny, although made up of millions upon millions of molecular lives, gifted with their infinite variety of attractions and repulsions, which regulate or crystallize them into evanescent substructures or organizations, which we call nationalities and empires and peoples and tribes, whose minute actions and reactions on each other are the histories which absorb our attention, whilst the grand universal life moves on beyond our ken, or only guessed at, as the astronomers shadow out movements of our solar system around or towards some distant unknown centre of attraction. if the times of were eventful, there were among our people, as well as among other peoples, men equal to the occasion. we had giants in those days! there were bishop allen, the founder of the great bethel connection of methodists, combining in his person the fiery zeal of st. francis xavier with the skill and power of organizing of a richelieu; the meek but equally efficient rush (who yet remains with us in fulfilment of the scripture), the father of the zion methodists; paul, whose splendid presence and stately eloquence in the pulpit, and whose grand baptisms in the waters of boston harbor are a living tradition in all new england; the saintly and sainted peter williams, whose views of the best means of our elevation are in triumphant activity to-day; william hamilton, the thinker and actor, whose sparse specimens of eloquence we will one day place in gilded frames as rare and beautiful specimens of etruscan art--william hamilton, who, four years afterwards, during the new york riots, when met in the street, loaded down with iron missiles, and asked where he was going, replied, "to die on my threshold"; watkins, of baltimore; frederick hinton, with his polished eloquence; james forten, the merchant prince; william whipper, just essaying his youthful powers; lewis woodson and john peck, of pittsburg; austin steward, then of rochester; samuel e. cornish, who had the distinguished honor of reasoning gerrit smith out of colonization, and of telling henry clay that he would never be president of anything higher than the american colonization society; philip a. bell, the born sabreur, who never feared the face of clay, and a hundred others, were the worthily leading spirits among the colored people. and yet the idea of the first colored convention did not originate with any of these distinguished men; it came from a young man of baltimore; then, and still, unknown to fame. born in that city in , he was in apprenticed to a man some two hundred miles off in the southeast. arriving at his field of labor, he worked hard nearly a week and received poor fare in return. one day, while at work near the house, the mistress came out and gave him a furious scolding, so furious, indeed, that her husband mildly interfered; she drove the latter away, and threatened to take the baltimore out of the lad with cowhide, etc., etc. at this moment, to use his own expression, the lad became converted, that is, he determined to be his own master as long as he lived. early nightfall found him on his way to baltimore which he reached after a severe journey which tested his energy and ingenuity to the utmost. at the age of twenty-three he was engaged in the summer time in supplying baltimore with ice from his cart, and in winter in cutting up pork for ellicotts' establishment. he must have been strong and swift with knife and cleaver, for in one day he cut up and dressed some four hundred and fifteen porkers. in our young friend fell in with benjamin lundy, and in - , with william lloyd garrison, editors and publishers of the "genius of universal emancipation," a radical anti-slavery paper, whose boldness would put the "national era" to shame, printed and published in the slave state of maryland. in - the colored people of the free states were much excited on the subject of emigration; there had been an emigration to hayti, and also to canada, and some had been driven to liberia by the severe laws and brutal conduct of the fermenters of colonization in virginia and maryland. in some districts of these states the disguised whites would enter the houses of free colored men at night, and take them out and give them from thirty to fifty lashes, to get them to consent to go to liberia. it was in the spring of that the young man we have sketched, hezekiah grice, conceived the plan of calling together a meeting or convention of colored men in some place north of the potomac, for the purpose of comparing views and of adopting a harmonious movement either of emigration or of determination to remain in the united states; convinced of the hopelessness of contending against the oppressions in the united states, living in the very depth of that oppression and wrong, his own views looked to canada; but he held them subject to the decision of the majority of the convention which might assemble. on the d of april, , he addressed a written circular to prominent colored men in the free states, requesting their opinions on the necessity and propriety of holding such convention, and stated that if the opinions of a sufficient number warranted it, he would give time and place at which duly elected delegates might assemble. four months passed away, and his spirit almost died within him, for he had not received a line from any one in reply. when he visited mr. garrison in his office, and stated his project, mr. garrison took up a copy of walker's appeal, and said, although it might be right, yet it was too early to have published such a book. on the th of august, however, he received a sudden and peremptory order from bishop allen to come instantly to philadelphia, about the emigration matter. he went, and found a meeting assembled to consider the conflicting reports on canada of messrs. lewis and dutton; at a subsequent meeting, held the next night, and near the adjournment, the bishop called mr. grice aside and gave to him to read a printed circular, issued from new york city, strongly approving of mr. grice's plan of a convention, and signed by peter williams, peter vogelsang and thomas l. jinnings. the bishop added, "my dear child, we must take some action immediately, or else these new yorkers will get ahead of us." the bishop left the meeting to attend a lecture on chemistry by dr. wells, of baltimore. mr. grice introduced the subject of the convention; and a committee consisting of bishop allen, benjamin pascal, cyrus black, james cornish and junius c. morel, were appointed to lay the matter before the colored people of philadelphia. this committee, led, doubtless, by bishop allen, at once issued a call for a convention of the colored men of the united states, to be held in the city of philadelphia on the th of september, . mr. grice returned to baltimore rejoicing at the success of his project; but, in the same boat which bore him down the chesapeake, he was accosted by mr. zollickoffer, a member of the society of friends, a philadelphian, and a warm and tried friend of the blacks. mr. zollickoffer used arguments, and even entreaties, to dissuade mr. grice from holding the convention, pointing out the dangers and difficulties of the same should it succeed, and the deep injury it would do the cause in case of failure. of course, it was reason and entreaty thrown away. on the fifteenth of september, mr. grice again landed in philadelphia, and in the fulness of his expectation asked every colored man he met about the convention; no one knew anything about it; the first man did not know the meaning of the word, and another man said, "who ever heard of colored people holding a convention--convention, indeed!" finally, reaching the place of meeting, he found, in solemn conclave, the five gentlemen who had constituted themselves delegates: with a warm welcome from bishop allen, mr. grice, who came with credentials from the people of baltimore, was admitted as delegate. a little while after, dr. burton, of philadelphia, dropped in, and demanded by what right the six gentlemen held their seats as members of the convention. on a hint from bishop allen, mr. pascal moved that dr. burton be elected an honorary member of the convention, which softened the doctor. in half an hour, five or six grave, stern-looking men, members of the zion methodist body in philadelphia, entered, and demanded to know by what right the members present held their seats and undertook to represent the colored people. another hint from the bishop, and it was moved that these gentlemen be elected honorary members. but the gentlemen would submit to no such thing, and would accept nothing short of full membership, which was granted them. among the delegates were abraham shadd, of delaware; j.w.c. pennington, of brooklyn; austin steward, of rochester; horace easton, of boston, and ---- adams, of utica. the main subject of discussion was emigration to canada; junius c. morel, chairman of a committee on that subject presented a report, on which there was a two days' discussion; the point discussed was that the report stated that "the lands in canada were synonymous with those of the northern states." the word synonymous was objected to, and the word similar proposed in its stead. mr. morel, with great vigor and ingenuity, defended the report, but was finally voted down, and the word similar adopted. the convention recommended emigration to canada, passed strong resolutions against the american colonization society, and at its adjournment appointed the next annual convention of the people of color to be held in philadelphia, on the first monday in june, . at the present day, when colored conventions are almost as frequent as church meetings, it is difficult to estimate the bold and daring spirit which inaugurated the colored convention of . it was the right move, originating in the right quarter and at the right time. glorious old maryland, or, as one speaking in the view that climate grows the men, would say,--maryland-virginia region,--which has produced benjamin banneker, nat. turner, frederick douglass, the parents of ira aldridge, henry highland garnett and sam. ringold ward, also produced the founder of colored conventions, hezekiah grice! at that time, in the prime of his young manhood, he must have presented the front of one equal to any fortune, able to achieve any undertaking. standing six feet high, well-proportioned, of a dark bronze complexion, broad brow, and that stamp of features out of which the greek sculptor would have delighted to mould the face of vulcan--he was, to the fullest extent, a working man of such sort and magnetism as would lead his fellows where he listed. in looking to the important results that grew out of this convention, the independence of thought and self-assertion of the black man are the most remarkable. then, the union of purpose and union of strength which grew out of the acquaintanceship and mutual pledges of colored men from different states. then, the subsequent conventions, where the great men we have already named, and others, appeared and took part in the discussions with manifestations of zeal, talent and ability, which attracted garrison, the tappans, jocelyn and others of that noble host, who, drawing no small portion of their inspiration from their black brethren in bonds, did manfully fight in the days of anti-slavery which tried men's souls, and when, to be an abolitionist, was, to a large extent, to be a martyr. we cannot help adding the thought that had these conventions of the colored people of the united states continued their annual sittings from until the present time, the result would doubtless have been greater general progress among our people themselves, a more united front to meet past and coming exigencies, and a profounder hold upon the public attention, and a deeper respect on the part of our enemies, than we now can boast of. looking at public opinion as it is, the living law of the land, and yet a malleable, ductile entity, which can be moulded, or at least affected, by the thoughts of any masses vigorously expressed, we should have become a power on earth, of greater strength and influence than in our present scattered and dwindled state we dare even dream of. the very announcement, "thirtieth annual convention of the colored people of the united states," would bear a majestic front. our great gathering at rochester in , commanded not only public attention, but respect and admiration. should we have such a gathering even now, once a year, not encumbered with elaborate plans of action, with too many wheels within wheels, we can yet regain much of the ground lost. the partial gathering at boston, the other day, has already assumed its place in the public mind, and won its way into the calculations of the politicians. our readers will doubtless be glad to learn the subsequent history of mr. grice. he did not attend the second convention, but in the interval between the second and third he formed, in the city of baltimore, a "legal rights association," for the purpose of ascertaining the legal status of the colored man in the united states. it was entirely composed of colored men, among whom were mr. watkins (the colored baltimorean), mr. deaver, and others. mr. grice called on william wirt, and asked him "what he charged for his opinion on a given subject." "fifty dollars." "then, sir, i will give you fifty dollars if you will give me your opinion on the legal condition of a free colored man in these united states." mr. wirt required the questions to be written out in proper form before he could answer them. mr. grice employed tyson, who drew up a series of questions, based upon the constitution of the united states, and relating to the rights and citizenship of the free black. he carried the questions to mr. wirt, who, glancing over them, said, "really, sir, my position as an officer under the government renders it a delicate matter for me to answer these questions as they should be answered, but i'll tell you what to do: they should be answered, and by the best legal talent in the land; do you go to philadelphia, and present my name to horace binney, and he will give you an answer satisfactory to you, and which will command the greatest respect throughout the land." mr. grice went to philadelphia, and presented the questions and request to horace binney. this gentleman pleaded age and poor eyesight, but told mr. grice that if he would call on john sargent he would get answers of requisite character and weight. he called on john sargent, who promptly agreed to answer the questions if mr. binney would allow his name to be associated as an authority in the replies. mr. binney again declined, and so the matter fell through. this is what mr. grice terms his "dred scott case" and so it was. he attended the convention of , but by some informality, or a want of credentials, was not permitted to sit as full member!--saul ejected from among the prophets!--yet he was heard on the subject of rights, and the doctrine of "our rights," as well as the first colored convention, are due to the same man. in , chagrined at the colored people of the united states, he migrated to hayti, where, until , he pursued the business of carver and gilder. in the latter year he was appointed director of public works in port-au-prince, which office he held until two years ago. he is also engaged in, and has wide knowledge of machinery and engineering. every two or three years he visits new york, and is welcomed to the arcana of such men as james j. mapes, the bensons, dunhams, and at the various works where steam and iron obey human ingenuity in our city. he is at present in this city, lodging at the house of the widow of his old friend and coadjutor, thomas l. jinnings, reade street. we have availed ourselves of his presence among us to glean from him the statements which we have imperfectly put together in this article. we cannot dismiss this subject without the remark, of peculiar pertinence at this moment, that it would have been better for our people had mr. grice never left these united states. the twenty-seven years he has passed in hayti, although not without their mark on the fortunes of that island, are yet with out such mark as he would have made in the land and upon the institutions among which he was born. so early as his thirty-second year, before he had reached his intellectual prime, he had inaugurated two of the leading ideas on which our people have since acted, conventions to consider and alleviate their grievances, and the struggle for legal rights. if he did such things in early youth, what might he not have done with the full force and bent of his matured intellect? and where, in the wide world, in what region, or under what sun, could he so effectually have labored to elevate the black man as on this soil and under american institutions? so profoundly are we opposed to the favorite doctrine of the puritans and their co-workers, the colonizationists--ubi libertas, ibi patria--that we could almost beseech divine providence to reverse some past events and to fling back into the heart of virginia and maryland their sam wards, highland garnets, j.w. penningtons, frederick douglasses, and the twenty thousand who now shout hosannas in canada--and we would soon see some stirring in the direction of ubi patria, ibi libertas.--anglo-african magazine, october, . b. communication from the new york society for the promotion of education among colored children. to the honorable the commissioners for examining into the condition of common schools in the city and county of new york. the following statement in relation to the colored schools in said city and county is respectfully presented by the new york society for the promotion of education among colored children: . the number of colored children in the city and county of new york (estimated in , from the census of ), between the ages of and years , a. average attendance of colored children at public schools in average attendance of colored children in corporate schools supported by school funds (colored orphan asylum) ---- , b. proportion of average attendance in public schools of colored children to whole number of same is as to . . . the number of white children in the city of new york in (estimated as above), between the ages of and years , a. average attendance of white children in public schools in , average attendance of white children in corporate schools supported by public funds , ------ , b. proportion of average attendance of white children in public schools to whole number of same is as to . . . from these facts it appears that colored children attend the public schools (and schools supported by public funds in the city of new york) in the proportion of to . , and that the white children attend similar schools in said city in the proportion of to . ; that is to say, nearly per cent. more of colored children than of white children attend the public schools, and schools supported by public funds in the city of new york. . the number of colored children attending private schools in the city of new york, . a. the number of white children attending private schools in , census gave , , which number has since been increased by the establishment of catholic parochial schools, estimated in , , . b. the proportion of colored children attending private schools to white children attending same, is as to . c. but the average attendance of colored children in all schools is about the same as that of the white in proportion, that is to say, as many colored children attend the public schools as do whites attend both public and private schools, in proportion to the whole number of each class of children. locality, capability, etc., of colored schools. . the board of education, since its organization, has expended in sites and buildings for white schools $ , , . b. the board of education has expended for sites and buildings for colored schools (addition to building leased thomas), $ , . c. the two schoolhouses in possession of the board now used for colored children were assigned to same by the old public school society. . the proportion of colored children to white children attending public schools is as to . a. the sum expended on school buildings and sites of colored and white schools by the board of education is as to , . . a. schoolhouse no. , for colored children, is an old building, erected in by the new york manumission society as a school for colored children, in mulberry street, in a poor but decent locality. it has two departments, one male and one female; it consists of two stories only, and has two small recitation rooms on each floor, but as primary as well as grammar children attend each department, much difficulty and confusion arises from the want of class room for the respective studies. the building covers only part of the lot, and as it is, the best attended and among the best taught of the colored schools, a new and ample school building, erected in this place, would prove a great attraction, and could be amply filled by children. b. schoolhouse no. , erected in laurens street more than twenty years ago for colored children by the public school society, is in one of the lowest and filthiest neighborhoods, and hence, although it has competent teachers in the male and female departments, and a separate primary department, the attendance has always been slender, and will be until the school is removed to a neighborhood where children may be sent without danger to their morals. c. school no. , for colored children, in yorkville, is an old building, is well attended, and deserves, in connection with schoolhouse no. , in harlem, a new building midway between the present localities. d. schoolhouse no. , for colored children, is an old building, leased at no. thomas street, a most degraded neighborhood, full of filth and vice; yet the attendance on this school, and the excellence of its teachers, earn for it the need of a new site and new building. e. schoolhouse no. , for colored children, is in broadway, near th street, in a dwelling house leased and fitted up for a school, in which there is always four feet of water in the cellar. the attendance good. some of the school officers have repeatedly promised a new building. f. primary school for colored children, no. , is in the basement of a church on th street, near th avenue, in a good location, but premises too small for the attendance; no recitation rooms, and is perforce both primary and grammar school, to the injury of the progress of all. g. primary schools for colored children, no. and , are in the rear of church, in d street, near th avenue; the rooms are dark and cheerless, and without the needful facilities of sufficient recitation rooms, etc. from a comparison of the schoolhouses with the splendid, almost palatial edifices, with manifold comforts, conveniences and elegancies which make up the schoolhouses for white children in the city of new york, it is evident that the colored children are painfully neglected and positively degraded. pent up in filthy neighborhoods, in old and dilapidated buildings, they are held down to low associations and gloomy surroundings. yet mr. superintendent kiddle, at a general examination of colored schools held in july last (for silver medals awarded by the society now addressing your honorable body) declared the reading and spelling equal to that of any schools in the city. the undersigned enter their solemn protest against this unjust treatment of colored children. they believe with the experience of massachusetts, and especially the recent experience of boston before them, there is no sound reason why colored children shall be excluded from any of the common schools supported by taxes levied alike on whites and blacks, and governed by officers elected by the vote of colored as well as white voters. but if in the judgment of your honorable body common schools are not thus common to all, then we earnestly pray you to recommend to the legislature such action as shall cause the board of education of this city to erect at least two well-appointed modern grammar schools for colored children on suitable sites, in respectable localities, so that the attendance of colored children may be increased and their minds be elevated in like manner as the happy experience of the honorable board of education has been in the matter of white children. in addition to the excellent impulse to colored youth which these new grammar schools would give, they will have the additional argument of actual economy; the children will be taught with far less expense in two such schoolhouses than in the half dozen hovels into which they are now driven. it is a costly piece of injustice which educates the white scholar in a palace at $ per year and the colored pupil in a hovel at $ or $ per annum. taxes, etc., of colored population of the city. no proposition can be more reasonable than that they who pay taxes for schools and schoolhouses should be provided with schools and schoolhouses. the colored population of this city, in proportion to their numbers, pay their full share of the general and therefore of the school taxes. there are about nine thousand adults of both sexes; of these over three thousand are householders, rent-payers, and therefore tax-payers, in that sense of the word in which owners make tax-payers of their poor tenants. the colored laboring man, with an income of $ a year, who pays $ per year for a room and bedroom, is really in proportion to his means a larger tax-payer than the millionaire whose tax rate is thousands of dollars. but directly, also, do the colored people pay taxes. from examinations carefully made, the undersigned affirm that there are in the city at least , colored persons who own and pay taxes on real estate. taxed real estate in the city of new york owned by colored persons $ , , untaxed by colored persons (churches) , personal estate , money in savings banks , , ----------- $ , , these figures indicate that in proportion to their numbers, the colored population of this city pay a fair share of the school taxes, and that they have been most unjustly dealt with. their money has been used to purchase sites and erect and fit up schoolhouses for white children, whilst their own children are driven into miserable edifices in disgraceful localities. surely, the white population of the city are too able, too generous, too just, any longer to suffer this miserable robbing of their colored fellow-citizens for the benefit of white children. praying that your honorable commission will take due notice of these facts, and recommend such remedy as shall seem to you best, we have the honor to be, in behalf of the new york society for the promotion of education among colored citizens, most respectfully yours, charles b. ray, president. philip a. white, secretary. new york city, december , . chapter ii. american negro and the military spirit. early literature of negro soldiers--negro soldiers in the war of the revolution--the war of --negro insurrections--negro troops in the civil war--notes. "do you think i'll make a soldier?" is the opening line of one of those delightful spirituals, originating among the slaves in the far south. i first heard it sung in the saint james methodist church, corner of spring and coming streets, charleston, south carolina, immediately after the close of the war. it was sung by a vast congregation to a gentle, swinging air, with nothing of the martial about it, and was accompanied by a swaying of the body to the time of the music. occasionally there would be the "curtesys" peculiar to the south carolina slave of the low country, which consists in a stooping of the body by bending the knees only, the head remaining erect, a movement which takes the place of the bow among equals. the older ladies, with heads adorned with the ever-present madras kerchief, often tied in the most becoming and tasteful manner, and faces aglow with an enthusiasm that bespoke a life within sustained by visions of spiritual things, would often be seen to shake hands and add a word of greeting and hope which would impart a charm and meaning to the singing far above what the humble words of the song without these accessories could convey. as the rich chorus of matchless voices poured out in perfect time and tune, "rise, shine, and give god the glory," the thoughts of earthly freedom, of freedom from sin, and finally of freedom from the toils, cares and sorrows of earth to be baptized into the joys of heaven, all seemed to blend into the many colored but harmonious strain. the singing of the simple hearted trustful, emancipated slave! shall we ever hear the like again on earth? alas, that the high hopes and glowing prophecies of that auspicious hour have been so deferred that the hearts of millions have been made sick! of the songs that came out of slavery with these long suffering people, colonel higginson, who perhaps got nearer to them in sentiment than any other literary man not really, of them, says: "almost all their songs were thoroughly religious in their tone, however quaint their expression, and were in a minor key both as to words and music. the attitude is always the same, and, as a commentary on the life of the race, is infinitely pathetic. nothing but patience for this life--nothing but triumph in the next. sometimes the present predominates, sometimes the future; but the combination is always implied." i do not know when this "soldier" song had its birth, but it may have sprung out of the perplexity of the slave's mind as he contemplated the raging conflict and saw himself drawn nearer and nearer to the field of strife. whether in this song the "present predominates," and the query, therefore, has a strong primary reference to carnal weapons and to garments dyed in blood; whether the singer invites an opinion as to his fitness to engage in the war for freedom--it may not be possible to determine. the "year of jubilee," coming in the same song in connection with the purpose for which the singer is to be made a soldier, gives clearer illustration of that combination of the present and future which mr. higginson says was always present in the spirituals of that period, if it shows no more. when it is remembered that at that time charleston was literally trodden under foot by black soldiers in bright uniforms, whose coming seemed to the colored people of that city like a dream too good to be true, it is not hard to believe that this song had much of the present in it, and owed its birth to the circumstances of war. singularly enough the song makes the negro ask the exact question which had been asked about him from the earliest days of our history as a nation, a question which in some form confronts him still. the question, as the song has it, is not one of fact, but one of opinion. it is not: will i make a soldier? but: do you think i will make a soldier? it is one thing to "make a soldier," another thing to have men think so. the question of fact was settled a century ago; the question of opinion is still unsettled. the negro soldier, hero of five hundred battlefields, with medals and honors resting upon his breast, with the endorsement of the highest military authority of the nation, with port hudson, el caney and san juan behind him, is still expected by too many to stand and await the verdict of thought, from persons who never did "think" he would make a soldier, and who never will think so. as well expect the excited animal of the ring to _think_ in the presence of the red rag of the toreador as to expect _them_ to think on the subject of the negro soldier. they can curse, and rant, when they see the stalwart negro in uniform, but it is too much to ask them to think. to them the negro can be a fiend, a brute, but never a soldier. to john g. whittier and to william c. nell are we indebted for the earliest recital of the heroic deeds of the colored american in the wars of the revolution and . whittier contributed an article on this subject to the "national era" in , and five or six years later nell published his pamphlet on "colored patriots," a booklet recently reprinted by the african methodist episcopal church. it is a useful contribution, showing as it does the rising and spreading abroad of that spirit which appreciates military effort and valor; and while recognizing the glory that came to american arms in the period described, honestly seeks to place some of that glory upon the deserving brow of a race then enslaved and despised. the book is unpretentious and aims to relate the facts in a straight-forward way, unaccompanied by any of the charms of tasteful presentation. its author, however, is deserving our thanks, and the book marks an important stage in the development of the colored american. his mind was turning toward the creation of the soldier--the formation of armies. there are other evidences that the mind of the colored man was at this time turning towards arms. in doctor pennington, one of the most learned colored men of his times, having received his degree in divinity from heidelberg, delivered an address before a mass convention of colored citizens of ohio, held in cleveland, in which he spoke principally of the colored soldier. during the convention the "cleveland light artillery" fired a salute, and on the platform were seated several veteran colored men, some of them, particularly mr. john julius, of pittsburg, pa., taking part in the speech-making. mr. nell says: "within recent period several companies of colored men in new york city have enrolled themselves a la militaire," and quotes from the new york tribune of august, , as follows: "colored soldiers.--among the many parades within a few days we noticed yesterday a soldierly-looking company of colored men, on their way homeward from a target or parade drill. they looked like men, handled their arms like men, and should occasion demand, we presume they would fight like men." in boston, new haven, new bedford and other places efforts were made during the decade from to to manifest this rising military spirit by appropriate organization, but the efforts were not always successful. in some cases the prejudices of the whites put every possible obstacle in the way of the colored young men who attempted to array themselves as soldiers. the martial spirit is not foreign to the negro character, as has been abundantly proved in both ancient and modern times. williams, in his admirable history of the negro as well as in his "negro troops in the rebellion," has shown at considerable length that the negro has been a soldier from earliest times, serving in large numbers in the egyptian army long before the beginning of the christian era. we know that without any great modification in character, runaway slaves developed excellent fighting qualities as maroons, in trinidad, british guiana, st. domingo and in florida. but it was in hayti that the unmixed negro rose to the full dignity of a modern soldier, creating and leading armies, conducting and carrying on war, treating with enemies and receiving surrenders, complying fully with the rules of civilized warfare, and evolving finally a toussaint, whose military genius his most bitter enemies were compelled to recognize--toussaint, who to the high qualities of the soldier added also the higher qualities of statesmanship. with napoleon, cromwell and washington, the three great commanders of modern times who have joined to high military talent eminent ability in the art of civil government, we must also class toussaint l'ouverteur, the black soldier of the antilles. thiers, the prejudiced attorney of napoleon, declares nevertheless that toussaint possessed wonderful talent for government, and the fact ever remains that under his benign rule all classes were pacified and san domingo was made to blossom as the rose. in the armies of menelek, in the armies of france, in the armies of england, as well as in the organization of the zulu and kaffir tribes the negro has shown himself a soldier. if the afro-american should fail in this particular it will not be because of any lack of the military element in the african side of his character, or for any lack of "remorseless military audacity" in the original negro, as the historian, williams, expresses it. in our own revolutionary war, the negro, then but partially civilized, and classed with "vagabonds," held everywhere as a slave, and everywhere distrusted, against protest and enactment, made his way into the patriot army, fighting side by side with his white compatriots from lexington to yorktown. on the morning of april th, , when the british re-enforcements were preparing to leave boston for lexington, a negro soldier who had served in the french war, commanded a small body of west cambridge "exempts" and captured lord percy's supply train with its military escort and the officer in command. as a rule the negro soldiers were distributed among the regiments, thirty or forty to a regiment, and did not serve in separate organizations. bishop j.p. campbell, of the african methodist church, was accustomed to say "both of my grandfathers served in the revolutionary war." in varnum's brigade, however, there was a negro regiment and of it scribner's history, , says, speaking of the battle of rhode island: "none behaved better than greene's colored regiment, which three times repulsed the furious charges of veteran hessians." williams says: "the black regiment was one of three that prevented the enemy from turning the flank of the american army. these black troops were doubtless regarded as the weak spot of the line, but they were not." the colony of massachusetts alone furnished , men for the revolutionary war, while all the colonies together south of pennsylvania furnished but , , hence the sentiment prevailing in massachusetts would naturally be very powerful in determining any question pertaining to the army. when the country sprang to arms in response to that shot fired at lexington, the echoes of which, poetically speaking, were heard around the world, the free negroes of every northern colony rallied with their white neighbors. they were in the fight at lexington and at bunker hill, but when washington came to take command of the army he soon gave orders that no negroes should be enlisted. he was sustained in this position by a council of war and by a committee of conference in which were representatives from rhode island, connecticut and massachusetts, and it was agreed that negroes be rejected altogether. the american negro's persistency in pressing himself where he is not _wanted_ but where he is _eminently needed_ began right there. within six weeks so many colored men applied for enlistment, and those that had been put out of the army raised such a clamor that washington changed his policy, and the negro, who of all america's population contended for the privilege of shouldering a gun to fight for american liberty, was allowed a place in the continental army, the first national army organized on this soil, ante-dating the national flag. the negro soldier helped to evolve the national standard and was in the ranks of the fighting men over whom it first unfolded its broad stripes and glittering stars. [transcriber's note: this footnote appeared in the text without a footnote anchor: "to the honorable general court of the massachusetts bay: "the subscribers beg leave to report to your honorable house, which we do in justice to the character of so brave a man, that, under our own observation, we declare that a negro man called salem poor, of col. frye's regiment, capt. ames' company, in the late battle at charlestown, behaved like an experienced officer, as well as an excellent soldier. we would only beg leave to say, in the person of this said negro centres a brave and gallant soldier. the reward due to so great and distinguished a character we submit to the congress. "cambridge, dec. , ." these black soldiers, fresh from heathen lands, not out of slavery, proved themselves as worthy as the best. in the battle of bunker hill, where all were brave, two negro soldiers so distinguished themselves that their names have come down to us garlanded with the tributes of their contemporaries. peter salem, until then a slave, a private in colonel nixon's regiment of continentals, without orders fired deliberately upon major pitcairn as he was leading the assault of the british to what appeared certain victory. everet in speaking "of prescott, putnam and warren, the chiefs of the day," mentions in immediate connection "the colored man, salem, who is reported to have shot the gallant pitcairn as he mounted the parapet." what salem poor did is not set forth, but the following is the wreath of praise that surrounds his name: jona. brewer, col. eliphalet bodwell, sgt. thomas nixon, lt.-col. josiah foster, lieut. wm. precott, col. ebenr. varnum, d lieut. ephm. corey, lieut. wm. hudson ballard, capt. joseph baker, lieut. william smith, capt. joshua row, lieut. john morton, sergt. (?) jonas richardson, capt. richard welsh, lieut.] it is in place here to mention a legion of free mulattoes and blacks from the island of st. domingo, a full account of whose services is appended to this section, who fought under d'estaing with great distinction in the siege of savannah, their bravery at that time saving the patriot army from annihilation. when the revolutionary war had closed the brave black soldier who had fought to give to the world a new flag whose every star should be a star of hope to the oppressed, and whose trinity of colors should symbolize liberty, equality and fraternity, found his race, and in some instances himself personally, encased in a cruel and stubborn slavery. for the soldier himself special provision had been made in both northern and southern colonies, but it was not always hearty or effective. in october, , the virginia legislature passed an act for the relief of certain slaves who had served in the army whose "former owners were trying to force to return to a state of servitude, contrary to the principles of justice and their solemn promise." the act provided that each and every slave who had enlisted "by the appointment and direction of his owner" and had "been received as a substitute for any free person whose duty or lot it was to serve" and who had served faithfully during the term of such enlistment, unless lawfully discharged earlier, should be fully and completely emancipated and should be held and deemed free in as full and ample manner as if each and every one of them were specially named in the act. the act, though apparently so fair on its face, and interlarded as it is with patriotic and moral phrases, is nevertheless very narrow and technical, liberating only those who enlisted by the appointment and direction of their owners, and who were accepted as substitutes, and who came out of the army with good discharges. it is not hard to see that even under this act many an ex-soldier might end his days in slavery. the negro had joined in the fight for freedom and when victory is won finds himself a slave. he was both a slave and a soldier, too often, during the war; and now at its close may be both a veteran and a slave. the second war with great britain broke out with an incident in which the negro in the navy was especially conspicuous. the chesapeake, an american war vessel was hailed, fired upon and forced to strike her colors, by the british. she was then boarded and searched and four persons taken from her decks, claimed as deserters from the english navy. three of these were negroes and one white. the negroes were finally dismissed with a reprimand and the white man hanged. five years later hostilities began on land and no opposition was manifested toward the employment of negro soldiers. laws were passed, especially in new york, authorizing the formation of regiments of blacks with white officers. it is remarkable that although the successful insurrection of st. domingo was so recent, and many refugees from that country at that time were in the united states, and our country had also but lately come into possession of a large french element by the louisiana purchase, there was no fear of a servile insurrection in this country. the free colored men of new orleans, under the proclamation of the narrow-minded jackson, rallied to the defence of that city and bore themselves with commendable valor in that useless battle. the war closed, however, and the glory of the negro soldier who fought in it soon expired in the dismal gloom of a race-slavery becoming daily more wide-spread and hopeless. john brown's movement was military in character and contemplated the creation of an army of liberated slaves; but its early suppression prevented any display of negro valor or genius. its leader must ever receive the homage due those who are so moved by the woes of others as to overlook all considerations of policy and personal risk. as a plot for the destruction of life it fell far short of the nat turner insurrection which swept off fifty-seven persons within a few hours. in purpose the two episodes agree. they both aim at the liberation of the slave; both were led by fanatics, the reflex production of the cruelty of slavery, and both ended in the melancholy death of their heroic leaders. turner's was the insurrection of the slave and was not free from the mad violence of revenge; brown's was the insurrection of the friend of the slave, and was governed by the high and noble purpose of freedom. the insurrections of denmark vesey in south carolina, in , and of nat turner, in virginia, in , show conclusively that the negro slave possessed the courage, the cunning, the secretiveness and the intelligence to fight for his freedom. these two attempts were sufficiently broad and intelligent, when taken into consideration with the enforced ignorance of the slave, to prove the negro even in his forlorn condition capable of daring great things. of the probable thousands who were engaged in the denmark vesey insurrection, only fifteen were convicted, and these died heroically without revealing anything connected with the plot. forty-three years later i met the son of denmark vesey, who rejoiced in the efforts of his noble father, and regarded his death on the gallows as a holy sacrifice to the cause of freedom. turner describes his fight as follows: "the white men, eighteen in number, approached us to about one hundred yards, when one of them fired, and i discovered about half of them retreating. i then ordered my men to fire and rush on them. the few remaining stood their ground until we approached within fifty yards, when they fired and retreated. we pursued and overtook some of them whom we thought we left dead. after pursuing them about two hundred yards, and rising a little hill, i discovered they were met by another party, and had halted and were reloading their guns. thinking that those who retreated first and the party who fired on us at fifty or sixty yards distant had all only fallen back to meet others with ammunition, as i saw them reloading their guns, and more coming up than i saw at first, and several of my bravest men being wounded, the others became panic struck and scattered over the field. the white men pursued and fired on us several times. hark had his horse shot under him, and i caught another for him that was running by me; five or six of my men were wounded, but none left on the field. finding myself defeated here, i instantly determined to go through a private way and cross the nottoway river at cypress bridge, three miles below jerusalem, and attack that place in the rear, as i expected they would look for me on the other road, and i had a great desire to get there to procure arms and ammunition. after going a short distance in this private way, accompanied by about twenty men, i overtook two or three who told me the others were dispersed in every direction. after trying in vain to collect a sufficient force to proceed to jerusalem, i determined to return, as i was sure they would make back to their old neighborhood, where they would rejoin me, make new recruits, and come down again. on my way back i called on mrs. thomas', mrs. spencer's and several other places. we stopped at major ridley's quarters for the night, and being joined by four of his men, with the recruits made since my defeat, we mustered now about forty strong. after placing out sentinels, i lay down to sleep, but was quickly aroused by a great racket. starting up i found some mounted and others in great confusion, one of the sentinels having given the alarm that we were about to be attacked. i ordered some to ride around and reconnoitre, and on their return the others being more alarmed, not knowing who they were, fled in different ways, so that i was reduced to about twenty again. with this i determined to attempt to recruit, and proceed on to rally in the neighborhood i had left."[ ] no one can read this account, which is thoroughly supported by contemporary testimony, without seeing in this poor misguided slave the elements of a vigorous captain. failing in his efforts he made his escape and remained for two months in hiding in the vicinity of his pursuers. one concerned in his prosecution says: "it has been said that he was ignorant and cowardly and that his object was to murder and rob for the purpose of obtaining money to make his escape. it is notorious that he was never known to have a dollar in his life, to swear an oath, or drink a drop of spirits. as to his ignorance, he certainly never had the advantages of education, but he can read and write (it was taught him by his parents) and for natural intelligence and quickness of apprehension, is surpassed by few men i have ever seen. as to his being a coward, his reason as given for not resisting mr. phipps shows the decision of his character."[ ] the war of the rebellion, now called the civil war, effected the last and tremendous step in the transition of the american negro from the position of a slave under the republic to that of a soldier in its armies. both under officers of his own race at port hudson and under white officers on a hundred battlefields, the negro in arms proved himself a worthy foeman against the bravest and sternest enemies that ever assailed our nation's flag, and a worthy comrade of the union's best defenders. thirty-six thousand eight hundred and forty-seven of them gave their lives in that awful conflict. the entire race on this continent and those of allied blood throughout the world are indebted to the soldier-historian, honorable george w. williams, for the eloquent story of their service in the union army, and for the presentation of the high testimonials to the valor and worthiness of the colored soldier as given by the highest military authority of the century. from chapter xvi of his book, "negro troops in the rebellion," the paragraphs appended at the close of this chapter are quoted. a. how the black st. domingo legion saved the patriot army in the siege of savannah, . the siege and attempted reduction of savannah by the combined french and american forces is one of the events of our revolutionary war, upon which our historians care little to dwell. because it reflects but little glory upon the american arms, and resulted so disastrously to the american cause, its important historic character and connections have been allowed to fade from general sight; and it stands in the ordinary school text-books, much as an affair of shame. the following, quoted from barnes' history, is a fair sample of the way in which it is treated: "french-american attack on savannah.--in september, d'estaing joined lincoln in besieging that city. after a severe bombardment, an unsuccessful assault was made, in which a thousand lives were lost. count pulaski was mortally wounded. the simple-hearted sergeant jasper died grasping the banner presented to his regiment at fort moultrie. d'estaing refused to give further aid; thus again deserting the americans when help was most needed." from this brief sketch the reader is at liberty to infer that the attack was unwise if not fool-hardy; that the battle was unimportant; and that the conduct of count d'estaing immediately after the battle was unkind, if not unjust, to the americans. while the paragraph does not pretend to tell the whole truth, what it does tell ought to be the truth; and this ought to be told in such a way as to give correct impressions. the attack upon savannah was well-planned and thoroughly well considered; and it failed only because the works were so ably defended, chiefly by british regulars, under brave and skillful officers. in a remote way, which it is the purpose of this paper to trace, that sanguinary struggle had a wider bearing upon the progress of liberty in the western world than any other one battle fought during the revolution. but first let us listen to the story of the battle itself. colonel campbell with a force of three thousand men, captured savannah in december, ; and in the january following, general prevost arrived, and by march had established a sort of civil government in georgia, savannah being the capital. in april, the american general, lincoln, feeble in more senses than one, perhaps, began a movement against savannah by way of augusta; but prevost, aware of his purpose, crossed into south carolina and attempted an attack upon charleston. finding the city too well defended, he contented himself with ravaging the plantations over a wide extent of adjacent country, and returned to savannah laden with rich spoils, among which were included three thousand slaves, of whose labor he made good use later. the patriots of the south now awaited in hope the coming of the french fleet; and on the first of september, count d'estaing appeared suddenly on the coast of georgia with thirty-three sail, surprised and captured four british warships, and announced to the government of south carolina his readiness to assist in the recapture of savannah. he urged as a condition, however, that his ships should not be detained long off so dangerous a coast, as is was now the hurricane season, and there was neither harbor, road, nor offing for their protection. by means of small vessels sent from charleston he effected a landing in ten days, and four days thereafter, on the th, he summoned the garrison to surrender to the arms of france. although this demand was made in the name of france for the plain reason that the american army was not yet upon the spot, the loyalists did not fail to make it a pretext for the accusation that the french were desirous of making conquests in the war on their own account. in the meantime lincoln with the regular troops, was hurrying toward savannah, and had issued orders for the militia to rendezvous at the same place; and the militia full of hope of a speedy, if not of a bloodless conquest, were entering upon this campaign with more than ordinary enthusiasm. during the time that the fleet had been off the coast, and especially since the landing, the british had been very busy in putting the city in a high state of defence, and in making efforts to strengthen the garrison. lieutenant-colonel cruger, who had a small force at sunbury, the last place in georgia that had been captured by the british, and lieutenant-colonel maitland who was commanding a considerable force at beaufort, were ordered to report in haste with their commands at savannah. on the th, when the summons to surrender was received by prevost, maitland had not arrived, but was hourly expected. prevost asked for a delay of twenty-four hours to consider the proposal, which delay was granted; and on that very evening, maitland with his force arrived at dawfuskie. finding the river in the possession of the french, his course for a time seemed effectually cut off. by the merest chance he fell in with some negro fishermen who informed him of a passage known as wall's cut, through scull's creek, navigable for small boats. a favoring tide and a dense fog enabled him to conduct his command unperceived by the french, through this route, and thus arrive in savannah on the afternoon of the th, before the expiration of the twenty-four hours. general prevost had gained his point; and now believing himself able to resist an assault, declined the summons to surrender. two armed ships and four transports were sunk in the channel of the river below the city, and a boom in the same place laid entirely across the river; while several small boats were sunk above the town, thus rendering it impossible for the city to be approached by water. on the day of the summons to surrender, although the works were otherwise well advanced, there were not ten cannon mounted in the lines of savannah; but from that time until the day of assault, the men of the garrison, with the slaves they had captured, worked day and night to get the defences of the city in the highest state of excellence. major moncrief, chief of the engineers, is credited with placing in position more than eighty cannons in a short time after the call to surrender had been received. the city itself at this time was but a mere village of frame buildings and unpaved streets. viewed as facing its assailants, it was protected in its rear, or upon its north side, by the savannah river; and on its west side by a thick swamp or morass, which communicated with the river above the city. the exposed sides were those of the east and south. these faced an open country which for several miles was entirely clear of woods. this exposed portion of the city was well protected by an unbroken line of defences extending from the river back to the swamp, the right and left extremes of the line consisting of strong redoubts, while the centre was made up of seamen's batteries in front, with impalements and traverses thrown up to protect the troops from the fire of the besiegers. the whole extent of the works was faced with an ample abattis. [illustration: savannah river.] to be still more particular: there were three redoubts on the right of the line, and on the right of them quite near the swamp, was a sailor's battery of nine pounders, covered by a company of the british legion. the left redoubt of these three, was known as the springhill redoubt; and proved to be the objective of the final assault. between it and the centre, was another sailor's battery behind which were posted the grenadiers of the th regiment, with the marines which had been landed from the warships. on the left of the line near the river were two redoubts, strongly constructed, with a massy frame of green spongy wood, filled in with sand, and mounted with heavy cannon. the centre, or space between these groups of redoubts, was composed, as has been said, of lighter but nevertheless very effective works, and was strongly garrisoned. having thus scanned the works, let us now take a glance at the men who are to defend them. as all of the assaulting forces are not made up of americans, so all of the defenders are not foreigners. the centre redoubt of the triplet on the right, was garrisoned by two companies of militia, with the north carolina regiment to support them; captains roworth and wylie, with the provincial corps of king's rangers, were posted in the redoubt on the right; and captain tawse with his corps of provincial dragons, dismounted, in the left or springhill redoubt, supported by the south caroline regiment. the whole of this force on the right of the line, was under the command of the gallant lieutenant-colonel maitland; and it was this force that made the charge that barely failed of annihilating the american army. on the left of the line, the georgia loyalists garrisoned one of those massy wooden sand-filled redoubts; while in the centre, cheek by jowl so to speak, with two battalions of the seventy-first regiment, and two regiments of hessians, stood the new york volunteers. all of these corps were ready to act as circumstances should require and to support any part of the line that might be attacked. the negroes who worked on these defences were under the direction of major moncrief. the french troops had landed below the city and were formed facing the british lines, with the river on their right. on their left, later, assembled the american troops. the final dispositions were concluded by september nd, and were as follows: the american troops under lincoln formed the left of the line, their left resting upon the swamp and the entire division facing the springhill redoubt and her two sister defences; then came the division of m. de noailles, composed of nine hundred men. d'estaing's division of one thousand men beside the artillery, came next, and formed the centre of the french army. on d'estaing's right was count dillon's division of nine hundred men; on the right of dillon were the powder magazine, cattle depot, and a small field hospital; on the right of the depot and a little in advance, were dejean's dragoons, numbering fifty men; upon the same alignment and to the right of the dragoons were rouvrais' volunteer chasseurs, numbering seven hundred and fifty men; still further on to the right and two hundred yards in advance of rouvrais, was framais, comanding the grenadier volunteers, and two hundred men besides, his right resting upon the swampy wood that bordered the river, thus completely closing in the city on the land side. the frigate, la truite, and two galleys, lay within cannon shot of the town, and with the aid of the armed store ship, la bricole, and the frigate, la chimere, effectually cut off all communication by water. on the rd, both the french and the americans opened their trenches; and on the th, a small detachment of the besieged made a sortie against the french. the attack was easily repulsed, but the french pursuing, approached so near the entrenchments of the enemy that they were fired upon and several were killed. on the night of the th another sortie was made which threw the besiegers into some confusion and caused the french and americans to fire upon each other. cannonading continued with but little result until october th. the engineers were now of the opinion that a speedy reduction of the city could not be accomplished by regular approaches; and the naval officers were very anxious about the fleet, both because of the dangers to which it was exposed from the sea, and also because with so many men ashore it was in especial danger of being attacked and captured by british men-of-war. these representations agreeing altogether with d'estaing's previously expressed wishes to leave the coast as soon as possible, induced that officer and general lincoln to decide upon an attempt to storm the british works at once. it is quite probable that this had been the purpose as a last resort from the first. the preservation of the fleet was, however, the powerful factor in determining the time and character of the assault upon savannah. on the night of the eighth, major l'enfant, with a detachment attempted to set fire to the abattis in order to clear the way for the assault, but failed to through the dampness of the wood. the plan of the assault may be quite accurately obtained from the orders given to the american troops on the evening of the th by general lincoln and from the inferences to be drawn from the events of the morning of the th as they are recorded in history. at least two of the historians who have left us accounts of the seige, ramsey and mccall, were present at the time, and their accounts may be regarded as original authority. general lincoln's orders were as follows: "evening orders. by general lincoln. watchword--lewis. "the soldiers will be immediately supplied with rounds of cartridges, a spare flint, and have their arms in good order. the infantry destined for the attack of savannah will be divided into two bodies; first composed of the light troops under the command of colonel laurens; the second, of the continental battalions and the first battalion of the charleston militia, except the grenadiers, who are to join the light troops. the whole will parade at o'clock, near the left of the line, and march by platoons. the guards of the camp will be formed of the invalids, and be charged to keep the fires as usual in camp. "the cavalry under the command of count pulaski, will parade at the same time with the infantry and follow the left column of the french troops, precede the column of the american light troops; they will endeavor to penetrate the enemy's lines between the battery on the left of springhill redoubt, and the next towards the river; having effected this, will pass to the left towards yamacraw and secure such parties of the enemy as may be lodged in that quarter. "the artillery will parade at the same time, follow the french artillery, and remain with the corps de reserve until they receive further orders. "the whole will be ready by the time appointed, with the utmost silence and punctuality; and be ready to march the instant count dillon and general lincoln shall order. "the light troops who are to follow the cavalry, will attempt to enter the redoubt on the left of the springhill, by escalade if possible; if not by entrance into it, they are to be supported if necessary by the first south carolina regiment; in the meantime the column will proceed with the lines to the left of the springhill battery. "the light troops having succeeded against the redoubt will proceed to the left and attempt the several works between that and the river. "the column will move to the left of the french troops, taking care not to interfere with them. "the light troops having carried the work towards the river will form on the left of the column. "it is especially forbidden to fire a single gun before the redoubts are carried; or for any soldier to quit his rank to plunder without an order for that purpose; any who shall presume to transgress in either of these respects shall be reputed a disobeyer of military orders which is punishable with death. "the militia of the first and second brigades, general williamson's and the second battalion of the charleston militia will parade immediately under the command of general huger; after draughting five hundred of them the remander of them will go into the trenches and put themselves under the commanding officer there; with the he will march to the left of the enemy's line, remain as near them as he possibly can without being seen, until four o'clock in the morning, at which time the troops in the trenches will begin an attack upon the enemy; he will then advance and make his attack as near the river as possible; though this is only meant as a feint, yet should a favorable opportunity offer, he will improve it and push into the town. "in case of a repulse after taking springhill redoubt, the troops will retreat and rally in the rear of redoubt; if it cannot be effected that way, it must be attempted by the same route at which they entered. "the second place of rallying (or the first if the redoubt should not be carried) will be at the jews' burying-ground, where the reserve will be placed; if these two halts should not be effected, they will retire towards camp. "the troops will carry in their hats a piece of white paper by which they will be distinguished." general huger with his five hundred militia, covered by the river swamp, crept quite close to the enemy's lines and delivered his attack as directed. its purpose was to draw attention to that quarter and if possible cause a weakening of the strength in the left centre of the line. what its real effect was, there is now no means of knowing. count dillon, who during the siege had been on d'estaing's right, and who appears to have been second in command in the french army, in this assault was placed in command of a second attacking column. his purpose was to move to the right of general huger, and keeping in the edge of the swamps along the river, steal past the enemy's batteries on the left, and attack him in the rear. bancroft describes the results of his efforts as follows: "the column under count dillon, which was to have attacked the rear of the british lines, became entangled in a swamp of which it should only have skirted the edge was helplessly exposed to the british batteries and could not even be formed." here were the two strong sand-filled redoubts, mounted with heavy cannon, and these may have been the batteries that stopped dillon's column. count pulaski with his two hundred brave cavalrymen, undertook his part in the deadly drama with ardor, and began that perilous ride which had for its object: "to penetrate the enemy's lines, between the battery on the left of the springhill redoubt, and the next towards the river." balch describes it as an attempt to "penetrate into the city by galloping between the redoubts." it was the anticipation of the crimean "charge of the light brigade;" only in this case, no one blundered; it was simply a desperate chance. cannon were to the right, left, and front, and the heroic charge proved in vain; the noble pole fell, banner[ ] in hand, pierced with a mortal wound--another foreign martyr to our dearly bought freedom. the cavalry dash having failed, that much of the general plan was blotted out. the feints may have been understood; it is said a sergeant of the charleston grenadiers deserted during the night of the th and gave the whole plan of the attack to general prevost, so that he knew just where to strengthen his lines. the feints were effectually checked by the garrison on the left, twenty-eight of the americans being killed: while dillon's column was stopped by the batteries near the river. this state of affairs allowed the whole of maitland's force to protect the springhill redoubt and that part of the line which was most threatened. the springhill redoubt, as has been stated, was occupied by the south carolina regiment and a corps of dragoons. this circumstance may account for the fact, that while the three hundred and fifty charleston militia occupied a most exposed position in the attacking column, only one man among them was killed and but six wounded. the battery on the left of this redoubt was garrisoned by grenadiers and marines. the attacking column now advanced boldly, under the command of d'estaing and lincoln, the americans consisting of six hundred continental troops and three hundred and fifty charleston militia, being on the left, while the centre and right were made up of the french forces. they were met with so severe and steady a fire that the head of the column was soon thrown into confusion. they endured this fire for fifty-five minutes, returning it as best they could, although many of the men had no opportunity to fire at all. two american standards and one french standard, were placed on the british works, but their bearers were instantly killed. it being found impossible to carry any part of the works, a general retreat was ordered. of the six hundred continental troops, more than one-third had fallen, and about one-fifth of the french. the charleston militia had not suffered, although they had bravely borne their part in the assault, and it had certainly been no fault of theirs if their brethren behind the embankments had not fired upon them. count d'estaing had received two wounds, one in the thigh, and being unable to move, was saved by the young naval lieutenant truguet. ramsey gives the losses of the battle as follows: french soldiers ; officers ; americans ; total . as the army began its retreat, lieutenant-colonel maitland with the grenadiers and marines, who were incorporated with the grenadiers, charged its rear with the purpose of accomplishing its annihilation. it was then that there occurred the most brilliant feat of the day, and one of the bravest ever performed by foreign troops in the american cause. in the army of d'estaing was a legion of black and mulatto freedmen, known as fontages legion, commanded by vicount de fontages, a brave and experienced officer. the strength of this legion is given variously from six hundred to over eight hundred men. this legion met the fierce charge of maitland and saved the retreating army. in an official record prepared in paris, now before me, are these words: "this legion saved the army at savannah by bravely covering its retreat. among the blacks who rendered signal services at that time were: andre, beauvais, rigaud, villatte, beauregard, lambert, who latterly became generals under the convention, including henri christophe, the future king of haiti." this quotation is taken from a paper secured by the honorable richard rush, our minister to paris in , and is preserved in the pennsylvania historical society. henri christophe received a dangerous gunshot wound in savannah. balch says in speaking of fontages at savannah: "he commanded there a legion of mulattoes, according to my manuscript, of more than eight hundred men, and saved the army after the useless assault on the fortifications, by bravely covering the retreat." it was this legion that formed the connecting link between the siege of savannah and the wide development of republican liberty on the western continent, which followed early in the present century. in order to show this connection and the sequences, it will be necessary to sketch in brief the history of this remarkable body of men, especially that of the prominent individuals who distinguished themselves at savannah. in the french colony of saint domingo was in a state of peace, the population then consisting of white slave-holders, mulatto and black freedmen (affranchis), and slaves. count d'estaing received orders to recruit men from saint domingo for the auxiliary army; and there being no question of color raised, received into the service a legion of colored freedmen. there had been for years a colored militia in saint domingo, and as early as , the marquis de chateau morant, then governor of the colony, made one vincent the captain-general of all the colored militia in the vicinity of the cape. this captain vincent died in at the reputed age of years. he was certainly of great age, for he had been in the siege of carthegenia in , was taken prisoner, afterwards liberated by exchange and presented to louis xiv, and fought in the german war under villars. moreau de st. mery, in his description of vincent, incidentally mentions the savannah expedition. he says: "i saw him (vincent) the year preceding his death, recalling his ancient prowess to the men of color who were enrolling themselves for the expedition to savannah; and showing in his descendants who were among the first to offer themselves, that he had transmitted his valor. vincent, the good captain vincent, had a most pleasing countenance; and the contrast of his black skin with his white hair produced an effect that always commanded respect." [illustration: hutchinson island.] the haytian historian, enclus robin, says when the call for volunteers reached saint domingo: "eight hundred young freedmen, blacks and mulattoes, offered themselves to take part in the expedition;" that they went and "fought valiantly; and returned to saint domingo covered with glory." madiou, another haytian historian of the highest respectability says: "a crowd of young men, black and colored, enlisted with the french troops and left for the continent. they covered themselves with glory in the siege of savannah, under the orders of count d'estaing." what effect this experience had upon these volunteers may be inferred from their subsequent history. robin says: "these men who contributed their mite toward american independence, had still their mothers and sisters in slavery; and they themselves were subject to humiliating discriminations. should not france have expected from that very moment, that they would soon use in their own cause, those very arms which they had learned so well to use in the interests of others?" madiou says: "on their return to saint domingo they demanded for their brothers the enjoyment of political rights." beauvais went to europe and served in the army of france; but returned to fight for liberty in hayti, and was captain-general in ; rigaud, lambert and christophe wrote their names--not in the sand. these are the men who dared to stir saint domingo, under whose influence hayti became the first country of the new world, after the united states, to throw off european rule. the connection between the siege of savannah and the independence of hayti is traced, both as to its spirit, and physically, through the black legion that on that occasion saved the american army. how this connection is traced to the republics of south america, i will allow a haytian statesman and man of letters, honored both at home and abroad, to relate. i translate from a work published in paris in : "the illustrious bolivar, liberator and founder of five republics in south america, undertook in his great work of shaking off the yoke of spain, and of securing the independence of those immense countries which swelled the pride of the catholic crown--but failed. stripped of all resources he took flight and repaired to jamaica, where he implored in vain of the governor of that island, the help of england. almost in despair, and without means, he resolved to visit hayti, and appeal to the generosity of the black republic for the help necessary to again undertake that work of liberation which had gone to pieces in his hands. never was there a more solemn hour for any man--and that man the representative of the destiny of south america! could he hope for success? after the english, who had every interest in the destruction of spanish colonial power, had treated him with so much indifference, could he hope that a new-born nation, weak, with microscopic territory, and still guarding anxiously its own ill-recognized independence, would risk itself in an enterprise hazardous as the one he represented? full of doubt he came; but petion gave him a most cordial welcome. "taking the precautions that a legitimate sentiment of prudence dictated at that delicate moment of our national existence, the government of port-au-prince put to the disposition of the hero of boyaca and carabobo, all the elements of which he had need--and bolivar needed everything. men, arms and money were generously given him. petion did not wish to act openly for fear of compromising himself with the spanish government; it was arranged that the men should embark secretly as volunteers; and that no mention of hayti should ever be made in any official act of venezuela." bolivar's first expedition with his haytian volunteers was a failure; returning to the island he procured reinforcements and made a second descent which was brilliantly successful. haytian arms, money and men turned bolivar's disasters to victory; and the spirit of western liberty marched on to the redemption of south america. the liberation of mexico and all central america, followed as a matter of course; and the ground was thus cleared for the practical application of that continentalism enunciated in the monroe doctrine. the black men of the antilles who fought in the siege of savannah, enjoy unquestionably the proud historical distinction of being the physical conductors that bore away from our altars the sacred fire of liberty to rekindle it in their own land; and also of becoming the humble but important link that served to unite the two americas in the bond of enlightened independence. t.g. steward, u.s.a. note:--in the preparation of the above paper i have been greatly assisted by the honorable l.j. janvier, charge d'affairs d' haiti, in london; by right reverend james theodore holly, bishop of hayti, and by messrs. charles and frank rudolph steward of harvard university. to all of these gentlemen my thanks are here expressed. t.g.s. paper read at the session of the negro academy, washington, d.c., . b. extracts from chapter xvi "negro troops in the rebellion"--williams. adjutant-general thomas in a letter to senator wilson, may , , says: "experience proves that they manage heavy guns very well. their fighting qualities have also been fully tested a number of times, and i am yet to hear of the first case where they did not fully stand up to their work." major-general james g. blunt writing of the battle of honey springs, arkansas, said of negro troops: "the negroes (first colored regiment) were too much for the enemy, and let me here say that i never saw such fighting as was done by that negro regiment. they fought like veterans, with a coolness and valor that is unsurpassed. they preserved their line perfect throughout the whole engagement, and although in the hottest of the fight, they never once faltered. too much praise cannot be awarded them for their gallantry. the question that negroes will fight is settled; besides, they make better soldiers in every respect than any troops i have ever had under my command." general thomas j. morgan, speaking of the courage of negro troops in the battle of nashville, and its effect upon major-general george h. thomas, says: "those who fell nearest the enemy's works were colored. general thomas spoke very feelingly of the sight which met his eye as he rode over the field, and he confessed that the negro had fully vindicated his bravery, and wiped from his mind the last vestige of prejudice and doubt." footnotes: [ ] confession of nat turner, anglo-african magazine, vol. , p. , . [ ] ibid. [ ] the presentation of this banner by the moravian nuns of bethlehem forms the text of the poem by longfellow beginning-- when the dying flame of day through the chancel shot its ray, far the glimmering tapers shed faint light on the cowled head; and the censer burning swung where, before the altar, hung the crimson banner, that with prayer had been consecrated there. and the nuns' sweet hymn was heard the while, sung low in the dint, mysterious aisle, "take thy banner! may it wave proudly o'er the good and brave; when the battle's distant wail breaks the sabbath of our vale, when the cannon's music thrills to the hearts of those lone hills. when the spear in conflict shakes, and the strong lance shivering breaks. * * * * * "take thy banner! and if e'er thou should'st press the soldier's bier and the muffled drum shall beat to the tread of mournful feet, then the crimson flag shall be martial cloak and shroud for thee." the warrior took that banner proud, and it was his martial cloak and shroud. chapter iii. the black regulars of the army of invasion in the spanish-american war. organization of negro regiments in the regular army--first move in the war--chickamauga and tampa--note. altogether the colored soldiers in the civil war took part and sustained casualties in two hundred and fifty-one different engagements and came out of the prolonged conflict with their character so well established that up to the present hour they have been able to hold an important place in the regular army of the united states. no regiment of colored troops in the service was more renowned at the close of the war or has secured a more advantageous position in the history of that period than the fifty-fourth massachusetts regiment of infantry. recruited among the free colored people of the north, many of them coming from ohio, it was remarkable for the intelligence and character of its men, and for the high purpose and noble bearing of its officers. being granted but half the pay per month given to white soldiers, the regiment to a man, for eighteen months refused to receive one cent from the government. this was a spectacle that the country could not longer stand. one thousand volunteers fighting the country's battles without any compensation rather than submit to a discrimination fatal to their manhood, aroused such a sentiment that congress was compelled to put them on the pay-roll on equal footing with all other soldiers. by them the question of the black soldier's pay and rations was settled in the army of the united states for all time. every soldier, indeed every man in the army, except the chaplain, now draws the pay of his grade without regard to color, hair or race. by the time these lines reach the public eye it is to be hoped that even the chaplain will be lifted from his exceptional position and given the pay belonging to his rank as captain. (february , , the bill became a law giving chaplains the full pay of their grade.) more than , blacks, all told, served in the army of the union during the war of the rebellion, and the losses from their ranks of men killed in battle were as heavy as from the white troops. their bravery was everywhere recognized, and in the short time in which they were employed, several rose to commissions. perhaps the most notable act performed by a colored american during the war was the capture and delivery to the united states forces of the rebel steamer planter, by robert smalls, of charleston. smalls was employed as pilot on the planter, a rebel transport, and was entirely familiar with the harbors and inlets, of which there are many, on the south atlantic coast. on may , , the planter came to her wharf in charleston, and at night all the white officers went ashore, leaving a colored crew of eight men on board in charge of smalls. smalls hastily got his wife and three children on board, and at o'clock on the morning of the th steamed out into the harbor, passing the confederate forts by giving the proper signals, and when fairly out of reach, as daylight came, he ran up the stars and stripes and headed his course directly toward the union fleet, into whose hands he soon surrendered himself and his ship. the act caused much favorable comment and robert smalls became quite a hero. his subsequent career has been in keeping with the high promise indicated by this bold dash for liberty, and his name has received additional lustre from gallant services performed in the war after, and in positions of distinguished honor and responsibility in civil life. the planter, after being accepted by the united states, became a despatch boat, and smalls demonstrating by skill and bravery his fitness for the position, was finally, as an act of imperative justice, made her commander. with the close of the revolutionary war the prejudice against a standing army was so great that the army was reduced to scarce six hundred men, and the negro as a soldier dropped out of existence. when the war of closed sentiment with regard to the army had made but little advancement, and consequently no place in the service was left for negro soldiers. in the navy the negro still lingered, doing service in the lower grades, and keeping up the succession from the black heroes of ' and . when the war of the rebellion closed the country had advanced so far as to see both the necessity of a standing army, and the fitness of the negro to form a part of the army; and from this position it has never receded, and if the lessons of the cuban campaign are rightly heeded, it is not likely to recede therefrom. the value of the regular army and of the black regular were both proven to an absolute demonstration in that thin line of blue that compelled the surrender of santiago. in july, , congress passed an act adding eight new regiments of infantry and four of calvary to the nineteen regiments of infantry and six of calvary of which those arms of the regular army were at that time composed, thus making the permanent establishment to consist of five regiments of artillery, twenty-seven of infantry, and ten of cavalry. of the eight new infantry regiments to be formed, four were to be composed of colored men; and of the four proposed for the calvary arm, two were to be of colored men. the president was empowered by the act also to appoint a chaplain for each of the six regiments of colored troops. under this law the ninth and tenth cavalry regiments were organized. in the infantry suffered further reduction, and the four colored regiments organized under the law of , numbered respectively the th, th, th and st, were consolidated into two regiments, and numbered the th and th--the th and st becoming the former, and the th and th the latter. previous to this consolidation the numbers between the old th and the th, which was the lowest number borne by the new colored regiments, were filled in by dividing the old three batallion regiments in the service, and making of the second and third batallions of these regiments new regiments. the whole infantry arm, by the law of , was compressed into twenty-five regiments, and in that condition the army remains to the present, to wit:[ ] ten regiments of cavalry, five of artillery and twenty-five of infantry. the number of men in a company and the number of companies in a regiment have varied greatly within the past few months. just previous to the breaking out of the war a regiment of infantry consisted of eight companies of about sixty men each, and two skeletonized companies and the band--the whole organization carrying about five hundred men; now a regiment of infantry consists of twelve companies of men each and with the non-commissioned staff numbers twelve hundred and seventy-four men. since , or for a period of thirty years, the colored american has been represented in the regular army by these four regiments and during this time these regiments have borne more than their proportionate share in hard frontier service, including all sorts of indian campaigning and much severe guard and fatigue duty. the men have conducted themselves so worthily as to receive from the highest military authority the credit of being among our best troops. general miles and general merritt,[ ] with others who were active leaders in the indian wars of the west, have been unstinting in their praise of the valor and skill of colored soldiers. they proved themselves not only good individual fighters, but in some instances non-commissioned officers exhibited marked coolness and ability in command.[ ] from to the beginning of the hispano-american war there were in the regular army at some time, as commissioned officers, the following colored men, all from west point, all serving with the cavalry, and none rising higher than first-lieutenant, viz: john h. alexander, h.o. flipper and charles young. h.o. flipper was dismissed; alexander died, and young became major in the volunteer service, and was placed in command of the ninth battalion of ohio volunteers, discharging the duties of his position in such a manner as to command general satisfaction from his superior officers.[ ] these colored men while cadets at west point endured hardships disgraceful to their country, and when entering the army were not given that cordial welcome by their brother officers, becoming an "officer and gentleman," both to give and to receive. of course there were some noble exceptions, and this class of officers seems to be steadily increasing, so that now it is no longer necessary, even on the ground of expediency, to strive to adhere to the rule of only white men for army officers. of alexander and young it can be said they have acquitted themselves well, the former enjoying the confidence and esteem of his associates up to the time of his early death--an event which caused deep regret--and the latter so impressing the governor of his state and the president as to secure for himself the responsible position which he, at the time of this writing, so worthily fills. besides these line officers, five colored chaplains have been appointed, all of whom have served successfully, one, however, being dismissed by court-martial after many years of really meritorious service, an event to be regretted, but by no means without parallel. brief sketches of the history of these four colored regiments, as well as of the others, have been recently made by members of them and published in the journal of the military service institution and subsequently in a large and beautiful volume edited by brigadier-general theo. f. rodenbough and major william l. haskin, published by the institution and designated "the army of the united states," a most valuable book of reference. from the sketches contained therein the following summary is given. the twenty-fourth infantry was organized, as we have seen, from the th and st regiments, these two regiments being at the time distributed in new mexico, louisiana and texas, and the regiment remained in texas from the time of its organization in until . its first lieutenant-colonel was william r. shafter. it was from this regiment and the tenth cavalry that the escort of paymaster wham was selected which made so brave a stand against a band of robbers that attacked the paymaster that several of them were given medals for distinguished gallantry, and others certificates of merit. the twenty-fifth infantry was organized in new orleans out of the th, that was brought from north carolina for that purpose, and the th, that was then in louisiana. it was organized during the month of april, , and early in moved to texas, where it remained ten years. in it moved to the department of dakota and remained in the northwest until it took the road for the cuban war. the ninth cavalry was organized in new orleans during the winter of - . its first colonel was edward hatch and its first lieutenant-colonel wesley merritt. from to it was in almost constant indian warfare, distinguishing itself by daring and hardihood. from to the opening of the cuban war it remained in utah and nebraska, engaging in but one important campaign, that against hostile sioux during the winter of - , in which, says the historian: "the regiment was the first in the field, in november, and the last to leave, late in the following march, after spending the winter, the latter part of which was terrible in its severity, under canvas." the tenth calvary was organized under the same law as was the ninth, and at the same time. its place of rendezvous was fort leavenworth, kansas, and its first colonel, benjamin h. grierson. this regiment was the backbone of the geronimo campaign force, and it finally succeeded in the capture of that wily warrior. the regiment remained in the southwest until , when it moved to montana, and remained there until ordered to chickamauga for the war. these four regiments were finely officered, well drilled and well experienced in camp and field, particularly the cavalry regiments, and it was of them that general merritt said: "i have always found them brave in battle." with such training and experience they were well fitted to take their place in that selected host of fighting men which afterwards became the fifth army corps, placed under command of major-general william r. shafter, the first lieutenant-colonel of the twenty-fourth infantry. when the news of the blowing up of our great battleship maine, in the harbor of havana, with the almost total loss of her crew, flashed over the country, carrying sadness to hundreds of homes, and arousing feelings of deepest indignation whether justly or unjustly, it was easy to predict that we should soon be involved in war with spain. the cuban question, already chronic, had by speeches of senators thurston and proctor been brought to such a stage of aggravation that it needed only an incident to set the war element in motion. that incident was furnished by the destruction of the maine. thenceforth there was no power in the land sufficient to curb the rapidly swelling tide of popular hate, which manifested itself in the un-christian but truly significant mottoes: "remember the maine," "avenge the maine," and "to hell with spain." these were the outbreathings of popular fury, and they represented a spirit quite like that of the mob, which was not to be yielded to implicitly, but which could not be directly opposed. the president did all in his power to stay this element of our population and to lead the country to a more befitting attitude. he and his advisers argued that spain was to be resisted, and fought if necessary, not on account of the maine, not in the spirit of revenge, but in the interest of humanity, and upon principles sanctioned even by our holy religion. on behalf of the starving reconcentrados, and in aid of the noble cuban patriot, we might justly arm and equip ourselves for the purpose of driving spanish rule from the western hemisphere. this view appealed to all lovers of freedom, to all true patriots, and to the christian and philanthropist. it also afforded a superb opportunity for the old leaders in the south, who were not entirely relieved from the taint of secession, to come out and reconsecrate themselves to the country and her flag. hence, southern statesmen, who were utterly opposed to negroes or colored men having any share in ruling at home, became very enthusiastic over the aspirations of the colored cuban patriots and soldiers. the supporters, followers, and in a sense, devotees of maceo and gomez, were worthy of our aid. the same men, actuated by the same principles, in the carolinas, in louisiana or in mississippi, would have been pronounced by the same authorities worthy of death. the nation was, however, led into war simply to liberate cuba from the iniquitous and cruel yoke of spain, and to save thousands of impoverished cubans from death by starvation. great care was taken not to recognize the cuban government in any form, and it seemed to be understood that we were to do the fighting both with our navy and our army, the cubans being invited to co-operate with us, rather than that we should co-operate with them. we were to be the liberators and saviors of a people crushed to the very gates of death. such was the platform upon which our nation stood before the world when the first orders went forth for the mobilization of its forces for war. it was a position worthy our history and character and gave to our national flag a prouder meaning than ever. its character as the emblem of freedom shone out with awe-inspiring brilliancy amid the concourse of nations. while there was such a clamor for war in the newspapers and in the public speeches of statesmen, both in and out of congress, it is remarkable that the utmost serenity prevailed in the army. officers and men were ready to fight if the stern necessity came, but they were not so eager for the death-game as were the numerous editors' whose papers were getting out extras every half-hour. it was argued by the officers of rank that the maine incident added nothing whatever to the cuban question; that it did not involve the spanish government; that the whole subject might well be left to arbitration, and full respect should be given to spain's disclaimer. it was also held that to rush into a war in order to prevent a few people from starving, might not relieve them, and at the same time would certainly cost the lives of many innocent men. spain was revising her policy, and the benevolence of the united states would soon bring bread to the door of every needy cuban. such remarks and arguments as these were used by men who had fought through one war and were ready to fight, through another if they must; but who were willing to go to any reasonable length to prevent it; and yet the men who used such arguments beforehand and manifested such a shrinking from carnage, are among those to whom the short spanish war brought distinction and promotion. to their honor be it said that the war which gave them fresh laurels was in no sense brought about through their instigation. as chaplain of the twenty-fifth infantry, stationed with the headquarters of the regiment at fort missoula, where we had been for ten years, the call for the war met me in the midst of my preparations for easter service. one young man, then private thomas c. butler, who was practicing a difficult solo for the occasion, before the year closed became a second lieutenant, having distinguished himself in battle; the janitor, who cared for my singing books, and who was my chief school teacher, private french payne, always polite and everywhere efficient, met his death from a spanish bullet while on the reserve before bloody el caney. it was on a bright day during the latter part of march and near the close of the day as i was looking out of the front window of my quarters that i saw the trumpeter of the guard come out of the adjutant's office with a dispatch in his hand and start on a brisk run toward the quarters of the commanding officer. i immediately divined what was in the wind, but kept quiet. in a few minutes "officers' call" was sounded, and all the officers of the post hastened to the administration building to learn the news. when all were assembled the commanding officer desired to know of each company officer how much time he would need to have his company ready to move from the post to go to a permanent station elsewhere, and from all officers how much time they would require to have their families ready to quit the station. the answers generally were that all could be ready within a week. it was finally agreed, however, to ask for ten days. immediately the work of preparation began, although none knew where the regiment was to go. at this time the order, so far as it was understood at the garrison, was, that two companies were to go to key west, florida, and the other companies of the regiment to dry tortugas. one officer, lieutenant v.a. caldell, early saw through the haze and said: "it means that we will all eventually land in cuba." while we were packing, rumors flew through the garrison, as indeed through the country, thick and fast, and our destination was changed three or four times a day. one hour we would be going to key west, the next to st. augustine, the next to tortugas. in this confusion i asked an old frontier officer where he thought we would really go. regarding himself as an indicator and always capable of seeing the amusing side of a subject, he replied: "i p'int toward texas." such was the state of uncertainty as to destination, and yet all the time the greatest activity prevailed in making ready for departure. finally definite orders came that we were to store our furniture in the large gymnasium hall at the post and prepare to go in camp at chickamauga park, georgia. our regiment was at the time stationed as follows: headquarters, four companies and the band at fort missoula; two companies at fort harrison, near helena, and two companies at fort assinniboine, all in montana. the arrangements contemplated moving the regiment in two sections, one composed of the missoula troops to go over the northern pacific railroad, the other of the fort harrison and fort assinniboine troops to go over the great northern railroad, all to arrive in st. paul about the same time. on the th of april, easter sunday, the battalion at fort missoula marched out of post quite early in the morning, and at bitter root station took the cars for their long journey. officers and men were all furnished sleeping accommodations on the train. arriving in the city of missoula, for the gratification of the citizens and perhaps to avoid strain on the bridge crossing the missoula river, the men were disembarked from the train and marched through the principal streets to the depot, the citizens generally turning out to see them off. many were the compliments paid officers and men by the good people of missoula, none perhaps more pleasing than that furnished by a written testimonial to the regret experienced at the departure of the regiment, signed by all the ministers of the city. as the twenty-fifth was the first regiment to move in the preparation for war, its progress from montana to chickamauga was a marked event, attracting the attention of both the daily and illustrated press. all along the route they were greeted with enthusiastic crowds, who fully believed the war with spain had begun. in st. paul, in chicago, in terre haute, in nashville, and in chattanooga the crowds assembled to greet the black regulars who were first to bear forward the starry banner of union and freedom against a foreign foe. what could be more significant, or more fitting, than that these black soldiers, drilled up to the highest standard of modern warfare, cool, brave and confident, themselves a proof of american liberty, should be called first to the front in a war against oppression? their martial tread and fearless bearing proclaimed what the better genius of our great government meant for all men dwelling beneath the protection of its honored flag. as the twenty-fifth infantry was the first regiment to leave its station, so six companies of it were first to go into camp on the historic grounds of chickamauga. two companies were separated from the regiment at chattanooga and forwarded to key west where they took station under the command of lieutenant-colonel a.s. daggett. the remaining six companies, under command of colonel a.s. burt, were conducted by general boynton to a choice spot on the grounds, where they pitched camp, their tents being the first erected in that mobilization of troops which preceded the cuban invasion, and theirs being really the first camp of the war. soon came the ninth cavalry, the tenth cavalry and the twenty-fourth infantry. while these were assembling there arrived on the ground also many white regiments, cavalry, artillery and infantry, and it was pleasing to see the fraternity that prevailed among black and white regulars. this was especially noticeable between the twenty-fifth and twelfth. in brigading the regiments no attention whatever was paid to the race or color of the men. the black infantry regiments were placed in two brigades, and the black cavalry likewise, and they can be followed through the fortunes of the war in the official records by their regimental numbers. during their stay in chickamauga, and at key west and tampa, the southern newspapers indulged in considerable malicious abuse of colored soldiers, and some people of this section made complaints of their conduct, but the previous good character of the regiments and the violent tone of the accusations, taken together with the well-known prejudices of the southern people, prevented their complaints from having very great weight. the black soldiers held their place in the army chosen for the invasion of cuba, and for that purpose were soon ordered to assemble in tampa. from the th of april, when the war movement began with the march of the twenty-fifth infantry out of its montana stations, until june th, when the army of invasion cleared tampa for cuba--not quite two months--the whole energy of the war department had been employed in preparing the army for the work before it. the beginning of the war is officially given as april st, from which time onward it was declared a state of war existed between spain and the united states, but warlike movements on our side were begun fully ten days earlier, and begun with a grim definiteness that presaged much more than a practice march or spring manoeuver. after arriving at chickamauga all heavy baggage was shipped away for storage, and all officers and men were required to reduce their field equipage to the minimum; the object being to have the least possible amount of luggage, in order that the greatest possible amount of fighting material might be carried. even with all this preparation going on some officers were indulging the hope that the troops might remain in camps, perfecting themselves in drill, until september, or october, before they should be called upon to embark for cuba. this, however, was not to be, and it is perhaps well that it was not, as the suffering and mortality in the home camps were almost equal to that endured by the troops in cuba. the suffering at home, also, seemed more disheartening, because it appeared to be useless, and could not be charged to any important changes in conditions or climate. it was perhaps in the interest of humanity that this war, waged for humanity's sake, should have been pushed forward from its first step to its last, with the greatest possible dispatch, and that just enough men on our side were sent to the front, and no more. it is still a good saying that all is well that ends well. the chickamauga and chattanooga national military park, the place where our troops assembled on their march to cuba, beautiful by nature, especially in the full season of spring when the black soldiers arrived there, and adorned also by art, has, next to gettysburg, the most prominent place among the historic battle-fields of the civil war. as a park it was established by an act of congress approved august , , and contains seven thousand acres of rolling land, partly cleared and partly covered with oak and pine timber. beautiful broad roads wind their way to all parts of the ground, along which are placed large tablets recording the events of those dreadful days in the autumn of , when americans faced americans in bloody, determined strife. monuments, judiciously placed, speak with a mute eloquence to the passer-by and tell of the valor displayed by some regiment or battery, or point to the spot where some lofty hero gave up his life. the whole park is a monument, however, and its definite purpose is to preserve and suitably mark "for historical and professional military study the fields of some of the most remarkable manoeuvres and most brilliant fighting in the war of the rebellion." the battles commemorated by this great park are those of chickamauga, fought on september - , and the battles around chattanooga, november - , . the battle of chickamauga was fought by the army of the cumberland, commanded by major-general w.s. rosecrans, on the union side, and the army of tennessee, commanded by general braxton bragg, on the side of the confederates. the total effective strength of the union forces in this battle was little less than , men, that of the confederates about , . the total union loss was , men, a number about equal to the army led by shatter against santiago. of the number reported as lost, , were killed, or as many as were lost in killed, wounded and missing in the cuban campaign. the confederate losses were , , , being killed, making on both sides a total killed of , , equivalent to the entire voting population of a city of over twenty thousand inhabitants. general grant, who commanded the union forces in the battles around chattanooga, thus sums up the results: "in this battle the union army numbered in round figures about , men; we lost killed, , wounded and captured or missing. the rebel loss was much greater in the aggregate, as we captured and sent north to be rationed there over , prisoners. forty pieces of artillery, over seven thousand stand of small arms, many caissons, artillery wagons and baggage wagons fell into our hands. the probabilities are that our loss in killed was the heavier as we were the attacking party. the enemy reported his loss in killed at , but as he reported his missing at , , while we held over , of them as prisoners, and there must have been hundreds, if not thousands, who deserted, but little reliance can be placed upon this report." in the battle of chickamauga, when "four-fifths of the union army had crumbled into wild confusion," and rosecrans was intent only on saving the fragments, general thomas, who had commanded the federal left during the two days' conflict, and had borne the brunt of the fight, still held his position. to him general james a. garfield reported. general gordon granger, without orders, brought up the reserves, and thomas, replacing his lines, held the ground until nightfall, when he was joined by sheridan. bragg won and held the field, but thomas effectually blocked his way to chattanooga, securing to himself immediately the title of the "rock of chickamauga." his wonderful resolution stayed the tide of a victory dearly bought and actually won, and prevented the victors from grasping the object for which they had fought. in honor of this stubborn valor, and in recognition of this high expression of american tenacity, the camp established in chickamauga park by the assembling army was called camp george h. thomas. the stay of the colored regulars at camp george h. thomas was short, but it was long enough for certain newspapers of chattanooga to give expression to their dislike to negro troops in general and to those in their proximity especially. the washington post, also, ever faithful to its unsavory trust, lent its influence to this work of defamation. the leading papers, however, both of chattanooga and the south generally, spoke out in rather conciliatory and patronizing tones, and "sought to restrain the people of their section from compromising their brilliant display of patriotism by contemptuous flings at the nation's true and tried soldiers. the th infantry and the th cavalry soon left for tampa, florida, whither they were followed by the th cavalry and the th infantry, thus bringing the entire colored element of the army together to prepare for embarkation. the work done at tampa is thus described officially by lieutenant-colonel daggett in general orders addressed to the th infantry, which he at that time commanded. on august th, with headquarters near santiago, after the great battles had been fought and won, he thus reviewed the work of the regiment: "gathered from three different stations, many of you strangers to each other, you assembled as a regiment for the first time in more than twenty-eight years, on may , , at tampa, florida. there you endeavored to solidify and prepare yourselves, as far as the oppressive weather would permit, for the work that appeared to be before you." what is here said of the th might have been said with equal propriety of all the regular troops assembled at tampa. in the meantime events were ripening with great rapidity. the historic "first gun" had been fired, and the united states made the first naval capture of the war on april , the coast trader buena ventura having surrendered to the american gunboat nashville. on the same day the blockade of cuban ports was declared and on the day following a call was issued for , volunteers. on may th the news that a spanish fleet under command of admiral cervera had arrived at santiago was officially confirmed, and a speedy movement to cuba was determined upon. almost the entire regular army with several volunteer regiments were organized into an army of invasion and placed under the command of major-general w.r. shafter with orders to prepare immediately for embarkation, and on the th and th of june this army went on board the transports. for seven days the troops lay cooped up on the vessels awaiting orders to sail, a rumor having gained circulation that certain spanish gunboats were hovering around in cuban waters awaiting to swoop down upon the crowded transports. while the army of invasion was sweltering in the ships lying at anchor off port tampa, a small body of american marines made a landing at guantanamo, and on june th fought the first battle between americans and spaniards on cuban soil. in this first battle four americans were killed. the next day, june th, general shafter's army containing the four colored regiments, excepting those left behind to guard property, sailed for cuba.[ ] the whole number of men and officers in the expedition, including those that came on transports from mobile, amounted to about seventeen thousand men, loaded on twenty-seven transports. the colored regiments were assigned to brigades as follows: the ninth cavalry was joined with the third and sixth cavalry and placed under command of colonel carrol; the tenth cavalry was joined with the rough riders and first regular cavalry and fell under the command of general young; the twenty-fourth infantry was joined with the ninth and thirteenth infantry and the brigade placed under command of colonel worth and assigned to the division commanded by general kent, who, until his promotion as brigadier-general of volunteers, had been colonel of the twenty-fourth; the twenty-fifth infantry was joined with the first and fourth infantry and the brigade placed under command of colonel evans miles, who had formerly been major of the twenty-fifth. all of the colored regiments were thus happily placed so that they should be in pleasant soldierly competition with the very best troops the country ever put in the field, and this arrangement at the start proves how strongly the black regular had entrenched himself in the confidence of our great commanders. thus sailed from port tampa the major part of our little army of trained and seasoned soldiers, representative of the skill and daring of the nation.[ ] in physique, almost every man was an athlete, and while but few had seen actual war beyond an occasional skirmish with indians, all excepting the few volunteers, had passed through a long process of training in the various details of marching, camping and fighting in their annual exercises in minor tactics. for the first time in history the nation is going abroad, by its army, to occupy the territory of a foreign foe, in a contest with a trans-atlantic power. the unsuccessful invasions of canada during the revolutionary war and the war of can hardly be brought in comparison with this movement over sea. the departure of decatur with his nine ships of war to the barbary states had in view only the establishment of proper civil relations between those petty, half-civilized countries and the united states. the sailing of general shafter's army was only one movement in a comprehensive war against the kingdom of spain. more than a month earlier commodore dewey, acting under orders, had destroyed a fleet of eleven war ships in the philippines. the purpose of the war was to relieve the cubans from an inhumane warfare with their mother country, and to restore to that unhappy island a stable government in harmony with the ideas of liberty and justice. up to the breaking out of the spanish war the american policy with respect to europe had been one of isolation. some efforts had been made to consolidate the sentiment of the western world, but it had never been successful. the fraternity of the american republics and the attempted construction of a pan-american policy had been thus far unfulfilled dreams. canada was much nearer to the united states, geographically and socially, than even mexico, although the latter is a republic. england, in europe, was nearer than brazil. the day came in , when the united states could no longer remain in political seclusion nor bury herself in an impossible federation. washington's advice against becoming involved in european affairs, as well as the direct corrollary of the monroe doctrine, were to be laid aside and the united states was to speak out to the world. the business of a european nation had become our business; in the face of all the world we resolved to invade her territory in the interest of humanity; to face about upon our own traditions and dare the opinions and arms of the trans-atlantic world by openly launching upon the new policy of armed intervention in another's quarrel. while the troops were mobilizing at tampa preparatory to embarking for cuba the question came up as to why there were no colored men in the artillery arm of the service, and the answer given by a regular army officer was, that the negro had not brains enough for the management of heavy guns. it was a trifling assertion, of course, but at this period of the negro's history it must not be allowed to pass unnoticed. we know that white men of all races and nationalities can serve big guns, and if the negro cannot, it must be because of some marked difference between him and them. the officer said it was a difference in "brains," i.e., a mental difference. just how the problem of aiming and firing a big gun differs from that of aiming and firing small arms is not so easily explained. in both, the questions of velocity, gravitation, wind and resistance are to be considered and these are largely settled by mechanism, the adjustment of which is readily learned; hence the assumption that a negro cannot learn it is purely gratuitous. several of the best rifle shots known on this continent are negroes; and it was a negro who summerized the whole philosophy of rifle shooting in the statement that it all consists in knowing _where_ to aim, and _how_ to pull--in knowing just what value to assign to gravitation, drift of the bullet and force of the wind, and then in being able to pull the trigger of the piece without disturbing the aim thus judiciously determined. this includes all there is in the final science and art of firing a rifle. if the negro can thus master the revolver, the carbine and the rifle, why may he not master the field piece or siege gun? but an ounce of fact in such things is worth more than many volumes of idle speculation, and it is remarkable that facts so recent, so numerous, and so near at hand, should escape the notice of those who question the negro's ability to serve the artillery organizations. negro artillery, both light and heavy, fought in fifteen battles in the civil war with average effectiveness; and some of those who fought against them must either admit the value of the negro artilleryman or acknowledge their own inefficiency. general fitz-hugh lee failed to capture a negro battery after making most vigorous attempts to that end. this attempt to raise a doubt as to the negro's ability to serve in the artillery arm is akin to, and less excusable, than that other groundless assertion, that negro officers cannot command troops, an assertion which in this country amounts to saying that the united states cannot command its army. both of these assertions have been emphatically answered in fact, the former as shown above, and the latter as will be shown later in this volume. these assertions are only temporary covers, behind which discomfitted and retreating prejudice is able to make a brief stand, while the black hero of five hundred battle-fields, marches proudly by, disdaining to lower his gun to fire a shot on a foe so unworthy. when the second massachusetts volunteers sent up their hearty cheers of welcome to the gallant old twenty-fifth, as that solid column fresh from el caney swung past its camp, i remarked to sergeant harris, of the twenty-fifth: "those men think you are soldiers." "they know we are soldiers," was his reply. when the people of this country, like the members of that massachusetts regiment, come to know that its black men in uniform are soldiers, plain soldiers, with the same interests and feelings as other soldiers, of as much value to the government and entitled from it to the same attention and rewards, then a great step toward the solution of the prodigious problem now confronting us will have been taken. * * * * * note.--"i had often heard that the physique of the men of our regular army was very remarkable, but the first time i saw any large body of them, which was at tampa, they surpassed my highest expectations. it is not, however, to be wondered at that, for every recruit who is accepted, on the average thirty-four are rejected, and that, of course, the men who present themselves to the recruiting officer already represent a physical 'elite'; but it was very pleasant to see and be assured, as i was at tampa, by the evidences of my own eyes and the tape measure, that there is not a guard regiment of either the russian, german or english army, of whose remarkable physique we have heard so much, that can compare physically, not with the best of our men, but simply with the average of the men of our regular army."--bonsal. footnotes: [ ] the army has been reorganized since. see register. [ ] "my experience in this direction since the war is beyond that of any officer of my rank in the army. for ten years i had the honor of being lieutenant-colonel of the ninth cavalry, and during most of that service i commanded garrisons composed in part of the ninth cavalry and other organizations of cavalry and infantry. i have always found the colored race represented in the army obedient, intelligent and zealous in the discharge of duty, brave in battle, easily disciplined, and most efficient in the care of their horses, arms and equipments. the non-commissioned officers have habitually shown the qualities for control in their position which marked them as faithful and sensible in the discharge of their duties. i take pleasure in bearing witness as above in the interest of the race you represent." wesley merritt. [ ] see chapter on colored officers. [ ] young is now captain in the ninth cavalry.--t.g.s. [ ] the colored regulars were embarked on the following named ships: the th cavalry on the miami, in company with the th infantry; the th cavalry on the leona, in company with the st cavalry; the th infantry on the city of washington, in company with one battalion of the st infantry; the th infantry on board the concho, in company with the th infantry. [ ] see note, at the close of this chapter. chapter iv. brief sketch of spanish history. the following brief sketch of spain, its era of greatness, the causes leading thereto, and the reasons for its rapid decline, will be of interest to the reader at this point in the narrative, as it will bring into view the other side of the impending conflict: spain, the first in rank among the second-rate powers of europe, by reason of her possessions in the west indies, especially cuba, may be regarded as quite a near neighbor, and because of her connection with the discovery and settlement of the continent, as well as the commanding part she at one time played in the world's politics, her history cannot but awaken within the breasts of americans a most lively interest. as a geographical and political fact, spain dates from the earliest times, and the spanish people gather within themselves the blood and the traditions of the three great continents of the old world--europe, asia and africa--united to produce the mighty spaniard of the th and th centuries. it would be an interesting subject for the anthropologist to trace the construction of that people who are so often spoken of as possessing the pure blood of castile, and as the facts should be brought to view, another proud fiction would dissipate in thin air, as we should see the spaniard arising to take his place among the most mixed of mankind. the spain that we are considering now is the spain that gradually emerged from a chaos of conflicting elements into the unity of a christian nation. the dismal war between creeds gave way to the greater conflict between religions, when cross and crescent contended for supremacy, and this too had passed. the four stalwart christian provinces of leon, castile, aragon and navarre had become the four pillars of support to a national throne and ferdinand and isabella were reigning. spain has now apparently passed the narrows and is crossing the bar with prow set toward the open sea. she ends her war with the moors at the same time that england ends her wars of the roses, and the battle of bosworth's field may be classed with the capitulation of granada. both nations confront a future of about equal promise and may be rated as on equal footing, as this new era of the world opens to view. what was this new era? printing had been invented, commerce had arisen, gunpowder had come into use, the feudal system was passing, royal authority had become paramount, and spain was giving to the world its first lessons in what was early stigmatized as the "knavish calling of diplomacy." now began the halcyon days of spain, and what a breed of men she produced! read the story of their conquests in mexico and peru, as told with so much skill and taste by our own prescott; or read of the grandeur of her national character, and the wonderful valor of her troops, and the almost marvelous skill of her alexander of parma, and her spinola, as described by our great motley, and you will see something of the moral and national glory of that spain which under charles v and philip ii awed the world into respectful silence. who but men of iron, under a commander of steel, could have conducted to a successful issue the awful siege of antwerp, and by a discipline more dreadful than death, kept for so many years, armed control of the country of the brave netherlanders? a farnese was there, who could support and command an army, carry philip and his puerile idiosyncrasies upon his back and meet the fury of an outraged people who were fighting on their own soil for all that man holds dear. never was wretched cause so ably led, never were such splendid talents so unworthily employed. alexander of parma, cortez, the pizarros, were representatives of that form of human character that spain especially developed. skill and daring were brought out in dazzling splendor, and success followed their movements. take a brief survey of the empire under charles v: himself emperor of germany; his son married to the queen of england; turkey repulsed; france humbled, and all europe practically within his grasp. and what was spain outside of europe? in america she possessed territory covering sixty degrees of latitude, owning mexico, central america, venezuela, new granada, peru and chili, with vast parts of north america, and the islands of cuba, jamaica and st. domingo. in africa and asia she had large possessions--in a word, the energies of the world were at her feet. the silver and gold of america, the manufactures and commerce of the netherlands, combined to make her the richest of nations. the limits of the present purpose do not permit an exhaustive presentation of her material strength in detail, nor are the means at hand for making such an exhibit. we must be content with a general picture, quoted directly from motley. he says: "look at the broad magnificent spanish peninsula, stretching across eight degrees of latitude and ten of longtitude, commanding the atlantic and the mediterranean, with a genial climate, warmed in winter by the vast furnace of africa, and protected from the scorching heats of summer by shady mountain and forest, and temperate breezes from either ocean. a generous southern territory, flowing with oil and wine, and all the richest gifts of a bountiful nature--splendid cities--the new and daily expanding madrid, rich in the trophies of the most artistic period of the modern world; cadiz, as populous at that day as london, seated by the straits where the ancient and modern systems of traffic were blending like the mingling of the two oceans; granada, the ancient, wealthy seat of the fallen moors; toledo, valladolid, and lisbon, chief city of the recently conquered kingdom of portugal, counting with its suburbs a larger population than any city excepting paris, in europe, the mother of distant colonies, and the capital of the rapidly-developing traffic with both the indies--these were some of the treasures of spain herself. but she possessed sicily also, the better portion of italy, and important dependencies in africa, while the famous maritime discoveries of the age had all enured to her aggrandizement. the world seemed suddenly to have expanded its wings from east to west, only to bear the fortunate spanish empire to the most dizzy heights of wealth and power. the most accomplished generals, the most disciplined and daring infantry the world has ever known, the best equipped and most extensive navy, royal and mercantile, of the age, were at the absolute command of the sovereign. such was spain." such is not spain to-day. a quite recent writer, speaking of spain before the war, said, that although spain in extent holds the sixth place in the european states, "it really now subsists merely by the sufferance of stronger nations." thus has that nation, which three centuries ago dominated the world, lost both its position and its energy. without attempting to sketch chronologically, either this rise or this decline, let us rather direct our efforts to an inquiry into the causes of both the one and the other. in attempting to explain the greatness of spain we must give first place to the vigor of the spanish race. the great spaniard was a mighty compound. he had the blood of rome mingled with the awful torrent that gave birth to the soulless goths and vandals. in him also flowed the hot blood of the moors. he was both sturdy and fiery; he had the fervor of the south with the tenacity of the north; the pride of the roman with the passion of the moor. the spanish race was emphatically a rich race. and then we must remember that this race had been forged in war. century after century, from the earliest times, they had lived with their arms in their hands. first came the long war between the arian vandals, and the trinitarian natives; then the seven-hundred-year war with the followers of mahomed. the whole mission of life to them was to fight. naturally there was developed in the people at large the most complete unification and subjection. individualism gave place almost entirely to the common weal, and the spectacle was presented of a nation with no political questions. maccaulay maintains that human nature is such that aggregations of men will always show the two principles of radicalism and conservatism, and that two parties will exist in consequence, one composed of those who are ever looking to a brighter future, the other of those who are ever seeking to restore a delightful past; but no such phenomena appear in the ascending period of spain's history. the whole nation moved as an organized army, steadily forward, until its zenith was reached. this solidity was a marked element of its strength. mr. buckle recognizes this, and accounts for the harmonious movements of the nation by the influence of two leading principles, which he is pleased to call superstition and loyalty. the arab invasion had pressed upon the christians with such force that it was only by the strictest discipline that the latter had managed to survive. to secure such discipline, and at the same time supply the people with the steady enthusiasm necessary to support a war from century to century, all the terrors and all the glories that could be derived from religion were employed. the church and the state, the prince and the priest, became as one, and loyalty and religion, devotion to the standard and to the cross, were but different names for the same principles and actions. hence spain emerged to greatness without the least dream of liberty of either person, conscience or thought. her rallying cry was: for the prince and the church; not, for god and liberty. she went up to greatness the most loyal and the most religious of nations; but liberty, justice and truth were not upon her banners. look over the territory settled and conquered by her, and what do we see? columbus, sailing under spain, names the first land he discovers san salvador; the first settlement made in this country is st. augustine; the second, sante fe. look down over the southern half of our continent and such names as espirito santo, corpus christi, san diego, san juan, san jose, san domingo attest the religious zeal of the conquerors. they were missionaries of the cross, robbing the people of their gold and paying them off with religion. steadfast in the faith and sturdy in her loyalty, spain resisted all innovations with respect to her religious beliefs, and all insurrections against her government. her alva and her torquemada but illustrated how strong was her conservatism, while her isabella and her philip ii show how grand and comprehensive and how persistent was her aggressiveness, under the idea of spreading and upholding the true faith. she not only meant to hold all she had of wealth and power, but she aspired to universal dominion; already chief, she desired to be sole, and this in the interest and name of the holy church. the reformation did not disturb spain; it was crushed out within twenty years. the spirit of liberty that had been growing in england since bosworth's field, and that was manifesting itself in germany and the netherlands, and that had begun to quiver even in france, did not dare stir itself in spain. spain was united, or rather, was solidity itself, and this solidity was both its strength and its death. england was not so united, and england went steadily onward and upward; but spain's unity destroyed her, because it practically destroyed individualism and presented the strange paradox of a strong nation of weak men. as a machine spain in the sixteenth century was a marvel of power; as an aggregation of thinking men, it was even then contemptible. ferdinand, charles v and philip ii were able and illustrious rulers, and they appeared at a time when their several characters could tell on the immediate fortunes of spain. they were warriors, and the nation was entirely warlike. during this period the spaniard overran the earth, not that he might till the soil, but that he might rob the man who did. with one hand he was raking in the gold and silver of mexico and peru; with the other confiscating the profits of the trade and manufactures of the low countries--and all in the name of the great god and saints! how was spain overthrown? the answer is a short one. spain, under philip ii staked her all upon a religious war against the awakening age. she met the reformation within her own borders and extinguished it; but thought had broken loose from its chains and was abroad in the earth. england had turned protestant, and elizabeth was on the throne; denmark, norway and sweden, indeed all countries except spain and italy had heard the echoes from luther's trumpet blast. italy furnished the religion, and spain the powder, in this unequal fight between the old and the new. spain was not merely the representative of the old, she was the old, and she armed her whole strength in its behalf. here was a religion separated from all moral principle and devoid of all softening sentiment--its most appropriate formula being, death to all heretics. death--not to tyrants, not to oppressors, not to robbers and men-stealers--but death to _heretics_. it was this that equipped her armada. the people were too loyal and too pious to think, and so were hurled in a solid mass against the armed thought of the coming age, and a mighty nation crumbled as in a day. with the destruction of her armada her warlike ascendancy passed and she had nothing to put in its place. she had not tillers of the soil, mechanics or skilled merchants. business was taking the place of war all over the world, but spain knew only religion and war, hence worsted in her only field, she was doomed. from the days of philip ii her decline was rapid. her territory slipped from her as rapidly as it had been acquired. her great domains on our soil are now the seat of thriving communities of english-speaking people. the whole continent of south america has thrown off her yoke, though still retaining her language, and our troops now embarked from port tampa are destined to wrest from her the two only remaining colonies subject to her sway in the western world,--cuba and porto rico. with all her losses hitherto, spain has not learned wisdom. antagonistic to truth and liberty, she seems to sit in the shadow of death, hugging the delusions that have betrayed her, while all other people of earth are pressing onward toward light and liberty. the struggle in cuba had been going on for years, and in that colony of less than two millions of inhabitants, many of whom were spaniards, there was now an army four times as large as the standing army of the united states. against this army and against the government of spain a revolt had been carried on previous to the present outbreak for a period of ten years, and which had been settled by concessions on the part of the home government. the present revolt was of two years' standing when our government decided to interfere. the cubans had maintained disorder, if they had not carried on war; and they had declined to be pacified. in their army they experienced no color difficulties. gomez, maceo and quintin banderas were generals honored and loved, maceo especially coming to be the hero and idol of the insurgents of all classes. and it can truthfully be said that no man in either the cuban or spanish army, in all the cuban struggle previous to our intervention, has earned a loftier fame as patriot, soldier and man of noble mould than antonio maceo. cuba, by far the most advanced of all the west indian colonies; cuba, essentially spanish, was destined to be the battle ground between our troops and the veterans of spain. the question to be settled was that of spain's sovereignty. spain's right to rule over the colonies of cuba and porto rico was disputed by the united states, and this question, and this alone, is to be settled by force of arms. further than this, the issue does not go. the dictum of america is: spain shall not rule. the questions of annexation, expansion and imperialism were not before us as we launched our forces to drive spain out of the west indies. the cuban flag was closely associated with our own standard popularly, and "cuba libre" was a wide-spread sentiment in june, . "we are ready to help the cubans gain their liberty" was the honest expression of thousands who felt they were going forward in a war for others. chapter v. passage, landing, and first battle in cuba. the tenth cavalry at guasimas--the "rescue of the rough riders"--was there an ambush?--notes. "the passage to santiago was generally smooth and uneventful," says general shafter in his official report. but when the fact is called to mind that the men had been on board a week before sailing, and were a week more on the passage, and that "the conveniences on many of the transports in the nature of sleeping accommodations, space for exercise, closet accommodations, etc., were not all that could have been desired," and that the opinion was general throughout the army that the travel ration was faulty, it cannot be doubted that the trip was a sore trial to the enlisted men at least. the monotonous days passed in the harbor at port tampa, while waiting for orders to sail, were unusually trying to the men. they were relieved somewhat by bathing, swimming, gaming and chatting on the coming events. a soldier who was in one of the colored regiments describes the inside life of one of the transports as follows: "after some miles of railroad travel and much hustling we were put on board the transport. i say _on board_, but it is simply because we cannot use the terms _under board_. we were huddled together below two other regiments and under the water line, in the dirtiest, closest, most sickening place imaginable. for about fifteen days we were on the water in this dirty hole, but being soldiers we were compelled to accept this without a murmur. we ate corn beef and canned tomatoes with our hard bread until we were anything but half way pleased. in the fifth or sixth day out to sea the water furnished us became muddy or dirty and well flavored with salt, and remained so during the rest of the journey. then, the ship's cooks, knowing well our condition made it convenient to themselves to sell us a glass of clean ice water and a small piece of bread and tainted meat for the sum of seventy-five cents, or one dollar, as the case might be." a passage from port tampa, around the eastern end of cuba, through the windward passage, even in june, is ordinarily pleasant. on the deck of a clean steamer, protected from the sun's rays by a friendly awning, it may be put down as nearly an ideal pleasure trip; but crowded into freight ships as these men were, many of them clad in thick and uncomfortable clothing, reduced to the uninviting travel ration, compelled to spend most of the time below decks, occupied with thoughts of home and friends, and beset with forebodings of coming events, it was very far from being to them a pastime. of the thousands who are going to cuba to magnify the american flag, not all will return. occasionally the gay music of the bands would relieve the dull routine and cause the spirits to rise under the effects of some enlivening waltz or stirring patriotic air; or entering a school of flying fish the men would be entertained to see these broad-finned creatures dart from the waves like arrows from the bow, and after a graceful flight of perhaps near two hundred yards drop again into the sea; but taken altogether it was a voyage that furnishes little for the historian. the transports were so arranged as to present an interesting and picturesque spectacle as they departed from our shores on their ocean march. forming in three columns, with a distance of about , yards between the columns, and the vessels in the columns being distanced from one another about yards, the fleet was convoyed from port tampa by small naval vessels until it reached a point between the dry tortugas and key west. here it was met by the noble battleship indiana and nine other war vessels, thus making a convoy altogether of fifteen fighting craft. transports and convoy now made an armada of more than forty ships, armed and manned by the audacious modern republic whose flag waved from every masthead. thus spreading out over miles of smooth sea, moving quietly along by steam, carrying in its arms the flower of the american army, every man of which was an athlete, this fleet announced to the world the grim purpose of a nation aroused. the weather from the time of leaving port tampa continued fine until the fleet entered the passage between the western coast of hayti and the eastern end of cuba, known as the windward passage, when the breeze freshened and a rough sea began, continuing more or less up to the time of landing. rounding this eastern coast of cuba the fleet headed its course westerly and on the morning of the th was able to determine its position as being off guantanamo bay, about fifty miles east of santiago. here, eight days before, the first battle on cuban soil, in which four american marines were killed, had been fought. about noon on the same day, the fleet came to a halt off santiago harbor, or a little to the west of the entrance to it, and admiral sampson came on board. he and general shafter soon after went ashore to consult the cuban general, garcia, who was known to be in that vicinity with about , well armed troops. the voyage over, and the men having been crowded together on shipboard for nearly two weeks, it was now expedient to get them on shore as soon as possible. but it was necessary to find out beforehand what defences were along the coast, and what forces of the enemy were likely to be encountered in landing. the fleet lay off from the shore about a mile, and it was no small undertaking to convey the , men on board with all their arms and equipments to the shore in small boats over a rough sea, especially should the landing be disputed. it was to arrange for the landing and also to map out a general plan of campaign that the three great leaders, shafter, sampson and garcia met at aserradores on the afternoon of june th as the american fleet stood guard over the harbor of santiago. general garcia was already aware of the coming of the fleet, having received a message from major-general miles two weeks previous. the letter of general miles ran as follows: headquarters of the army, in the field, tampa, fla., june , . dear general:--i am very glad to have received your officers, general enrique collazo and lieut.-col. carlos hernandez, the latter of whom returns to-night with our best wishes for your success. it would be a very great assistance if you could have as large a force as possible in the vicinity of the harbor of santiago de cuba, and communicate any information by signals which colonel hernandez will explain to you either to our navy or to our army on its arrival, which we hope will be before many days. it would also assist us very much if you could drive in and harass any spanish troops near or in santiago de cuba, threatening or attacking them at all points, and preventing, by every means, any possible re-enforcement coming to that garrison. while this is being done, and before the arrival of our army, if you can seize and hold any commanding position to the east or west of santiago de cuba, or both, that would be advantageous for the use of our artillery, it will be exceedingly gratifying to us." to this general garcia replied that he would "take measures at once to carry out your (miles') recommendation, but concentration of forces will require some time. roads bad and cubans scattered. will march without delay." admiral sampson also cabled the secretary of the navy that garcia "regards his (miles') wishes and suggestions as orders, and immediately will take measures to concentrate forces at the points indicated, but he is unable to do so as early as desired on account of his expedition at banes port, cuba, but will march without delay. all of his subordinates are ordered to assist to disembark the united states troops and to place themselves under orders." it was in compliance with these requests that general garcia had the five thousand troops so near santiago at the time he welcomed shafter and sampson to his camp, as mentioned above, and there is every necessary evidence that these cuban troops took part in the fight about santiago. says general miles of garcia: "he had troops in the rear as well as on both sides of the garrison at santiago before the arrival of our troops." it was agreed that the force of five hundred men under general castillo, posted near daiquiri, should be increased to , , and should be prepared to make an attack upon the rear of the spanish garrison at daiquiri on the morning of the nd, at which time the debarkation would begin. general rabi with about men was also to attack cabanas at the same time, in the same manner, the transports and war vessels so manoeuvring as to give the impression that a landing was to be made at that place. while these attacks in the rear were distracting the garrisons, the navy, by order of admiral sampson, was to start up a vigorous bombardment of all the villages along the coast, thus clearing the shore for the landing of the army. thus did the conference unite the hands of americans and cubans in the fight against spain on cuban soil, and each was pledged to the other by the expressions of good will. having accomplished its work the important conference closed, admiral sampson and general shafter to return to their ships, and general garcia to carry out the part of the work assigned to him, which he did with fidelity and success.[ ] according to orders published on the th, general lawton's division, known as the second division, fifth army corps, was to disembark first. this division contained the three following brigades: the first, general ludlow's, composed of the eighth and twenty-second infantry (regulars) and the second massachusetts volunteer infantry; the second brigade, general miles', composed of the fourth and twenty-fifth infantry (regulars); the third brigade, general chaffee's, containing the seventh, twelfth and seventeenth infantry (regulars). next to follow was general bates' brigade, which was to act as reserve to lawton's division. this brigade consisted of the third and twentieth infantry (regulars) and one squadron of the second cavalry, the only mounted troops in shafter's army. the cavalry, however, were not to disembark with the brigade, but were to be the last troops to leave the transports. after bates' brigade, was to follow wheeler's dismounted cavalry division, containing the two following brigades: the first, composed of the third, sixth and ninth cavalry (regulars); the second, composed of the first and tenth cavalry (regulars) and the first volunteer cavalry (rough riders). to follow the cavalry division was to come the first division, general kent's, containing the following troops: the first brigade, general hawkins', consisting of the sixth and sixteenth infantry (regulars) and the seventy-first new york volunteer infantry; the second brigade, general pearson's, consisting of the second, tenth and twenty-first infantry (regulars); the third brigade, colonel wikoffs, made up of the ninth, thirteenth and twenty-fourth infantry (regulars). then, lastly, was to depart the squadron of mounted cavalry. thus prepared, both on board the ships and on shore, the morning of the nd dawned to witness the beginning of mighty operations. the war vessels, drawn up in proper order, early began to hurl shot and shell upon the towns, forts, blockhouses and clumps of trees that could be discovered along the shore. the cannonading lasted between two and three hours and was furious throughout. meanwhile general lawton's division began the work of going ashore. the sea was rough and the passage to the shore was made in small boats furnished from the transports and from the naval vessels, towed by steam launches belonging to the navy. the larger of the boats were capable of carrying ten or twelve men each, while the smaller ones could carry but six or seven. during the passage to the shore several of the men who had escaped thus far, were taken with seasickness, greatly to the amusement of their more hardy companions. the landing was made at a pier which had been used formerly as a railroad pier, but was now abandoned and somewhat dilapidated. to get from the boats to the pier in this rough sea was the most perilous part of the whole trip from tampa to cuba. as the boats would rise on the waves almost level with the landing place it was necessary to leap quickly from the boat to the shore. in this way two cavalrymen of the tenth lost their lives, falling into the sea with their equipments on and sinking before help could reach them. some of the boats were rowed ashore and made a landing on the beach some distance from the pier. by this method some men of the twenty-fifth tried to be the first to land, but failed, that regiment landing, however, in the first body of troops to go ashore, and being the second in order, in the invasion of the island. by night of the nd more than one-third of the troops were on shore, and by the evening of the th the whole army was disembarked according to the program announced at the beginning, the squadron of cavalry coming in at the close of the march to the shore. the only national movement on our part deserving to be brought into comparison with the expedition against the spanish power in cuba, is that of fifty years earlier, when general scott sailed at the head of the army of invasion against mexico. some of the occurrences of that expedition, especially connected with its landing, should be carefully studied, and if the reports which have reached the public concerning it are truthful, we would do well to consider how far the methods then in use could be applied now. scribner's recent history, published just before the outbreak of the spanish war, tells the story of that expedition, so far as it tells it at all, in the following sentence: "on the th of march, the fleet with scott's army came to anchor a few miles south of vera cruz, and two days later he landed his whole force--nearly twelve thousand men--by means of surf-boats." a writer in a recent number of _the army and navy journal_ says general worth's division of , men were landed in one hour, and the whole force was landed in six hours, without accident or confusion. in the prosecution of that unholy war, which lasted about a year, nearly three thousand men were lost in battle and about as many more by disease, peace being finally made by the cession of territory on the part of mexico, the united states paying in return much more than the territory was worth. the twenty millions paid to texas probably in great part went into the coffers of the patriots who occupied that region, some of whom had not been known as desirable citizens in the parts from which they came, and had manifested their patriotism by leaving their country for their country's good. the fifteen millions handed over to mexico looks like a contribution to a conscience fund, and an atonement offered for an assault without provocation. the country gained arizona, new mexico, california and finally texas, but it lost six thousand good men, the cost of the war, and all told, in negotiations, about thirty million dollars, besides. however, it is not always profitable to look up the harvests of war. there are always two--the harvest of gain, and the harvest of loss. death and debt are reapers, as well as are honor and extent of territory. the feelings of the six thousand american troops who landed on cuban soil on june nd, , may well be imagined. although they felt the effects of the confinement to which they had been subjected while on shipboard, there was very little sickness among them. again possessed of the free use of their limbs they swarmed the beach and open space near the landing, making themselves at home, and confronting the difficulties and perils that lay before them with a courage born of national pride. before them were the mountains with their almost impassable roads, the jungles filled with poisonous plants and the terrible prickly underbrush and pointed grass, in which skulked the land crab and various reptiles whose bite or sting was dangerous; twenty miles of this inhospitable country lay between them and santiago, their true objective. and somewhere on the road to that city they knew they were destined to meet a well-trained foe, skilled in all the arts of modern warfare, who would contest their advance. the prospect, however, did not unnerve them, although they could well conjecture that all who landed would not re-embark. some in that six thousand were destined never again to set foot on shipboard. out of the twenty-fifth infantry and the tenth cavalry men were to fall both before spanish bullets and disease ere these organizations should assemble to return to their native shores. these thoughts did not prevent the men from taking advantage of what nature had to offer them. "we landed in rowboats, amid, and after the cessation of the bombardment of the little hamlet and coast by the men-of-war and battle-ships," writes a brave soldier of the twenty-fifth infantry, and adds immediately: "we then helped ourselves to cocoanuts which we found in abundance near the landing." ordinarily this statement, so trivial and apparently unimportant, would not merit repetition, but in its connection here it is significant as showing the immediate tendency of the men to resort to the fruits of the country, despite all warnings to the contrary. the two weeks' experience on board the transports had made the finding of cocoanuts an event to be noted, and the dry pulp and strongly flavored milk of this tropical fruit became extremely grateful to the palate, even if not altogether safe for the stomach. if ripe, however, the cocoanut could scarcely be more ungenial to many, than the raw, canned tomatoes upon which they had in part subsisted during the voyage. it is to be added that this report of the finding of the cocoanuts is not the report of an old soldier, but of a young and intelligent, first enlistment man. lawton's division soon after landing, was ordered to move forward in the direction of santiago, on the road leading past siboney. a staff officer, writing of that movement, says: "general lawton, with his division, in obedience to this order, pushed forward from daiquiri about five miles, when night overtook him and he bivouacked on the road." an old soldier of the twenty-fifth, writing me from the hospital in tampa, florida, july nd, says of the same event: "after the regiment landed we marched about four and a half miles through the mountains; then we made camp." the old soldier says nothing of cocoanuts, but makes his statement with as much accuracy as possible, and with no waste of words. the novice describing the same thing says: "a short distance ahead (from the shore) we bivouacked for the night. we were soon lying in dreamland, so far from friends and home, indeed, on a distant, distant shore." these two extracts show at once the difference between the soldier produced by years of trial and training on our plains, and the soldier who but yesterday was a civilian. with the one the march is a short distance; with the other it is about four and a half miles; one reports that they "made camp," the other talks of dreamland, friend, home and distant shore; one expresses his feelings, the other shows control of feeling and reserve in expression. that first night on cuban soil, the night following june nd, was one without events, but one of great concern to the commanders on shore and on the fleet. the work of disembarking had gone on successfully, and already about six thousand men were on shore. nearly the whole of lawton's division, with bates' independent brigade, were bivouacked, as we have seen, about five miles from daiquiri, exactly where the railroad crosses the wagon road leading to siboney. general wheeler's troops--one brigade--were encamped on the open ground near the landing, the remainder of his division being still on the transports. the twenty-fifth infantry was with lawton; the tenth cavalry was ashore with wheeler's troops. a detachment of the twenty-fifth was put on outpost duty on that night of their landing, and five miles within cuban territory they tramped their solitary beats, establishing and guarding the majestic authority of the united states. lawton's orders were to seize and hold the town of siboney at which place kent's division, containing the twenty-fourth, was to land. it was then intended that the whole army should advance as rapidly as would be consistent with supplying the men with rations toward santiago. siboney was to be the base of supplies, and from this point ammunition and food were to be conveyed to the front by wagons and pack trains. general shafter also intended that lawton with his division should lead the advance upon santiago, but circumstances beyond his control brought about a different result. on the morning of the rd lawton's division was in motion early, and before half-past ten o'clock he was able to report that the spaniards had evacuated siboney and were in full retreat, pursued by a body of cubans under direction of general castillo; that the town was in his hands, and he had also captured one locomotive and nearly one hundred cars loaded with coal. general young's brigade of general wheeler's cavalry division, got on shore on the afternoon of the rd and after landing received verbal orders to move out with three days' rations "to a good camping place between juraguacito and siboney, on the road leading to santiago de cuba." in obedience to these orders, at . in the afternoon young with the rough riders and a squadron from each of the first and tenth regular cavalry moved from the bivouack near the landing and arrived at siboney at about o'clock. when general young arrived at siboney he had with him the rough riders, the other troops having been delayed by the crowded condition of the trail and the difficulty of following after nightfall. although these troops are always spoken of as cavalry, the reader must not forget that they were dismounted and in marching and fighting were the same as infantry. general young on arriving at siboney reported to general wheeler, who had preceded him to the same place. the statements of the several commanders here appear somewhat conflicting, although not inexplicable. general lawton says: "yesterday afternoon, late, general wheeler and staff arrived and established his headquarters within the limits of my command. saw him after dark. late last night colonel wood's regiment of dismounted cavalry (rough riders) passed through my camp at division headquarters, and later general young, with some of the dismounted cavalry, and early this morning others of the dismounted cavalry." wheeler says that "in obedience to instructions from the major-general commanding," given to him in person, he proceeded, on june rd, to siboney, but does not say at what hour. he says he "rode out to the front and found that the enemy had halted and established themselves at a point about three miles from siboney." he then informs us that "at o'clock on that evening of the rd general young reached siboney with eight troops of colonel wood's regiment (a, b, d, e, f, g, k and l), strong; troops a, b, g and k, of the first cavalry, in all , and troops a, b, e and i, of the tenth cavalry, in all men, making a total force of men, which included nearly all of my command which had disembarked. these troops had marched from daiquiri, miles. with the assistance of general castillo a rough map of the country was prepared and the position of the enemy fully explained, and i determined to make an attack." lieutenant miley says that the whole brigade of wheeler's troops arrived in siboney about dark and were occupying the same ground as general lawton ("in cuba with shafter," p. .) general young says that after reporting to general wheeler he "asked and obtained from general wheeler authority to make a reconnoisance in force" for the purpose of obtaining "positive information * * * as to the position and movements of the enemy in front." the distance from daiquiri to siboney was but eleven miles, and as the troops left the former place at . it is probable that they were all bivouacked near siboney before o'clock, as they were all together, according to general wheeler's report, at . on the morning of the th. general young having discovered that there were two roads or trails leading from siboney northward toward the town of sevilla determined to make his reconnoisance by both these trails. he directed colonel wood to move by the western trail and to keep a careful lookout and to attack any spaniards he might encounter, being careful to join his right in the event of an engagement, with the left of the column advancing by the eastern trail. colonel wood's column was the left column and was composed of the rough riders only. the column marching by the eastern trail was composed of the first and tenth cavalry (regulars) and was under the command of general young. it was the intention of general young by this column to gain the enemy's left, and thus attack in front and left. as early as . a.m. captain mills discovered the enemy exactly as had been described by general castillo. when this was done word was sent to colonel wood, who was making his way to the front over a more difficult route than the one by which general young's column had marched. a delay was therefore made on the part of general young in order that the attack should begin on both flanks at the same time. during this delay general wheeler arrived and was informed of the plans and dispositions for the attack, and after examining the position gave his approval of what had been done, whereupon general young ordered the attack. general wheeler in speaking of the same event says: "general young and myself examined the position of the enemy. the lines were deployed and i directed him to open fire with the hotchkiss gun. the enemy replied and the firing immediately became general." there can be no question as to the planning of this fight nor as to the direction of the american force in the fight so far as any general direction was possible. colonel wood directed one column and general young another, while the plan of the attack undoubtedly originated with general young. general wheeler conveys as much when he says: "general young deserves special commendation for his cool deliberate and skillful management." general young, if only the commander of the right column consisting of two squadrons of regular cavalry, had not as large a command, nor as difficult and important a one as had colonel wood, and hence is not deserving of special commendation except upon the general ground that he had supervision over the whole battle. this position is taken by general shafter in his report, who though admitting the presence of the division commander, credits the battle to general young, the commander of the brigade. the reconnoissance in force for which young had obtained authority from general wheeler on the night of the rd had developed into a battle, and the plan had evolved itself from the facts discovered. this plan general wheeler approved, but in no such way as to take the credit from its originator; and it is doubtless with reference both to the plan and the execution that he bestows on general young the mead of praise. this statement of fact does not in the least detract from either the importance or the praiseworthiness of the part played by colonel wood. both he and the officers and men commanded by him received both from general young and from the division commander the most generous praise. the advance of wood's column was made with great difficulty owing to the nature of the ground, and according to general young's belief, he was in the rear when at . in the morning captain mills discovered the enemy, and a cuban guide was dispatched to warn wood, and a delay made to allow time for him to come up. colonel wood, on the other hand, claims to have discovered the enemy at . and to have begun action almost immediately, so that it turned out as young had planned, and "the attack of both wings was simultaneous." the spaniards were posted on a range of high hills in the form of a "v," the opening being toward siboney, from which direction the attack came. from colonel wood's report it appears that soon after the firing began he found it necessary to deploy five troops to the right, and left, leaving three troops in reserve. the enemy's lines being still beyond his, both on the right and on the left, he hastily deployed two more troops, which made the lines now about equal in length. the firing was now "exceedingly heavy," and much of it at short range, but on account of the thick underbrush it was not very effective; "comparatively few of our men were injured." captain capron at this time received his mortal wound and the firing became so terrific that the last remaining troop of the reserve was absorbed by the firing line, and the whole regiment ordered to advance very slowly. the spanish line yielded and the advance soon showed that in falling back the enemy had taken a new position, about three hundred yards in front of the advancing regiment. their lines extended from to , yards, and the firing from their front was "exceedingly heavy" and effective. a "good many men" were wounded, "and several officers," says colonel wood's report. still the advance was kept up, and the spanish line was steadily forced back. "we now began," says colonel wood, "to get a heavy fire from a ridge on our right, which enfiladed our line." the reader can at once see that although the rough riders were advancing heroically, they were now in a very serious situation, with an exceedingly heavy and effective fire striking them in front, and a heavy, enfilading fire raking them from the right. their whole strength was on the line, and these two fires must have reduced their effectiveness with great rapidity had it kept up, the spaniards having their range and firing by well-directed volleys. it was for the regiment a moment of the utmost peril. had they been alone they must have perished. it was from this perilous situation of colonel wood's command that one of the most popular stories of the war originated, a story that contained some truth, but which was often told in such a way as to cause irritation, and in some instances it was so exaggerated or mutilated in the telling as to be simply ridiculous. on the day after the battle the story was told in lawton's camp according to the testimony of an intelligent soldier of the twenty-fifth infantry. his words are: "the next day about noon we heard that the tenth cavalry had met the enemy and that the tenth cavalry had rescued the rough riders. we congratulated ourselves that although not of the same branch of service, we were of the same color, and that to the eye of the enemy we, troopers and footmen, all looked alike." according to artists and cheap newspaper stories this rescuing occurred again and again. a picture is extensively advertized as "an actual and authoritative presentation of this regiment (the tenth cavalry) as it participated in that great struggle, and their heroic rescue of the rough riders on that memorable _july_ day." this especial rescuing took place on _san juan hill_. the editor of a religious paper declares that it was the _twenty-fifth infantry_ that rescued the rough riders and that it was done at _el caney_![ ] before we go any farther let us see just what the tenth cavalry did do in this fight. that their action was highly meritorious admits of no doubt, and the laurels they won were never allowed to fade during the whole campaign. general wheeler speaks of them with the first cavalry. he says: "i was immediately with the troops of the first and tenth regular cavalry, dismounted, and personally noticed their brave and good conduct." there were four troops of the tenth engaged, composing the first squadron of that regiment, under command of major norval. troop a was commanded by captain w.h. beck, who was specially commended by general wheeler for good conduct. second lieutenant f.r. mccoy was captain beck's assistant. this troop moved over to the left, receiving the fire of the enemy, but making no response, the distance being too great for effective carbine firing. this troop reached colonel wood's right and made the line continuous so that there was now a force in front of that ridge where the spaniards were securely entrenched and from which they were pouring their enfilading fire upon colonel wood's line. troop a, although coming into the line, did not fire. their presence, however, gave the rough riders the assurance that their flank was saved. troop e was commanded by captain c.g. ayres with second lieutenant george vidmar. this troop was placed by general young in support of captain watson's two hotchkiss guns, and also of the troops in their front. the troop was under fire one hour and a quarter, during which they were in plain view of the spaniards, who also had their exact range. one man was killed and one wounded. their courage, coolness and discipline in this trying hour and a quarter were of the very highest order. the troop commander says: "their coolness and fine discipline were superb." this troop did not fire a shot. thus one-half of the squadron moved to its positions and held them without being able to do any damage to the enemy, as they were carrying out to the letter their instructions, which were to fire only when they could see the enemy. troop b was commanded by captain j.w. watson with h.o. willard as second lieutenant. a detachment of this troop was placed in charge of four hotchkiss mountain guns. this detachment opened fire upon the enemy, using the ammunition sparingly, as they had but fifty rounds with them. twenty-two shots were fired, apparently with effect. the remainder of the troop under lieutenant williard was ordered to move out to the extreme right, which would place it beyond the line of the first cavalry, thus bringing that regiment between troop a of the tenth, which connected it with the rough riders and troop b, which was to be on its extreme right. lieutenant williard's report of this movement is as follows: "i ordered the troop forward at once, telling them to take advantage of all cover available. in the meantime the volleys from the spanish were coming in quite frequently and striking the ground on all sides near where we were. i found it very difficult to move the men forward after having found cover, and ran back to a portion of the troop near an old brick wall, and ordered them forward at once. they then made a dash forward, and in doing so three or four men were wounded, private russell severely. who the others were i do not know. we encountered a severe fire directly after this move forward; and private wheeler was wounded in the left leg. there was a wire fence on our right, and such thick underbrush that we were unable to get through right there, so had to follow along the fence for some distance before being able to penetrate. finally, was able to get the greater proportion of my men through, and about this time i met lieutenants fleming and miller, tenth cavalry, moving through the thicket at my left. i there heard the order passed on 'not to fire ahead,' as there was danger of firing into our own forces. in the meantime there was shouting from the first cavalry in our front, 'don't fire on us in rear.' my troop had not fired a shot to my knowledge, nor the knowledge of any non-commissioned officers in the troop. about this time i found i was unable to keep the troop deployed, as they would huddle up behind one rock or tree, so i gave all sergeants orders to move out on the extreme right and to keep in touch with those on their left. then, with a squad of about five men, i moved to the right front, and was unfortunate enough to lose the troop, i.e., i could see nothing of them except the men with me. "but as i had given explicit instructions to my sergeant, in case i was lost from them, to continue to advance until halted by some one in authority, i moved ahead myself, hoping to find them later on. in making a rush forward three men of my squad were lost from me in some way. i still had two men with me, privates combs and jackson, and in the next advance made i picked up a first cavalry sergeant who had fallen out from exhaustion. after a terrific climb up the ridge in front of me, and a very regular though ineffective fire from the enemy kept up until we were about sixty yards from the summit of hill, we reached the advance line of the first united states cavalry, under command of captain wainwright. i then reported to him for orders, and moved forward when he next advanced. the firing had ceased, and no more shots were fired, to my knowledge, after this time. with the first cavalry, troop g, we followed along the right of the ridge and came down to the right front, encountering no opposition or fire from the enemy, but finding the enemy's breastworks in confusion, ammunition and articles of clothing scattered around; also one dead spaniard and two mauser rifles. at the foot of the ridge we met some of the first volunteer cavalry, and being utterly exhausted, i was obliged to lie down. soon after, captain mills, adjutant-general of second brigade, cavalry division, came up to where i was and placed me in command of troop k, first united states cavalry, whose officers were wounded. i then marched them forward on the road to where general wheeler was sitting, and received orders from colonel wood, first volunteer cavalry, to remain until further orders and make no further advance. directly afterwards, learning the action was over, i reported back to general young, and received orders to remain camped with the first cavalry squadron, where the action had closed. in the meantime, i should have stated that i found the principal part of my troop and collected them and left them under the first sergeant, when i went back to receive orders. so far as i know, and to the best of my knowledge, the men of my troop acted with the greatest bravery, advancing on an enemy who could not be seen, and subjected to a severe and heavy fire at each step, which was only rendered ineffective to a great degree by the poor marksmanship of the enemy, as many times we were in sight of them (i discovered this by observation after the engagement) while we could see nothing. we were also subjected to a severe reverse fire from the hills in our right rear, several men being wounded by this fire. throughout the fight the men acted with exceptional coolness, in my judgment. the casualties were: privates russell, braxton and morris, severely wounded; privates f.a. miller, grice, wheeler and gaines, slightly wounded, i.e., less severely. none killed. very respectfully, henry o. williard. june , . troop b, tenth cavalry, during action near la guasima, second lieutenant, tenth united states cavalry, commanding. troop i of the tenth cavalry was commanded by first lieutenant r.j. fleming with second lieutenant a.m. miller. this troop moved to the right and wedged in between b troop and the right of the first cavalry. lieutenant fleming discovered the enemy posted on the high ridge immediately in front of his troop, and also extending to his right, in front of b troop. moving his troop a little to the right so as to secure room to advance without coming in contact with the first cavalry, he then directed his course straight toward the hill on which he had located the enemy. the advance was made with great caution, the men seeking cover wherever possible, and dashing across the open spaces at full run. thus they moved until the base of the steep part of the hill was reached. this was found very difficult of ascent, not only because of the rugged steepness, but also on account of the underbrush, and the sharp-leaved grass, the cacti and spanish bayonet, that grow on all these hillsides. paths had to be cut through these prickly obstructions with knives and sabres. consequently the advance up that hill, though free from peril, was very slow and trying. twice during the advance the men obtained a view of their enemies and were permitted to fire. the instructions were rigidly adhered to: no firing only at the visible foe. lieutenant fleming says: "owing to the underbrush it was impossible for me to see but a very few men at a time, but as they all arrived on the crest about the time i did, or shortly after, they certainly advanced steadily." he says: "the entire troop behaved with great coolness and obeyed every order." farrier sherman harris, wagoner john boland and private elsie jones especially distinguished themselves for coolness and gallantry. the aggressive work of the tenth cavalry, therefore, appears to have been done by troops b and i, a detachment of the former troop serving the hotchkiss gun battery. troop i was commanded by lieutenant fleming and by him conducted to the front, although he admits that in their advance up the slope of the hill he could see but very few of the men at a time, and declares that their advance was certainly steady, because all arrived at the crest of the hill simultaneously or nearly so. lieutenant fleming does not show that his troop of excellent men were in any sense _peculiarly_ dependent upon their white officers as some have asserted. they advanced steadily, just as the regulars always do, advanced noiselessly and without any reckless firing, and reached the crest of the hill in order, although he could not see them as they were making their advance. they kept their line despite all the obstructions. lieutenant fleming also says that in moving to his position he passed troop b, which then "inclined to the right, and during the remainder of the action was on my right." troop b, therefore, went through about the same experience as troop i, and being on the extreme right of the line may have been more directly in front of that foe which fleming says was in his front and to the right. why did not the officer who directed or led b troop in its advance upon the enemy report the action of his troop as vividly and generously as did lieutenant fleming the men of troop i? with not the slightest reflection upon the gallant officer, he himself has the manliness to say he was so unfortunate as to lose the troop. the troop, however, did not become demoralized, but went into action under command of its first sergeant, _john buck,[ ] and remained on lieutenant fleming's right during the action_. it has been proven more than once that should the commissioned officers of a company or troop of colored regulars be killed or incapacitated, the non-commissioned officers can carry on the fight. speaking of this same regiment it is equally true that at san juan the officers of troops d and g were all shot and the commands of these troops fell to their first sergeants, the first to sergeant william h. given, the second to sergeant saint foster, and it is generally understood that these two men were appointed lieutenants of volunteers because of their success in handling their troops in battle. the entire attacking force at this end of the line, if we count only those engaged in actual firing, consisted of two troops of the tenth cavalry and two of the first cavalry--four troops--while to the left the entire eight troops were on the firing line. the action of the troops of the first cavalry was quite similar to that of the troops of the tenth cavalry, and equally deserving of commendation. of them all general young says: "the ground over which the right column advanced was a mass of jungle growth, with wire fences, not to be seen until encountered, and precipitous heights as the ridge was approached. it was impossible for the troops to keep in touch along the front, and they could only judge of the enemy from the sound and direction of his fire. however, had it not been for this dense jungle, the attack would not have been made against an overwhelming force in such a position. headway was so difficult that advance and support became merged and moved forward under a continuous volley firing, supplemented by that of two rapid-fire guns. return firing by my force was only made as here and there a small clear spot gave a sight of the enemy. the fire discipline of these particular troops was almost perfect. the ammunition expended by the two squadrons engaged in an incessant advance for one hour and fifteen minutes averaged less than ten rounds per man. the fine quality of these troops is also shown by the fact that there was not a single straggler, and in not one instance was an attempt made by any soldier to fall out in the advance to assist the wounded or carry back the dead. the fighting on the left flank was equally creditable and was remarkable, and i believe unprecedented, in volunter troops so quickly raised, armed and equipped." the five hundred men of colonel wood's regiment were stretched over a space of to , yards, and were entirely without support or reserve, and appear to have advanced to a point where this very strong force on the right swept a good part of their line both with rifle fire and the fire of their two machine guns. men and officers were falling under both the front and flank fire of the enemy, and had not the squadrons of the first and tenth made their successful assault upon that ridge, which, according to general wood's report, was "very strongly held," the situation of the rough riders would have been extreme. because this successful assault was participated in by the tenth cavalry the story arose that the rough riders were rescued by that regiment. the fair statement would be: that the regular cavalry, consisting of a squadron of the first and a squadron of the tenth, made their advance on the right at the precise moment to deliver the rough riders from a fire that threatened their annihilation. the marksmanship and coolness of the men of the tenth have been specially commented upon and their fire was described as very effective, but the same remarks could be made of the men of the first, who fought side by side with them. it is probable that the volunteers advanced more rapidly than did the regulars, using more ammunition, and manifesting a very high degree of courage and enthusiasm as well as deliberation; but the regulars reached their objective at the proper time to turn the battle's tide. each advancing column was worthy to be companion to the other. general wheeler said the fire was very hot for about an hour, and "at . sent a courier to general lawton informing him that he was engaged with a larger force of the enemy than was anticipated, and asked that his force be sent forward on the sevilla road as quickly as possible." ("in cuba with shafter," p. .) general lawton, however, with the true instinct of a soldier had already sent orders to general chaffee to move forward with the first brigade. the second brigade was also in readiness to move and the men of the twenty-fifth were expecting to go forward to take a position on the right and if possible a little to the rear of the spanish entrenchments in order to cut off their retreat. the rapid movements of the cavalry division, however, rendered this unnecessary, and the routing of the foe gave to the americans an open country and cleared the field for the advance on santiago. the first battle had been fought, and the americans had been victorious, but not without cost. sixteen men had been killed and fifty-two wounded. in colonel wood's regiment eight had been killed and thirty-four wounded; in the first cavalry, seven killed and eight wounded; in the tenth cavalry, one killed and ten wounded. the percentage of losses to the whole strength of the several organizations engaged was as follows: rough riders, over per cent.; first cavalry, over per cent.; tenth cavalry, per cent. but if we take those on the firing line as the base the rate per cent. of losses among the regulars would be doubled, while that of the volunteers would remain the same. the strength of the enemy in this battle is given in the spanish official reports, according to lieutenant miley, at about five hundred, and their losses are put at nine killed and twenty-seven wounded. at the time of the fight it was supposed to be much larger. general young's report places the estimates at , , and adds "that it has since been learned from spanish sources to have been , . the cuban military authorities claim the spanish strength was , ." these figures are doubtless too high. the force overtaken at las guasimas was the same force that evacuated siboney at the approach of lawton and the force with which the cubans had fought on the morning of the rd. it may have consisted solely of the garrison from siboney, although it is more probable that it included also those from daiquiri and jutici, as it is quite certain that all these troops proceeded toward santiago over the same road. the force at siboney had been given by the cubans at , at daiquiri at , and at jutici at . if these had concentrated and the figures were correct, the spanish force at guasimas was upwards of , . if, however, it was the force from siboney alone, it was about as the spanish official report gives it. on this latter basis, however, the losses are out of proportion, for while the attacking party lost a little less than per cent. of its entire strength in killed and wounded, the losses of the entrenched, defending party, were even a little greater, or over per cent. of its strength. it is, therefore, probable that the spanish force was greater than officially reported and included the troops from the other posts as well as those from siboney. the engagement was classed by general shafter as unimportant, although its effect upon our army was inspiring. it did not cut off the retreat of the spanish force, and the men who faced our army at guasimas met them again in the trenches before santiago. general shafter desired to advance with his whole force, and cautioned strongly against any further forward movement until the troops were well in hand. the two battles between the cubans and spaniards, fought on the rd, in which the cubans had sixteen men wounded and two killed, were engagements of some consequence, although we have no reports of them. there is no evidence that the cubans took part in the battle of guasimas, although they arrived on the grounds immediately after the firing ceased. the story thus far told is, as the reader cannot fail to see, directly from official records, and the conclusions arrived at are those which result naturally from the facts as therein detailed. not one word is quoted from any but military men--actors in the affair. we may now go briefly over the same ground, giving the views and conclusions of able civilian correspondents who followed the army to see what was done, and who were trained observers and skilled writers. how have these able war journalists told the story of las guasimas? to quote from stephen bonsal in substance, not in words, is to contradict what general shafter says officially in one particular, but in no such way as to discredit the general, or to weaken bonsal. it is not a case of bringing two universal, antagonistic propositions face to face, but a case where two men of different training look upon an action from different standpoints and through different field-glasses. general shafter says of the collision of the rough riders with the spanish force: "there was no ambush as reported." as a military man, he says there was no more concealment on the part of the spanish force than what an attacking party should expect, no more than what is usual in modern warfare, hence he does not regard it as an ambush, and does not officially take notice of any surprise or unexpected encounter on the part of his force. to do so would be to reflect, however slightly, upon the professional skill of the commander of the left column. general shafter thus says officially in a manly way: "there was no ambush." beyond this his duty does not call him to go, and he halts his expressions exactly at this line, maintaining in his attitude all the attributes of the true soldier, placing himself beyond criticism by thus securing from attack the character of his subordinate. mr. bonsal is a writer and author, accustomed to view actions in the broader light of popular judgment, entirely free from professional bias, and having no class-feeling or obligations to serve. his pen is not official; his statements are not from the military standpoint; not influenced in any way by considerations of personal weal or woe with respect to others or himself. he says that one troop of the rough riders, troop l, commanded by captain capron, was leading the advance of the regiment, and was in solid formation and within twenty-five yards of its scouting line when it received the enemy's fire. this troop was so far in the advance that it took the other troops of the regiment more than a half hour to get up to it. the writer speaks of the advance of that troop as having been made "in the fool-hardy formation of a solid column along a narrow trail, which brought them, in the way i have described, within point-blank range of the spanish rifles, and within the unobstructed sweep of their machine guns." he sums up as follows: "and if it is to be ambushed when you receive the enemy's fire perhaps a quarter of an hour before it was expected, and when the troop was in a formation, and the only one in which, in view of the nature of the ground it was possible to advance quickly, then most certainly l troop of the rough riders was ambushed by the spaniards on the morning of june th." mr. bonsal also brings into clear view the part taken in this battle by lawton's infantry. he shows by means of a simple map the trail by which miles' brigade, in which was the twenty-fifth infantry, moved in order to flank the spanish position, while chaffee's brigade was hurrying forward on the royal road to reinforce the line in front. a letter from a soldier of the twenty-fifth written soon after these events fully confirms mr. bonsal in what he says concerning the movement of miles' brigade. the soldier says: "on the morning of the th the rough riders, tenth and first cavalry were to make an attack on a little place where the spanish were fortified. the second brigade was to come on the right flank of these troops and a little in rear of the fortifications; but by some misunderstanding, the former troops, led by the rough riders, made an attack before we got our position, and the result was a great many lives lost in the first cavalry and rough riders--only one in tenth cavalry, but many wounded. they captured the fortification." this letter by a humble soldier, written with no thought of its importance, shows how gallantly lawton had sprung to the rescue of wheeler's division. according to bonsal, who says he obtained his information from spanish officers who were present in this fight, it was the information of the approach of this brigade and of chaffee's up the main road that caused the spaniards to withdraw rapidly from the position. the whole force was in imminent danger of being captured. another soldier of the twenty-fifth wrote: "the report came that the twenty-fifth infantry was to cut off the spanish retreat from a stronghold, toward santiago." these glimpses from soldiers' letters illustrate how clearly they comprehended the work upon which they were sent, and show also how hearty and cordial was the support which the infantry at that time was hurrying forward to the advancing cavalry. the official reports show that the strength of the spanish position was before the right of our line. mr. bonsal says: "directly in front of the tenth cavalry rose undoubtedly the strongest point in the spanish position--two lines of shallow trenches, strengthened by heavy stone parapets." we must remember that so far as we can get the disposition of these troops from official records, troop a connected the rough riders with the first cavalry, and troops i and b were on the right of the first cavalry. troop a did not fire a shot; the fighting, therefore, was done by troops i and b on the extreme right of the line, and it was on their front that "undoubtedly the strongest point in the spanish position" lay--nor should the reader forget that at this very important moment troop b was commanded by its first sergeant, buck, lieutenant williard having by his own report been "unfortunate enough to lose the troop." this is said with no disparagement to lieutenant williard. it was merely one of the accidents of battle. says mr. bonsal: "the moment the advance was ordered the black troopers of the tenth cavalry forged ahead. they were no braver certainly than any other men in the line, but their better training enabled them to render more valuable services than the other troops engaged. they had with them and ready for action their machine guns, and shoved them right up to the front on the firing line, from where they poured very effective fire into the spanish trenches, which not only did considerable execution, but was particularly effective in keeping down the return fire of the spaniards. the machine guns of the rough riders were mislaid, or the mules upon which they had been loaded could not be found at this juncture. it was said they had bolted. it is certain, however, that the guns were not brought into action, and consequently the spaniards suffered less, and the rough riders more, in the gallant charge they made up the hill in front of them, after the tenth cavalry had advanced and driven the spaniards from their position on the right." corporal w.f. johnson, b troop, was the non-commissioned officer in charge of the machine guns during the brief fight at las guasimas, and his action was such as to call forth from the troop commander special mention "for his efficiency and perfect coolness under fire." here i may be pardoned for calling attention to a notion too prevalent concerning the negro soldier in time of battle. he is too often represented as going into action singing like a zany or yelling like a demon, rather than as a man calculating the chances for life and victory. the official reports from the black regulars in cuba ought to correct this notion. every troop and company commander, who has reported upon colored soldiers in that war, speaks of the coolness of the men of his command. captain beck, of troop a, tenth cavalry, in the guasimas fight, says: "i will add that the enlisted men of troop a, tenth cavalry, behaved well, silently and alertly obeying orders, and without becoming excited when the fire of the enemy reached them." the yell, in the charge of the regulars, is a part of the action, and is no more peculiar to negro troops than to the whites, only as they may differ in the general timbre of voice. black american soldiers when not on duty may sing more than white troops, but in quite a long experience among them i have not found the difference so very noticeable. in all garrisons one will find some men more musically inclined than others; some who love to sing and some who do not; some who have voices adapted to the production of musical tones, and some who have not, and it is doubtless owing to these constitutional differences that we find differences in habits and expressions. lieutenant miley, of general shafter's staff, in his description of the departure of general shatter from general garcia's tent, gives us a glimpse of the character of the men that composed the cuban army in that vicinity. "while the interview was going on, the troops were being assembled to do honor to the general on his departure. several companies were drawn up in front of the tent to present arms as he came out, and a regiment escorted him to the beach down the winding path, which was now lined on both sides by cuban soldiers standing about a yard apart and presenting arms. the scene made a strong impression on all in the party, there seemed to be such an earnestness and fixedness of purpose displayed that all felt these soldiers to be a power. about fifty per cent. were blacks, and the rest mulattoes, with a small number of whites. they were very poorly clad, many without shirts or shoes, but every man had his gun and a belt full of ammunition." b. extract from a letter from a soldier of the th cavalry, troop b, concerning the battle of las guasimas: "... the platoon which escaped this ditch got on the right of the st cavalry on the firing line, and pushed steadily forward under first sergeant buck, being then in two squads--one under sergeant thompson. on account of the nature of the ground and other natural obstacles, there were men not connected with any squads, but who advanced with the line. both squads fired by volley and at will, at the command of the sergeants named; and their shots reached the enemy and were effective, as it is generally believed. private w.m. bunn, of sergeant thompson's squad, is reported to have shot a sharpshooter from a tree just in front of the enemy's work. private wheeler was shot twice in the advance. sergeant thompson's squad was once stopped from firing by general wheeler's adjutant-general for fear of hitting the rough riders. it seems that two distinct battles were fought that day. colonel wood's command struck the enemy at about the tame time, or probably a little before, ours did, and all unknown to the men in our ranks; and got themselves into a pretty tight squeeze. about the same time our force engaged the enemy and drew part of the attention they were giving the rough riders. this, the latter claimed, enabled them to continue the movement on the enemy's works. but as our command had an equal number of st and th cavalrymen, i am of the opinion that the story of our saving the rough riders arose from the fact that as soon as the fight was over, the st regular cavalry was opening its arms to us, declaring that we, especially b troop, had saved them; for the st regular cavalry was first in the attack in general young's command; and when the enemy began to make it pretty warm, he ordered b and i troops of the th forward on the right. troop b was in the lead; and the alacrity with which these two troops moved to the front has always been praised by the st cavalry; and they declare that that movement helped them wonderfully. in making this movement my troop had three or four men wounded; and later, when sergeant thompson's squad was fighting far to the front, it had in it several members of the st cavalry, who are always glad to praise him. so, i think that by the rough riders first attributing their success, or their rescue from inevitable defeat, to the attack made by our command; and by the st regular cavalry's very generously, in the heat of success, bestowing upon us the honors of the day, it finally became a settled thing that we saved the whole battle. that evening, after the battle, i was met by lieutenant shipp, later killed at san juan hill, who, on inquiring and being told that i belonged to troop b, congratulated me on its conduct, and said it had made a name for the regiment. lieutenant shipp was not in that fight, but had come up after it was over and had heard of us through the st cavalry." c. sergeant john buck was born september th, , at chapel hill, texas; enlisted in th cavalry, november , , and passed over ten years in active indian service. he is a man of strong character, an experienced horseman and packer, and so commanded a portion of the firing line in the battle of june as to elicit remarks of praise from officers of other troops "for his gallantry, coolness and good judgment under fire." sergeant thompson's good conduct in the same battle was noticeable also. sergeant buck was made second lieutenant in the th u.s. volunteer infantry and subsequently captain in the th united states volunteers. footnotes: [ ] see note a at the end of this chapter. [ ] the twenty-fifth at el-caney. american valor never shone with greater luster than when the twenty-fifth infantry swept up the sizzling hill of el-caney to the rescue of the rough riders. two other regiments came into view of the rough riders. but the bullets were flying like driving hail; the enemy were in trees and ambushes with smokeless powder, and the rough riders were biting the dust and were threatened with annihilation. a rough rider described the feelings of his brigade when they saw the other regiments appear and retreat. finally this rough rider, a southerner, heard a well-known yell. and out of the distance moved a regiment as if on dress parade, faces set like steel, keeping step like a machine, their comrades falling here, there, everywhere, moving into the storm of invisible death without one faltering step, passing the rough riders, conquering up the hill, and never stopping until with the rough riders el-caney was won. this was the twenty-fifth regiment (colored), united states infantry, now quartered at fort logan, denver. we have asked the chaplain, t.g. steward, to recite the events at el-caney. his modesty confines him to the barest recital of "semi-official" records. but the charge of the twenty-fifth is deserving of comparison with that of "the light brigade" in the crimean war, or of custer at the massacre of the big horn. (editorial in religious paper.) [ ] see note c at the end of this chapter. chapter vi. the battle of el caney. the capture of the stone fort by the twenty-fifth infantry. while the battle of guasimas was going on, in which the tenth cavalry took so conspicuous a part, the twenty-fourth infantry still remained on board the city of washington awaiting orders to land. during the night of the th such orders were received by the authorities of the transport, and they were directed to land their troops, but the general commanding, brigadier-general kent, did not hear of the matter until some time the next morning. he relates the following circumstances in his official report of the debarkation: "at a.m. of the th lieutenant cardin, of the revenue marine, came aboard with orders for me to proceed to and disembark at altares (siboney). this officer also handed me a letter from the corps commander expressing his astonishment that i had remained away three days." general kent also states in his report that his travel rations had been exhausted seven days before and that but one meal of field rations remained, and that the ship's supply both of water and provisions was running low, and that in consequence of these facts as well as for higher considerations he was very anxious to get on shore. the debarkation followed as rapidly as possible, and that afternoon general kent reported in person to major-general wheeler, the troops bivouacking for the night near the landing. the next day colonel pearson, who commanded the second brigade of kent's division, took the second infantry and reconnoitred along the railroad toward the morro, going a distance of about six miles and returning in the evening, having found no enemy in that vicinity, although evidences were found that a force had recently retreated from a blockhouse situated on the railroad about two miles from aguadores. on the day following, june th, the entire division moved out on the road toward santiago and encamped on the same ground that lawton had occupied the night previous. the second brigade took its place near savilla, while the third brigade, which included the twenty-fourth infantry, went into camp at las guasimas, where the affair of the th had occurred. the order of march had now partially fallen back to the original plan: lawton in advance, with whom was the twenty-fifth infantry; wheeler next, with whom was the ninth and tenth cavalry, and kent in the rear, who had, as we have just related, the twenty-fourth infantry in his third brigade. in this order the army moved, so far as it moved at all, until the morning of the th, when dispositions for the general attack began. the story of the great battle, or as it turned out, of the two great battles, begins on this day, and the careers of the four colored regiments are to be followed through the divisions of lawton, kent and wheeler. let us begin, however, with general shafter's official report and his "story of santiago," as told in the "century" of february, . from these sources it is learned that on june th general shafter reconnoitered the country about santiago and determined upon a plan of attack. ascending a hill from which he could obtain a good view of the city, and could also see san juan hill and the country about el caney, he observed afresh what had impressed itself upon all immediately upon landing, to wit: that in all this country there were no good roads along which to move troops or transport supplies. the general says: "i had never seen a good road in a spanish country, and santiago did not disappoint my expectations." the roads as he saw them from the summit of the hill on june th were very poor, and indeed, little better than bridle paths, except between el caney and san juan river and the city. within this region, a distance of from four to four and a half miles, the roads were passable. el caney lay about four miles northeast of santiago, and was strongly fortified, and, as events proved, strongly garrisoned. this position was of great importance to the enemy, because from it a force might come to attack the right flank and rear of the american army as it should make its attempt on san juan hill. el caney held the road from guantanamo, at which point an important spanish force was posted. while general shafter was surveying the country from the hill at el pozo and making what special examination he could of the country toward san juan hills, generals lawton and chaffee were making a reconnoisance around el caney. from general lawton's report it would appear that the work of reconnoitering around el caney was done chiefly by general chaffee. he says: "to general adna r. chaffee i am indebted for a thorough and intelligent reconnoissance of the town of el caney and vicinity prior to the battle and the submission of a plan of attack which was adopted. i consider general chaffee one of the best practical soldiers in the army and recommend him for special distinction for successfully charging the stone fort mentioned in this report, the capture of which practically closed the battle." the general plan of attack as explained by general shafter himself in his "century" article was "to put a brigade on the road between santiago and el caney, to keep the spaniards at the latter place from retreating on the city, and then with the rest of lawton's division and the divisions of wheeler and kent, and bates' brigade to attack the spanish position in front of santiago." before that he had said that he wished to put a division in on the right of el caney and assault the town on that road. to admiral sampson on june th he said: "i shall, if i can, put a large force in caney, and one perhaps still farther west, near the pipe-line conveying water to the city, making my main attack from the northeast and east." his desire at this time was to "get the enemy in my front and the city at my back." on june th he had modified this plan so as to decide to place one brigade on the road between el caney and santiago, with a view merely to keeping the el caney garrison from retreating into santiago. as he was explaining his plan to the division officers and others on the afternoon of the th at his own headquarters, lawton and chaffee were of the opinion that they could dispose of the spaniards at el caney in two hours time. "therefore," says the general, "i modified my plan, assigning lawton's whole division for the attack of el caney and directed bates' independent brigade to his support." this last modification of general shafter's plan was made in deference to the opinion of subordinates, and was based upon observations made especially by general chaffee. the force assigned for the reduction of el caney was to begin its work early in the morning, and by ten or eleven o'clock at the outside it was expected that the task would be accomplished and lawton would join kent and sumner in the assault upon san juan. early on the morning of july st capron's battery was got into position on a line running directly north from marianage on a hill about five hundred yards east of las guasimas creek. lawton's division began its move on the afternoon of the th, as did in fact the whole army, and bivouacked that night near el pozo. the twenty-fifth infantry, which belonged to the second brigade, commanded by colonel miles, a former major of the twenty-fifth, left el pozo at daylight by way of the road leading almost due north, and marched about one mile to the little town of marianage. here a halt was made for an hour, from . to . , during which time reconnoitering parties were sent out to examine the ground toward the ducoureau house, which lay about one mile to the northward of marianage, and which had been designated by general lawton as a general rendezvous after the engagement should terminate. reconnoissance was made also to the front for the purpose of discovering the enemy, and to ascertain the left of ludlow's brigade. this was the first brigade of lawton's division and consisted of the eighth and twenty-second infantry and the second massachusetts, the last named regiment being on the right. the second brigade was to connect with this on its right and succeeded in finding the position of the second massachusetts during this halt. at . miles' brigade was ordered to take position on the right of ludlow's brigade, which it did in the following order: the fourth infantry on the left, joining with the second massachusetts on ludlow's right; the twenty-fifth on the right, with its left joining on the fourth infantry. we must now review the progress of the battle so far as it is possible to do so, from the firing of the first shot by capron's battery up to . , an hour long after the time at which it had been supposed that el caney would fall. capron's reports are very brief. he says: "july --fired shell and shrappnel into el caney (ranged , ) . a.m. to . a.m." in another report he says: "opened fire july , with shell and shrappnel at . on caney; range, , yards; continued until . a.m." he says that the battery "continued its fire against specified objectives intermittently throughout the day under the personal direction of the division commander." the forces we have so far considered, consisting of ludlow's and miles' brigades, and of capron's battery, lay to the south of caney, between it and santiago, ludlow's brigade having been placed there to "cut off the retreat of the garrison should it attempt to escape." up to . there had been no call for employing it for that purpose. the garrison had made no attempt to escape. we must now go around to the east and north of caney. here the third brigade, consisting of the seventh, twelfth and seventeenth infantry, was posted, and early in the morning joined in the attack, the brigade getting under fire before eight o'clock. colonel carpenter, of the seventh regiment, says that one company of his regiment, by general chaffee's direction, was detached and sent forward to reduce a blockhouse, well up on the hill, which commanded the approach of his regiment to the field of action. after several ineffectual attempts by the company, the captain (van orsdale) was directed to abandon the undertaking and rejoin the regiment, which then took up a position on the crest of a hill running nearly parallel with the spanish lines. from this position the men crawled forward about fifty yards and opened a deliberate fire upon the enemy, keeping it up for about an hour, but as the losses of the regiment at this time were considerable and the fire seemed to be without material effect, the command was withdrawn to its position on the hill where it found protection in a sunken road. in this condition this regiment lay when capron's battery made its lull at . . the fearful fire this regiment met can be estimated by the losses it sustained, which during the day were as follows: killed, officer and enlisted men; wounded, officers and enlisted men; missing, enlisted men. the seventeenth regiment went into action on the right of the seventh, doing but little firing, as their orders were not to open fire unless they could make the fire effective. companies c and g fired a few volleys; the remainder of the regiment did not fire at all. four enlisted men were killed and two officers severely wounded, one, lieutenant dickinson, dying from his wounds within a few hours. several enlisted men were also wounded. at . this regiment was lying on the right of the seventh. the twelfth regiment began firing between and in the morning and advanced to take its position on the left of the seventh infantry. this regiment early reached a position within yards of the enemy, in which it found shelter in the sunken road, "free from the enemy's fire." the regiment remained in this position until about o'clock in the afternoon, and, hence, was there at . a.m. the losses of this regiment during the day were, killed, enlisted men; wounded, officers and enlisted men. from these brief sketches the reader will now be able to grasp the position of lawton's entire division. beginning on the south, from the west, with ludlow's brigade, consisting of the twenty-second, eighth and second massachusetts, the line was continued by miles' brigade of the fourth and twenty-fifth infantry; then passing over a considerable space, we strike chaffee's brigade, posted as has just been described. general bates' brigade probably arrived upon the field about noon. this brigade consisted of the third and twentieth infantry, and is known as "bates' independent brigade." the brigade is reported as going into action about o'clock and continuing in action until o'clock. it took a position on the right, partially filling up the gap between miles and chaffee. the first battalion of the twentieth infantry went into action on the left of the twenty-fifth infantry's firing line, and one company, a, took part in the latter part of the charge by which the stone house was taken. between . , when capron's firing stopped, and when miles' brigade was moved forward to join the right of ludlow's, and . , when the battery recommenced, the troops, including bates' brigade, were either in the positions described above or were moving to them. noon had arrived and el caney is not taken; the garrison has not attempted to escape, but is sending out upon its assailants a continuous and deadly fire. "throughout the heaviest din of our fire," says colonel carpenter, "could be heard the peculiar high-keyed ring of the defiant enemy's shots." twelve o'clock on july st, , was a most anxious hour for our army in cuba. the battle at el caney was at a standstill and the divisions of kent and sumner were in a most perilous situation. bonsal's description of the state of the battle at that time is pathetic. speaking of the artillery at el caney--capron's battery--he says it was now apparent that this artillery, firing from its position of twenty-four hundred yards, could do very little damage to the great stone fort and earthworks north of the village. the shots were too few and the metal used too light to be effectual. three hours of the morning had worn away and the advance of our men had been slowly made and at great cost; all the approaches were commanded by spanish entrenchments and the fighting was very unequal. a soldier of the twenty-fifth says that when he came in sight of the battle at el caney, "the americans were gaining no ground, and the flashes of the spanish mausers told us that the forces engaged were unequally matched, the difference of position favoring the spaniards." this view was had about noon, or soon after. at that time "a succession of aides and staff officers came galloping from headquarters with messages which plainly showed that confusion, if not disaster, had befallen the two divisions which, by the heavy firing, we had learned to our great surprise, had become warmly engaged in the centre. the orders to general lawton from headquarters were at first peremptory in character--he was to pull out of his fight and to move his division to the support of the centre" (bonsal). this call for lawton arose from the fact that about noon general shafter received several dispatches from sumner, of the cavalry division, requiring assistance. general sumner felt the need of the assistance of every available man in the centre of the line where he was carrying on his fight with the spaniards on blue house hill. this situation so impressed the general, shafter, that he finally wrote to lawton, "you must proceed with the remainder of your force and join on immediately upon sumner's right. if you do not the battle is lost." shafter's idea then was to fall back to his original plan of just leaving enough troops at el caney to prevent the garrison from going to the assistance of any other part of the line. shafter himself says: "as the fight progressed i was impressed with the fact that we were meeting with a very stubborn resistance at el caney and i began to fear that i had made a mistake in making two fights in one day, and sent major noble with orders to lawton to hasten with his troops along the caney road, placing himself on the right of wheeler" (sumner). lawton now made a general advance, and it is important to see just what troops did advance. the seventh infantry did not move, for lieutenant-colonel carpenter says that after withdrawing "to the partial cover furnished by the road, the regiment occupied this position from o'clock a.m. until about . p.m." the seventeenth did not move, for captain o'brien, commanding, says the regiment took a position joining "its left with the right of the seventh infantry" and that the regiment "remained in this position until the battle was over." the twelfth infantry remained in its shelter within yards of the stone fort until about p.m. then we have chaffee's brigade on the north of the fort remaining stationary and by their own reports doing but little firing. the seventeenth fired "for about fifty minutes" about noon, with remarkable precision, but "it seemingly had no effect upon reducing the spanish fire delivered in our (their) front." the seventh did not fire to any extent. the twelfth infantry lay in its refuge "free from the enemy's fire" and may have kept up an irregular fire. about this time bates' brigade entered the field and one battalion of the twentieth infantry is reported to have joined the left of the firing line of the twenty-fifth. general ludlow says there was a lull from to p.m., "when the action again became violent, and at p.m. the third brigade captured the stone fort with a rush and hoisted the american flag." from ludlow's brigade, captain van horne, commanding the twenty-second infantry, after the wounding of lieutenant-colonel patterson, says that the first battalion of his regiment took a position about yards from the town and kept up firing until the place surrendered. he does not say positively that the firing was upon the town, but he had said just before that the second battalion slowly moved forward, firing into the town from the left, so that we may readily conclude from the context as well as from the position that the first battalion fired into the town also. hence it seems fair to exclude from the fort all of ludlow's brigade, and it is observable that ludlow himself claims no part in the capture of that stronghold. general bates says his brigade took position to the right of colonel miles' brigade and pushed rapidly to the front. he then says that after remaining sometime in the crossroad to the right of miles' brigade, under a heavy fire from the enemy, the brigade moved farther "to the right to the assault of a small hill, occupied upon the top by a stone fort and well protected by rifle pits. general chaffee's brigade charged them from the right, and the two brigades joining upon the crest, opened fire from this point of vantage, lately occupied by the spanish, upon the village of el caney." general chaffee says it was in consequence of the fire of general bates' troops upon the fort that the assault by the twelfth infantry was postponed. in general chaffee's report this statement occurs: "the action lasted nearly throughout the day, terminating at about . p.m., at which time the stone blockhouse was assaulted by captain haskell's battalion of the twelfth infantry, under the personal direction of lieutenant-colonel comba, commanding the regiment. the resistance at this point had been greatly affected by the fire of capron's battery. a few moments after the seizure of this point--the key to the situation--my left was joined by general bates with a portion of his command." it is to be noted in connection with all of the above statements that major mccaskey, who commanded the twentieth infantry (bates brigade), says: "the first battalion was moved to the right and put into action on the left of the twenty-fifth infantry's firing line, and one company, a, took part in the latter part of the charge by which the stone house was taken." the two points to be noted here are ( ) that this battalion was on the left of the twenty-fifth's firing line, and ( ) that one company took part in the charge upon the stone house. when chaffee's brigade charged the stone house from the right some of bates' troops, at least this company a, from the battalion near the firing line of the twenty-fifth infantry, took part in the latter part of the charge. the two brigades, bates' and chaffee's, joined immediately after the capture of the stone fort and opened fire upon the town. we have now traced the actions and the fortunes of the three following brigades: ludlow's chaffee's and bates'. but what has become of miles' brigade? unfortunately, the second brigade has not been so well reported as were the others engaged in the action at el caney. we have seen that it was ordered to take position on the right of ludlow's brigade at . , when capron's battery ceased its firing for the fifty minutes. "we were detained in reaching our position by troops in our front blocking the road," says the brigade commander. "we came into action directly in front of the stone blockhouse at . , and from that hour until about . , when the command 'cease firing' was given, the blockhouse having been captured, my command was continuously under fire." the reader will note in this report that the brigade went into action at . , several hours before the charge was ordered by general chaffee, and at least an hour and a half before, according to the report of the commander of the third brigade, "this fort was practically in the possession of the twelfth infantry." major baker, who commanded the fourth infantry, says: "about m. we received orders directing us to take our place in the line of battle, and arriving at the proper point the regiment was placed in line in the following order: the first battalion in the fighting line; the second battalion in support and regimental reserve. in this order the first battalion, under my command, took up the advance toward the blockhouse, to our right, south east of caney." this battalion advanced until it reached a position about yards from the village, where it remained, assisted by the second battalion until the capture of the fort. two companies of this first battalion "fired into the town and also into the blockhouse until its fall." a good part of the fire of this regiment was directed upon the fort. colonel miles says: "the brigade advanced steadily, with such scanty cover as the ground afforded, maintaining a heavy fire on the stone fort from the time the fight began until it ended." the reader is asked to note particularly that this fire was continuous throughout the fight; that it was characterized by the brigade commander as "heavy," and that it was "on the stone fort". he says: "as the brigade advanced across a plowed field in front of the enemy's position the latter's sharpshooters in the houses in caney enfiladed the left of our line with a murderous fire. to silence it major baker, fourth infantry, in command of the battalion of that regiment on the left of our line of battle, directed it to turn its fire upon the town. in so doing this battalion lost heavily, but its steady front and accurate volleys greatly assisted the advance of the remainder of the brigade upon the stone fort." we have now these facts clearly brought out or suggested: that the brigade took its place in line of battle soon after o'clock; that the fourth infantry was on the left; that the advance of the first battalion of the fourth infantry was "toward the blockhouse;" that aside from the companies of the fourth infantry that fired into town, "the remainder of the brigade advanced upon the stone fort." the fourth infantry, holding the left of the line, however, reached a position from which it could not advance, its commander having "quickly perceived that an advance meant annihilation, as it would involve not only a frontal, but also a flank fire from the town." here the fourth infantry remained, but continued to maintain a fire upon both the blockhouse and the town. there is but one more regiment in all of lawton's division to be accounted for, and that is the twenty-fifth infantry, holding the right of miles' brigade in this advance. this regiment was in place in the line under its gallant and experienced commander, lieutenant-colonel a.s. daggett, and contributed its full share of that "heavy fire on the stone fort from the time the fight began until it ended." major mccaskey says the first battalion of his regiment took a position on the left of the twenty-fifth's firing line. the statement seems erroneous, and one is inclined to believe that it was originally written "on the right," instead of "on the left"; but it is enough for our purpose now, that the firing line of the twenty-fifth is recognized well in advance. major baker, who commanded on the left of the brigade line, and whose advance was stopped by the flank fire from the village and a frontal fire from the fort, says: "as a matter of fact the village of el caney was not charged by any troops. those of bates' brigade and the twenty-fifth infantry, after having carried the stone fort (on a hill some feet higher, and to the east of the town,) fired into the village, and the fourth infantry continued its fire. nor was it charged by any of the troops to our left. such a charge would necessarily have been seen by us." major baker, who was on the field and had the blockhouse in clear view, declares that some of bates' brigade and the twenty-fifth infantry carried the stone fort. major mccaskey says that one battalion of the twentieth infantry (bates' brigade) was on the left of the twenty-fifth's firing line, and that one company (a) took part in the latter part of the charge by which the fort was taken. this battalion may be referred to by major baker when he says: "those of bates' brigade and the twenty-fifth infantry, after having carried, etc." as there are some matters of dispute concerning the events which i am now going to relate, i will present a soldier's statement before i go to the official records. the soldier in writing to me after the battle says: "i was left-guide of company g ( th infantry), and i received orders from lieutenant mccorkle to guide on fourth infantry, which held the left flank. 'forward, march! guide left. don't fire until you see somebody; then fire to hit!' came the orders. tramp! tramp! crash! crash! on we walked and stopped. we fired into the underbrush for safety; then in another moment we were under spanish fire. balls flew like bees, humming as they went. soon we found ourselves up against a network of spanish trickery. barbed-wire fences, ditches and creeks, too numerous to think of. the only thing left was to go ahead or die; or else retreat like cowards. we preferred to go ahead. at this first fence lieutenant mccorkle was taken to earth by a spanish bullet. lieutenant moss spoke out, 'come ahead! let's get at these spaniards!' a few moments more and he, too, was almost dead with exertion, loud speaking, running and jumping, as onward we swept toward the spanish stronghold. the sun was exceedingly hot, as on the slope of a little mound we rested for a few moments. we lay here about five minutes, looking into the spanish fort or blockhouse; we measured the distance by our eyesight, then with our rifles; we began to cheer and storm, and in a moment more, up the hill like a bevy of blue birds did the twenty-fifth fly. g and h companies were the first to reach the summit and to make the spaniards fly into the city of el caney, which lay just behind the hill. when we reached the summit others soon began to _mount our ladder_. we fired down into the city until nearly dusk." the brigade made its advance under fire almost from the beginning. the commander says it was continuously under fire from . to . p.m. "the attack was begun by two companies in each regiment on the firing line, strengthened by supports and reserves from the remaining companies until the brigade had but two companies in reserve. at one time in this hotly engaged contest the commanding officer of the twenty-fifth infantry sent me word that he needed troops on his right. i then sent forward cubans, under command of captains jose' varges and avelens bravo, with lieutenants nicholas franco and tomas repelao, to form on the right of the twenty-fifth, which was also the right of the brigade. with these cubans i ordered private henry downey, company h, first infantry, on duty as interpreter at the headquarters. these men advanced on the stone fort with our line, fighting gallantly, during which lieutenant nicholas franco was mortally wounded and died soon afterwards." (col. miles' report.) from the soldier's story, as well as from the official report of the brigade commander, it is conclusive that the real objective of the second brigade was the stone fort, and that the twenty-fifth infantry, which occupied the right of the line, had no other objective whatever.* [transcriber's note: no footnote text present for this footnote anchor.] it also appears that bates' brigade, although somewhere on the right, was not so near but that the commanding officer of the twenty-fifth could see the need of troops at his right; and to meet this need the brigade commander "sent forward cubans, who advanced on the stone fort with our lines." the fire from this fort continued severe during the whole of the advance, and until the last halt made by the twenty-fifth. at the first fence met by the twenty-fifth lieutenant mccorkle was killed; and, to use the words of a soldier, "as the regiment swept toward the spanish stronghold" to reach the slope of a little mound for cover, many more fell. behind this little mound, after resting about five minutes, they began their last fire upon the enemy. this must have been as late as o'clock, and perhaps considerably later, and the fire from the stone fort was vigorous up until their last halt, as their casualties prove. the battery had begun to fire on the fort again at . and continued from the same position until . , the range being as has been already stated, , yards. hence the artillery firing at long range had ceased, and it is generally conceded that this long range firing had been ineffective. captain capron says he moved his battery at . p.m. to , yards from caney and opened fire on two blockhouses. he does not say at what hour he opened fire on these two blockhouses, or how long he continued to fire, or what was the effect of his fire upon the two block houses. lieutenant-colonel bisbee, who was acting as support of capron's battery, says of himself that he "moved with the battery at . p.m. by the dubroix (ducureaux) road." general lawton says the battery was moved to a new position about . , "about , yards from certain blockhouses in the town, where a few shots, all taking effect, were fired." from these reports it would appear that after moving to the second station the battery fired upon two blockhouses in the town, and not upon the stone fort. general ludlow, speaking of the battle, says: "in the present case, the artillery fire was too distant to reduce the blockhouses or destroy the entrenchments, so that the attack was practically by infantry alone." on the other hand, general chaffee says: "the resistance at this point," meaning the stone fort at the time of assault, "had been greatly affected by the fire of capron's battery." colonel comba, of the twelfth infantry, says: "the artillery made the breach through which our men entered the stone work." bonsal says that captain capron, "under the concentrated fire of his four guns at a point blank range of a thousand yards, had converted the fort into a shapeless ruin," when the infantry charged it. it is probable that in this case, as in most cases of similar nature, the truth divides equally between the apparently opposing views. of general ludlow, who is the authority for this statement, that the stone fort at el caney was taken by infantry alone, general lawton says: "general ludlow's professional accomplishments are well known and his assignment to command a brigade in my division i consider a high compliment to myself." "the fighting was all done with small arms" were the words written me by an infantryman soon after the battle. the question, whether capron fired upon the stone fort after taking his new position, or fired on two blockhouses, entirely distinct from the fort, remains undetermined. the author of this work inclines to the conclusion that the fire of capron after moving to his new position was directed for a brief period, at least, upon the stone fort. inasmuch as we are now to trace the career of the twenty-fifth infantry through an unfortunate dispute, on both sides of which are officers of high rank and unimpeachable honor, it is important to note, first, to what extent the several statements, both unofficial and official, can be harmonized and made to corroborate one another. major baker says: "those of bates' brigade and the twenty-fifth infantry, after having carried the stone fort," which he explains was some feet higher than the town, then fired _down_ into the village. the soldier who acted as left-guide of company g, twenty-fifth infantry, says, after getting up on the hill, "we fired _down_ into the city until near dusk." the experience of the soldier agrees exactly with the report of the officer. the fact that the twenty-fifth went up the hill cannot be questioned, and that up to their last halt, they went under fire, no one will deny. bonsal, in speaking of chaffee's brigade, which was "more immediately charged with the reduction of caney" (ludlow's report), says: "and it was nearly five o'clock when his most advanced regiment, the gallant twelfth infantry, deployed into the valley and charged up the steep hillside, which was lined with spanish trenches, rising in irregular tiers and crowned with a great stone fort." the stone fort at this time, however, was, as he says, "a shapeless ruin." where was the twenty-fifth infantry at this time? mr. bonsal continues: "almost at the same moment the twenty-fifth colored infantry, the leading regiment of miles' brigade, which had been advancing in the centre, started up the hill also." general lawton says that after moving the battery to its new position, , yards from certain blockhouses in the town, capron fired a few shots, all of which took effect, and he adds: "this firing terminated the action, as the spanish garrison were attempting to escape." colonel comba says there was a breach in the stonework large enough for his men to enter, and that this had been made by the artillery; general chaffee says resistance had been greatly affected by the artillery, and bonsal adds, the garrison resisted the last advance made by the infantry but for a moment. general chaffee declares: "the troops arriving at the fort were there in the following order: twelfth infantry, which took the place; the command of general bates some moments later; the twenty-fifth infantry." the facts therefore stand, that the twenty-fifth infantry was on the ground with the first troops that reached the fort and that there was a captain of that regiment who then and there claimed the capture of the place, even against the claims of a major-general. he was told that his proposition was absurd, and so it may have been from one standpoint; and yet there may be a ground upon which the captain's claim was fair and just. that the twelfth infantry arrived on the ground first is not disputed; but it is questioned whether the fort was belligerent at that time. general chaffee says the resistance had been greatly reduced by the artillery; general lawton says the action had been finished by capron's shots and the garrison was trying to escape; a soldier from the twenty-fifth says the spaniards flew out of the fort to the town; bonsal says, they stoutly resisted "for a moment and then fled precipitately down the ravine and up the other side, and into the town." if first occupancy is the only ground upon which the capture of a place can be claimed, then the title to the honor of capturing the stone fort lies, according to official report as so far presented, with the twelfth infantry. but even upon this ground it will be shown that the twenty-fifth's action will relieve the claim of its captain from absurdity. we are now prepared to read the official report of the commanding officer of the twenty-fifth regiment, lieutenant-colonel daggett, who was with the regiment all through the fight, and who bore himself so well that the division commander said: "lieutenant-colonel daggett deserves special mention for skillful handling of his regiment, and would have received it before had the fact been reported by his brigade commander." july , . intrenchments twenty-fifth united states infantry, adjutant-general, second brigade, second division, fifth corps. sir:--i have the honor to submit the following report of the part taken by the twenty-fifth infantry in the battle of the st instant. the regiment formed firing line on the right of the fourth infantry, facing a spanish fort or blockhouse about half a mile distant. on moving forward, the battalion, composed of companies c, d, e, g and h, and commanded by capt. w.s. scott, received the fire of the enemy, and after advancing about yards was subjected to a galling fire on their left. finding cover, the battalion prepared for an advance up the hill to the fort. this advance was made rapidly and conducted with great skill by company officers. "on arriving within a short distance of the fort the white flag was waved to our companies, but a cross fire prevented the enemy from advancing with it or our officers from receiving it. about twenty minutes later a battalion of some other regiment advanced to the rear of the fort, completely covered from fire, and received the flag; but the men of the twenty-fifth infantry entered the fort at the same time. all officers and men behaved gallantly. one officer was killed and three wounded; eight men were killed and twenty wounded. "about men and ten officers were in the firing line. i attribute the comparatively small losses to the skill and bravery of the company officers, viz.: first lieutenant caldwell and second lieutenants moss and hunt. second lieutenant french, adjutant of the battalion, was among those who gallantly entered the fort. "the battle lasted about two hours and was a hotly contested combat. very respectfully, "a.s. daggett, "lieutenant-colonel, twenty-fifth infantry, commanding." here it is shown by the testimony of the regimental commander, that a battalion of the twenty-fifth ascended the hill and arrived at a short distance from the fort about twenty minutes before any other troops are mentioned as coming in sight; and that a white flag was waved to the companies of the twenty-fifth. it was doubtless upon this ground that a captain of the twenty-fifth had the temerity to claim the capture of the place, even from a major-general. i do not know who the captain was, but it is evident that he had what he believed ample grounds for his claim. colonel daggett says, also, that when the men of the other regiment advanced to this fort after it had waved the white flag to the companies of the twenty-fifth, the men of the twenty-fifth advanced and entered the fort at the same time. bonsal says: "almost at the same moment that the twelfth started up the hill the twenty-fifth started up the hill also;" while according to colonel daggett's testimony the twenty-fifth was well up the hill already and the fort had waved to it the white flag. colonel daggett makes this further report: headquarters twenty-fifth infantry, near santiago, cuba, july , . the adjutant-general, second division, fifth corps, near santiago, cuba. sir:--feeling that the twenty-fifth infantry has not received credit for the part it took in the battle of el caney on the first instant, i have the honor to submit the following facts: i was ordered by the brigade commander to put two companies (h, lieutenant caldwell, and g, lieutenant mccorkle) on the firing line in extended order. the right being uncovered and exposed to the enemy, i ordered d company (captain edwards) to deploy as flankers. the battalion was commanded by capt. w.s. scott. the battalion advanced about yards under fire, the fourth infantry on its left, where the line found cover, halted, and opened fire on the blockhouse and intrenchments in front of it. after the line had been steadied and had delivered an effective fire, i ordered a further advance, which was promptly made. as the fourth infantry did not advance, my left was exposed to a very severe fire from the village on the left. i immediately ordered company c (lieutenant murdock), which was in support, to the front, and e. company (lieutenant kinnison) from regimental reserve to take its place. thus strengthened, the four companies moved up the hill rapidly, being skilfully handled by company officers. on arriving near the fort the white flag was waved toward our men, but the fire from the village on our left was so severe that neither our officers nor spanish could pass over the intervening ground. after about twenty minutes some of the twelfth infantry arrived in rear of the fort, completely sheltered from the fire from the village, and received the white flag; but privates j.h. jones, of company d, and t.c. butler, h. company, twenty-fifth infantry, entered the fort at the same time and took possession of the spanish flag. they were ordered to give it up by an officer of the twelfth united states infantry, but before doing so they each tore a piece from it, which they now have. so much for the facts. i attribute the success attained by our line largely to the bravery and skill of the company officers who conducted the line to the fort. these officers are: first lieutenants v.a. caldwell and j.a. moss, and second lieutenant j.e. hunt. it is my opinion that the two companies first deployed could not have reached the fort alone, and that it was the two companies i ordered to their support that gave them the power to reach it. i further believe that had we failed to move beyond the fourth infantry the fort would not have been taken that night. the twenty-fifth infantry lost one officer killed[ ] and three wounded, and seven men killed and twenty-eight wounded. second lieutenant h.w. french, adjutant of captain scott's battalion, arrived at the fort near the same time as the other officers. i request that this report be forwarded to corps headquarters. very respectfully, a.s. daggett, lieutenant-colonel, twenty-fifth infantry, commanding. general chaffee's statement is not to be questioned for a moment. there is not the least doubt that the troops, as organizations arrived at the fort in the order he describes. general lawton says: "general chaffee's brigade was especially charged with the duty of assaulting the stone fort, and successfully executed that duty, after which a portion of the twenty-fifth, and a portion of bates' brigade, assisted in the work, all of which is commendable." he says also, that the "twenty-fifth infantry did excellent service, as reported, though not better than the others engaged.' this seems to confirm lieutenant-colonel daggett's report, for he says he is sure the regiment did excellent work, "as reported;" and at that time he is commenting on lieutenant-colonel daggett's report, the report printed above. the broad statements of general lawton do not touch the exact question at issue between the reports of the subordinate commanders; nor do they throw any light on the circumstances of the final charge. miles' brigade had been advancing on the stone fort for some hours, and the twenty-fifth was so near when the charge of the twelfth was made that portions of it were on the hill and near the fort at the same time. the commander of the third brigade saw the fight from one side and reported events as he learned them. his official statement requires no support. the commanding officer of the twenty-fifth infantry saw the fight from another standpoint, and his official reports are entitled to equal respect. both the general's and the lieutenant-colonel's must be accepted as recitals of facts, made with all the accuracy that high personal integrity armed with thorough military training can command. happily the statements, which at first appear so widely at variance, are entirely reconcilable. the following supplementary report of the regimental commander, when taken in connection with the final complimentary orders published in the regiment before leaving cuba, will place the whole subject before the reader and put the question at rest, and at the same time leave undisturbed all the reports of superior officers. headquarters twenty-fifth infantry, montauk point, long island, august , . the adjutant-general, u.s. army, washington, d.c. sir:--i have the honor to submit a supplementary report to the original one made on the th ( th) of july, , of the battle of el caney de cuba, so far as relates to the part taken therein by the twenty-fifth infantry: . i stated in the original report that the twenty-fifth infantry, in advancing, broke away from and left the fourth infantry behind. this may inferentially reflect on the latter regiment. it was not so intended, and a subsequent visit to the battle-field convinces me that it would have been impossible for the regiment to advance to the fort, and, although it might have advanced a short distance farther, it would have resulted in a useless slaughter, and that the battalion commander exercised excellent judgment in remaining where he did and by his fire aiding the twenty-fifth infantry in its advance. . colonel miles, the then brigade commander, informed me that his first report of the battle would be brief and that a later and full report would be made. in his former report i think he failed to give credit to myself and regiment. as he was soon after relieved of the command of the brigade i assume that no further report will be made. i have reported what the regiment did, but said nothing about my own action. i must, therefore, report it myself or let it go unrecorded. distasteful as it is to me, i deem it duty to my children to state the facts and my claims based thereon, as follows: . i was ordered to put two companies in the firing line. before this line advanced the brigade commander informed me, and personal examination verified, that my right was in the air and exposed. on my own judgment i ordered a company, as flankers, to that part of the line. . as soon as the line had rested and become steadied at its first halt i ordered it to advance, and it continued to advance, although it broke away from the rest of the brigade. . as this exposed the left to a galling and dangerous fire, i ordered, on my own judgment, a company to re-enforce that part of the line and a company from the regimental reserve also to the fighting line. these are the facts, and as my orders were to keep my left joined to the right of the fourth infantry, and received no further orders, my claims are as follows: . that it was necessary to place a company on the right as flankers. . that the conditions offered an opportunity to advance after the first halt, and i took advantage of it. . that the left being exposed by this advance of the line beyond the rest of the brigade, it was proper and necessary to re-enforce it by two companies. . that the two companies first deployed could not have reached the stone fort. . that the three companies added to the firing line gave it the power to reach the fort. . that the advance beyond the rest of the brigade was a bold and, without support, dangerous movement, but that the result justified the act. had it failed i would have been held responsible. . that i saw at each stage of the battle what ought to be done, and did it. results show that it was done at the right moment. . that the twenty-fifth infantry caused the surrender of the stone fort. i desire to repeat that it is with great reluctance that i make so much of this report as relates to myself, and nothing but a sense of duty would impel me to do it. very respectfully, a.s. daggett, lieutenant-colonel, twenty-fifth infantry, commanding. losses of the twenty-fifth infantry. killed.--lieutenant h.l. mccorkle, company g; private albert strother, h; private john w. steele, d; corporal benj. cousins, h; private john b. phelps, d; private french payne, b; private aaron leftwich, g; private tom howe, d. wounded.--company a: private william h. clarke, sergeant stephen a. browne. company b: private tom brown. company c: lieutenant john s. murdock, private joseph l. johnson, private samuel w. harley, private john a. boyd. company d; captain eaton a. edwards, sergeant hayden richards, private robert goodwin. company e: lieutenant h.l. kinnison, private james howard, private john saddler, private david c. gillam, private hugh swann. company f: first sergeant frank coleman. company g: corporal james o. hunter, private henry brightwell, private david buckner, private alvin daniels, private boney douglas, private george p. cooper, private john thomas, corporal gov. staton, private eugene jones. company h: private james bevill, private henry gilbert. wounded july .--private elwood a. forman, h; private smith, d; private william lafayette, f. complimentary order. headquarters th infantry, near santiago de cuba, august , . general orders no. . the regimental commander congratulates the regiment on the prospect of its speedy return to the united states. gathered from three different stations, many of you strangers to each other, you assembled as a regiment for the first time in more than twenty-eight years on may , , at tampa, florida. there you endeavored to solidify and prepare yourselves, as far as the oppressive weather would permit, for the work that appeared to be before you; but, who could have fortold the severity of that work? you endured the severe hardships of a long sea voyage, which no one who has not experienced it can appreciate. you then disembarked, amidst dangerous surroundings; and on landing were for the first time on hostile ground. you marched, under a tropical sun, carrying blanket-roll, three days' rations, and one hundred rounds of ammunition, through rain and mud, part of the time at night, sleeping on the wet ground without shelter, living part of the time on scant rations, even, of bacon, hard bread and coffee, until on july you arrived at el caney. here you took the battle formation and advanced to the stone fort, more like veterans than troops who had never been under fire. you again marched, day and night, halting only to dig four lines of intrenchments, the last being the nearest point to the enemy reached by any organization, when, still holding your rifles, within these intrenchments, notice was received that santiago and the spanish army had surrendered. but commendable as the record cited may be, the brightest hours of your lives were on the afternoon of july . formed in battle array, you advanced to the stone fort against volleys therefrom, and rifle-pits in front, and against a galling fire from blockhouses, the church tower and the village on your left. you continued to advance, skilfully and bravely directed by the officers in immediate command, halting and delivering such a cool and well-directed fire that the enemy was compelled to wave the white flag in token of surrender. seldom have troops been called upon to face a severer fire, and never have they acquitted themselves better. the regimental reserve was called upon to try its nerve, by lying quiet under a galling fire, without the privilege of returning it, where men were killed and wounded. this is a test of nerve which the firing line cannot realize, and requires the highest qualities of bravery and endurance. you may well return to the united states proud of your accomplishments; and if any one asks you what you have done, point him to el caney. but in the midst of the joy of going home, we mourn the loss of those we leave behind. the genial, generous-hearted mccorkle fell at his post of duty, bravely directing his men in the advance on the stone fort. he died as the soldier dies, and received a soldier's burial. he was beloved by all who knew him, and his name will always be fondly remembered by his regiment--especially by those who participated in the santiago campaign. the officers of the regiment will wear the prescribed badge of mourning for lieutenant mccorkle for thirty days. and corporal benjamin cousins, privates payne, lewis, strother, taliaferro, phelps, howell, steel and leftwitch, sacrificed their lives on their country's altar. being of a race which only thirty-five years ago emerged through a long and bloody war, from a condition of servitude, they in turn engaged in a war which was officially announced to be in the interest of humanity and gave all they had--their lives--that the oppressed might be free, and enjoy the blessings of liberty guaranteed by a stable government. they also died like true soldiers and received a soldier's burial. by order of lieutenant-colonel daggett. m.d. cronin, first lieutenant and adjutant, th infantry. major general aaron s. daggett. general aaron s. daggett is a native of maine, born at greene corner, in that state, june , . he is descended from a paternal ancestry which can be traced, with an honorable record, as far back as a.d. his mother was dorcas c., daughter of simon dearborn, a collateral descendant of general henry dearborn. his more immediate ancestors came from old to new england about , and both his grandparents served in the continental army during the revolutionary war. he was educated in his native town, at monmouth academy, maine wesleyan seminary and bates college. at the outbreak of the civil war he enlisted as a private, april th, , in the th maine infantry; was appointed second lieutenant may , and promoted first lieutenant may , . he commanded his company at the first bull run battle, and was promoted captain august , . [illustration: lieutenant-colonel a.s. daggett] from the first engagement of the regiment to the end of its three years' memorable service, captain daggett proved a faithful and gallant soldier. he was promoted major, january th, ; on january th, , was commissioned lieutenant-colonel of the th regiment, united states veteran volunteers, hancock corps, and was brevetted colonel and brigadier-general of volunteers, march , , for "gallant and meritorious services during the war." he also received the brevets of major in the united states army for "gallant and meritorious services at the battle of rappahannock station, va.," november , , and lieutenant-colonel for "gallant and meritorious services in the battle of the wilderness, va." immediately after the battle of rappahannock station, the captured trophies, flags, cannons, etc., were escorted, by those who had been most conspicuous in the action, to general meade's headquarters, colonel daggett being in command of the battalion of his brigade. general upton to whom he owed this distinction, wrote of him as follows: "in the assault at rappahannock station, colonel daggett's regiment captured over five hundred prisoners. in the assault at spottsylvania court house, may , his regiment lost six out of seven captains, the seventh being killed on the th of may, at the "angle," or the point where the tree was shot down by musketry, on which ground the regiment fought from . a.m. to . p.m., when it was relieved. on all these occasions colonel daggett was under my immediate command, and fought with distinguished bravery. "throughout his military career in the army of the potomac, he maintained the character of a good soldier and an upright man, and his promotion would be commended by all those who desire to see courage rewarded." general upton also wrote to the governor of maine as follows: "i would respectfully recommend to your excellency, major a.s. daggett, formerly th maine volunteers, as an officer highly qualified to command a regiment. major daggett served his full term in this brigade with honor both to himself and state, and won for himself the reputation of being a brave, reliable and efficient officer. his promotion to a colonelcy would be a great benefit to the service, while the honor of his state could scarcely be entrusted to safer hands." he was subsequently recommended for promotion by generals meade, hancock, wright and d.a. russell. he was in every battle and campaign in which the sixth corps, army of the potomac, was engaged, from the first bull run to petersburg, and was twice slightly wounded. on july , , without his knowledge or solicitation, he was appointed a captain in the u.s. regular army, on recommendation of general grant, and has since been promoted colonel in this service. during his subsequent career he has won the reputation of being a fine tactician and of being thoroughly versed in military law, as is indicated by major hancock's commendatory words in : "i look upon him as by far the best tactician in the regiment, and as for a thorough, clear knowledge of tactics his superior is not in the army. as regards military and civil law, i know of no one so well informed." his ability and soldierly qualities have also been highly commended by general crook, colonel hughes--inspector-general in --and colonel ----, inspector-general in . not only as a soldier, but in many other ways, has general daggett distinguished himself. as a public speaker the following was said of him by the rev. s.s. cummings, of boston: "it was my privilege and pleasure to listen to an address delivered by general a.s. daggett on memorial day of . i had anticipated something able and instructive, but it far exceeded my fondest expectations. the address was dignified, yet affable, delivered in choice language without manuscript, instructive and impressive, and highly appreciated by an intelligent audience." general daggett is noted for his courteous and genial manner, and his sterling integrity of character. he is a member of the presbyterian church. war department, inspector-general's office, washington, jan. th, . to the adjutant-general, u.s.a., washington, d.c. sir:--i desire to recommend to your favorable consideration and for advancement in case of the reorganization of the regular army, lieutenant-colonel a.s. daggett, th u.s. infantry. i have known colonel daggett for a long time; he served in the war of the rebellion with the th maine volunteers and acquitted himself with much honor; he served in cuba in the war with spain, commanding the th u.s. infantry, and was conspicuous for gallantry at the battle of el caney. he is an officer of the highest character, intelligent, courageous and energetic. i sincerely trust that he may receive all the consideration he deserves. very respectfully, (sd) h.w. lawton, major-general, u.s.v. a true copy: m.d. cronin, first lieutenant and adjutant th infantry. headquarters department of the east, governor's island, new york city, december , . honorable r.a. alger, secretary of war, washington, d.c. sir:--i recommend to the favorable consideration of the secretary of war for promotion to brigadier-general, colonel a.s. daggett, th infantry. this officer has an excellent war record; his service has been faithful since then, and in the recent spanish-american war he distinguished himself by his good judgment and faithful attention to duty, as well as for gallant service in action. an appointment of this character will be very highly appreciated throughout the army as a recognition of faithful, meritorious and gallant service. from my observation of colonel daggett he is well qualified for the position. very respectfully, (sd) wm. r. shafter, major-general, u.s. volunteers. m.d. cronin, a true copy: first lieutenant and adjutant th infantry. to this very brilliant official record it is necessary to add but a word personal. colonel daggett is a typical new englander; tall, well-formed, nervous and sinewy, a centre of energy, making himself felt wherever he may be. precise and forceful of speech, correct and sincere in manners, a safe counsellor and a loyal friend, his character approaches the ideal. stern and commanding as an officer he is nevertheless tender and sympathetic. his very sensitiveness concerning the feelings of others embarrasses him in giving expression to his own feelings on seeing suffering, unless it should be urgent, but those who know him best know him to be just, humane and tender. no man could have taken more care than he did for his regiment in cuba. hating oppression and wrong with a vehemency suited to his intense nature, he nevertheless deplores war and bloodshed. the president of the united states never did a more worthy act than when he gave to lieutenant-colonel a.s. daggett of the twenty-fifth infantry his commission as brigadier-general of volunteers in recognition of his valor and skill at el caney and of his general efficiency as an officer in our army. testimonies concerning the work of the twenty-fifth infantry before el caney. headquarters first district, southern luzon, el deposito, p.i., april , . my dear general daggett:--some time ago i received a letter from you asking me to make an official statement as to where and at what objective the energies and fire of the th infantry were directed during the battle of el caney, cuba, july , . in reply i have the honor to officially state that about noon july , , the regiment moved from the mango grove, near the ducro house, toward a stone fort located on a hill, near the town of el caney. it arrived at about one of the afternoon at a point about eight hundred yards to the south and east of the fort; immediately deployed, and the first battalion, under command of captain walter s. scott, and of which i was adjutant, designated as the attacking line. presently, after advancing a few yards, we were subjected to a galling fire from the stone fort, the trenches in its front and from a blockhouse on its right. the line steadily moved forward, directing its fire at the stone fort and the trenches surrounding it. when within about one hundred and fifty yards from the fort the line was halted, and several sharpshooters, directed by their company officers to fire at the loopholes. finally, when the men had regained their wind, a rush was made, part of the line going through a cornfield. at the foot the line was again halted, and after a few moments' rest charged up the hill, and the fort surrendered. i went to the fort and found a spanish lieutenant and seven enlisted men whom i passed out and were taken charge of by an officer of the th infantry. this was about . p.m. * * * * * note.--since the above was written, general daggett served with great distinction in the philippines and in china, and was retired as a brigadier-general--a hero of four wars. a bill is now before congress to make him a major-general, an honor to which he is most justly entitled. * * * * * as soon as the line reached the top of the hill it was fired on from the town, which had before been masked by the hill; the fire was of course returned, and this was the first fire from the battalion directed at the town. about five o'clock firing had ceased, the battalion was assembled and marched away. (sd) h.w. french, first lieutenant, th infantry (late second lieutenant th infantry). a true copy: h.g. learnard, capt. and adj. th infantry. manila, p.i., march , . i certify that in the action of el caney, cuba, july , , the company i commanded, i.e., h, th infantry, directed its fire almost exclusively on the stone fort and the trench a few yards from its base. that very little of this company's fire was directed on the town and none before the fort was carried. (sd) vernon a. caldwell, first lieutenant, th infantry. a true copy: h.g. learnard, capt. and adj. th infantry. tayug, luzon, philippine islands, april th, . to those in military authority. regarding the battle of el caney, cuba, july , , i hereby certify: . from about . o'clock p.m. to the time of the capture of the town of el caney, i was in command of two companies--c and g--forming part of the th u.s. infantry firing line. . from about . o'clock p.m. to the time of the capture of the town, very nearly the entire th infantry firing line was under my observation. . from about . o'clock p. m. to about . , the time of the surrender of the stone fort to the east of the town, the fire of the entire th infantry firing line within my sight was directed against the fort. . during this period of the battle the th infantry firing line was about yards from the stone fort. . from the time the firing line began firing--about o'clock p.m.--to the time of the surrender of the stone fort--about . p.m.--the companies under my command and all others under my observation concentrated their fire on the fort. . about . p.m., i was standing about yards from the stone fort, and i plainly and distinctly saw a spaniard appear in the door of the fort, and, for two or three seconds, wave a white flag at the th infantry firing line, and upon being shot down, another spaniard picked up the flag and likewise waved it at the th infantry firing line. . after the white flag had twice been presented to the th infantry firing line, and after all fire from the stone fort had ceased, the firing line rushed forward, took up a position facing to their left--that is, facing the town--and began a vigorous fire on a small blockhouse and on the town. respectfully, james a. moss, first lieutenant, th u.s. infantry. recollections of the santiago campaign, by captain r.h.r. loughborough, th u.s. infantry. the th u.s. infantry left its stations in montana on the th of april, ; six companies (b, c, d, e, f and h) went in camp at chickamauga national park; the other two companies (a and g) went to key west, fla. on may th the six companies at the chickamauga national park moved by rail to tampa, fla., arriving the night of the th, where they were joined by the two companies from key west. with the exception of three days in , the regiment had never been together since its organization in . it necessarily followed that many of the officers, as well as men, were strangers to each other. our camp at tampa was fair; the ground is sandy and flat, but as the rainy season had not set in, it was dry and the health was good. drills and parades were held daily (sundays excepted), but on account of the intense heat the hours for it were limited to the early mornings and after sunset. the clothing of the men was the same they had worn in montana, and did not add to their comfort. supplies of all kinds (except rations) came by piecemeal, and we finally sailed for the tropics with the same clothing used in the northwest. at o'clock p.m. june th the regiment received orders to strike tents and be ready to move within an hour; the order was immediately complied with, though the necessary transportation to move the baggage did not report until the forenoon of the following day; it was not far from noon when the last of it left the camp for the railroad station, en route to port tampa, where we were to embark on transports for the seat of war. as soon as the camp equipage was started, the regiment was formed and marched to west tampa (about three miles), where we took a train for port tampa, distant nine miles. on arrival, the regiment boarded the steamer "concho," one of the vessels to carry the expedition to its destination. the th u.s. infantry had preceded us, and the next day a battalion of the d massachusetts volunteers was put on, but owing to the crowded condition of the ship, a few days later they were transferred to another vessel. the "concho" is a large ship, but without the comforts i have seen since then on the u.s. army transports plying between san francisco and manila. the ships used were hastily fitted up for the occasion, and it could not be expected that they would be all that was required, but some of the appointments could and should have been better. after a tedious wait until june th, we sailed down tampa bay and out on the gulf of mexico, still in ignorance of our destination. the evening of the th the light at dry tortugas was seen to our right. june th, th and th our course was a little south of east, and part of the time the north coast of cuba was visible. the weather (except the intense heat) was fine. on sunday morning, june th, we entered the windward passage, and it seemed certain, from our course, that santiago was our objective. early the next morning the high mountains of santiago de cuba were in plain sight to our north. june th and st, remained off the coast; the sea was rough and the vessel rolled considerably, adding to the discomfort of every one, especially those subject to seasickness. during the evening of the st, orders were received to be ready to disembark the following morning. about a.m. on the d our warships began shelling the coast, and two hours later the troops started in small boats from the transports to the shore. by evening most of the second division and part of the cavalry division were on cuban soil. there was no opposition to our landing; i believe that a small force well handled could have made it very difficult, if, indeed, it could not have prevented it. as soon as the regiment had landed it was marched out about four miles and bivouacked for the night. the country is rugged and covered with a dense tropical vegetation. a few "cuban patriots" had joined us and formed the extreme advance, saving us some disagreeable outpost duty. this was the only service that i know of them doing throughout the campaign, though they were always on hand ration day. later developments showed that the service rendered was not so important, as any spanish force had retired to a safe place, something our friends looked out for whenever there was any danger. june d, the regiment started shortly after daylight towards the city of santiago. about o'clock there was a report that the enemy were in our front. the regiment was immediately formed for battle, and reconnoitering parties sent forward; after about thirty minutes' delay the supposed enemy proved to be the large leaves of some tropical trees being moved by the wind, giving them the appearance of persons in motion. our route was over a narrow trail, through a dense wilderness; water was scarce and the heat was intense. about noon we arrived at siboney, where we bivouacked for the night. before daylight next morning the troops in our rear were heard passing on the trail by our camp. shortly after daylight captain capron's battery of four guns passed, and the men lined up along the road and cheered lustily. about an hour later, musketry fire and the occasional discharge of a hotchkiss gun could be plainly heard towards santiago. about three-quarters of an hour later we received orders to march. by mistake, the wrong trail was taken, and after marching fourteen hours we returned to our camp of the previous night, all fagged out. a great many men of the brigade were overcome with heat during this long, tiresome and fruitless ramble. i cannot say how many of these were of the th infantry, but in my own company (b) there was not a man out of the ranks when the camp was reached. (i have called the above-mentioned place "siboney." there is probably some other name for it, as the cubans have one for every hamlet. it is not far from siboney, and not knowing the name, have called it siboney.) on the morning of the th we got rations from the transport and all enjoyed a hearty breakfast. at p.m. we broke camp and marched to sevilla, about six miles. here we remained until the morning of the th, part of the regiment being out on picket duty. june th, the regiment marched three miles towards santiago and bivouacked on the banks of a small creek. bathing was forbidden, as the creek was the only water supply for the army. the troops remained at this place until the afternoon of june th. the camp was in the valley of the creek, the ground is low and flat, and with the heavy rainfall every one was uncomfortable. rations had to be brought from siboney over a trail and did not arrive regularly. about o'clock in the afternoon on the th, the officers of the regiment were assembled at headquarters and were notified that there would be an attack on the spanish position the next morning. about o'clock the regiment started for its position, arriving after o'clock, having covered a distance of less than three miles. the route was over an excuse for a road, but was crowded with some of the troops of almost every organization of the army, causing numberless halts, but worse than all, breaking the much-needed rest of the troops. on one part of this route i heard men asking, "what regiment is this?" and heard various responses, as follows: "the w.w.w.'s, the st cavalry, the th infantry, the th cavalry," etc. some one asked, "what are the w.w.w.'s?" and some one replied, "wood's weary walkers." i do not know who is responsible for that condition of affairs. had we had an enterprising enemy in our front, disaster certainly would have followed. here were a number of organizations scattered along a narrow, muddy trail, at the mercy of an active foe. all this was only three or four miles from the spanish works. the men were cheerful, and few if any realized that there might be danger. most of the men were up and moving about before daylight the next morning. shortly after, the regiment started in the direction of el caney. at a.m. we halted in a mango grove near the ducureau mansion. shortly before noon a mounted orderly appeared with a message for the brigade commander. a few minutes later the march towards el caney was taken up. heavy musketry fire had been heard in that direction since shortly before o'clock. a march of little more than a mile and the regiment was formed for battle, companies g and h in the firing line, c and d in support, the remaining four companies in reserve. for two hours or perhaps more the firing was very heavy, especially during the second hour. attention is called to report of colonel a.s. daggett, pages and , "report of the war department, , vol. i," and endorsement on same by major-general a.r. chaffee. he says: "this stone fort was practically in the possession of the th infantry at about p.m. july ." i cannot reconcile this statement with the fact that between the hours named some of the heaviest firing was going on, which does not indicate that its defenders were ready to give up. lord wellington once said, "at the end of every campaign truth lies at the bottom of a deep well, and it often takes twenty years to get her out." this may not be an exception. about half-past o'clock the firing ceased and el caney was ours. the dead were collected near a hedge and the regiment was formed in column of masses to pay a silent tribute of respect to our departed comrades. the regiment then started for the mango grove where we had left our blanket rolls and haversacks. just as we were starting, some men with canteens started for water (about a mile away), when orders were received to be ready to march in twenty minutes. a few rods took us back to the road leading to santiago. we moved down the road about three-quarters of a mile and halted. two hours later, the pack train arrived with ammunition and then another with rations. before the latter were issued orders were issued to move at once to the rear. the regiment marched over the trail it had come on the day before, arriving at el poso about o'clock a.m. here we took the road leading to santiago. about a.m. we passed under san juan hill and moved to our right. our forces held the crest of the hill. in passing along the hill we were sheltered from the fire except a short space, where one or two men were slightly wounded. arriving at the la cruz house near the road leading from el caney to santiago about . p.m. and bivouacked for the night. about o'clock the troops on our left were attacked by the spanish. the firing was very heavy for an hour, when it suddenly ceased, and we retired for the night. during this time we were under the hill and protected from the fire. next morning (sunday, july d) desultory firing began at daylight. about a.m. the regiment left the la cruz house and moved across the caney-santiago road and formed line to the left and moved forward to a ridge overlooking the city. a number of shots fell about us, but no one was struck. shortly after, we were in possession of the ridge and began intrenching. the firing was kept up and two men were wounded. about noon we were informed that a truce had been established and all work was stopped. this gave all a much-needed rest, though it proved to be of short duration, caused by a false alarm by major webb, the inspector of the division staff. during the afternoon the regiment was moved to the foot of the ridge, leaving only the pickets on the crest. about . p.m. we were ordered to the picket line and began intrenching. the tall grass was wet from a drenching rain a few hours before. the ground, though wet, was hard, and slow progress was made, having only their bayonets for picks and their bare hands for shovels. all night this work went on. the men were tired, and hungry (as rations had not come up that day), but worked faithfully. during this, and i will add, throughout the campaign, i never heard a murmur nor a complaint; even when almost all the men of the regiment were down with fever and bowel trouble they were cheerful and ready to do any duty they were called on for. the morning of july d cervera's fleet sailed down the bay. an officer rode by our part of the line about half-past and informed us of it. a few minutes later we heard the roar of the big guns, though at the time i little thought of what was going on. in the afternoon we heard cheering on our line way to the left, and as the good news came along it was taken up, and soon the whole line was shouting. on the morning of july th the non-combatants left santiago by two roads, one passing through our line. it was a pitiful sight. during the forenoon of the th we moved about a mile to the right and began intrenching. this position was very near the spanish line, and quite elaborate works were constructed. we remained in this position until the morning of the th, when the regiment was ordered to the right of the line, about three miles. here we intrenched. about p.m. a truce was announced. at . p.m. a staff officer came to the regimental commander's tent and informed him that the regiment was to be on the line at o'clock midnight, and as soon as the moon rose to advance through the jungle until fired on, when the line was to halt and intrench. the night was stormy and any moon there might have been was obscured by the clouds. we were up, however, standing until daylight in a drenching rain, for it was so dark that any movement was impossible. our rest was broken, without accomplishing anything that i know or heard of. however, the rain and storm were providential, for i will always believe if the movement had been started we should have met with disaster. the ground was broken, deep ravines and underbrush with wire fences running through it. i have never learned who was "the father" of this order, and possibly never will. he must be ashamed of it. the afternoon of the th the regiment advanced several hundred yards to the front and dug more intrenchments. they were still on this work the afternoon of the th when it was announced that the spanish army had agreed to surrender. this came none too soon, for our men were coming down with malarial fever. a few days later nearly half the regiment were on the sick list, and the balance could not have done much. the regiment was moved the same afternoon to higher ground in rear of the trenches. strong guards were kept to look out for our prisoners and to prevent "our allies," the cubans, from going into the city. on the morning of the th the formal surrender of the city and spanish army took place. we were some distance away and did not see anything of the ceremony. on july th the regiment was moved about a mile further back in the hills and made camp, our tents, etc., having been brought up from the transport. medicines appeared very scarce, resulting in much suffering. the food supplied was totally unfit for our new surroundings, and i believe not a little of the sickness can be traced to this. our last camp was as good as any to be found in that vicinity. the regiment remained in camp until august th, when it embarked on the transport "camanche" for montauk point, arriving on the th, and landed on the d. b.h.r. loughborough, captain, th infantry. footnotes: [ ] first lieutenant mccorkle killed; captain edwards and first lieutenants kinnison and murdock wounded. chapter vii. san juan. cavalry division: the ninth and tenth regiments. when lawton's division swung off to the right to engage the enemy at el caney, with the results described in the preceeding chapter, the divisions of wheeler and kent were ordered to proceed directly along the santiago road toward san juan. within a mile from el pozo, the point where they had bivouacked for the night of the th, the troops arrived at the aguadores river, which crosses the road here within less than a mile from san juan heights. wheeler's division headed the column, although that general was not commanding. he had been relieved on the afternoon of the th and did not resume command until about o'clock on july ,[ ] long after the heights had been carried, although he was on the field shortly after o'clock of that day. the dismounted cavalry division on the morning of july presented , fighting men, including officers. the first brigade, commanded by colonel carrol, had officers and , men, in regiments as follows: third cavalry, officers, men; sixth cavalry, officers, men; ninth cavalry, officers, men, the ninth having hardly one-half the strength of either of the other regiments of the brigade. the second brigade, commanded by general wood, contained , persons, distributed as follows: brigade staff, officers, men; first cavalry, officers, men: tenth cavalry, officers, men; first volunteer cavalry (rough riders), officers, men. before the troops left el poso, grimes' battery had been put in position and had fired a few shots at a blockhouse on san juan hill, distance , yards. using black powder, which created a cloud of smoke with every shot, the battery was readily located by the foe, and the shrapnel from their guns was soon bursting among our forces. the second shot from the spaniards wounded four of the rough riders and two or three of the regulars, while a third killed and wounded several cubans. as a matter of course there was a rapid movements of the troops from that immediate vicinity. the firing soon ceased, and the troops took up that general advance movement already noted. it is no easy task to follow the movements of the cavalry division from the time it left el poso that july morning until it finally entrenched itself for the night on san juan hills. as heretofore we will take the official reports first, and from them make up the itinerary and the movements of the battle that followed, as far as they will enable us to do so. general sumner says the division proceeded toward santiago, and when about three-fourths of a mile from el poso was halted in a narrow road to await orders and remained there for nearly an hour, subject to the effects of heavy artillery fire from the enemy's battery. major wessells, of the third cavalry, says, while following the road toward santiago that morn, "much delay ensued from some reason unknown to the undersigned," and that the first brigade of the division arrived at san juan ford about o'clock. this creek was about five hundred yards farther toward santiago than aguadores river, and ran about parallel with san juan heights, from which it was about three-fourths of a mile distant. the orders for which general sumner had waited nearly an hour under fire had come and were "verbal instructions to move to the san juan creek and hold it." reaching this creek his advance guard was met by the spaniards who fired one volley and retreated to a position on a hill on sumner's right front, about , yards distant. crossing this creek with sufficient strength to hold it, sumner was now ordered to move by the right flank and connect with lawton's left. while his troops were in this massed condition prior to deploying to the right through a thick jungle, the balloon that was in use for purposes of reconnoitering, came up the road and exposed itself to the full view of the spaniards upon the heights. they needed no further invitation to direct toward our forces their artillery, for which the balloon became a flying target. many officers and men were wounded here by exploding shells and small arms' fire of the enemy (sumner). under this fire, however, the troops were deployed as ordered. colonel wood, who had charge of the second brigade, of which the rough riders were the leading regiment, says this "regiment was directed to change direction to the right, and by moving up the creek to effect a junction with general lawton's division, which was engaged at caney, about one and a-half miles toward the right, but was supposed to be working toward our right flank. after proceeding in this direction about half a mile the effort to connect with general lawton was given up." this movement to the right took place between ten and eleven o'clock, at which time lawton's forces had made no impression upon el caney, and he was far from making any movement which might be described as working toward the right flank of the cavalry division. lawton was not found by that half-hour's search to the right; and it was evident that something must be done by these troops in front, and done quickly. the whole division was under fire, and the battle on the spanish side was in actual progress. true our men were hidden away in the jungle that bordered the creek, but their position was known to the spaniards, and leaves and boughs are no cover from shot and shell. they were receiving the fire of the enemy and making no reply whatever, save by the few ineffective shots from the far away battery on el poso hill. directly in front of the cavalry division was a little hill occupied by a spanish force. this hill is called in general wood's report east hill, but in the literature of the battle it is usually mentioned as kettle hill. the fire in part was coming from here. colonel wood gives another report of the morning's experience in which he says: "the brigade moved down the road toward santiago in rear of the first brigade, with instructions to deploy to the right after crossing the san juan, and continue to extend to the right, reaching out toward general lawton's left and holding ourselves in rear of the first brigade as a support. on reaching the stream the first volunteer cavalry, which was in the lead, crossed the stream with comparatively slight loss and deployed to the right in good order, but at this time a captive balloon was led down the road in which the troops were massed, and finally anchored at the crossing of the stream. the approach and anchoring of this balloon served to indicate the line of approach of the troops and to locate the ford, and the result was a terrific converging of artillery and rifle fire on the ford, which resulted in severe loss of men. under this fire the first united states cavalry and the tenth united states cavalry crossed the stream and deployed to the right where they were placed in position in rear of the first brigade. two regiments of the second brigade, to wit., the first and the tenth regular cavalry, were located in the rear of the first brigade. the first regular cavalry had begun its day's work as support of grimes' battery, but had later come forward and taken its place in the brigade time enough to join in the action that followed. "after completing the deployment," says sumner, "the command was so much committed to battle that it became necessary either to advance or else retreat under fire." the troops were already in battle, but were not fighting, and could not do so in their present position, simply because they could not see the enemy. "lieutenant miley, representing general shafter, authorized an advance, which was ordered, carroll's brigade taking the advance, reinforced on the right by roosevelt's regiment, and supported by the first and tenth cavalry." (sumner.) colonel wood says: "after remaining in this position for about an hour (meaning the position held by his brigade previous to the coming of the order to advance) the order to advance was given, and the brigade advanced in good order as possible, but more or less broken up by the masses of brush and heavy grass and cactus; passing through the line of the first brigade, mingling with them and charging the hill in conjunction with these troops, as well as some few infantry who had extended to the right." it must be remembered that the first brigade consisted wholly of regulars, the third, sixth and ninth cavalry, while the second brigade had that remarkable regiment, the rough riders. this fact may account for their breaking through the lines of the first brigade. major wessells, who commanded the third cavalry in that fight, and was himself wounded at the close of the first charge, says his regiment became entangled with other regiments, but, nevertheless, was to the crest as soon as any. of the advance of the whole division, general sumner says: "the advance was made under heavy infantry fire, through open flat ground, cut up by wire fences, to the creek, distant about yards. the advance was made in good order, the enemy's fire being returned only under favorable opportunities. in crossing the flat one officer and several men were killed and several officers and men wounded. both sides of the creek were heavily wooded for about yards. the creek was swollen, and the crossing through this space and the creek was made with great difficulty. "after passing through the thick woods the ground was entirely open and fenced by wire. from this line it was necessary to storm the hill, upon the top of which is a house, loop-holed for defense. the slope of the hill is very difficult, but the assault was made with great gallantry and with much loss to the enemy. in this assault colonel hamilton, lieutenants smith and shipp were killed; colonel carroll, lieutenants thayer and myer were wounded. a number of casualties occurred among the enlisted men." the heights were carried by the whole division. lieutenant-colonel baldwin's account of the part his regiment took in the assault upon san juan is told about as follows: after the search for lawton had been given up, the first and tenth cavalry were formed for attack on east hill. "i was directed," he says, "to take a position to the right, behind the river bank, for protection. while moving to this position, and while there, the regiment suffered considerable loss. after an interval of twenty or thirty minutes i was directed to form line of battle in a partially open field facing toward the blockhouses and strong intrenchments to the north occupied by the enemy. much difficulty was found on account of the dense undergrowth, crossed in several directions by wire fences. as a part of the cavalry division under general sumner, the regiment was formed in two lines, the first squadron under major s.t. norvell, consisting of troops a, b, e and i, leading; the second line, under major t.j. wint, consisting of troops c, f and g. troop d having crossed farther down the river, attached itself to a command of infantry and moved with that command on the second blockhouse. the regiment advanced in this formation in a heavy converging fire from the enemy's position, proceeding but a short distance when the two lines were united into one. the advance was rapidly continued in an irregular line toward the blockhouses and intrenchments to the right front. during this advance the line passed some troops of the first cavalry, which i think had previously been formed on our right. several losses occurred before reaching the top of the hill, first lieutenant william h. smith being killed as he arrived on its crest. the enemy having retreated toward the northwest to the second and third blockhouses, new lines were formed and a rapid advance was made upon these new positions. the regiment assisted in capturing these works from the enemy, and with the exception of troops c and i, which in the meantime had joined the first volunteer cavalry, then took up a position to the north of the second blockhouse, remaining there all night." major norvell, who commanded the first squadron of the tenth cavalry, which consisted of troops a, b, e and i, gives the following account of the experiences of july st: "the regiment took position in a wood, and here suffered considerable loss, due to the fact that the whole of the enemy's fire appeared to be directed to this point. in a short time we moved out of the wood by the right flank and then deployed to the left, being then directly in front of the enemy and one mile distant from his works, marked by three houses about half a mile from one another. the enemy was strongly entrenched in front of these houses. the line, consisting of the cavalry division, under direction of brigadier-general sumner, moved forward in double time, under a terrific fire of the enemy. we had a very heavy jungle to march through, beside the river (san juan) to cross, and during our progress many men were killed and wounded. the troops became separated from one another, though the general line was pretty well preserved. the works of the enemy were carried in succession by the troops; and the spaniards were steadily driven back toward the town to their last ditches. we now found ourselves about half a mile from the city, but the troops being by this time nearly exhausted, here intrenched themselves for the night under a heavy fire. by dark this line was occupied by all the troops engaged during the day." the official reports of the troop commanders of the tenth cavalry bring out a few more particulars which serve to give us a more vivid conception of this moving line. the entire cavalry division advanced together, and notwithstanding the roughness of the ground, major norvell assures us the line was pretty well preserved. troops a, b, e and i were in the first squadron, which was in the lead; troops c, f and g were in the second line; troop d made its advance with the infantry off to the left. we have now a fair knowledge of the general movement of the whole regiment. let us follow the fortunes of some of the troops, and by that means get nearer to the work done by the individual soldier. troop a was on the right of the leading squadron as the regiment took its place in line on the left of the first cavalry and moved against the spanish blockhouses in the face of a heavy fire, making a rush forward without intermission. a portion of the right platoon, under lieutenant livermore, became separated in one of the thickets, and under instructions received personally from the brigade commander, who seems to have been everywhere where he was needed, continued up the slope toward his right and toward the first blockhouse. the remainder of the troop, commanded by captain beck and lieutenant mccoy, moved in the same direction at first, but observing that on account of the shorter distance to the slope from that end of the line, a large number of troops were arriving there, captain beck swung his troop to the left and reached the summit of the hill between the second and third blockhouses, and on arriving received a message by an aid of the brigade commander to hold the ridge. just then lieut. livermore arrived, having come by way of blockhouse no. . the troop now being together, held the crest for an hour. at times the fire of the enemy was so severe and captain beck's force so small that there was great danger that he would be compelled to abandon the position, but fortunately at the most critical juncture lieutenant lyon of the twenty-fourth infantry came up with a few reinforcements, and lieutenant hughes of the tenth cavalry with a hotchkiss gun. lieutenant lyon formed his troops to the left of the gun, troop a of the tenth cavalry being on the right. with this force the position was held until other troops arrived. soon after, the squadron was reformed and the men entrenched themselves under fire. troop b was next to troop a and advanced as skirmishers by rushes and double time, but soon found its front blocked by other troops. troop i advanced in two sections, the left being commanded by lieutenant miller, joined in the attack on the right of the enemy's position; the right commanded by lieutenant fleming, advanced on trenches between two blockhouses, and in so doing caught up with the rest of the troop. the first half of the troop, after attacking the blockhouse on right of the enemy's position then crossed the valley and attacked the blockhouse on the left of enemy's position, and then moved forward with the first regular cavalry and first volunteer cavalry, until the troop assembled as a whole. when it reached the place of intrenchment there were altogether about one hundred men at that point of the ridge, consisting of men from the tenth cavalry and of the rough riders. it is claimed by lieutenant anderson, who commanded troop c, and who made his way to the front on the right of the line, that after coming up on the second hill and joining his troop to the left of troop i, colonel roosevelt and part of his regiment joined on the right of the tenth, and that he reported to him, placing c troop in his command. before this time lieutenant anderson had reported to captain jones, of troop f, while they were on kettle hill, and the two troops, f and c, had been formed in skirmish line and moved against the second blockhouse. in this movement troop c got separated from captain jones, and anderson, with men of his own troop and several from other organizations, moved forward until he connected with troop i, as previously narrated. these troops, c and i, were reported by their colonel as having joined the first volunteer cavalry. all of the troop commanders who were immediately with the men bear hearty testimony to their good conduct. captain jones, commanding troop f, says: "i could only do justice to the troop by mentioning by name all who were engaged, not only for their bravery, but for their splendid discipline under the most demoralizing fire." lieutenant fleming, commanding troop i, says: "the entire troop behaved with great gallantry. private elsie jones particularly distinguished himself." captain beck, commanding troop a, says: "the behaviour of the enlisted men was magnificent, paying studious attention to orders while on the firing line, and generally exhibiting an intrepidity which marks the first-class soldier." lieutenant hughes, who commanded the hotchkiss gun detachment, mentions four men for conspicuous bravery and commends his entire detachment for "spirit, enterprise and good behavior." the official story is that the entire cavalry division advanced under orders from general sumner and that the heft of its first blow fell upon kettle hill, which was soon captured, and on the crest of this hill the troops which had ascended it made a temporary halt, reformed their lines somewhat and immediately advanced upon the second hill to the help of that part of the cavalry division which had swung to the left in the advance, and also to the help of the infantry who were coming against fort san juan at the same time. meanwhile there was left upon kettle hill a sufficient garrison or force to prevent its being recaptured by the enemy. in the assault on kettle hill the brigade commander, colonel carroll, had been wounded, and lieutenant-colonel hamilton of the ninth cavalry killed. many troop officers also had been either killed or wounded and also in the rush forward through the jungle and high grass some troops had been separated from their officers, and yet it is remarkable that all were ready to move forward to the next assault. the words of praise to the whole cavalry division contained in the following order, published at camp wikoff immediately after the arrival there of the troops, are claimed by both black and white cavalrymen alike: headquarters, cavalry division, camp wikoff, l.i., september th, . to the officers and soldiers of the cavalry division, army of santiago. the duties for which the troops comprising the cavalry division were brought together have been accomplished. on june th we sailed from tampa, fla., to encounter in the sickly season the diseases of the tropical island of cuba, and to face and attack the historic legions of spain in positions chosen by them and which for years they had been strengthening by every contrivance and art known to the skillful military engineers of europe. on the d, one squadron each of the st and th regular cavalry and two squadrons of the st volunteer cavalry, in all officers and men, landed on cuban soil. these troops marched on foot fourteen miles, and, early on the morning of the th, attacked and defeated double their number of regular spanish soldiers under the command of lieutenant-general linares. eagerly and cheerfully you pushed onward, and on july st forded san juan river and gallantly swept over san juan hill, driving the enemy from its crest. without a moment's halt you formed, aligning the division upon the st infantry division under general kent, and, together with these troops, you bravely charged and carried the formidable intrenchments of fort san juan. the entire force which fought and won this great victory was less than seven thousand men. the astonished enemy, though still protected by the strong works to which he had made his retreat, was so stunned by your determined valor that his only thought was to devise the quickest means of saving himself from further battle. the great spanish fleet hastily sought escape from the harbor and was destroyed by our matchless navy. after seizing the fortifications of san juan ridge, you, in the darkness of night, strongly intrenched the position your valor had won. reinforced by bates' brigade on your left and lawton's division on your right, you continued the combat until the spanish army of santiago province succumbed to the superb prowess and courage of american arms. peace promptly followed, and you return to receive the plaudits of seventy millions of people. the valor displayed by you was not without sacrifice. eighteen per cent., or nearly one in five, of the cavalry division fell on the field either killed or wounded. we mourn the loss of these heroic dead, and a grateful country will always revere their memory. whatever may be my fate, wherever my steps may lead, my heart will always burn with increasing admiration for your courage in action, your fortitude under privation and your constant devotion to duty in its highest sense, whether in battle, in bivouac or upon the march. joseph wheeler, major-general u.s.v., commanding. aside from that part of the tenth cavalry who fought under general wheeler and who are consequently included among those congratulated by the general order just quoted, troop m of that regiment, under command of lieutenant c.p. johnson, performed an important part in the war. the troop consisted of men and left port tampa june on board the steamship florida, the steamship fanita also making a part of the expedition. the troop was mounted and was accompanied by a pack train of animals. both ships were heavily loaded with clothing, ammunition and provision, and had on board besides lieutenant johnson's command, general nunez and staff and armed cubans. the expedition sailed around the west end of the island and attempted a landing at a point chosen by general nunez on june , but failed owing to the fact that the place chosen was well guarded by spaniards, who fired upon the landing party. the expedition had with it a small gunboat, the peoria, commanded by captain ryan, and on the afternoon of june th an attack was made upon a blockhouse on the shore by the gunboat, and a small force of cuban and american volunteers landed, but were repulsed with the loss of one killed, general nunez's brother, and seven wounded. two days later lieutenant johnson was able to land and immediately made connection with general gomez, unloading his stores for the cuban army. lieutenant g.p. ahearn, of the twenty-fifth infantry, who went on this expedition as a volunteer, rendered important service on the night after the attack on the blockhouse at tayabacoa. as the attacking party met with repulse and escaped to the ship in the darkness, several of their wounded were left on shore. several boats sent out to recover them had returned without the men, their crews fearing to go on shore after them. lieutenant ahearn volunteered to attempt the rescue of the men, and taking a water-logged boat, approached the shore noiselessly and succeeded in his undertaking. the crew accompanying lieutenant ahearn was made up of men from troop m, tenth cavalry, and behaved so well that the four were given medals of honor for their marked gallantry. the action of lieutenant ahearn in this case was in keeping with his whole military career. he has ever manifested a fondness for exceptional service, and has never failed when opportunity occurred to display a noble gallantry on the side of humanity. nothing appeals to him so commandingly as an individual needing rescue, and in such a cause he immediately rises to the hero's plane. the noble colored soldiers who won medals on that occasion were all privates and became heroes for humanity's sake. their names deserve a place in this history outside the mere official table. they were dennis bell, george h. wanton, fitz lee and william h. tompkins, and were the only colored soldiers who, at the time of this writing, have won medals of honor in the spanish war. others, however, may yet be given, as doubtless others are deserved. the heroic service performed by whole regiments, as in the case of the twenty-fourth infantry, should entitle every man in it to a medal of some form as a souvenir for his posterity. losses of the ninth cavalry in the battles of san juan: officers--killed, lieutenant-colonel john m. hamilton. men--killed, trumpeter lewis fort, private james johnson. officers--wounded, adjutant winthrop s. wood, captain charles w. taylor. men--wounded. first sergeant charles w. jefferson, sergeant adam moore, sergeant henry f. wall, sergeant thomas b. craig, corporal james w. ervine, corporal horace t. henry, corporal john mason, burwell bullock, elijah crippen, edward davis, hoyle ervin, james gandy, edward d. nelson, noah prince, thomas sinclair, james r. spear, jr., jacob tull, william h. turner, george warren, alfred wilson. losses of the tenth cavalry during the battle of san juan: officers--killed, first lieutenant w.e. shipp, first lieutenant w.h. smith. men--killed, john h. smoot, corporal w.f. johnson, john h. dodson, george stroal, william h. slaughter. officers--wounded, major t.j. wint captain john bigelow, jr., adjutant and first lieutenant m.h. barnum, first lieutenant r.l. livermore, first lieutenant e.d. anderson, second lieutenant f.r. mccoy, second lieutenant h.c. whitehead, second lieutenant t.a. roberts, second lieutenant h.o. willard. men--wounded, first sergeant a. houston, first sergeant robert milbrown, q.m. sergeant william payne, sergeant smith johnson, sergeant ed. lane, sergeant walker johnson, sergeant george dyers, sergeant willis hatcher, sergeant john l. taylor, sergeant amos elliston, sergeant frank rankin, sergeant e.s. washington, sergeant u.g. gunter, corporal j.g. mitchell, corporal allen jones, corporal marcellus wright, privates lewis l. anderson, john arnold, charles arthur, john brown, frank d. bennett, wade bledsoe, hillary brown, thornton burkley, john brooks, w.h. brown, wm. a. cooper, john chinn, j.h. campbell, henry fearn, benjamin franklin, gilmore givens, b.f. gaskins, william gregory, luther d. gould, wiley, hipsher, thomas hardy, charles hopkins, richard james, wesley jones, robert e. lee, sprague lewis, henry mccormack, samuel t. minor, lewis marshall, william matthews, houston riddill, charles robinson, frank ridgeley, fred. shackley, harry d. sturgis, peter saunderson, john t. taylor, william tyler, isom taylor, john watson, benjamin west, joseph williams, allen e. white, nathan wyatt. * * * * * note.--"while we talked, and the soldiers filled their canteens and drank deep and long, like camels who, after days of travel through the land of 'thirst and emptiness,' have reached the green oasis and the desert spring, a black corporal of the th infantry walked wearily up to the 'water hole.' he was muddy and bedraggled. he carried no cup or canteen, and stretched himself out over the stepping-stones in the stream, sipping up the water and the mud together out of the shallow pool. a white cavalryman ran toward him shouting, 'hold on, bunkie; here's my cup!' the negro looked dazed a moment, and not a few of the spectators showed amazement, for such a thing had rarely if ever happened in the army before. 'thank you,' said the black corporal. 'well, we are all fighting under the same flag now.' and so he drank out of the white man's cup. i was glad to see that i was not the only man who had come to recognize the justice of certain constitutional amendments, in the light of the gallant behaviour of the colored troops throughout the battle, and, indeed, the campaign. the fortune of war had, of course, something to do with it in presenting to the colored troops the opportunities for distinguished service, of which they invariably availed themselves to the fullest extent; but the confidence of the general officers in their superb gallantry, which the event proved to be not misplaced, added still more, and it is a fact that the services of no four white regiments can be compared with those rendered by the four colored regiments--the th and th cavalry, and the th and th infantry. they were to the front at la guasima, at caney, and at san juan, and what was the severest test of all, that came later, in the yellow-fever hospitals."--bonsal. footnotes: [ ] official report of general sumner. chapter viii. san juan (continued). kent's division: the twenty-fourth infantry; forming under fire--a gallant charge. turning now to the centre and left of the american line we follow the advance of that division of infantry commanded by general kent, and which met the brunt of spanish resistance at san juan. this division, known as the first division, fifth army corps, consisted of three brigades, composed as follows: first brigade, brigadier-general hawkins commanding, made up of the sixth infantry, the sixteenth infantry, and the seventy-first new york volunteers. the second brigade, colonel pearson commanding, made up of the second infantry, the tenth infantry and the twenty-first infantry. the third brigade, commanded by colonel wikoff, in which were the ninth infantry, the thirteenth infantry and the twenty-fourth infantry; in all officers and , men. thus, in the whole division there were eight regiments of regular infantry and one volunteer regiment, the seventy-first new york. although our present purpose is to bring into view the special work of the twenty-fourth infantry, it will be necessary to embrace in our scope the work of the entire division, in order to lay before the reader the field upon which that particular regiment won such lasting credit. general kent, who commanded the division, a most accomplished soldier, gives a lucid account of the whole assault as seen from his position, and of the work performed by his division, in his report, dated july , . when general kent's division arrived in the neighborhood of the san juan ford and found itself under fire and the trail so blocked by troops of the cavalry division, which had not yet deployed to the right, that direct progress toward the front was next to impossible, the welcome information was given by the balloon managers that a trail branched off to the left from the main trail, only a short distance back from the ford. this trail led to a ford some distance lower down the stream and nearly facing the works on the enemy's right. general kent on learning of this outlet immediately hastened back to the forks and meeting the seventy-first new york regiment, the rear regiment of the first brigade, he directed that regiment into this trail toward the ford. the regiment was to lead the way through this new trail and would consequently arrive at the front first on the left; but meeting the fire of the enemy, the first battalion of the regiment apparently became panic stricken and recoiled upon the rest of the regiment; the regiment then lay down on the sides of the trail and in the bushes, thoroughly demoralized. wikoff's brigade was now coming up and it was directed upon the same trail. this brigade consisted of the ninth, thirteenth and twenty-fourth. colonel wikoff was directed by general kent to move his brigade across the creek by the trail (the left fork) and when reaching the opposite side, of the creek to put the brigade in line on the left of the trail and begin the attack at once. in executing this order the entire brigade stumbled through and over hundreds of men of the seventy-first new york regiment. when a volunteer regiment broke through the lines of the ninth cavalry from the rear, that regiment was in its place on the field in line of battle, with its morale perfect. it was under discipline and delivering its fire with regularity. it had an absolute right to its place. the seventy-first was in no such attitude, and general kent directed the advance through it in these words: "tell the brigade to pay no attention to this sort of thing; it is highly irregular." the ninth cavalry's position was exactly _regular_; the position of the seventh-first was to the eyes of general kent "highly irregular." the three regiments of this brigade were to take their positions on the left of the ford after crossing the stream, in the following order: on the extreme left the twenty-fourth, next to it in the centre of the brigade, the ninth, and on the right of the brigade the thirteenth. in approaching the ford the ninth and twenty-fourth became mixed and crossed in the following order: first one battalion of the ninth; then a battalion of the twenty-fourth; then the second battalion of the ninth, followed by the second battalion of the twenty-fourth. the line was formed under fire, and while superintending its formation the brigade commander, colonel wikoff, came under observation and was killed; lieutenant-colonel worth, who succeeded him, was seriously wounded within five minutes after having taking command, and lieutenant-colonel liscum, who next assumed charge of the brigade, had hardly learned that he was in command before he, too, was disabled by a spanish shot by this time, however, the formation was about complete and the brigade ready to begin the advance. leaving wikoff's brigade in line ready to begin the advance we must now return in our narrative to the main ford, where the major portions of hawkins' and pearson's brigades are massed and follow the various regiments as they come to their places in the battle line preparing for the onslaught. after crossing the ford with the sixth infantry, pursuant to the orders given by lieutenant miley in the name of general shafter, general hawkins attempted to flank the enemy by a movement to the left, the sixth infantry leading and the sixteenth intending to pass beyond it in its rear and join to its left. the sixth in passing to its intended position passed to the left of the sixth cavalry, which held the left of the line of the cavalry division, which had crossed the ford and deployed to the right, reaching beyond the spanish lines in that direction, or at least it was able to reach the extreme right of the enemy. the sixth infantry continued this line southward and it was to be farther extended by the sixteenth. before this disposition could be effected the fire of the enemy became so severe that an advance movement was started and the sixth lined up facing the fort on the hill, with only one company and a half of the sixteenth on its left. while hawkins' and wikoff's brigades were preparing for the advance upon the enemy's works, pearson's brigade was approaching the ford, hurrying to the support. the twenty-first regiment of this brigade was detached from the brigade and sent directly forward on the main trail with orders to re-enforce the firing line. this regiment crossed the san juan river to the left of the main ford and rushed forward to support hawkins' left. in the meantime the two other regiments of the brigade, the second and tenth, which had preceded the twenty-first in their march from el poso, had been deflected to the left by order of the division commander and were passing to the front over the trail previously taken by wikoff's brigade, crossing the san juan at the lower ford. the tenth crossed in advance and formed in close order on the opposite side of the stream, its line facing northwest. it was soon after, however, put in battle formation and moved to the right until it connected with the twenty-first. the second regiment crossed the ford in the rear of the tenth, having been delayed considerably by the seventh-first new york volunteers, who still blocked the way between the forks and the lower ford. after crossing the ford the second put itself in line on the left of the tenth, the whole brigade being now in position to support the first and third brigades in their charge. this movement of colonel pearson's brigade had not been made without hardship and loss. all of the regiments came under the enemy's fire before reaching the san juan river and many men were killed or wounded while the regiments were gaining their positions. the movement was so well executed as to call forth from the division commander the following enconium: "i observed this movement from the fort san juan hill. colonel e.p. pearson, tenth infantry, commanding the second brigade, and the officers and troops under his command deserve great credit for the soldierly manner in which this movement was executed." although we left wikoff's brigade standing in line on the left of the lower ford, we must not imagine that it remained in that position until the above movement on the part of the second brigade had been accomplished. there was no standing still in the fierce fire to which the men of that brigade were at that time subjected--a fire which had already cut down in rapid succession three brigade commanders. the formation was no sooner completed than the rapid advance began. the thirteenth infantry holding the right of the brigade moved to the right and front, while the ninth and twenty-fourth moved almost directly to the front at first, thus partially gaining the flank of the enemy's position. the whole line moved with great rapidity across the open field and up the hill, so that when the second and tenth infantry came to their position as support, the heroic third brigade was well up the heights. to the right of the third brigade the first brigade, containing the gallant sixth, under colonel egbert, and the sixteenth, was advancing also, and the two brigades arrived at the fort almost simultaneously; so that the division commander in speaking of the capture says: "credit is almost equally due the sixth, ninth, thirteenth, sixteenth and twenty-fourth regiments of infantry." to the third brigade he gives the credit of turning the enemy's right. let us now examine more closely that sweep of the third brigade from the left of the lower ford to san juan hill, in order to trace more distinctly the pathway of honor made for itself by the twenty-fourth. this regiment formed left front into line under fire and advanced over the flat in good order, and then reformed under shelter of the hill preparatory to the final charge upon the enemy's intrenchments. the experience of the companies in crossing the flat is told by the company commanders. one company under the orders of its captain formed line of skirmishers and advanced in good order at rapid gait, reaching the foot of the hill almost exhausted. this was about the experience of all, but this company is mentioned because it was the first company of the regiment to reach the top of the hill. in crossing the flat there was necessarily some mixing of companies and in some instances men were separated from their officers, but those who escaped the enemy's bullets made their way across that plain of fire and were ready to join in the charge up the hill where only brave men could go. there was but a moment's pause for breath at the foot of the hill and the general charge all along the line began, the sixth infantry probably taking the initiative, although the gallant colonel egbert, of that regiment (since killed in the philippines), makes no such claim. in his farewell official report of the sixth he thus describes the final act: "we were now unexpectedly re-enforced. lieutenant parker, made aware by the heavy fire from the hill that a conflict was going on in his front, opened fire with his gatlings most effectively on the intrenchments, while from far down on my left i heard cheering and shouts, and saw coming up the slope towards us a multitude of skirmishers. as they drew nearer we distinguished the tall figure of general hawkins, with his aide, lieutenant ord, sixth infantry, charging at the head of the skirmishers and waving their hats. when the charge came up nearly abreast of where the sixth stood in the road i ordered the companies out through the gaps in the wire fence to join it, and they complied with the same alacrity and enthusiasm that they had displayed in entering this bloody field. the gatlings redoubled their fierce grinding of bullets on the spanish, despite which there still came a savage fire from the blockhouse and trenches. here the gallant captain wetherell, sixth infantry, fell, shot through the forehead, at the head of his company, and i received a mauser bullet through the left lung, which disabled me. but the blood of the troops was now up, and no loss of officers or men could stop them. they charged up the incline until, coming to a steep ridge near the top, they were brought to a stand by the hail of bullets from the gatlings against the summit. as soon as this could be stopped by a signal, the mingled troops of the sixth, sixteenth, thirteenth and twenty-fourth swept up and over the hill and it was won." from testimony gathered on the evening of the fight it was concluded that there were more men of the twenty-fourth infantry on the ridge in this first occupation than of any other regiment, but all of the regiments of the division had done admirably and the brave blacks of the twenty-fourth won on that day a standing in arms with the bravest of the brave. the spaniards although driven from their first line, by no means gave up the fight; but retreating to a line of intrenchments about eight hundred yards in the rear they opened upon the new-comers a fire almost as hot as before, and the troops found it difficult to hold what they had gained. the supporting regiments were coming up and strengthening the line, the men meanwhile entrenching themselves under fire as rapidly as possible. the thirteenth infantry was immediately ordered off to the right to assist the cavalry division, especially the rough riders, who were said to be in danger of having their flank turned. here it remained under fire all night. the advance and charge of the twenty-fourth made up only a part of the advance and charge of the third brigade; and this in turn was part of the attack and assault made by the whole infantry division; a movement also participated in at the same hour by the cavalry division; so that regarded as a whole, it was a mighty blow delivered on the enemy's right and centre by two-thirds of the american army, and its effect was stunning, although its full weight had not been realized by the foe. the part sustained in the assault by each regiment may be estimated by the losses experienced by each in killed and wounded. judged by this standard the brunt fell upon the sixth, sixteenth, thirteenth, and twenty-fourth, all of which regiments lost heavily, considering the short time of the action. the movement by which the twenty-fourth reached its position on that memorable st of july has called forth especial mention by the regimental commander and by the acting assistant adjutant-general of the brigade; it was also noted immediately after the battle by all the newspaper writers as one of the striking occurrences of the day. the regiment on coming under fire marched about one mile by the left flank, and then formed left front into line on its leading company, company g, commanded by captain brereton. the first man of the regiment to take position in the line was the first sergeant of g company, r.g. woods. this company when reaching its position formed on left into line, under a severe fire in front and a fire in the rear; the other companies forming in the same manner, with more or less regularity, to its left. as soon as the line was formed the order was given to charge. the advance was made across an open meadow, during which several officers were wounded, among them the officers of company f, the command of that company devolving upon its first sergeant, william rainey, who conducted the company successfully to the crest of the hill. the description of the movement of company d as given by lieutenant kerwin, who was placed in command of that company after its officers had been shot, is a very interesting document. lieutenant kerwin claims to have made his report from "close inquiries and from personal observation." according to this report the company was led across the san juan creek by its captain (ducat), the second lieutenant of the company (gurney) following it, and keeping the men well closed up. while crossing, the company encountered a terrific fire, and after advancing about ten yards beyond the stream went through a wire fence to the right, and advanced to an embankment about twenty yards from the right bank of the stream. here captain ducat gave the order to advance to the attack and the whole company opened out in good order in line of skirmishers and moved rapidly across the open plain to the foot of san juan hill. in making this movement across the plain the line was under fire and the brave lieutenant gurney was killed, and first sergeant ellis, corporal keys and privates robinson and johnson wounded. it was a race with death, but the company arrived at the base of the hill in good form, though well-nigh exhausted. after breathing a moment the men were ready to follow their intrepid commander, captain ducat, up the hill, and at twelve o'clock they gained the summit, being the first company of the regiment to reach the top of the hill. just as they reached the crest the brave ducat fell, shot through the hip, probably by a spanish sharpshooter, thus depriving the company of its last commissioned officer, and leaving its first sergeant also disabled. the commander of the regiment speaks of its doings in a very modest manner, but in a tone to give the reader confidence in what he says. he became temporarily separated from the regiment, but made his way to the crest of the hill in company with the adjutant and there found a part of his command. he says a creditable number of the men of his regiment reached the top of the hill among the first to arrive there. the commander of the second battalion, captain wygant, crossed the meadow, or flat, some distance ahead of the battalion, but as the men subsequently charged up the hill, he was unable to keep up with them, so rapid was their gait it was from this battalion that captain ducat's company broke away and charged on the right of the battalion, arriving, as has been said, first on the top of the hill. as the regiment arrived captain wygant, finding himself the ranking officer on the ground, assembled it and assigned each company its place. captain dodge, who commanded company c in this assault, and who subsequently died in the yellow fever hospital at siboney, mentions the fact that captain wygant led the advance in person, and says that in the charge across the open field the three companies, c, b and h, became so intermixed that it was impossible for the company commanders to distinguish their own men from those of the other companies, yet he says he had the names of twenty men of his own company who reached the trenches at fort san juan in that perilous rush on that fiery mid-day. the testimony of all the officers of the regiment is to the effect that the men behaved splendidly, and eight of them have been given certificates of merit for gallantry in the action of july . the losses of the regiment in that advance were numerous, the killed, wounded and missing amounted to , which number was swelled to during the next two days. so many men falling in so short a time while advancing in open order tells how severe was the fire they were facing and serves to modify the opinion which was so often expressed about the time the war broke out, to the effect that the spanish soldiers were wanting both in skill and bravery. they contradicted this both at el caney and at san juan. in the latter conflict they held their ground until the last moment and inflicted a loss upon their assailants equal to the number engaged in the defence of the heights. since july , , expatiation on the cowardice and lack of skill of the spanish soldier has ceased to be a profitable literary occupation. too many journalists and correspondents were permitted to witness the work of spanish sharpshooters, and to see their obstinate resistance to the advance of our troops, to allow comments upon the inefficiency of the spanish army to pass unnoticed. our army from the beginning was well impressed with the character of the foe and nerved itself accordingly. the bravery of our own soldiers was fully recognized by the men who surrendered to our army and who were capable of appreciating it, because they themselves were not wanting in the same qualities. [transcriber's note: this footnote appeared in the text without a footnote anchor: "the intrenchments of san juan were defended by two companies of spanish infantry, numbering about two hundred and fifty to three hundred men. at about o'clock in the morning reinforcements were sent to them, bringing the number up to about seven hundred and fifty men. there were two pieces of mountain artillery on these hills, the rest of the artillery fire against our troops on that day being from batteries close to the city."--in cuba with shafter (miley), page .] chapter ix. the surrender, and afterwards. in the trenches--the twenty-fourth in the fever camp--are negro soldiers immune?--camp wikoff. after the battle of el caney the twenty-fifth infantry started for the mango grove, where the blanket rolls and haversacks had been left in the morning, and on its way passed the second massachusetts volunteers standing by the roadside. this regiment had seen the charge of the twenty-fifth up the hillside, and they now manifested their appreciation of the gallantry of the black regulars in an ovation of applause and cheers. this was the foundation for sergeant harris' reply when on another occasion seeing the manifest kind feelings of this regiment to the twenty-fifth, i remarked: "those men think you are soldiers." "they know we are soldiers," replied the sergeant. the regiment bivouacked in the main road leading from el caney to santiago, but sleep was out of the question. what with the passing of packtrains and artillery, and the issuing of rations and ammunition, the first half of the night gave no time for rest; and shortly after o'clock, apprehensions of a spanish attack put every one on the alert. at . the march to the rear was commenced and the entire division passed around by el poso and advanced to the front by the aguadores road, finally reaching a position on wheeler's right about noon, july . subsequently the line of investment was extended to the right, the cuban forces under general garcia holding the extreme right connecting with the water front on that side of the city. next to them came ludlow's mckibben's and chaffee's forces. in mckibben's brigade was the twenty-fifth, which dug its last trench on cuban soil on july th, on the railroad running out from santiago to the northwest. this intrenchment was the nearest to the city made by any american organization, and in this the regiment remained until the surrender. the twenty-fourth remained entrenched over to the left, in general kent's division, lying to the right of the st. this regiment ( th) had won great credit in its advance upon the enemy, but it was to win still greater in the field of humanity. capt. leavel, who commanded company a, said: "it would be hard to particularize in reporting upon the men of the company. all--non-commissioned officers, privates, even newly joined recruits--showed a desire to do their duty, yea, more than their duty, which would have done credit to seasoned veterans. too much cannot be said of their courage, willingness and endurance." captain wygant, who commanded the second battalion of the regiment, says: "the gallantry and bearing shown by the officers and soldiers of the regiment under this trying ordeal was such that it has every reason to be proud of its record. the losses of the regiment, which are shown by the official records, show the fire they were subjected to. the casualties were greater among the officers than the men, which is accounted for by the fact that the enemy had posted in the trees sharpshooters, whose principal business was to pick them off." there is no countenance given in official literature to the absurd notion maintained by some, that it was necessary for the officers of black troops to expose themselves unusually in order to lead their troops, and that this fact accounts for excessive losses among them. the fact is that the regular officer's code is such that he is compelled to occupy the place in battle assigned him in the tactics, and no matter how great his cowardice of heart may be, he must go forward until ordered to halt. the penalty of cowardice is something to be dreaded above wounds or even death by some natures. "colored troops are brave men when led by white officers."(?) as a matter of fact there is very little leading of any sort by officers in battle. the officer's place is in the rear of the firing line, directing, not leading, and it is his right and duty to save his own life if possible, and that of every man in his command, even while seeking to destroy the enemy, in obedience to orders. the record of the twenty-fourth for bravery was established beyond question when it swept across that open flat and up san juan hill on that hot mid-day of july st, . after lying in the trenches until july th, the news reached the camp of the twenty-fourth that yellow fever had broken out in the army, and that a large hospital and pest-house had been established at siboney. about o'clock that day an order came to the commanding officer of the regiment directing him to proceed with his regiment to siboney and report to the medical officer there. the regiment started on its march at . , numbering at that time companies, containing officers and men. marching on in the night, going through thickets and across streams, the men were heard singing a fine old hymn: when through the deep waters i call thee to go, the rivers of woe shall not thee o'erflow; for i will be with thee, thy troubles to bless, and sanctify to thee they deepest distress. in view of what was before them, the words were very appropriate. they arrived on the hill at siboney at . on the morning of july th. without discussing the graphic story told by correspondents of the highest respectability describing the regiment as volunteering, to a man, to nurse the sick and dying at siboney, we will rather follow the official records of their doings in that fever-stricken place. on arriving at siboney on the morning of july , sunday, major markely, then in command of the regiment, met colonel greenleaf of the medical department, and informed him that the twenty-fourth infantry was on the ground. colonel greenleaf was just leaving the post, but major la garde, his successor, manifested his great pleasure in seeing this form of assistance arrive. such a scene of misery presented itself to major markely's eyes that he, soldier as he was, was greatly affected, and assured major la garde that he was prepared personally to sink every other consideration and devote himself to giving what assistance he could in caring for the sick, and that he believed his whole regiment would feel as he did when they came to see the situation. in this he was not mistaken. the officers and men of the twenty-fourth infantry did give themselves up to the care of the sick and dying, furnishing all help in their power until their own health and strength gave way, in some instances laying down even their lives in this noble work. on the day of arrival seventy men were called for to nurse yellow fever patients and do other work about the hospital. more than this number immediately volunteered to enter upon a service which they could well believe meant death to some of them. the camp was so crowded and filthy that the work of cleaning it was begun at once by the men of the twenty-fourth, and day by day they labored as their strength would permit, in policing the camp, cooking the food for themselves and for the hospital, unloading supplies, taking down and removing tents, and numberless other details of necessary labor. despite all the care that could be taken under such conditions as were found at siboney, the yellow fever soon overran the entire camp, and of the officers of the regiment, had died, more were expected to die; were dangerously ill, and more or less so. out of the whole sixteen there were but three really fit for duty, and often out of the whole regiment it would be impossible to get men who could go on fatigue duty. out of the men who marched to siboney only escaped sickness, and on one day were down. those who would recover remained weak and unfit for labor. silently, without murmuring, did these noble heroes, officers and men, stand at their post ministering to the necessities of their fellowman until the welcome news came that the regiment would be sent north and the hospital closed as soon as possible. on august major la garde, more entitled to the honor of being classed among the heroes of santiago than some whose opportunities of brilliant display were vastly superior, succumbed to the disease. the fact should be borne in mind that all of these men, officers, soldiers and surgeons, went upon this pest-house duty after the severe labors of assault of july - , and the two weeks of terrible strain and exposure in the trenches before santiago, and with the sick and wounded consequent upon these battles and labors--none were strong. on july th, the day after the twenty-fourth left the trenches, the surrender was made and on the next morning the final ceremonies of turning over santiago to the american forces took place, and the soldiers were allowed to come out of their ditches and enter into more comfortable camps. the hardships of the period after the surrender were not much less than those experienced while in the lines. on the th of august the twenty-fourth infantry, having obtained an honorable release from its perilous duty, marched out of siboney with band playing and colors flying to go on board the transport for montauk; but of the men who marched into siboney, only were able to march out, directed by out of the officers that marched in with them. altogether there were officers and men who went on board the transport, but all except the number first given were unable to take their places in the ranks. they went on board the steamer nueces, and coming from an infected camp, no doubt great care was taken that the transport should arrive at its destination in a good condition. although there was sickness on board, there were no deaths on the passage, and the nueces arrived in port "one of the cleanest ships that came to that place." the official report states that the nueces arrived at montauk point september , with troops on board; sick, no deaths on the voyage, and not infected. worn out by the hard service the regiment remained a short time at montauk and then returned to its former station, fort douglass, utah, leaving its camp at montauk in such a thoroughly creditable condition as to elicit official remark. while the twenty-fourth infantry had without doubt the hardest service, after the surrender, of any of the colored regiments, the others were not slumbering at ease. lying in the trenches almost constantly for two weeks, drenched with rains, scorched by the burning sun at times, and chilled by cool nights, subsisting on food not of the best and poorly cooked, cut off from news and kept in suspense, when the surrender finally came it found our army generally very greatly reduced in vital force. during the period following, from july th to about the same date in august the re-action fell with all its weight upon the troops, rendering them an easy prey to the climatic influences by which they were surrounded.[ ] pernicious malarial fever, bowel troubles and yellow fever were appearing in all the regiments; and the colored troops appeared as susceptible as their white comrades. the theory had been advanced that they were less susceptible to malarial fever, and in a certain sense this appears to be true; but the experience of our army in cuba, as well as army statistics published before the cuban war, do not bear out the popular view of the theory. the best that can be said from the experience of cuba is to the effect that the blacks may be less liable to yellow fever and may more quickly rally from the effects of malarial fever. these conclusions are, however, by no means well established. the twenty-fourth suffered excessively from fevers of both kinds, and in the judgment of the commanding officer of the regiment "effectually showed that colored soldiers were not more immune from cuban fever than white," but we must remember that the service of the twenty-fourth was exceptional. the twenty-fifth infantry lost but one man during the whole campaign from climatic disease, john a. lewis, and it is believed that could he have received proper medical care his life would have been saved. yet this regiment suffered severely from fever as did also the ninth and tenth cavalry. arriving at montauk[ ] early the author had the opportunity to see the whole of the fifth army corps disembark on its return from cuba, and was so impressed with its forlorn appearance that he then wrote of it as coming home on stretchers. pale, emaciated, weak and halting, they came, with , sick, and reporting deaths on the voyage. but, as general wheeler said in his report, "the great bulk of the troops that were at santiago were by no means well." never before had the people seen an army of stalwart men so suddenly transformed into an army of invalids. and yet while all the regiments arriving showed the effects of the hardships they had endured, the black regulars, excepting the twenty-fourth infantry, appeared to have slightly the advantage. the arrival of the tenth cavalry in "good condition" was an early cheering item in the stream of suffering and debility landing from the transports. seeing all of the troops land and remaining at camp wikoff until its days were nearly numbered, the writer feels sure that the colored troops arrived from the front in as good condition as the best, and that they recuperated with marked comparative rapidity. the chaplain of the twenty-fifth infantry, while en route to join his regiment at montauk, thinking seriously over the condition of the men returning from such a hard experience, concluded that nothing would be more grateful to them than a reasonable supply of ripe fruit, fresh from the orchards and fields. he therefore sent a dispatch to the daily evening news, published in bridgeton, n.j., asking the citizens of that community to contribute a carload of melons and fruits for the men of the twenty-fifth, or for the whole camp, if they so wished. subsequently mentioning the fact to the commanding officer of the regiment, lieutenant-colonel daggett, he heartily commended the idea, believing that the fruit would be very beneficial. the good people of bridgeton took hold of the matter heartily, and in a short time forwarded to the regiment more than four hundred of jersey's finest watermelons, fresh from the vines. these were distributed judiciously and the health of the men began to improve forthwith. soon five hundred more arrived, sent by a patriotic citizen of philadelphia. these were also distributed. ladies of brooklyn forwarded peaches and vegetables, and supplies of all sorts now were coming in abundance. our men improved so rapidly as to be the occasion of remark by correspondents of the press. they were spoken of as being apparently in good condition. while engaged in the work of supplying their physical wants the chaplain was taken to task by a correspondent of leslie's for being too much concerned in getting a carload of watermelons for his regiment, to go over to a graveyard and pray over the dead. the next day the chaplain made haste to go over to that particular graveyard to relieve the country from the crying shame that the correspondent had pointed out, only to find two men already there armed with prayer-books and one of them especially so fearful that he would not get a chance to read a prayer over a dead soldier, that the chaplain found it necessary to assure him that the opportunity to pray should not be taken from him; and thus another popular horror was found to be without reality. the colored ladies of brooklyn organized a soldiers' aid society, and besides contributing in a general way, as already mentioned, also made and presented to the soldiers about four hundred home-made pies, which were most highly appreciated. they also prepared a tasty souvenir commemorative of the heroic work performed by the troops in cuba, and expressive of high appreciation of the gallantry of the colored regiments. a beautiful stand of colors was also procured for the twenty-fourth infantry, which were subsequently presented to the regiment with appropriate ceremonies. at the camp were three colored chaplains and one colored surgeon, serving with the regular army, and their presence was of great value in the way of accustoming the people at large to beholding colored men as commissioned officers. to none were more attention shown than to these colored men, and there was apparently no desire to infringe upon their rights. occasionally a very petty social movement might be made by an insignificant, with a view of humiliating a negro chaplain, but such efforts usually died without harm to those aimed at and apparently without special comfort to those who engineered them. the following paragraphs, written while in camp at the time indicated in them, may serve a good purpose by their insertion here, showing as they do the reflections of the writer as well as in outlining the more important facts associated with that remarkable encampment: * * * * * camp wikoff and its lessons. now that the days of this camp are drawing to a close it is profitable to recall its unique history and gather up some of the lessons it has taught us. despite all the sensationalism, investigations, testings, experimentation, and general condemnation, the camp at montauk accomplished what was intended, and was itself a humane and patriotic establishment. it is not for me to say whether a better site might not have been selected, or whether the camp might not have been better managed. i will take it for granted that improvement might have been made in both respects, but our concern is rather with what was, than with what "might have been." to appreciate camp wikoff we must consider two things specially; first, its purpose, and secondly, the short time allowed to prepare it; and then go over the whole subject and properly estimate its extent and the amount of labor involved. the intention of the camp was to afford a place where our troops, returning from cuba, prostrated with climatic fever, and probably infected with yellow fever, might receive proper medical treatment and care, until the diseases were subdued. the site was selected with this in view, and the conditions were admirably suited to such a purpose. completely isolated, on dry soil, with dry pure air, cool climate, away from mosquitoes, the camp seemed all that was desired for a great field hospital. here the sick could come and receive the best that nature had to bestow in the way of respite from the heat, and pure ocean breezes, and, taken altogether, the experiences of august and a good part of september, have justified the selection of montauk. while prostrations were occurring elsewhere, the camp was cool and delightful most of the time. as to the preparations, it must be remembered that the recall of the whole army of invasion from cuba was made in response to a popular demand, and as a measure of humanity. bring the army home! was the call, and, bring it at once! [illustration] such urgency naturally leaps ahead of minor preparations. the soldiers wanted to come; the people wanted them to come; hence the crowding of transports and the lack of comforts on the voyages; hence the lack of hospital accommodations when the troops began to arrive. haste almost always brings about such things; but sometimes haste is imperative. this was the case in getting the army out of cuba and into camp at montauk in august, ' . haste was pushed to that point when omissions had to occur, and inconvenience and suffering resulted. we must also remember the condition of the men who came to montauk. about , were reported as sick before they left cuba; but, roughly speaking, there were , sick men landing in montauk. those who were classed as well were, with rare exceptions, both mentally and physically incapable of high effort. it was an invalid army, with nearly one-half of its number seriously sick and suffering. ten thousand sick soldiers were never on our hands before, and the mighty problem was not realized until the transports began to emit their streams of weakness and walking death at montauk. the preparation was altogether inadequate for such a mass of misery, and for a time all appeared confusion. then came severe, cruel, merciless criticisms; deserved in some cases no doubt, but certainly not everywhere. the faults, gaps, failures, were everywhere to be seen, and it was easy to see and to say what ought to have been done. but the situation at camp wikoff from august th to sep. th needed more than censure; it needed help. the men who were working for the government in both the medical and commissary departments needed assistance; the former in the way of nurses, and the latter in the way of appropriate food. the censure and exposure indulged in by the press may have contributed to direct the attention of the benevolently disposed to the conditions in the camp. then came the era of ample help; from massachusetts; from new york, in a word, from all over the country. the merchants' relief association poured in its thousands of dollars worth of supplies, bringing them to the camp and distributing them generously and wisely. the women's patriotic relief, the women's war relief, the international brotherhood league, and the powerful red cross society, all poured in food and comforts for the sick thousands. besides these great organizations there were also the spontaneous offerings of the people, many of them generously distributed by the brooklyn daily eagle's active representatives. the tent of that journal was an excellent way-mark and a veritable house of the good shepherd for many a lost wanderer, as well as a place of comfort, cheer and rest. the work done was very valuable and highly appreciated. to the medical department came the trained hand of the female nurse. no one who saw these calm-faced, white-hooded sisters, or the cheery cheeked, white capped nurses from the schools, could fail to see that they were in the right place. the sick soldier's lot was brightened greatly when the gentle female nurse came to his cot. woman can never be robbed of her right to nurse. this is one of the lessons taught by the hispano-american war. this vast army has been handled. no yellow fever has been spread. the general health has been restored. the disabled are mostly housed in hospitals, and many of them are on the road to recovery. some have died; some are on furlough, and many have gone to their homes. the regulars are repairing to their stations quite invigorated, and greatly helped in many ways by the kind treatment they have received. camp wikoff was not a failure; but a great and successful object lesson, as well as a great summer school in nationalism. here black, white and indian soldiers fraternized; here northerners and southerners served under the same orders. ten thousand soldiers and as many civilians daily attended the best school of its kind ever held in this country, striving to take home to their hearts the lessons that god is teaching the nations. the rev. sylvester malone thus sums up the message of the war to us in his letter to the committee to welcome brooklyn's soldiers: "this short war has done so much for america at home and abroad that we must take every soldier to our warmest affection and send him back to peaceful pursuits on the conviction that there is nothing higher in our american life than to have the privilege to cheer and gladden the marine and the soldier that have left to america her brightest and best page of a great history. this past war must kindle in our souls a love of all the brethren, black as well as white, catholic as well as protestant, having but one language, one nationality, and it is to be hoped, yet one religion." these are true words, as full of patriotism as they are of fraternity, and these are the two special lessons taught at montauk--a broad, earnest, practical fraternity, and a love of country before which the petty prejudices of race and section were compelled to yield ground. the young men's christian association in camp wikoff. the young men's christian association has done an excellent work in camp wikoff. their tents have afforded facilities for profitable amusements, in the way of quiet games, thus bringing out the use of these games distinct from their abuse--gambling. their reading tables have also been well supplied with papers and magazines, religious and secular, generally very acceptable to the soldiers, as attested by the numbers that read them. but perhaps best of all, has been the provision made for the soldiers to write. tables, pens, ink, paper and envelopes have been supplied in abundance. these were of great advantage to soldiers living in tents, and the work of the association in this respect cannot be too highly commended. the specially religious work of the association as i have seen it, consists of three divisions: first, the meetings in their tents, held nightly and on sundays. these have been vigorously carried on and well attended, the chaplains of the camp often rendering assistance. secondly, i have noticed the y.m.c.a. men visiting the sick in the hospitals and camps, giving the word of exhortation and help to the sick. perhaps, however, in their work of private conversation with the well men, they have done as much real service for god as in either of the other two fields. they have made the acquaintance of many men and have won the respect of the camp. this i have numbered as the third division of their work--personal contact with the soldiers of the camp, at the same time keeping themselves "unspotted from the world." b. the th infantry was ordered down to siboney to do guard duty. when the regiment reached the yellow-fever hospital it was found to be in a deplorable condition. men were dying there every hour for the lack of proper nursing. major markley, who had commanded the regiment since july st, when colonel liscum was wounded, drew his regiment up in line, and dr. la garde, in charge of the hospital, explained the needs of the suffering, at the same time clearly setting forth the danger to men who were not immune, of nursing and attending yellow-fever patients. major markley then said that any man who wished to volunteer to nurse in the yellow-fever hospital could step forward. the whole regiment stepped forward. sixty men were selected from the volunteers to nurse, and within forty-eight hours forty-two of these brave fellows were down seriously ill with yellow or pernicious malarial fever. again the regiment was drawn up in line, and again major markley said that nurses were needed, and that any man who wished to do so could volunteer. after the object lesson which the men had received in the last few days of the danger from contagion to which they would be exposed, it was now unnecessary for dr. la garde to again warn the brave blacks of the terrible contagion. when the request for volunteers to replace those who had already fallen in the performance of their dangerous and perfectly optional duty was made again, the regiment stepped forward as one man. when sent down from the trenches the regiment consisted of eight companies, averaging about forty men each. of the officers and men who remained on duty the forty days spent in siboney, only twenty-four escaped without serious illness, and of this handful not a few succumbed to fevers on the voyage home and after their arrival at montauk. as a result, thirty-six died and about forty were discharged from the regiment owing to disabilities resulting from sickness which began in the yellow-fever hospital.--bonsal's fight for santiago. footnotes: [ ] "after the surrender, dear chaplain, the real trouble and difficulties began. such a period, from july , to august , , was never before known to human beings, i hope. the starving time was nothing to the fever time, where scores died per day. we were not permitted to starve; but had fever, and had it bad; semi-decayed beef, both from refrigerators and from cans. we had plenty of fever, but no clothing until very late; no medicine save a little quinine which was forced into you all the time, intermittent only with bad meat."--extract from a soldier's letter. [ ] while the twenty-fifth infantry was in camp at chickamauga park i was ordered to xenia, ohio, on recruiting duty, and on july . on seeing the reports of the wounded i asked officially to be ordered to my regiment. an order to that effect came about a month later, directing me to join my regiment by way of tampa, florida. arriving in tampa, my destination was changed by telegraph to montauk point, n.y., whither i arrived a few days before the regiment did. chapter x. review and reflections. gallantry of the black regulars--diary of sergeant-major e.l. baker, tenth cavalry. it is time now to sum up the work of the four regiments whose careers we have thus far followed, and to examine the grounds upon which the golden opinions they won in battle and siege are based. we have seen that in the first fight, that of las guasimas, on june th, the tenth cavalry, especially troops i and b, both with their small arms and with the machine guns belonging to troop b, did most effective work against the spanish right, joining with the first cavalry in overcoming that force which was rapidly destroying roosevelt's rough riders. nor should it be forgotten that in this first fight, troop b, which did its full share, was commanded on the firing line by sergeants john buck and james thompson. in the squad commanded by sergeant thompson several men of the first regular cavalry fought and it is claimed were highly pleased with him as squad commander. while this was the first fight of the men of the tenth cavalry with the spaniards, it was by no means their first experience under fire. from the time of the organization of the regiment in up to within a year of the war, the men had been engaged frequently in conflicts with indians and marauders, often having men killed and wounded in their ranks. the fights were participated in by small numbers, and the casualties were not numerous, but there were opportunities for the acquirement of skill and the display of gallantry. altogether the men of the regiment during their experience on the plains engaged in sixty-two battles and skirmishes. this training had transformed the older men of the regiment into veterans and enabled them to be cool and efficient in their first fight in cuba. sergeant buck, upon whom the command of troop b chiefly fell after becoming separated from his lieutenant in the battle at guasimas, joined the regiment in , and had already passed through eighteen years of the kind of service above described. he was at the time of the cuban war in the prime of life, a magnificent horseman, an experienced scout, and a skilled packer. in , when he joined the regiment, the troops were almost constantly in motion, marching that one year nearly seventy-seven thousand miles, his own troop covering twelve hundred and forty-two miles in one month. this troop with four others made a ride of sixty-five miles in less than twenty-one hours, arriving at their destination without the loss of a single horse. in he was mentioned by the commanding officer of fort missoula, montana, for highly meritorious service, skill and energy displayed while in charge of pack train of an expedition across the bitter root mountains, idaho, during the most inclement weather, in quest of a party of gentlemen lost. (letter of commanding officer, fort missoula, montana, february , .) sergeant buck has also won the silver medal for revolver shooting. sergeant james thompson joined the regiment in , and has passed the ten years in the one troop, and proved himself at las guasimas a soldier worthy his regiment. the first battle gave the tenth a reputation in a new field, corresponding to that which it had gained in the west, and this was not allowed to fade during its stay in cuba. the fame of this first action spread rapidly through the army and inspired the other regiments of colored men with a desire to distinguish themselves on this new field of honor, and their readiness to be to the front and to take prominent part in all service was so marked that opportunity could not be withheld from them. as the army advanced toward santiago these regiments became more and more the mark of observation by foreign military men who were present, and by the great throng of correspondents who were the eyes for the people of the civilized world. and hence, when the lines of assault were finally determined and the infantry and cavalry of our army deployed for its perilous attack upon the spanish fortifications the black regiments were in their places, conspicuous by their vigor and enthusiasm. in them were enlisted men whose time of service had expired a few days before, but who had promptly re-enlisted. in at least two cases were men who served their full thirty years and could have retired with honor at the breaking out of the war. they preferred to share the fortunes of their comrades in arms, and it is a comfort to be able to record that the two spoken of came home from the fight without a wound and with health unimpaired. how many others there were in the same case in the army is not reported, but the supposition is that there were several such in both the white and colored regiments. recalling the scenes of that memorable first of july, , we can see the twenty-fifth infantry advancing steadily on the stone fort at el caney at one time entirely alone, meeting the fire of the fort even up to their last rush forward. captain loughborough, who commanded company b, of that regiment, and although his company was in the reserve, was nevertheless under fire, says: "the hardest fighting of the twenty-fifth was between two and four o'clock," at which time all the other troops of the attacking force, except bates' brigade, were under cover and remaining stationary, the twenty-fifth being the only organization that was advancing. the official reports give the positions of general chaffee's brigade during the two hours between two o'clock and four of that afternoon as follows: the seventh was under partial cover and remained in its position "until about . p.m." the seventeenth remained with its left joined to the right of the seventh "until the battle was over." the twelfth infantry was in its shelter within yards of the fort "until about p.m." ludlow's brigade was engaged with the town, hence only miles' brigade, consisting of the fourth and twenty-fifth infantry, was advancing upon the fort. the fourth infantry was soon checked in its advance, as general daggett especially notes in his report, and the twenty-fifth was thus thrust forward alone, excepting bates' brigade, which was making its way up the right. this conspicuous advance of the twenty-fifth brought that regiment into the view of the world, and established for it a brilliant reputation for skill and courage. arriving in the very jaws of the fort the sharpshooters and marksmen of that regiment poured such a deadly fire into the loopholes of the fort that they actually silenced it with their rifles. these men with the sternness of iron and the skill acquired by long and careful training, impressed their characteristics on the minds of all their beholders. of the four hundred men who went on the field that morning very few were recruits, and many had passed over ten years in the service. when they "took the battle formation and advanced to the stone fort more like veterans than troops who had never been under fire," as their commander reports, they gave to the world a striking exhibition of the effect of military training. in each breast a spirit of bravery had been developed and their skill in the use of their arms did not for a moment forsake them. they advanced against volleys from the fort and rifle pits in front, and a galling fire from blockhouses, the church tower and the village on their left. before a less severe fire than this, on that very day, a regiment of white volunteers had succumbed and was lying utterly demoralized by the roadside; before this same fire the second massachusetts volunteers were forced to retire--in the face of it the twenty-fifth advanced steadily to its goal. lieutenant moss, who commanded company h on the firing line on that day, has published an account in which he says: "the town was protected on the north by three blockhouses and the church; on the west by three blockhouses (and partially by the church); on the east by the stone fort, one blockhouse, the church, and three rifle pits; on the south and southeast by the stone fort, three blockhouses, one loop-holed house, the church and eight rifle pits. however, the second brigade was sent forward against the southeast of the town, thus being exposed to fire from fourteen sources, nearly all of which were in different planes, forming so many tiers of fire. the cover on the south and southeast of the town was no better than, if as good, as that on the other sides." the cavalry regiments were no less conspicuous in their gallantry at san juan than was the twenty-fifth infantry at el caney. the brilliancy of that remarkable regiment, the rough riders, commanded on july st by colonel roosevelt, was so dazzling that it drew attention away from the ordinary regulars, yet the five regiments of regular cavalry did their duty as thoroughly on that day as did the regiment of volunteers.[ ] in this body of cavalry troops, where courage was elevated to a degree infringing upon the romantic, the two black regiments took their places, and were fit to be associated in valor with that highly representative regiment. the inspector-general turns aside from mere routine in his report long enough to say "the courage and conduct of the colored troops and first united states volunteers seemed always up to the best." that these black troopers held no second place in valor is proven by their deeds, and from the testimony of all who observed their conduct, and that they with the other regulars were decidedly superior in skill was recognized by the volunteer colonel himself. the ninth cavalry, although suffering considerably in that advance on east hill, involved as it was, more or less, with roosevelt's regiment, did not receive so large a share of public notice as its sister regiment. the strength of the ninth was but little over one-half that of the tenth, and its movements were so involved with those of the volunteers as to be somewhat obscured by them; the loss also of its commander just as the first position of the enemy fell into our hands, was a great misfortune to the regiment. the ninth, however, was with the first that mounted the heights, and whatever praise is to be bestowed upon the rough riders in that assault is to be distributed in equal degree to the men of that regiment. being in the leading brigade of the division this regiment had been firing steadily upon the spanish works before the charge was ordered, and when the movement began the men of the ninth advanced so rapidly that they were among the first to reach the crest. the tenth regiment, with its hotchkiss guns, and its trained men, took its place in the line that morning to add if possible further lustre to the distinction already won. in crossing the flat, in climbing the heights, and in holding the ridge these brave men did all that could be expected of them. roosevelt said: "the colored troops did as well as any soldiers could possibly do," meaning the colored men of the ninth and tenth cavalry. to their officers he bestows a meed of praise well deserved, but not on the peculiar ground which he brings forward. he would have the reader believe that it has required special ability and effort to bring these colored men up to the condition of good soldiers and to induce them to do so well in battle; while the testimony of the officers themselves and the experience of more than a quarter of a century with colored professional troops give no countenance to any such theory. the voice of experience is that the colored man is specially apt as a soldier, and general merritt declares him always brave in battle. the officers commanding colored troops at santiago honored themselves in their reports of the battles by giving full credit to the men in the ranks, who by their resolute advance and their cool and accurate firing dislodged an intrenched foe and planted the flag of our union where had floated the ensign of spain. that rushing line of dismounted cavalry, so ably directed by sumner, did not get to its goal without loss. as it swept across the open to reach the heights, it faced a well-directed fire from the spanish works, and men dropped from the ranks, wounded and dying. of the officers directing that advance fell either killed or wounded and men. these numbers appear small when hastily scanned or when brought into comparison with the losses in battle during the civil war, but if we take time to imagine officers lying on the ground either killed or wounded and men in the same condition, the carnage will not appear insignificant. woe enough followed even that one short conflict. it must be observed also that the whole strength of this division was less than men, so that about one out of every eight had been struck by shot or shell. several enlisted men among the colored cavalry displayed high soldierly qualities in this assault, evidencing a willingness to assume the responsibility of command and the ability to lead. color-sergeant george berry became conspicuous at once by his brilliant achievement of carrying the colors of two regiments, those of his own and of the third cavalry. the color-sergeant of the latter regiment had fallen and berry seized the colors and bore them up the hill with his own. the illustrated press gave some attention to this exploit at the time, but no proper recognition of it has as yet been made. sergeant berry's character as a soldier had been formed long before this event, and his reputation for daring was already well established. he entered the service in and when he carried that flag up san juan was filling out his thirty-first year in the service. all this time he had passed in the cavalry and had engaged in many conflicts with hostile indians and ruffians on our frontiers. perhaps the most important parts taken by any enlisted men in the cavalry division were those taken by sergeants foster and givens. the former was first sergeant of troop g and as the troop was making its way to the hill by some means the spaniards were able not only to discover them but also the direction in which they were moving and to determine their exact range. sergeant foster ventured to tell the lieutenant in charge that the course of advance should be changed as they were marching directly into the enemy's guns. "silence," shouted the lieutenant. "come on, men; follow me." "all right, sir," said the sergeant; "we'll go as far as you will." the next instant the lieutenant was shot through the head, leaving sergeant foster in command. immediately the troop was deployed out of the dangerous range and the sergeant by the exercise of good judgment brought his men to the crest of the hill without losing one from his ranks. at the time of this action sergeant foster was a man who would readily command attention. born in texas and a soldier almost continuously since , part of which time had been passed in an infantry regiment, he had acquired valuable experience. in , while serving in the cavalry, he had been complimented in general orders for skill in trailing raiding parties in arizona. he was a resolute and stalwart soldier, an excellent horseman and possessed of superior judgment, and with a reputation for valor which none who knew him would question. the return of troop g, tenth cavalry, for july, , contains the following note: "lieutenant roberts was wounded early in the engagement; lieutenant smith was killed about . a.m. while gallantly leading the troop in the advance line. after lieutenant smith fell the command of the troop devolved upon first sergeant saint foster, who displayed remarkable intelligence and ability in handling the troop during the remainder of the day. sergeant foster's conduct was such as cannot be excelled for valor during the operations around santiago. he commanded the troop up the hills of san juan." sergeant william h. givens, of troop d, tenth cavalry, also commanded in the action against san juan. his captain, who was wounded three times in the fight, being finally disabled before reaching the hill, makes the following report: "sergeant william h. givens was with the platoon which i commanded; whenever i observed him he was at his post exercising a steadying or encouraging influence on the men, and conducting himself like the thorough soldier that i have long known him to be. i understand to my great satisfaction that he has been rewarded by an appointment to a lieutenancy in an immune regiment." the descriptive list of sergeant givens, made on august th, , contains these remarks: "commanded his troop with excellent judgment after his captain fell at the battle of san juan, july , , leading it up the hill to the attack of the blockhouse. "character: a most excellent soldier."[ ] sergeant givens may also be called an "old-timer." he had enlisted in ' , and had passed all that time in hard frontier service. the troop in which he enlisted during the years - was almost constantly engaged with hostile indians along the mexican border, and sergeant givens was called upon to take part in numerous scouts in which there were many striking adventures. he was also in that memorable campaign against victoria, conducted by general grierson. sergeant givens was an ideal soldier and worthy the commendations bestowed upon him by his troop commander and others. captain bigelow received his disabling wound about seventy-five yards from the blockhouse and was taken to the rear under heavy fire by two soldiers of the troop by the name of henderson and boardman. lieutenant kennington, reporting the work of the troop on that morning says that corporal j. walker was probably the first soldier to reach the top of the hill and is believed to have shot the spaniard who killed lieutenant ord. the report containing the above statement is dated july , . since that time the matter has been fully investigated by captain bigelow and the fact ascertained that corporal walker did arrive first on the hill and did shoot the spaniard referred to and he has been recommended for a medal of honor in consequence. the sergeant-major of the tenth cavalry, mr. e.l. baker, who served with great credit during the santiago campaign, is a soldier with an excellent record. he was born of french and american parentage in wyoming and enlisted in the ninth cavalry as trumpeter in , serving five years in that regiment. he then enlisted in the tenth cavalry, and in became sergeant-major. being desirous of perfecting himself in the cavalry service he applied for an extended furlough with permission to leave the country, intending to enter a cavalry school in france. in this desire he was heartily endorsed by the officers of his regiment, and was specially commended by general miles, who knew him as a soldier and who highly appreciated him as such. the breaking out of the spanish war soon after he had made application prevented a full consideration of his case. in sergeant-major baker published a specially valuable "roster of the non-commissioned officers of the tenth u.s. cavalry, with some regimental reminiscences, etc.," which has been of marked service in the preparation of the sketches of the enlisted men of his regiment. he contributes the interesting sketch of his experiences in cuba with his regiment, which follows this chapter, and which will prove to many perhaps the most interesting portion of my book. the twenty-fourth infantry advanced in that line of attack on the extreme left and reached the crest of the san juan hills in such numbers as to lead the press correspondents and others to conclude that there were more men of this regiment promptly on the ground than of any other one regiment. it is certain they made a record for heroism in that assault as bright as any won on the field that day; and this record they raised to a magnificent climax by their subsequent work in the fever hospital at siboney. for their distinguished service both in the field and in the hospital, the colored ladies of new york honored themselves in presenting the regiment the beautiful stand of colors already mentioned. as these fever-worn veterans arrived at montauk they presented a spectacle well fitted to move strong men to tears. in solemn silence they marched from on board the transport nueces, which had brought them from cuba, and noiselessly they dragged their weary forms over the sandy roads and up the hill to the distant "detention camp." twenty-eight of their number were reported sick, but the whole regiment was in ill-health. these were the men who had risked their lives and wrecked their health in service for others. forty days they had stood face to face with death. in their soiled, worn and faded clothing, with arms uncleaned, emaciated, and with scarce strength enough to make the march before them, as they moved on that hot nd of september from the transport to the camp, they appeared more like a funeral procession than heroes returning from the war; and to the credit of our common humanity it may be recorded that they were greeted, not with plaudits and cheers, but with expressions of real sympathy. many handkerchiefs were brought into view, not to wave joyous welcome, but to wipe away the tears that came from overflowing hearts. at no time did human nature at montauk appear to better advantage than in its silent, sympathetic reception of the twenty-fourth infantry. of these shattered heroes general miles had but recently spoken in words well worthy his lofty position and noble manhood as "a regiment of colored troops, who, having shared equally in the heroism, as well as the sacrifices, is now voluntarily engaged in nursing yellow fever patients and burying the dead." these men came up to montauk from great tribulations which should have washed their robes to a resplendent whiteness in the eyes of the whole people. great twenty-fourth, we thank thee for the glory thou hast given to american soldiery, and to the character of the american negro! thus these four colored regiments took their place on the march, in camp, in assault and in siege with the flower of the american army, the choice and pick of the american nation, and came off acknowledged as having shared equally in heroism and sacrifices with the other regular regiments so engaged, and deserving of special mention for the exhibition of regard for the welfare of their fellow man. the query is now pertinent as to the return which has been made to these brave men. the question of ahasuerus when told of the valuable services of the jew, mordecai, is the question which the better nature of the whole american people should ask on hearing the general report of the valuable services of the negro regular in the spanish war. when ahasuerus asked: "what honor and dignity hath been done to mordecai for this?" his servants that ministered unto him were compelled to answer: "there is nothing done for him." looking over these four regiments at the time of this writing an answer somewhat similar in force must be returned. that the colored soldier is entitled to honor and dignity must be admitted by all who admire brave deeds, or regard the welfare of the state. the colored soldier, however, was compelled to stand by and see a hundred lieutenancies filled in the regular army, many in his own regiments, only to find himself overlooked and to be forced to feel that his services however valuable, could not outweigh the demerit of his complexion. the sum total of permanent advantage secured to the colored regular as such, in that bloody ordeal where brave men gave up their lives for their country's honor, consists of a few certificates of merit entitling the holders to two dollars per month additional pay as long as they remain in the service. nor is this all, or even the worst of the matter. men who served in the war as first sergeants, and who distinguished themselves in that capacity, have been allowed to go back to their old companies to serve in inferior positions. notably is this the case with sergeant william h. givens, whose history has been detailed as commanding troop d, tenth cavalry, after captain bigelow fell, and who heroically led the troop up the hill. he is now serving in his old troop as corporal, his distinction having actually worked his reduction rather than substantial promotion. it must not be inferred from the foregoing, however, that nothing whatever was done in recognition of the gallantry of the colored regulars. something was done. cases of individual heroism were so marked, and so numerous, that they could not be ignored. the men who had so distinguished themselves could not be disposed of by special mention and compliments in orders. something more substantial was required. fortunately for such purpose four regiments of colored united states volunteer infantry were then in course of organization, in which the policy had been established that colored men should be accepted as officers below the grade of captain. into these regiments the colored men who had won distinction at santiago were placed, many as second lieutenants, although some were given first lieutenancies. this action of the government was hailed with great delight on the part of the colored americans generally, and the honors were accepted very gratefully by the soldiers who had won them on the field. fortunately as this opening seemed, it turned out very disappointing. it soon became evident that these regiments would be mustered out of the service, as they had proven themselves no more immune, so far as it could be determined from the facts, than other troops. the lieutenants who had been most fortunate in getting their commissions early got about six or seven months' service, and then the dream of their glory departed and they fell back to the ranks to stand "attention" to any white man who could muster political influence sufficient to secure a commission. their day was short, and when they were discharged from the volunteer service, there appeared no future for them as commissioned officers. their occupation was indeed gone. it was for them a most disappointing and exasperating promotion, resulting in some cases in loss of standing and in financial injury. their honors were too short-lived, and too circumscribed, to be much more than a lively tantalization, to be remembered with disgust by those who had worn them. cruel, indeed, was the prejudice that could dictate such a policy to the brave black men of san juan. the black heroes, however, were not without sympathy in their misfortune. the good people of the country had still a warm place in their hearts for the colored soldier, despite the sayings of his maligners. the people of washington, d.c., had an opportunity to testify their appreciation of the tenth cavalry as that regiment passed through their city on its way to its station in alabama, and later a portion of it was called to philadelphia to take part in the peace jubilee, and no troops received more generous attention. to express in some lasting form their regard for the regiment and its officers, some patriotic citizens of philadelphia presented a handsome saber to captain charles g. ayres, who had charge of the detachment which took part in the peace jubilee, "as a token of their appreciation of the splendid conduct of the regiment in the campaign of santiago, and of its superb soldierly appearance and good conduct during its attendance at the jubilee parade in philadelphia." likewise when the twenty-fifth infantry arrived at its station at fort logan, colorado, the people of denver gave to both officers and men a most cordial reception, and invited them at once to take part in their fall carnival. all over the country there was at that time an unusual degree of good feeling toward the colored soldier who had fought so well, and no one seemed to begrudge him the rest which came to him or the honors bestowed upon him. this state of feeling did not last. before the year closed assiduous efforts were made to poison the public mind toward the black soldier, and history can but record that these efforts were too successful. the three hundred colored officers became an object at which both prejudice and jealousy could strike; but to reach them the reputation of the entire colored contingent must be assailed. this was done with such vehemence and persistency that by the opening of the good name of the black regular was hidden under the rubbish of reports of misconduct. so much had been said and done, even in denver, which had poured out its welcome words to the heroes of el caney, that the ministerial alliance of that city, on february , , found it necessary to take up the subject, and that body expressed itself in the unanimous adoption of the following resolutions: resolutions adopted unanimously by the ministerial alliance of denver, february , . _resolved_, by the ministerial alliance of the city of denver, that the attempt made in certain quarters to have the twenty-fifth regiment, united states infantry, removed from fort logan, appears to this body to rest on no just grounds, to be animated on the contrary by motives unworthy and discreditable to denver and the state, and that especially in view of the heroic record of the twenty-fifth regiment, its presence here is an honor to denver and colorado, which this alliance would regret to have withdrawn.[ ] the mustering out of the volunteers about the time this opposition was approaching what appeared to be a climax, causing the removal from the service of the colored officers, appeased the wrath of the demon, and the waves of the storm gradually sank to a peace, gratifying, indeed, to those who shuddered to see a black man with shoulder-straps. as the last negro officer descended from the platform and honorably laid aside his sword to take his place as a citizen of the republic, or a private in her armies, that class of our citizenship breathed a sigh of relief. what mattered it to them whether justice were done; whether the army were weakened; whether individuals were wronged; they were relieved from seeing negroes in officers' uniforms, and that to them is a most gracious portion. the discharge of the volunteers was to them the triumph of their prejudices, and in it they took great comfort, although as a matter of fact it was a plain national movement coming about as a logical sequence, entirely independent of their whims or wishes. the injustice to the negro officer does not lie in his being mustered out of the volunteer service, but in the failure to provide for a recognition of his valor in the nation's permanent military establishment. the departure of the colored man from the volunteer service was the consequent disappearance of the colored military officer, with the single exception of lieutenant charles young of the regular cavalry, had a very depressing effect upon the colored people at large, and called forth from their press and their associations most earnest protests. with a few exceptions, these protests were encouched in respectful language toward the president and his advisers, but the grounds upon which they were based were so fair and just, that right-thinking men could not avoid their force. the following resolution, passed by the national afro-american council, may be taken as representative of the best form of such remonstrance: "_resolved_, that we are heartily grieved that the president of the united states and those in authority have not from time to time used their high station to voice the best conscience of the nation in regard to mob violence and fair treatment of justly deserving men. it is not right that american citizens should be despoiled of life and liberty while the nation looks silently on; or that soldiers who, with conspicuous bravery, offer their lives for the country, should have their promotion result in practical dismissal from the army." the nation graciously heeded the call of justice and in the re-organization of the volunteer army provided for two colored regiments, of which all the company officers should be colored men. under this arrangement many of the black heroes of santiago were recalled from the ranks and again restored to the positions they had won. thus did the nation in part remedy the evil which came in consequence of the discharge of the volunteers, and prove its willingness to do right. triumphantly did the administration vindicate itself in the eyes of good people, and again did it place its withering disapproval upon the conduct of those who were ready to shout their applause over the worthy black officer's accidental humiliation. the negro officer disappeared from the united states' regiments as a lieutenant only; but he returns to the same, or rather, to a higher grade of the same form of regiments, both as lieutenant and captain. how rapid and pronounced has been the evolution! it is true the negro officer is still a volunteer, but his standing is measurably improved, both because of the fact of his recall, and also because the regiments which he is now entering have some prospect of being incorporated into the regular army. it does not seem probable that the nation can much longer postpone the increase of the standing army, and in this increase it is to be hoped the american negro, both as soldier and officer, will receive that full measure of justice of which the formation of the present two colored regiments is so conspicuous a part. * * * * * diary of e.l. baker. sergeant-major tenth u.s. cavalry. appointed first lieutenant ninth u.s. volunteer infantry, and later captain of the forty-ninth volunteer infantry--now lieutenant in philippine scouts. a trip from montana to cuba with the tenth u.s. cavalry. april , , at . p.m., telegram was received from department headquarters, st. paul, minnesota, ordering the regiment to the department of the gulf. as every click of the telegraph instrument was expected to announce a rupture in the diplomatic relations between the united states and the kingdom of spain, all knew that the mobilization of the army south meant preparing it for the serious work for which it is maintained. on april we were off for chickamauga park. en route we were heartily greeted. patriotism was at its height. every little hamlet, even, had its offerings. to compare the journey with cæsar's march of triumph would be putting it mildly. we arrived at the historic point april . every moment of our stay there was assiduously devoted to organizing, refitting and otherwise preparing for the inevitable. officers were sent to many parts of the country to secure recruits. many also gave up details and relinquished their leaves of absence to take part in the impending crisis. may . we were moved a little nearer the probable theatre of operations. on account of some deficiency in water for troops at tampa, the regiment was stopped at lakeland, miles this side, where many recruits were received; troops increased to war strength, and new troops established. drills and instructions were also constantly followed up. june . orders were received to prepare headquarters, band and eight troops dismounted, with trained men only, for service in cuba. recruits to be left in camp with horses and property. june . we were off for port tampa, where the regiment embarked on the steamship leona that afternoon. june . she steamed from the dock. when the expedition seemed to be forming, news was received that the dreaded spanish fleet was being sighted, evidently lying in wait for army transports. so we steamed back to the pier. many of the men appeared disappointed at the move, probably not realizing that there was too much water in the atlantic ocean for the th army corps to drink. to my mind, the divine providence surely directed the move, as the delay enabled the force to be swelled several thousand, every one of whom was needed before santiago. june . we steamed out of tampa bay, amid cheers and music from the thirty odd transports, heavily escorted by naval vessels. among them were the much talked-of dynamiter, vesuvius, and the beautiful little cruiser, helena. off dry tortugas that formidable warship, indiana, joined the fleet. splendid weather; nothing unusual transpiring, though our transport, which also contained the first u.s. cavalry, had a seemingly close call from being sent to the bottom of the sea, or else being taken in as a prisoner, which the enemy could have done with impunity. whilst going down the saint nicholas chanel, in cuban waters, the vessel was deliberately stopped about midnight, june , and left to roll in the trough of the sea until the morning of the th, in consequence of which we were put hours behind the fleet and without escort, almost in sight of the cuban shores. men were indignant at having been placed in such a helpless position, and would have thrown the captain of the ship, whom they accused of being a spanish sympathizer and otherwise disloyal, overboard without ceremony, but for the strong arm of military discipline. we were picked up by the u.s. cruiser bancroft, late in the afternoon, she having been sent in quest of the jonah of the fleet. upon approach of the ship there were prolonged cheers from all of uncle sam's defenders. the only explanation that i have ever heard for this unpardonable blunder on the part of the ship's crew was that they mistook a signal of a leading vessel. june . land was sighted. june . dispatch boats active; transports circling; morro castle pointed out; three days' rations issued to each man; no extra impedimenta to be taken ashore; crew preparing for landing. june . as we neared daiquiri, the designated place for disembarking, flames could be seen reaching almost to the heavens, the town having been fired by the fleeing spaniards upon the approach of war vessels of sampson's fleet, who were assembling to bombard the shore and cover our landing. after a fierce fire from these ships, the landing was effected with loss of two men of our regiment, who were doubtless crushed to death between the lighters. they were buried near the place of recovery the next morning. the few half-clothed and hungry-looking natives on shore seemed pleased to see us. daiquiri, a shipping point of the spanish-american iron company, was mostly deserted. the board houses seemed to have been spared, while the sun-burned huts thatched with palm were still smoking, also the roundhouse in which there were two railroad locomotives, warped and twisted from the heat. the spanish evidently fired everything they could before evacuating. june . at . p.m. troops a, b, e and i, left with four troops of the first u.s. cavalry and rough riders (first u.s. volunteer cavalry) as advance guard of the army of invasion on the main road to santiago de cuba; about men all told, three hotchkiss guns, manned by ten cavalrymen, accompanied also by the brigadier commander, general s.m.b. young and staff. note.--these troops marched about miles through a drenching rain from to p.m.; bivouacked one hour later. oh the th, after breakfast, took the trail about . a.m. the vapor from wet clothing rose with the sun, so that you could scarcely recognize a man ten feet away. about three and one-half miles above siboney the command was halted; the first u.s. volunteer cavalry (rough riders) sent to the left; proceeding farther about one mile, the main column was split, first u.s. cavalry going to the right, the tenth cavalry remaining in the center. general wheeler joined at this point, accompanied by his orderly, private queene, troop a, tenth cavalry. disposition of the troops was explained by general young, who had located his headquarters with the tenth u.s. cavalry; general wheeler made his the same. hotchkiss guns were ordered closed up; magazines filled. the column had proceeded but a short way when the engagement opened in all its fury; troops were deployed and advanced in the direction from which the bullets were coming the thickest, as rapidly as the formation of the ground would permit, the left of the line touching the right of the rough riders. june . headquarters, band and the remainder of the first and tenth u.s. cavalry were off at a.m. the road was alive with troops (c, d, f, g,) colonels and privates alike lugging their rations and bedding beneath that ever watchful tropical sun, feeling as though they would wilt at every step, the undergrowth being so thick and tall that scarcely any breeze could get to you. on emerging from this thicket, through which we had been marching for several hours, the sampson fleet could be heard firing on the spanish batteries on shore. marines and other troops could be seen crossing the mountains above altares; this revived the men very much. as we approached verni jarabo (altares?), we were met by general lawton, who informed our colonel that the advance guard was engaged with the spanish at la guasima, and that it was hard pressed. our pace was quickened; the news appeared to lighten our heavy packs as we toiled to the front to assist our comrades. the roar of the artillery became plainer; wounded men along the road as well as those played-out from the intense heat. women and children were fleeing to places of safety. our forces were repairing a railroad engine and track; also tearing up a piece leading to a spanish blockhouse. in fact, everything seemed to have on an exceedingly warlike tint, but our advance continued as swifty as our weary feet would allow, which soon brought us to a number of our own comrades conveyed on litters from la guasima, where our advance guard was tussling hard with the dons for the honors of the day. upon arrival of reinforcements, victory had been wrested from the dons fairly by the advance guard without assistance. every one greeted each other, as though it had been a year instead of a few hours since parting. the first u.s. cavalry and rough riders were unstinted in extolling the fighting qualities of their brothers in arms, the tenth u.s. cavalry. the enemy was struck early june , entrenched on the heights of la guasima, near sevilla, on the main road from daiquiri to the city of santiago de cuba. the advance guard was soon hotly engaged with them; after a very desperate fight of over one hour, the enemy was driven in confusion from their intrenchments. our men were too exhausted to follow them. the tenth cavalry lost killed and wounded. for a while it was a terrific fight, as the enemy was strongly intrenched on the heights and our men had to climb them subjected to their fire, which was very accurate, and much of it doubtless from machine guns in hands of experienced men. our men had also to contend with the thickest underbrush, wire fences (the famous military trochas) and spanish daggers jabbing them in side at every step. for a while the situation was serious. the decisive blow of the attack seems to have been struck at an opportune moment, and the enemy withdrew in confusion. it has been estimated that about , spanish were engaged. everything indicated that they lost heavily; a santiago paper put it at . the writer and the sergeant-major of the first u.s. cavalry superintended the digging of one large grave where all the dead of the two regiments were interred according to the episcopal service. the rough riders, being farther to our left, buried their own. if advantage of position goes for anything, the spanish should have annihilated the americans as they approached the stronghold. the command remained on the battlefield until june , when it proceeded to sevilla, an old coffee and sugar plantation, to await the assembling of the army and placing of the artillery. our camp at sevilla was an interesting one in many ways. it was pitched between the main road and a stream of excellent water. from the hill beyond, the spanish works could be viewed. from the roadside many acquaintances were seen, also generals, foreign military attaches, troops, artillery and pack trains. wheeled transportation seemed entirely out of its place in cuba; one piece of artillery was noticed with horses tugging away at it. the cuban army, cavalry and infantry, passed us at this point, which seemed to consist of every male capable of swelling the crowd. those unable to carry or secure guns had an old knife or machete strapped to them. on june , about p.m., shortly after our daily shower, which was a little more severe and much longer than usual, the regiment was put in motion for the front. we had marched about yards when the war balloon was seen ascending some distance to our right. as the balloon question was new, every one almost was stumbling on the man's heels in front, trying to get a peep at this wonderful war machine. after much vexatious delay, narrow road crowded with troops, a pack train came along and added its mite to the congestion, as some of the mules turned their heels on the advancing column when pushed too much. we finally merged into a beautiful lawn, site of the division hospital, where all were as busy as beavers in placing this indispensable adjunct in order. here the work of july was clearly suggested. proceeding, wading and rewading streams, we bivouacked beyond the artillery on the heights of el poso, an old sugar plantation, about four miles off, in plain view of the city of santiago. the lights of the city showed so brightly, the enemy offering no resistance to our advance, i could not help feeling apprehensive of being in a trap. i thought so seriously over the matter that i did not unroll my pack, so as to be ready at an instant. simply released my slicker, put it on, and lay down where i halted. early july all the brigade was up, getting breakfast and making as much noise as if on a practice march. the tenth cavalry did not make any fire until orders were received to that effect. i remarked to my bunky that we were not going to fight evidently, as the smoke would surely disclose our presence and enable the enemy's artillery to get our range. the whole of santiago seemed to be decorated with hospital flags. at . a shell from capron's battery, u.s. artillery, directed at a blockhouse in el caney, announced that the battle was on. then the musketry became general. all stood and watched the doomed village quite a while as the battle progressed. soon grices' battery of the u.s. artillery, which was in support, belched forth destruction at the spanish works of the city, using black powder. the fire was almost immediately returned by the enemy's batteries, who had smokeless. they were shortly located when a fierce duel took place. the dons were silenced, but not until we had suffered loss. during this fire an aide--lieut. wm. e. shipp, tenth cavalry, brigade quartermaster--brought orders for us to take position on the left of the first u.s. cavalry. the line extended nearly north and south on a ridge some three or four miles from the city, where the regiment was exposed to much of the return fire from the enemy's batteries. the men exhibited no special concern and watched the flight of the death messenger as eagerly as if at a horse race. adjutant barnum here divided the band and turned it over to the surgeons to assist in caring for the wounded, and directed saddler sergeant smith and myself to accompany the colonel in advance. when lieut. shipp delivered his orders, some of the officers remarked, "you are having a good time riding around here." he replied that it was no picnic riding among bullets, and that he would prefer being with his troops. after the artillery had ceased firing, the regiment moved to the right, passed el poso, where there were additional signs of the enemy's havoc among our troops, proceeded down the road leading to santiago. the movement of the regiment was delayed as it approached the san juan river, by an infantry brigade which had halted. the regiment came within range of musket fire about three-quarters or one-half mile from the crossing. upon reaching the ford the colonel (baldwin) rode nearly across the stream (closely followed by his regiment) when we were greeted by the dons with a terrific volley of musketry, soon followed by artillery, which caused us to realize more fully than ever, that "things were coming our way." orders were given to throw off packs and get cover. in removing his, sergeant smith, on, my immediate left, was assisted by a spanish bullet, and an infantry soldier fell as my pack was thrown off to the right. in seeking cover men simply dropped to the right and left of the road in a prone position. the regiment was here subjected to a terrific converging fire from the blockhouse and intrenchments in front and the works further to the left and nearer the city. the atmosphere seemed perfectly alive with flying missiles from bursting shells over head, and rifle bullets which seemed to have an explosive effect. much fire was probably drawn by the war balloon, which preceded the regiment to a point on the edge of the river, near the ford, where it was held. this balloon undoubtedly rendered excellent service in locating positions of the spanish works and developing an ambush which had been laid for us, but the poor, ill-fated balloon certainly received many uncomplimentary remarks during our stay in its vicinity. it seemed as though the spanish regarded the balloon as an evil agent of some kind, and as though every gun, both great and small, was playing on it. i made several trips under it following the colonel, who repeatedly rode up and down the stream, and i would have been fully satisfied to have allowed my mind even to wander back to the gaily lighted ball rooms and festivals left behind only a few months before. while on the last trip under the balloon a large naval shell exploded, knocking the colonel's hat off, crippling his horse, and injuring the rider slightly in the arm and side, all of course, in addition to a good sand bath. i then joined the regiment, some rods beyond, then under cover. in crouching down behind a clump of brush, heard some one groan; on looking around, saw private marshall struggling in the river wounded. immediately rushing to his assistance another of those troublesome shells passed so close as to cause me to feel the heat. it did not stop the effort, however, and the wounded man was placed in safety. the regiment remained in the road only a few moments when it was ordered to take position behind the river bank some yards above the balloon for protection; while moving to that position, and while there, suffered much loss. why we did not lose heavier may be attributed to the fact that the enemy's musket fire was a trifle high, and their shells timed from one-half to one second too long, caused them to explode beyond, instead of in front, where the shells would have certainly secured the dons' maximum results, as, after the balloon was cut down, you could scarcely hold your hand up without getting it hit. during the battle, one trooper fell upon a good-sized snake and crushed it to death, and another trooper allowed one of these poisonous reptiles to crawl over him while dodging a volley from the spanish mausers. the shrapnel and canister shells, with their exceedingly mournful and groaning sound, seemed to have a more terrifying effect than the swift mauser bullet, which always rendered the same salutation, "bi-yi." the midern shrapnel shell is better known as the man-killing projectile, and may be regarded as the most dangerous of all projectiles designed for taking human life. it is a shell filled with or bullets, and having a bursting charge, which is ignited by a time fuse, only sufficient to break the base and release the bullets, which then move forward with the velocity it had the time of bursting. each piece is capable of dealing death to any living thing in its path. in practice firing, it is known where, by one shot, hits were made by a single shrapnel. in another, hits are recorded. imagine then, the havoc of a well-directed shrapnel upon a group of men such as is here represented. capron's battery at el caney cut down cavalrymen with one shell. after a delay of about minutes, during part of the time, the writer, assisted by sergeant smith and mr. t.a. baldwin, cut all the wire fences possible. mr. baldwin was dangerously wounded while so engaged just before the general advance. the regiment merged into open space in plain view of and under the fire of the enemy; and formed line of battle facing toward the blockhouses and strong intrenchments to the north, occupied by the spanish, and advanced rapidly in this formation, under a galling, converging fire from the enemy's artillery and infantry, on the blockhouses and heavy intrenchments to the right front. many losses occurred before reaching the top of the hill, lieut. w.h. smith being killed while gallantly conducting his troop as it arrived on the crest. lieut. w.e. shipp was killed about the same instant, shortly after leaving lieutenant smith, further to the left and near the pond on the sunken road leading to santiago. lieutenant smith was struck in the head and perished with a single groan. lieutenant shipp was hit near the heart; death must have been almost instantaneous, though it appears he made an effort to make use of his first aid package. thus the careers of two gallant and efficient officers whose lives had been so closely associated were ended. private slaughter, who was left in charge of lieutenant smith's body, was picked off by the spanish sharpshooters, and private jackson, lieutenant shipp's orderly, was left as deaf as a post from a bursting shell. the enemy having been driven back, northwest, to the second and third blockhouses, new lines were formed and a rapid advance made upon them to the new positions. the regiment assisted in capturing these works from the enemy, and planted two sets of colors on them, then took up a position to the north of the second blockhouse. with some changes in position of troops, this line, one of the most advanced, about three hundred yards of the enemy, was held and intrenchments dug under a very heavy and continuous fire from the spanish intrenchments in front, july and . in their retreat from the ridge, the enemy stood not on the order of their going, but fled in disorder like so many sheep from the scene, abandoning a quantity of ammunition, which was fired at them subsequently from our rapid-fire guns. our men were too exhausted to pursue them, footwear and clothing being soaked by wading rivers, they had become drenched with rain, and when they reached the crest they were about played-out; having fought about hours, most of which was under that ever-relentless tropical sun. throughout the night, work on the intrenchments was pushed, details buried the dead, improvised litters, and conveyed the wounded to hospitals, all of which was prosecuted with that vim for which the regular soldier is characterized, notwithstanding their water-logged condition. the regiment acted with extraordinary coolness and bravery. it held its position at the ford and moved forward unflinchingly after deployment, through the dense underbrush, crossed and recrossed by barbed wire, under heavy and almost plunging fire from the spanish works, while attacking with small arms an enemy strongly posted in intrenchments and blockhouses, supported by artillery, and who stubbornly contested every inch of ground gained by the american troops. officers were exceedingly active and tireless in their efforts to inspire and encourage the men. you could hear them call out, "move right along; the spaniards can't shoot; they are using blanks." one officer deliberately stopped and lit his pipe amid a shower of bullets, and then moved on as unconcerned as if on target practice. the rifle pits occupied by the enemy were intrenchments in reality, dug almost shoulder deep, and faced with stone, being constructed without approaches, leaving the only avenue for escape over the parapet, which was equivalent to committing suicide, in face of the unerring marksmanship of the united states troops. we were afterward told by a spanish soldier how they were held in these trenches by an officer stationed at each end with a club; also how they depended on their officers for everything. this may account for the large percentage of our officers picked off by the dons. i observed during the battle that when spotted by the enemy, delivering orders or busying about such duties as usually indicated some one in authority, the spanish would fire whole volleys at an individual, this evidently with a view to demoralizing the rank and file by knocking off the officers. the spanish also tried an old indian trick to draw our fire, or induce the men to expose themselves, by raising their hats on sticks or rifles, or placing them upon parapets, so when we went to fire they would aim to catch us as we rose with a terrific volley. the dons were, however, soon convinced of their folly in this respect, as we always had a volley for the hats and a much stouter one for the enemy as he raised to reply to the volley at the hats. the tenth cavalry had fought indians too long in the west to be foiled in that manner. we were annoyed much by the spanish sharpshooters stationed in tops of the beautiful palms and other trees of dense foliage. a number of these guerillas were found provided with seats, water and other necessaries, and i am told some of them had evidently robbed our dead to secure themselves an american uniform, that they might still carry on their nefarious work undetected. many of the disabled received their second and some their mortal wound, while being conveyed from the field by litter-bearers. though it was the tendency for a time to give the sharpshooter story little or no credence, but to lay the matter to "spent bullets"; it seemed almost out of the question that "spent bullets" should annoy our division hospital, some four or five miles from the spanish works. it would also seem equally as absurd that a bullet could be trained to turn angles, as several of our men were hit while assembled for transfer to general hospital and receiving temporary treatment at the dressing station located in an elbow of the san juan river. the division hospital was so harassed that it was necessary to order four troops of the th u.s. cavalry there for guard. while en route to the hospital on the morning of july with wounded, i saw a squad of the nd u.s. cavalry after one of these annoying angels, not feet from the road. on arrival at the hospital i was told by a comrade that several had been knocked from their stage of action. on july , our color-sergeant was shot from a tree after our line had passed beneath the tree where he was located. july , three more fell in response to a volley through tree tops, and on july , while waiting the hand to reach the hour for the bombardment of the city, one of the scoundrels deliberately ascended a tree in plain view of, and within two hundred yards of, our line. it was a good thing that the white flag for surrender appeared before the hour to commence firing, otherwise spain would have had at least one less to haggle with on account of back pay. to locate a sharpshooter using smokeless powder among the dense tropical growth may be compared with "looking for a needle in a haystack." the killed and wounded in battle present a scene well calculated to move the most callous. men shot and lacerated in every conceivable manner; some are expressionless; some just as they appeared in life; while others are pinched and drawn and otherwise distorted, portraying agony in her most distressful state. of the wounded, in their anguish, some are perfectly quiet; others are heard praying; some are calling for their mothers, while others are giving out patriotic utterances, urging their comrades on to victory, or bidding them farewell as they pass on to the front. july , in passing a wounded comrade, he told me that he could whip the cowardly spaniard who shot him, in a fair fist fight. during the first day's battle many interesting sights were witnessed. the new calibre gatling guns were in action. these cruel machines were peppering away several hundred shots each per minute and sweeping their front from right to left, cutting down shrubbery and spaniards like grain before the reaper. i observed the excellent service of the hotchkiss mountain gun; they certainly do their work to perfection and well did the dons know it. many shots fired into the "blind ditches and blockhouses" of the enemy caused them to scatter like rats. these guns use a percussion shell nearly two inches, and can be packed on mules. they were designed for light service with cavalry on the frontier. four of these little beauties were manned by men of the tenth cavalry. the spanish made it so hot for the boys that they would have to roll the gun under cover to load, and then steal it back to fire. i saw one of our light batteries of artillery go in position under fire at the foot of san juan hill. the movement was swiftly and skillfully executed. a most interesting feature of this was to see the caissons, drawn by six magnificent horses, off for ammunition. three drivers to each outfit, one to each pair of horses; all plying the whip at every jump, would remind you of a roman chariot race coming around on their last heat. wheeled vehicles of war suffer more than other troops, on account of their stationary positions. it is here that the dreaded sharpshooter comes in for glory, by picking off the gunners and other individuals. pack trains were seen dashing along the line with that always absolutely essential--ammunition--thereby gladdening the hearts of the boys who were doing their utmost to expend every round in their belts to gain another foot of spanish territory. during all these stirring events the stomachs of the real heroes were not neglected, and most certainly not along our part of the line. pack mules were brought right up to the line under a hot fire, loaded with sugar, coffee, bacon and hardtack, all of which was in plenty. some of the mules were killed and wounded, but this did not retard the advance of the train. when near the firing line some one called, "whose rations?" a prompt reply, "hungry soldiers." the daring horseman was all that was needed to make the situation complete. without participation of cavalry, the ideal warrior disappears from the scene, and the battle and-picture of war is robbed of its most attractive feature. late in the afternoon, july , i was directed to take saddler sergeant smith and bring to the firing line all the men i could find of the regiment. going to the dressing station, collected those who had brought or assisted wounded there, thence across a portion of the field passed over a few hours previous. men were found almost exhausted, soaking wet, or a solid mass of mud, resting as comfortably as if in the finest of beds; many of them had been on picket duty all night before, to which was added the hard day's work not then completed. after locating all i could, we went to the crest of the san juan hill, to the left of the sunken road, where the first u.s. cavalry was reforming, and there picked up a few more who had joined that regiment. the tenth cavalry having in the meantime taken another position, i set out to find it, going in front, telling smith to bring up the rear. we were detained a short time near sunken roads by shells from cervera's fleet, which were falling in it at a lively rate. barbed wire prevented us from "running the gauntlet." shortly after crossing the road an officer passed us, his horse pushed to his utmost, telling us to take all the ammunition that we possibly could on the firing line. about that instant, the pack train came thundering by, which we relieved of a few thousand rounds in short order. i was much amused at one of the men who innocently asked, "where are we to get axes to burst these strong boxes?" the job was speedily accomplished before the boxes were on the ground good, and most certainly in less time than it would have taken to explain matters to the inexperienced. we were soon off again, tramping all over the country, through darkness, running into wire entanglements, outposts and pickets, and within fifty yards of the enemy (subsequently ascertained). about . p.m. found colonel roosevelt a few hundred yards from the spanish lines with some of my regiment, the first cavalry, and rough riders, at work on trenches, where we reported. all seemed glad to have my little reinforcement, about men, and ammunition. i never felt so relieved at anything as i did to get that herculean task off my hands, a job as hard as working a problem in the third book of euclid. the men were so tired that they would lie down at every stop to find the right road or the way out of the wire entanglements constantly encountered. i have never seen in a book anything to equal the spanish wire entanglements. barbed wire was stretched in every nook and corner, through streams, grass, and from two inches to six feet in height, and from a corkscrew to a cable in design. it takes the nerve of a circus man to get men along when they are so exhausted that every place feels alike to them, and that they would gladly give away mr. jim hill's fortune if they possessed it, for a few hours' sleep. on arrival at the front, lunch was about over or just ready. lieutenant e.d. anderson ( th cavalry) gave me two and one-half hardtacks from his supply, which he carried in his bosom. i was soon down for a little rest; all desultory firing had ceased; the pick and the shovel were the only things to disturb the quietude of that anxious night. had been down but a short time when aroused by one of the rough riders, who had some rice and meat in an ammunition box which he brought from the captured blockhouse. the meat was undoubtedly mule, as the longer i chewed it the larger and more spongy it got, and were it not for the fact that i had had some experience in the same line many years before in mexico while in pursuit of hostile indians, i would certainly have accused our best friends (rough riders) of feeding us rubber. i made another effort for a little sleep, and was again aroused by some one passing around hardtack, raw bacon, etc., with instructions as to where to go to cook it. i thanked him and carefully laid it aside to resume my nap. at . a.m. the pickets were having such a lively set to, that i thought the general engagement was on. it was at this time i discovered that i was shivering cold, and that my teeth were rattling equal to a telegraph sounder; so under the circumstances, i concluded not to try for any more sleep. the dew was falling thick and heavy; no coat, no blanket, top shirt torn in strips from the brush, and undershirt wet and in my pack, thrown off on coming into battle. early july nd the artillery took position on our left. pickets kept up firing from . a.m. until . , when the engagement became general. shortly after . a.m. our artillery opened on the spanish works, who promptly returned the compliment. during the firing the dons exploded a shell in the muzzle of one of our pieces. adjutant barnum fell at . a.m.; his wound was promptly dressed, when i started to the division hospital with him. though seriously hurt, i have never seen a better natured man. while en route, we laid him down to eat a can of salmon _found in the road_. in response to his query, "what's up, sergeant?" the salmon was passed him; he helped himself, no further questions were asked, and the journey was resumed. on arrival at the hospital he was quickly examined and placed on a comfortable cot. many of the attendants were completely played-out from overwork. a visit to a field hospital will have a lasting place in your memory. every way you turn, amid the cries and groans, you get a beck or call to ease this, or hand me that, and one feels badly because of his inability to extend them material aid in their sufferings. on returning to the front, i found the regiment as hotly engaged as when i left it some hours before. as the fighting was from trenches, many of our men were wounded by shells. sharpshooters were on hand as usual. i was sent to the captain of troop e, under the crest of the hill, with orders to dig an approach to one of the enemy's trenches, evacuated the day before; also to bury some of their dead. while delivering the order, it being necessary to get very close on account of the noise, one of those ever vigilant sharpshooters put a bullet between our faces. the captain asked me to cut the wire fence so his troops could get through more rapidly; while telling me, another bullet passed so close as to disturb the captain's mustache. he took it good-naturedly, only remarking as he smiled, "pretty close, sergeant-major!" firing ceased about p.m. after all had had supper we changed position further to the right, where work on trenches was resumed. about . p.m. the spaniards made an attack upon our lines, and i have never before or since seen such terrific firing; the whole american line, which almost encircled the city, was a solid flame of fire. the enemy's artillery replied, also their much-praised "mausers," but to no avail; they had opened the ball, but uncle sam's boys did not feel like yielding one inch of the territory so dearly bought. about midnight all hands were aroused by the dynamite cruiser vesuvius "coughing" for the dons. the roar was so great that it seemed to shake the whole island. to the uninitiated it would appear that some one had taken a few mountains several miles up in a balloon and thrown them down. july . firing by pickets commenced very early, and quite heavy, at . a.m. terrific cannonading to the seaward was heard between and a.m. as there was some talk of the enemy making a sortie, all eyes were open. dirt began falling in the pits from the jar, bells could be heard tolling in the city, and steam whistles in the harbor. there was much speculation as to what was in progress. i'll say that there were many glad hearts when the news reached us that _sampson's fleet was king of the seas_. at m. all firing was ordered off, for flag of truce to enter the spanish lines. when the order for cease firing was given, one of the troopers laid his gun upon the parapet and remarked that he "would not take $ for his experience, but did not want a cent's worth more." work on bomb-proofs and breast works was continued incessantly until news of the surrender reached us. july . flag of truce all day; national and regimental colors placed on parapets. at noon the regiment paraded, and all hearts cheered by the patriotic telegram of the commander-in-chief--his excellency, president mckinley. refugees, in droves, could be seen leaving for several days, notice of bombardment having been served on the city. july . there was much excitement when lieutenant hobson and party crossed our lines. during truce, the monotony was broken occasionally by the presence of spanish soldiers in quest of something to eat or desiring to surrender. truce was off july at p.m. bombardment of the city commenced by the army and navy combined, which continued until p.m. th. gatling, dynamite, rapid-firing and hotchkiss guns were so well trained that the dons scarcely dared to raise their heads, and their firing was soon silenced. during the attack our part of the line suffered no loss. while occupying these works, it was discovered that the gun of the enemy that _annoyed us most was quite near a large building covered with red cross flags_. during the truce all of our dead were located and buried. it was sad, indeed, to see the vultures swarming like flies, when we knew so well their prey. though prepared to, several times, no shots were exchanged after july , and all was quiet until date of capitulation. the hardest rain ever witnessed, accompanied by terrific thunder and lightning, was on the last day of the engagement. trenches were flooded and everything appeared as a sea. july , at a.m., the regiment, with the remainder of the army, was assembled over the trenches to witness the formal surrender of general toral, with the spanish forces. owing to the dense tropical growth, and its similarity in color to their clothing, little or nothing could be seen, beyond the straw hats of the dons, as they marched through the jungles. at m., we were again placed in the same position, to salute "old glory" as she ascended over the governor's palace in the city, which was told by capron's battery u.s. artillery. at the first shot, every individual tested his lungs to their fullest capacity, bands of music playing national airs. spanish soldiers were soon over our lines, trading off swords, wine, cigarettes and trinkets for hard tack and bacon. this soon ended, as there were positive orders against our fraternizing. the spaniards were a fine looking lot of young men; though generally small in stature, and were very neat and clean, considering. the officers were an intelligent and dignified looking set. the dons were away ahead on ammunition, and away behind on eatables. a few musty, hard tack, thrown in our trenches, were devoured like so much fresh beef, by so many hungry wolves. campaigning in the tropics entails many hardships, though unavoidable and only to be expected, in war. war is horrible in any aspect in which it may be viewed. even those features of it intended to be merciful, are full of harshness and rigor; and after all, fighting is the easiest part. as the capitulation was complete, and santiago was our's, we were ordered to change camp to a more healthful locality, with a view to allowing the men to recuperate. while en route many refugees were met returning to the city, men and women, with the scantiest clothing imaginable; large children even worse--in a nude state--all were making signs for something to eat. in passing through el caney, filth of all descriptions was piled up in the streets; stock was seen standing inside dwellings with occupants; young and old were emaciated--walking skeletons; children with stomachs bloated to thrice their natural size--due to the unsanitary condition of the huts, so i was informed. the bare facts are, that "half has never been told" regarding the true condition of the cubans, and it is truly a godsend that "uncle sam" was not delayed another day in letting the don's breathe a little of nature's sweetest fragrance of the nineteenth century--civilization. the portion of the island i saw appears to be a beautiful park deserted and laid waste by the lavish application of the torch for many years. magnificent mansions, or dwellings, in ruins; habitation scant, except near towns. there were no domestic animals, except a few for saddle purposes, nor were there crops to be seen. no use whatever appears to be made of the luxuriant pasturage and rich fields. sugar houses and sheds on plantations are in a state of decay, and the huge kettles for boiling deeply coated with rust. the climate of cuba offers all the essentials, heat, moisture and organic matter, for the development of germ life in its most active form. the great heat and moisture, so excellent for the development of infected wounds, and for the rapid decomposing of the heavy undergrowth cannot, i believe, be exceeded anywhere. the frequent tropical showers, invariably followed by a hot steam, along with which germs seem to float; the consequent exposure of the men to that glaring heat and moisture, lowered the general tone of the system so that they were especially liable to attacks of miasmatic diseases (malarial and typhoid fevers and dysentery.) owing to the dense humidity, clothing does not dry so long as it remains on the person, but must be removed, a condition that was absolutely impossible for many days on the field before santiago. to this alone, much of our sickness may be attributed. our new camp, pitched on the eminence of el caney, about one and one-half miles from the village, overlooking the city and bay of santiago, with its excellent water, shade, grass, and increased comforts, which were daily shipped from our transports, presented a scene far more conciliatory than had been witnessed about the tenth horse for many days. medals of honor and certificates of merit granted to colored soldiers for distinguished services in the cuban campaign. official. medals of honor. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- name. | rank | regiment. | troop or co.| remarks. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- bell, dennis | pvt. | th cav. | troop h. |for gallantry lee, fitz | pvt. | th cav. | troop m. |in action at tompkins, wm. h. | pvt. | th cav. | troop m. |tayabacoa, cuba, wanton, geo. h. | pvt. | th cav. | troop m. |june , . ----------------------------------------------------------------------- certificates of merit. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- name. |rank. | regiment. | troop or co.| remarks. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- bates, james |pvt. | th cav. | troop h. | crosby, scott |pvt. | th inf. | comp. a. | davis, edward |pvt. | th cav. | troop h. | elliott, j. |sergt. | th cav. | troop d. | fasit, benjamin |sergt. | th cav. | troop e. | gaither, o. |q.m.sergt | th cav. | troop b. | goff, g.w. |sergt. | th cav. | troop b. | graham, j. |sergt. | th cav. | troop e. | hagen, abram |corp. | th inf. | comp. g. | herbert, h.t. |corp. | th cav. | troop e. | houston, adam | st sergt.| th cav. | troop c. | jackson, j. | st sergt.| th cav. | troop c. | jackson, elisha |sergt. | th cav. | troop h. | jackson, peter |corp. | th inf. | comp. g. | jefferson, c.w. | st sergt.| th cav. | troop b. | mccoun, p. | st sergt.| th cav. | troop e. | moore, loney |pvt. | th inf. | comp. a. | oden, oscar |musician | th cav. | ........ | payne, william |sergt. | th cav. | troop e. | pumphrey, geo. w |corp. | th cav. | troop h. | satchell, james |sergt. | th inf. | comp. a. | smith, l. |pvt. | th cav. | troop d. | thornton, william|corp. | th inf. | comp. g. | walker, j. |corp. | th cav. | troop d. | williams, john t.|sergt. | th inf. | comp. g. | williams, r. |corp. | th inf. | comp. b. | ----------------------------------------------------------------------- besides the certificates of merit and medals of honor, mentioned above, and the promotions to commissions in the volunteer services, there were some instances of promotion to non-commissioned officers' positions of men in the ranks or junior grade for conspicuous gallantry. notably among such were benjamin f. sayre, of the twenty-fourth, promoted to sergeant-major for gallantry at san juan, and private james w. peniston, of the tenth cavalry, promoted to squadron sergeant-major for conspicuous bravery at las guasimas. others there may be whose names are not available at this time. footnotes: [ ] "the ninth and tenth cavalry regiments fought one on either side of mine at santiago, and i wish no better men beside me in battle than these colored troops showed themselves to be. later on, when i come to write of the campaign, i shall have much to say about them."--t. roosevelt. [ ] the major commanding the squadron in which sergeant givens' troops served, writes to the sergeant the following letter: sergeant william h. givens, troop d, th cavalry, fort clark, texas. sergeant:--when making my report as commander of the second squadron, th u. s. cavalry, for action of july , , at san juan hills, i did not mention any enlisted men by name, as i was absent from the regiment at the time of making the report and without access to records, so that i could not positively identify and name certain men who were conspicuous during the fight; but i recollect finding a detachment of troop d under your command on the firing line during the afternoon of july st. your service and that of your men at that time was most creditable, and you deserve special credit for having brought your detachment promptly to the firing line when left without a commissioned officer. theo. j. wint, lieutenant-colonel, th u.s. cavalry. second lieutenant, th cavalry. true copy: [ ] extract from _the statesman_, denver, after the departure of the th infantry, and the arrival of the th: two policemen killed, the murderer at large and his comrades of the th regiment busy boasting of their sympathy for him, and extolling his deed to the skies, yet not a single petition has been prepared to have the regiment removed. the th infantry, with its honor undimmed by any such wanton crime, with a record unexcelled by any regiment in the service, was the target for all sorts of criticism and persecution as soon as it arrived. the one is a white regiment, composed of the scum of the earth, the other a black regiment composed of men who have yet to do one thing of which they should be ashamed. yet denver welcomes the one with open arms and salutes with marked favor, while she barely suffered the other to remain. had it been a negro soldier who committed the dastardly deed of saturday night the war department would have been deluged with complaints and requests for removal, but not a word has been said against the th. prejudice and hatred blacker than the wings of night has so envenomed the breasts of the people that fairness is out of the question. be he black, no matter how noble and good, a man must be despised. be he white, he may commit the foulest of crimes and yet have his crimes condoned. chapter xi. the colored volunteers. the ninth ohio battalion--eighth illinois--twenty-third kansas-third north carolina--sixth virginia--third alabama--the immunes. the return of the army and the repatriation of the spanish army from cuba, brought before the country for immediate solution the problem of garrisoning that island; and in a very short time the question of similar nature regarding porto rico. ten regiments of immunes had been organized in the volunteer service partly in anticipation of such a situation. four of these regiments were composed of colored enlisted men. the regiments were classed as united states volunteer infantry, and were numbered from one to ten, the seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth being colored. of these four colored regiments the officers above first lieutenants were white men, except the chaplains, and in some cases the surgeons. very little care had been taken in enlisting the men, as it was important to get the regiments in the field as soon as possible; yet of them as a whole general breckinridge, inspector-general, speaks as follows: "the colored regiments of immunes, so called, raised for this war, have turned out, so far as can be judged from their camp life (as none of them have been in any actual campaign), very satisfactory. the regular colored regiments won golden opinions in battle. the experiment of having so many colored officers has not yet shown its full results. certainly we should have the best obtainable officers for our volunteers, and therefore some such men as colonel young, who is a graduate of the military academy at west point, whether white or black, must be sought for." besides these four colored regiments of immunes, so-called, there were other state organizations composed entirely of colored men, mustered into the united states service, as for example the ninth battalion of the ohio national guard. this organization was composed of four companies, with colored captains and lieutenants, the staff officers also being colored, the commanding officer of the battalion being major young, who was a first lieutenant in the regular army, a graduate from the military academy, and an officer of experience. he is the person referred to as _colonel_ young by general breckinridge, cited just above. this battalion, although not permitted to do any active campaigning, maintained itself well in that most trying of all duties for raw troops--camp duty--winning a good record in the south as well as in the north, having been stationed in virginia, pennsylvania and lastly in south carolina; from which latter place it was mustered out, and the men proceeded to their homes in an orderly manner, reflecting credit upon themselves and the officers under whom they had served. this organization is mentioned first, because it was the only one of its kind commanded by a regular army officer, and a man who had received scientific military training.[ ] two of these volunteer regiments, the eighth illinois and the twenty-third kansas, reached cuba and made history there, in garrison service, coming in direct contact with the ninth immunes, and in no sense suffering in comparison thereto. the eighth illinois being the first to go to the front, in a sense deserves to be noticed here first. this remarkable regiment was developed out of the ninth battalion, illinois national guard, and owes its origin to the persistent efforts of messrs. john r. marshall, robert r. jackson, franklin dennison, e.h. wright, rev. r.c. ransom, rev. j.w. thomas, s.b. turner and doubtless many others whose names do not appear. these gentlemen named called upon the governor of their state the next day after the president had issued his call for , volunteers, and received from that official the assurance that if another call should be made they should have the opportunity to recruit their battalion to a regiment, and that he would "call that regiment first into the service," and "that every officer in that regiment will be a colored man." after receiving this encouragement, the leaders began at once the work of organizing and recruiting, and when the second call came, may th, the regiment was well under way, and soon ready to go into camp to prepare for service. on june th it assembled in springfield from the following places: seven hundred men from chicago; one hundred and twenty from cairo; a full company from quincy, and smaller numbers from mound city, metropolis and litchfield, and nearly a company from springfield. the regiment was sworn in during the latter half of july, the muster roll showing , men and officers, every one of whom was of african descent except one private in a chicago company. of these forty-six officers, ten had received college education, six were lawyers, and the others were educated in the public schools, or had served in the regular army as non-commissioned officers. many of them were directly from illinois, that is in the sense of having been born and reared in the state, and were fully accustomed to the full exercise of their rights as men and citizens. in character and intelligence the official element of the eighth was about up to the standard of the volunteer army, as events subsequently proved. going into camp with the ninth, white, this latter regiment, early in august, received an order to move to a southern camp en route for cuba, leaving the eighth behind, greatly to the chagrin of both officers and men. governor tanner was evidently disturbed by this move, and expressed himself in the following language: "even from the very doors of the white house have i received letters asking and advising me not to officer this regiment with colored men, but i promised to do so, and i have done it. i shall never rest until i see this regiment--my regiment--on the soil of cuba, battling for the right and for its kinsmen." later the misfortunes of the first illinois proved the opportunity of the eighth. this regiment was in cuba, suffering terribly with the fever, the men going down under its effects so rapidly that the colonel in command implored governor tanner "to use all influence at washington to secure the immediate recall of the first illinois." when the governor received this message he sent for colonel marshall, of the eighth, and asked him to ascertain the sentiments of the officers and men of his regiment in regard to being sent to relieve the first. on the th day of august colonel marshall was able to send to washington the following dispatch: "h. c. corbin, adjutant-general:-- "i called the officers of the eighth illinois, colored, in conference and they are unanimously and enthusiastically in favor of being sent to relieve the first illinois at santiago." to this hearty dispatch came the following reply: "the secretary of war appreciates very much the offer of the eighth illinois volunteer infantry for duty in santiago, and has directed that the regiment be sent there by steamer yale, leaving new york next tuesday. the main trouble with our troops now in cuba is that they are suffering from exhaustion and exposure incident to one of the most trying campaigns to which soldiers have ever been subjected." "h.c. corbin, "_adjutant-general_." this action on the part of the regiment is said to have so pleased the president that on hearing it he declared it was the proudest moment of his life. on the th of august the regiment left springfield, and in passing through illinois and ohio was greeted with the most generous enthusiasm, the people supplying the men with free lunches at every station. this was the period when the sympathy of the whole country was turned toward the colored soldier in consequence of the reports of valor and heroism that had been circulated concerning the black regulars. on the afternoon of the th the yale cast off her lines, and with the first american negro regiment that the world has ever seen, steamed out of new york harbor amid the ringing of bells and shrieks of steam whistles, and four days later, august , landed in cuba. the regiment remained in cuba until march , performing garrison duty so well that general breckenridge said it was "as fine a volunteer regiment as was ever mustered into the service," and that it was "a shame to muster out of service such an excellent regiment." the twenty-third kansas, made up in that state and officered as was the eighth illinois, by men of the same race, with the enlisted men, arrived in cuba august , and in company with the eighth illinois regiment, was stationed in the country about san luis, with headquarters at that place, colonel marshall, of the illinois regiment, serving as commander of the post, and also as governor of the province of san luis. a detachment of the illinois regiment, under command of major jackson, was sent to palma soriana, and did excellent work there in the preservation of order between the cubans and spaniards, who were living together in that place in outward peace but in secret resentful hostility. major jackson managed affairs so well that both parties came to admire him, and when he was called away expressed their regret. captain roots, who commanded the post after the departure of major jackson, was equally fortunate, especially with the cubans, and when it was thought his command was to be removed, the citizens generally united in a petition to the general commanding, asking that both the captain and his command might remain in the city. the fact is also noted by the chroniclers of the regiment that several marriages took place in palma soriana between soldiers of the eighth illinois and cuban maidens. the eighth regiment was finally settled in san luis, occupying the old spanish barracks and arsenal, and under colonel marshall's supervision the city was put in fine sanitary condition, streets and yards being carefully policed; meanwhile under the reign of order and peace which the colonel's just methods established, confidence prevailed, business revived and the stagnation which had so long hung like a fog over the little city, departed, and in its stead came an era of bustling activity. all was peaceful and prosperous, both with the citizens and the garrison, until the ninth united states volunteers came in the vicinity. then a difficulty sprang up in which both regiments became involved, although it was in no sense serious, but it afforded a pretext for the removal of the eighth illinois from the city. the event turned out all the better for the eighth, as it enabled them to establish camp marshall, about three miles from the city, in a healthy neighborhood, where they remained until ordered home to be mustered out. the regiment came back to chicago in fine condition and was tendered an enthusiastic welcome by that great city. thus two entire regiments represented the country abroad in this, its first, foreign war with a european power. it should also be recorded that although the ninth united states volunteers was composed of persons who were classed as immune, and had come chiefly from louisiana, and notwithstanding that the officers of the regiment above lieutenants were white men, and the colonel an officer of the regular army of long experience, and was specially praised by so good a sanitarian as general wood for having been, constant and untiring in his efforts to look after the welfare of his men, and that the surgeons of the regiment were white men, that deaths among the colored men numbered one officer and seventy-three enlisted men. in striking contrast with this record of the immune regiment is that of the eighth illinois, which was made up entirely of residents of that state and officered throughout by colored men. its medical officers were men of high character, and its losses by death were just twenty, or but little over one-fourth the number that occurred in the immune regiment. an efficient auxiliary society to this regiment was formed of colored ladies of chicago who forwarded to the sick in cuba more than six hundred dollars worth of well chosen supplies, which did much for the comfort of those in the hospital; but this would not account for the great difference in the death rate of the two regiments. though not immune, the eighth illinois fared very much better than the so-called immune regiment, although the latter had the benefit of white officers. the experience of the twenty-third kansas did not differ in any important respect from that of the eighth illinois. both regiments returned to their homes in march, , and were mustered out of the service, leaving behind them good records for efficiency. the sixth virginia regiment consisted of eight companies and was under command of lieutenant-colonel richard c. croxton, of the regular army, white, with majors j.b. johnson and w.h. johnson, colored. it was mustered into service during the latter part of the summer and went into camp near knoxville, tennessee. here an order came from corps headquarters, at lexington, kentucky, directing that nine of the officers, including one major, should appear before a board of examiners in order to give evidence of their fitness to command. the officers named, regarding this as uncalled for, immediately tendered their resignations. the vacancies thus created were filled by the governor of the state, the appointees being white men. these white officers on arriving at the camp and finding themselves unwelcome, immediately followed in the wake of their colored predecessors, and tendered their resignations. the difficulties arising from this friction were somehow adjusted, but in what manner the reports available at this time do not show. moving to macon, georgia, the regiment remained in the service until some time in the winter, when it was mustered out. much was said by the local papers to the detriment of the men composing this regiment, but viewing their action from the standpoint of the civilian and citizen, it does not appear reprehensible. they had volunteered with the understanding that their own officers, officers with whom they were well acquainted, and in whose friendship they held a place, should command them, and when they saw these officers displaced and white strangers put in their stead, they felt a pardonable indignation, and took their own way of expressing it. as soldiers, their conduct in resisting authority, cannot be commended. the third north carolina volunteer infantry was organized as were the regiments of illinois and kansas, above described. the officers of the north carolina regiment were all colored men of that state and were men of character and note. its commanding officer, colonel young, had held responsible positions under both state and national governments, had been editor of a paper and member of the state legislature and major in the state militia. in character, he was above reproach, being a strict teetotaler and not even using tobacco. the regiment made a good record, but did not see any active service. a peculiar regiment was organized in alabama, known as the third alabama volunteer infantry, in which the enlisted men were all colored and the officers all white. the regiment saw no service and attracted no attention outside of its immediate locality. two companies of colored men with colored captains were also mustered into the united states service from indiana, and finally attached to colonel huggins' command, although not becoming a part of his regiment, the eighth immunes. they were stationed at fort thomas, ky., and at chickamauga, and were mustered out early. their officers were men of intelligence who had acquired experience by several years' service in the militia, and the companies were exceptionally well drilled. they were designated companies a and b and were commanded by captains porter and buckner, with lieutenant thomas as quartermaster. the organization of the four immune regiments, already mentioned, gave opportunity for ninety-six colored men to obtain commissions as lieutenants. a few of these positions were seized upon by influential young white men, who held them, but with no intention of ever serving in the regiments, as they found staff positions much more congenial to their tastes. the colored men who were appointed lieutenants in these regiments were generally either young men of ability and influence who had assisted in getting up their companies, and who in many cases had received some elementary military instruction as cadets, in school, or men who had distinguished themselves by efficiency or gallantry in the regular army. some exceptions there were, of course, and a few received commissions in consequence of personal friendship and political considerations. before these regiments were mustered out of the service about one-half of the lieutenants were men from the regular army. i am sure the reader will be pleased to learn that sergeants foster, buck and givens, whose deeds in cuba have already been related, were rewarded with commissions, and that the gallant thomas c. butler, who rushed forward from his company's line and seized the spanish standard at el caney, was afterward permitted to serve in cuba with the rank of a commissioned officer. besides those named above, there were others also of marked ability and very respectable attainments who received commissions on general merit, as well as for gallantry. chief among the class promoted for efficiency was first lieutenant james r. gillespie, formerly post quartermaster-sergeant. gillespie had served several years in the tenth cavalry and had proved himself an excellent soldier. both in horsemanship and as marksman he was up to the standard, while his character and business qualifications were such as to secure for him a staff position of responsibility. as quartermaster-sergeant he held positions of important posts and filled them with great satisfaction. because of his efficiency as a soldier he was given a commission as first lieutenant and executed the duties of his office with the same ability that had marked his career as an enlisted man. from the tenth cavalry also came first lieutenant baker, whose commission was a tribute to his fidelity and efficiency. a soldier of high type he bore his commission and its honors as worthily as any son of our republic. in the same category must be placed first lieutenant wm. mcbryer, formerly sergeant in the twenty-fifth infantry. mcbryer had served in the tenth cavalry and had won a medal of honor in conflict with the indians. he was a soldier distinguished by strength of character, prompt executiveness, quick decision and courage. he was also possessed of considerable literary skill, was a good speaker and attractive writer, and a man of fine parts. he was a valuable acquisition to the volunteer service and would have made a fine captain. of the colored sergeants from the regular army who were given commissions in the volunteer service it would not be extravagant to say that all were men of worth, well-tried in the service, and there was scarcely one of them but could have successfully commanded a company. lieutenant a.j. smith, formerly first sergeant in the twenty-fifth infantry, was so well informed in the paper work of the army and in company administration particularly that he was regarded as an authority, and he was so well experienced in the whole life of a soldier, in camp, field, garrison and in battle, that it would have been difficult to find his superior in the army. to the credit of all of the enlisted men of the regular army referred to, who received commissions in the volunteer service, all served honorably and were mustered out without bringing any scandal of any sort upon the service. the colored volunteers in the service acquitted themselves as well as the average volunteer, and when mustered out proceeded to their homes about as others did. the treatment accorded them in some of the southern cities, especially in nashville, tennessee, did not speak well for the loyalty of that section, nor was it such as might reasonably be expected from a people who had fared so well in the offices and honors of the short war. from the best sources available, it seems incumbent to say that the many charges alleged against the colored volunteers for excessive rioting and disorder were without proper foundation, and the assaults made upon them unjustifiable and cruel. the spirit of the assailants is best seen from a description of the attack made upon the unarmed discharged soldiers of the eighth immuners in nashville, already alluded to. this description was made by the sheriff who participated in the brutality. an officer who was on the train, and who was asleep at the time, when aroused went into the car where the men were and found that they had been beaten and robbed, and in some instances their discharges taken from them and torn up, and their weapons and money taken from them by citizens. it was about one o'clock a.m. and the men were generally asleep when attacked. the sheriff gloats over it in language which ought not be allowed to disappear: "it was the best piece of work i ever witnessed. the police went to the depot, not armed with the regulation 'billy,' but carrying stout hickory clubs about two and one-half feet long. their idea was that a mahogany or lignum vitae billy was too costly a weapon to be broken over a negro's head. the police were on board the train before it stopped even, and the way they went for the negroes was inspiring. the police tolerated no impudence, much less rowdyism, from the negroes, and if a darky even looked mad, it was enough for some policeman to bend his club double over his head. in fact after the police finished with them they were the meekest, mildest, most polite set of colored men i ever saw." this language is respectfully dedicated to the memory of the proud city of nashville, and presents to the readers the portrait of her police. despite this vile treatment, the colored soldier went on to his home, ready again to respond to his country's call, and to rally to the defence of his country's flag, and, incidentally, to the preservation of the lives and homes of the misguided, heartless beings who can delight in his sufferings. the hickory club belongs to one sort of warrior; the rifle to quite another. the club and rifle represent different grades of civilization. the negro has left the club; the language from nashville does honor to the club. billy and bully are the theme of this officer of the law, and for a "darkey even to look mad" is ample justification for "some policeman to bend his club double over his head." were these policemen rioters? or were they conservaters of the peace? judge ye! outline history of the ninth (separate) battalion, ohio volunteer infantry. _by the battalion adjutant, lieutenant wilson ballard._ the ninth battalion, ohio volunteer infantry, the only colored organization from ohio in the volunteer army during the war with spain, was, previous to the date of its muster into the united states service, known as the ninth battalion, ohio national guard. april th, , the battalion, consisting of three companies, a from springfield, under captain r.r. rudd; b from columbus, under captain james hopkins, and c from xenia, under captain harry h. robinson, was ordered into camp at columbus, ohio. the battalion was under the command of major charles fillmore. may , , the battalion was mustered into the volunteer service by captain rockefeller, u.s.a. lieutenant charles young, u.s.a., then on duty at wilberforce university, wilberforce, ohio, as professor of military science and tactics, was commissioned by governor bushnell as major commanding the ninth battalion, o.v.i., relieving major fillmore. in order to enable lieutenant young to accept his volunteer commission, he was granted an indefinite leave of absence by the war department. may , , the command having been ordered to join the second army corps at camp russell a. alger, near falls church, va., left camp bushnell and arrived at camp alger may , . when major-general graham assumed command of the second army corps and organized it into divisions, the battalion was placed in the provisional division. in june (exact date not remembered) the battalion was placed in the second brigade, second division, being brigaded with the twelfth pennsylvania and seventh illinois regiments. the battalion was relieved from the second brigade, second division and placed in the second brigade, first division, being brigaded with the eighth ohio and sixth massachusetts. a new jersey regiment was relieved from duty as corps headquarters' guard late in june and the ninth battalion assigned to that duty. the battalion performed this duty until it was ordered south from camp meade, penn., when it became separated from corps headquarters. important outposts, such as the entrance to falls church and the guarding of the citizens' gardens and property, were under the charge of the command. when general garretson's brigade (second brigade, first division, consisting of the eighth ohio, ninth battalion and sixth massachusetts) was ordered to cuba, general graham, thinking that his entire army corps would soon be ordered to active service, requested the war department, as the battalion was his headquarters guard, to let the battalion remain with him. (see telegrams gen. graham's report to the secretary of war.) general graham's request being honored by the department, the battalion was deprived of this chance of seeing active service in foreign fields. the battalion was then attached to the second brigade, second division, under brigadier-general plummer, being brigaded with the first new jersey, sixty-fifth new york and seventh ohio. in july the battalion was relieved from this brigade and attached directly to corps headquarters. when the second army corps was ordered to camp meade, penna., the battalion was one of the first to break camp, going with corps headquarters. the battalion left camp r.a. alger august , , and arrived in camp at camp george g. meade, near middletown, penna., august , . in camp the battalion occupied a position with the signal and engineer corps and hospital, near corps headquarters. when the peace jubilee was held in philadelphia, the battalion was one of the representative commands from the second army corps, being given the place of honor in the corps in the parade, following immediately general graham and staff. when the corps was ordered south the battalion was assigned to the second brigade under brigadier-general ames. the battalion left camp meade november . up to this time it had done the guard duty of corps headquarters and was complimented for its efficient work by the commanding general. the battalion arrived in summerville, s.c., november , . it was brigaded with the fourteenth pennsylvania and third connecticut. when the battalion arrived in the south the white citizens were not at all favorably disposed toward colored soldiers, and it must be said that the reception was not cordial. but by their orderly conduct and soldierly behavior the men soon won the respect of all, and the battalion was well treated before it left. november - major philip reade, inspector general first division, second army corps, inspected the ninth battalion, beginning his duties in that brigade with this inspection. he complimented the battalion for its work both from a practical and theoretical standpoint. coming to the fourteenth pennsylvania he required them to go through certain movements in the extended order drill which not being done entirely to his satisfaction, he sent his orderly to the commanding officer of the ninth battalion, requesting him to have his command on the drill ground at once. the battalion fell in and marched to the ground and when presented to the inspector orders were given for it to go through with certain movements in the extended order drill in the presence of the pennsylvania regiment. this done, the inspector dismissed the battalion, highly complimenting major young on the efficiency of his command. just after the visit of the inspector general, general s.b.m. young, commanding the second army corps, visited camp marion. orders were sent to major young one morning to have his battalion fall in at once, as the general desired to have them drill. by his command the battalion went through the setting-up exercises and battalion drill in close and extended order. the general was so well pleased with the drill that the battalion was exempted from all work during the remainder of the day. the battalion was ordered to be mustered out january , . lieutenant geo. w. van deusen, first artillery, who was detailed to muster out the command, hardly spent fifteen minutes in the camp. major young had been detailed assistant commissary of musters and signed all discharges for the ninth battalion, except for the field and staff, which were signed by lieutenant van deusen. the companies left for their respective cities the same night they were paid. major bullis was the paymaster. footnotes: [ ] see "outline history of the ninth (separate) battalion ohio volunteer infantry," by the battalion adjutant, lieutenant nelson ballard, following the close of this chapter. chapter xii. colored officers. by captain frank r. steward, a.b., ll.b., harvard, forty-ninth u.s. volunteer infantry--appendix. of all the avenues open to american citizenship the commissioned ranks of the army and navy have been the stubbornest to yield to the newly enfranchised. colored men have filled almost every kind of public office or trust save the chief magistracy. they have been members of both houses of congress, and are employed in all the executive branches of the government, but no negro has as yet succeeded in invading the commissioned force of the navy, and his advance in the army has been exceedingly slight. since the war, as has been related, but three negroes have been graduated from the national military academy at west point; of these one was speedily crowded out of the service; another reached the grade of first lieutenant and died untimely; the third, first lieutenant charles young, late major of the th ohio battalion, u.s. volunteers, together with four colored chaplains, constitute the sole colored commissioned force of our regular army. although negroes fought in large numbers in both the revolution and the war of , there is no instance of any negro attaining or exercising the rank of commissioned officer. it is a curious bit of history, however, that in the civil war those who were fighting to keep colored men enslaved were the first to commission colored officers. in louisiana but a few days after the outbreak of the war, the free colored population of new orleans organized a military organization, called the "native guard," which was accepted into the service of the state and its officers were duly commissioned by the governor.[ ] these negro soldiers were the first to welcome general butler when he entered new orleans, and the fact of the organization of the "native guard" by the confederates was used by general butler as the basis for the organization of three colored regiments of "native guards," all the line officers of which were colored men. governor pinchback, who was a captain in one of these regiments, tells the fate of these early colored officers. "there were," he writes, "in new orleans some colored soldiers known as 'native guards' before the arrival of the federal soldiers, but i do not know much about them. it was a knowledge of this fact that induced general butler, then in command of the department of the gulf, to organize three regiments of colored soldiers, viz: the first, second and third regiments of native guards. "the first regiment of louisiana native guards, colonel stafford commanding, with all the field officers white, and a full complement of line officers ( ) colored, was mustered into service at new orleans september , , for three years. soon after general banks took command of the department and changed the designation of the regiment to first infantry, corps d'afrique. april th, , it was changed again to seventy-third united states colored infantry. [transcriber's note: this footnote appeared in the text without a footnote anchor: "on the d of november, , there was a grand review of the confederate troops stationed at new orleans. an associated press despatch announced that the line was seven miles long. the feature of the review, however, was one regiment of fourteen hundred free colored men. another grand review followed the next spring, and on the appearance of rebel negroes a local paper made the following comment: "'we must also pay a deserved compliment to the companies of free colored men, all very well drilled and comfortably uniformed. most of these companies, quite unaided by the administration, have supplied themselves with arms without regard to cost or trouble. on the same day one of these negro companies was presented with a flag, and every evidence of public approbation was manifest.'" (williams's negro troops in the rebellion, pp. - )] "the second louisiana native guards, with colonel n.w. daniels and lieutenant-colonel hall, white, and major francis e. dumas, colored, and all the line officers colored except one second lieutenant, was mustered into service for three years, october , . general banks changed its designation to second infantry corps d'afrique, june , , and april , , it was changed to second united states colored troops. finally it was consolidated with the ninety-first as the seventy-fourth colored infantry, and mustered out october , . "the third regiment of louisiana native guards, with colonel nelson and all field officers white, and all line officers ( ) colored, was mustered into service at new orleans for three years, november , . its designation went through the same changes as the others at the same dates, and it was mustered out november , , as the seventy-fifth colored infantry. "soon after the organization of the third regiment, trouble for the colored officers began, and the department began a systematic effort to get rid of them. a board of examiners was appointed and all colored officers of the third regiment were ordered before it. they refused to obey the order and tendered their resignations in a body. the resignations were accepted and that was the beginning of the end. like action with the same results followed in the first and second regiments, and colored officers were soon seen no more. all were driven out of the service except three or four who were never ordered to appear before the examining board. among these was your humble servant. i was then captain of company a, second regiment, but i soon tired of my isolation and resigned." later on in the war, with the general enlistment of colored soldiers, a number of colored chaplains and some surgeons were commissioned. towards the close of the war several colored line officers and a field officer or two were appointed. the state of massachusetts was foremost in according this recognition to colored soldiers. but these later appointments came, in most cases, after the fighting was all over, and gave few opportunities to command. at the close of the war, with the muster out of troops the colored officers disappeared and upon the reorganization of the army, despite the brilliant record of the colored soldiers, no negro was given a commission of any sort. the outbreak of the spanish war brought the question of colored officers prominently to the front. the colored people began at once to demand that officers of their own race be commissioned to command colored volunteers. they were not to be deluded by any extravagant praise of their past heroic services, which veiled a determination to ignore their just claims. so firmly did they adhere to their demands that but one volunteer regiment of colored troops, the third alabama, could be induced to enter the service with none of its officers colored. but the concessions obtained were always at the expense of continuous and persistent effort, and in the teeth of a very active and at times extremely violent opposition. we know already the kind of opposition the eighth illinois, the twenty-third kansas, and the third north carolina regiments, officered entirely by colored men, encountered. it was this opposition, as we have seen, which confined colored officers to positions below the grade of captain in the four immune regiments. from a like cause, we know also, distinguished non-commissioned officers of the four regular regiments of colored troops were allowed promotion only to lieutenantcies in the immune regiments, and upon the muster out of those organizations, were compelled, if they desired to continue soldiering, to resume their places as enlisted men. there is some explanation for this opposition in the nature of the distinction which military rank confers. military rank and naval rank constitute the only real distinction among us. our officers of the army and navy, and of the army more than of the navy, because the former officers are more constantly within the country, make up the sole separate class of our population. we have no established nobility. wealth confers no privilege which men are bound to observe. the respect paid to men who attain eminence in science and learning goes only as far as they are known. the titles of the professions are matters of courtesy and customs only. our judges and legislators, our governors and mayors, are still our "fellow citizens," and the dignity they enjoy is but an honorary one. the highest office within our gift offers no exception. at the close of his term, even an ex-president, "that melancholy product of our system," must resume his place among his fellow citizens, to sink, not infrequently, into obscurity. but fifty thousand soldiers must stand attention to the merest second lieutenant! his rank is a _fact_. the life tenure, the necessities of military discipline and administration, weld army officers into a distinct class and make our military system the sole but necessary relic of personal government. any class with special privileges is necessarily conservative. the intimate association of "officer" and "gentleman," a legacy of feudal days, is not without significance. an officer must also be a gentleman, and "conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman" is erected into an offence punishable by dismissal from the service. the word "gentleman" has got far away from the strict significance of its french parent. de tocqueville has made us see the process of this development. passing over to england, with the changing conditions, "gentleman" was used to describe persons lower and lower in the social scale, until, when it crossed to this country, its significance became lost in an indiscriminate application to all citizens[ ]. a flavor of its caste significance still remains in the traditional "high sense of honor" characteristic of our military service. it was a distant step for a slave and freedman to become an officer and gentleman. while the above reflections may be some explanations _in fact_ for the opposition to the commissioning of negroes, there was no one with hardihood enough to bring them forward. such notions might form the groundwork of a prejudice, but they could not become the reason of a policy. it is an instinctive tribute to the good sense of the american people that the opponents of colored officers were compelled to find reasons of another kind for their antagonism. the one formula heard always in the campaign against colored officers was: negroes cannot command. this formula was sent forth with every kind of variation, from the fierce fulminations of the hostile southern press, to the more apologetic and philosophical discussions of our northern secular and religious journals. to be sure, every now and then, there were exhibitions of impatience against the doctrine. not a few newspapers had little tolerance for the nonsense. some former commanders of negro soldiers in the civil war, notably, general t.j. morgan, spoke out in their behalf. the brilliant career of the black regulars in cuba broke the spell for a time, but the re-action speedily set in. in short it became fastened pretty completely in the popular mind as a bit of demonstrated truth that negroes could not make officers; that colored soldiers would neither follow nor obey officers of their own race. this formula had of course to ignore an entire epoch of history. it could take no account of that lurid program wrought in the antilles a century ago--a rising mob of rebel slaves, transformed into an invincible army of tumultuous blacks, under the guidance of the immortal toussaint, overcoming the trained armies of three continental powers, spain, england and france, and audaciously projecting a black republic into the family of nations, a program at once a marvel and a terror to the civilized world. not alone in hayti, but throughout the states of central and south america have negroes exercised military command, both in the struggles of these states for independence, and in their national armies established after independence. at least one soldier of negro blood, general dumas, father of the great novelist, arose to the rank of general of division in the french army and served under napoleon. in our day we have seen general dodds, another soldier of negro blood, returning from a successful campaign in africa, acclaimed throughout france, his immense popularity threatening paris with a renewal of the hysterical days of boulanger. finally, we need not be told that at the very head and front of the cuban rebellion were negroes of every hue, exercising every kind of command up to the very highest. we need but recall the lamented maceo, the negro chieftain, whose tragic end brought sorrow and dismay to all of cuba. with an army thronging with blacks and mulattoes, these cuban chieftains, black, mulatto and white, prolonged such an harassing warfare as to compel the intervention of the united states. at the end of this recital, which could well have been extended with greater particularity, if it were thought needful, we are bound to conclude that the arbitrary formula relied upon by the opponents of colored officers was never constructed to fit such an obstinate set of facts. the prolonged struggle which culminated in permitting the negro's general enlistment in our civil war had only to be repeated to secure for him the full pay of a soldier, the right to be treated as a prisoner of war, and to relieve him of the monopoly of fatigue and garrison duty. he was too overjoyed with the boon of fighting for the liberation of his race to make much contention about who was to lead him. with meagre exception, his exclusive business in that war was to carry a gun. yet repeatedly negro soldiers evinced high capacity for command. colonel thomas wentworth higginson draws a glowing portrait of sergeant prince rivers, color-sergeant of the first south carolina volunteers, a regiment of slaves, organized late in . the color-sergeant was provost-sergeant also, and had entire charge of the prisoners and of the daily policing of the camp. "he is a man of distinguished appearance and in old times was the crack coachman of beaufort. * * * they tell me that he was once allowed to present a petition to the governor of south carolina in behalf of slaves, for the redress of certain grievances, and that a placard, offering two thousand dollars for his re-capture is still to be seen by the wayside between here and charleston. he was a sergeant in the old 'hunter regiment,' and was taken by general hunter to new york last spring, where the chevrons on his arm brought a mob upon him in broadway, whom he kept off till the police interfered. there is not a white officer in this regiment who has more administrative ability, or more absolute authority over the men; they do not love him, but his mere presence has controlling power over them. he writes well enough to prepare for me a daily report of his duties in the camp; if his education reached a higher point i see no reason why he should not command the army of the potomac. he is jet-black, or rather, i should say, wine-black, his complexion, like that of others of my darkest men, having a sort of rich, clear depth, without a trace of sootiness, and to my eye very handsome. his features are tolerably regular, and full of command, and his figure superior to that of any of our white officers, being six feet high, perfectly proportioned, and of apparently inexhaustable strength and activity. his gait is like a panther's; i never saw such a tread. no anti-slavery novel has described a man of such marked ability. he makes toussaint perfectly intelligible, and if there should ever be a black monarchy in south carolina he will be its king."[ ] excepting the louisiana native guards, the first south carolina volunteers was the first regiment of colored troops to be mustered into the service in the civil war. the regiment was made up entirely of slaves, with scarcely a mulatto among them. the first day of freedom for these men was passed in uniform and with a gun. among these negroes, just wrested from slavery, their scholarly commander, colonel higginson, could find many whom he judged well fitted by nature to command. "afterwards i had excellent battalion drills," he writes, "without a single white officer, by way of experiment, putting each company under a sergeant, and going through the most difficult movements, such as division columns and oblique squares. and as to actual discipline, it is doing no injustice to the line-officers of the regiment to say that none of them received from the men more implicit obedience than color-sergeant rivers. * * * it always seemed to me an insult to those brave men to have novices put over their heads, on the ground of color alone, and the men felt it the more keenly as they remained longer in the service. there were more than seven hundred enlisted men in the regiment, when mustered out after more than three years' service. the ranks had been kept full by enlistment, but there were only fourteen line-officers instead of the full thirty. the men who should have filled these vacancies were doing duty as sergeants in the ranks."[ ] numerous expeditions were constantly on foot in the department of the south, having for their object the liberation of slaves still held to service in neighborhoods remote from the union camps, or to capture supplies and munitions of war. frequently these expeditions came in conflict with armed bodies of rebels and hot engagements would ensue, resulting in considerable loss of life. colored soldiers were particularly serviceable for this work because of their intimate knowledge of the country and their zeal for the rescue of their enslaved brethren. one of these expeditions, composed of thirty colored soldiers and scouts, commanded by sergeant-major henry james, third united states colored troops, left jacksonville, florida, early in march, , to penetrate into the interior through marion county. they destroyed considerable property in the use of the rebel government, burned the bridge across the oclawaha river, and started on their return with ninety-one negroes whom they had rescued from slavery, four white prisoners, some wagons and a large number of horses and mules. they were attacked by a rebel band of more than fifty cavalry. the colored soldiers commanded by one of their own number, defeated and drove off the rebels, inflicting upon them the heavy loss of thirty men. after a long and rapid march they arrived at st. augustine, florida, with a loss of but two killed and four wounded, the expedition covering in all five days. these colored soldiers and their colored commander were thanked in orders by major-general q.a. gilmore, commanding the department, who was moved to declare that "this expedition, planned and executed by colored men, under the command of a colored non-commissioned officer, reflects credit upon the brave participants and their leader," and "he holds up their conduct to their comrades in arms as an example worthy of emulation."[ ] it was no uncommon occurrence throughout the civil war for colored non-commissioned officers to be thrown into command of their companies by the killing or wounding of their superior officers. on many a field of battle this happened and these colored non-commissioned officers showed the same ability to take the initiative and accept the responsibility, and conducted their commands just as bravely and unfalteringly as did their successors on the firing line at la guasima and el caney, or in the charge up san juan hill. in the battle of new market heights, fought on the th of september, , as part of a comprehensive effort to turn lee's left flank, the great heroism of the black soldiers, and the terrible slaughter among them, impressed their commander, the late major-general butler, to his dying day, and made him the stout champion of their rights for the rest of his life. in that battle, to quote from the orders putting on record the "gallant deeds of the officers and soldiers of the army of the james":-- "milton m. holland, sergeant-major fifth united states colored troops, commanding company c; james h. bronson, first sergeant, commanding company d; robert pinn, first sergeant, commanding company i, wounded; powhatan beaty, first sergeant, commanding company g, fifth united states colored troops--all these gallant colored soldiers were left in command, all their company officers being killed or wounded, and led them gallantly and meritoriously through the day. for these services they have most honorable mention, and the commanding general will cause a special medal to be struck in honor of these gallant soldiers." "first sergeant edward ratcliff, company c, thirty-eighth united states colored troops, thrown into command of his company by the death of the officer commanding, was the first enlisted man in the enemy's works, leading his company with great gallantry for which he has a medal." "sergeant samuel gilchrist, company k, thirty-sixth united states colored troops, showed great bravery and gallantry in commanding his company after his officers were killed. he has a medal for gallantry."[ ] "honorable mention" and "medals" were the sole reward open to the brave negro soldiers of that day. not alone in camp and garrison, in charge of expeditions, or as non-commissioned officers thrown into command of their companies on the field of battle have negro soldiers displayed unquestioned capacity for command, but as commissioned officers they commanded in camp and in battle, showing marked efficiency and conspicuous gallantry. the colored officers of the first and second regiments of louisiana native guards, whose history has been detailed earlier in this chapter,[ ] were retained in the service long enough to command their troops in bloody combat with the enemy. it will be remembered that of the second regiment of louisiana native guards only the colonel and lieutenant-colonel were white, the major, f.e. dumas, and all the line officers, as in the case of the first regiment of louisiana native guards, being colored. on april , , colonel n.u. daniels, who commanded the second regiment of louisiana native guards, with a detachment of two hundred men of his regiment, under their colored officers, engaged and repulsed a considerable body of rebel infantry and cavalry at pascagoula, mississippi. the engagement lasted from a.m. until p.m. and was remarkable for the steadiness, tenacity and bravery of these black troops in this, their first battle, where they succeeded in defeating and beating off an enemy five times their number. the official report by the colonel commanding declared: "great credit is due to the troops engaged for their unflinching bravery and steadiness under this, their first fire, exchanging volley after volley with the coolness of veterans, and for their determined tenacity in maintaining their position, and taking advantage of every success that their courage and valor gave them; and also to their officers, who were cool and determined throughout the action, fighting their commands against five times their number, and confident throughout of success. * * * "i would particularly call the attention of the department to major f.e. dumas, capt. villeverd and lieuts. jones and martin, who were constantly in the thickest of the fight, and by their unflinching bravery and admirable handling of their commands, contributed to the success of the attack, and reflected great honor upon the flag for which they so nobly struggled."[ ] the battle which settled for all time the bravery of black troops, and ought as well to silence all question about the capacity of colored officers, was the storming of port hudson, may , . for months the confederates had had uninterrupted opportunity to strengthen their works at port hudson at a time when an abundance of slave labor was at their disposal. they had constructed defenses of remarkable strength. on a bluff, eighty feet above the river, was a series of batteries mounting in all twenty siege guns. for land defenses they had a continuous line of parapet of strong profile, beginning at a point on the river a mile from port hudson and extending in a semi-circle for three or four miles over a country for the most part rough and broken, and ending again at the river, a half mile north of port hudson. at appropriate positions along this line four bastion works were constructed and thirty pieces of field artillery were posted. the average thickness of the parapet was twenty feet, and the depth of the ditch below the top of the parapet was fifteen feet. the ground behind the parapet was well adapted for the prompt movement of troops.[ ] on the th of may general banks reached the immediate vicinity of port hudson, and proceeded at once to invest the place. on the th the assault was ordered. two colored regiments of louisiana native guards, the first regiment with all line officers colored, and the third with white officers throughout, were put under command of colonel john a. nelson, of the third regiment, and assigned to position on the right of the line, where the assault was begun. the right began the assault in the morning; for some reason the left did not assault until late in the afternoon. six companies of the first louisiana and nine companies of the third, in all men, were formed in column of attack. even now, one cannot contemplate unmoved the desperate valor of these black troops and the terrible slaughter among them as they were sent to their impossible task that day in may. moving forward in double quick time the column emerged from the woods, and passing over the plain strewn with felled trees and entangled brushwood, plunged into a fury of shot and shell as they charged for the batteries on the rebel left. again and again that unsupported column of black troops held to their hopeless mission by the unrelenting order of the brigade commander, hurled itself literally into the jaws of death, many meeting horrible destruction actually at the cannon's mouth. it was a day prodigal with deeds of fanatical bravery. the colors of the first louisiana, torn and shivered in that fearful hail of fire, were still borne forward in front of the works by the color-sergeant, until a shell from the enemy cut the flag in two and gave the sergeant his mortal wound. he fell spattering the flag with blood and brains and hugged it to his bosom as he lay in the grasp of death. two corporals sprang forward to seize the colors, contending in generous rivalry until a rebel sharpshooter felled one of them across the sergeant's lifeless body. the other dashed proudly forward with the flag. sixteen men fell that day defending the colors. black officers and white officers commanded side by side, moving among the men to prompt their valor by word and example, revealing no difference in their equal contempt of death. captain quinn, of the third regiment, with forty reckless followers, bearing their rifles and cartridge boxes above their heads, swam the ditch and leaped among the guns, when they were ordered back to escape a regiment of rebels hastening for their rear. six of them re-crossed alive, and of these only two were unhurt, the brave quinn and a lieutenant. the gallant captain andre cailloux, who commanded the color company of the first louisiana, a man black as night, but a leader by birth and education, moved in eager zeal among his men, cheering them on by words and his own noble example, with his left arm already shattered, proudly refusing to leave the field. in a last effort of heroism, he sprang to the front of his company, commanded his men to follow him, and in the face of that murderous fire, gallantly led them forward until a shell smote him to death but fifty yards from the works. cailloux, a pure negro in blood, was born a freeman and numbered generations of freemen among his ancestry. he had fine presence, was a man of culture and possessed wealth. he had raised his company by his own efforts, and attached them to him, not only by his ardent pride of race, which made him boast his blackness, but also by his undoubted talents for command. his heroic death was mourned by thousands of his race who had known him. his body, recovered after the surrender, was given a soldier's burial in his own native city of new orleans. when the day was spent, the bleeding and shattered column was at length recalled. the black troops did not take the guns, but the day's work had won for them a fame that cannot die. the nation, which had received them into the service half-heartedly, and out of necessity, was that day made to witness a monotony of gallantry and heroism that compelled everywhere awe and admiration. black soldiers, and led by black officers as well as white, assigned a task hopeless and impossible at the start, had plunged into that withering storm of shot and shell, poured fourth by artillery and infantry, charging over a field strewn with obstacles, and in madness of bravery had more than once thrown the thin head of their column to the very edge of the guns. they recoiled only to reform their broken lines and to start again their desperate work. when the day was gone, and they were called back, the shattered remnant of the column which had gone forth in the morning still burned with passion. with that day's work of black soldiers under black officers, a part forever of the military glory of the republic, there are those who yet dare to declare that negroes cannot command. the assault on port hudson had been unsuccessful all along the line. a second assault was ordered june . it, too, was unsuccessful. the fall of vicksburg brought the garrison to terms. the surrender took place july , . in the report of the general commanding, the colored soldiers were given unstinted praise. general banks declared that "no troops could be more determined or more daring."[ ] the northern press described glowingly their part in the fight. the prowess of the black soldiers had conquered military prejudice, and won for them a place in the army of the union. and the brave black officers who led these black soldiers, they were, all of them, ordered forthwith before an examining board with the purpose of driving them from the service, and every one of them in self-respect was made to resign. in such manner was their bravery rewarded. in the four regiments of colored troops made a part of the regular army since the civil war, colored soldiers, to say nothing of the three colored graduates from west point, referred to earlier in this chapter, have repeatedly given evidence of their capacity to command. an earlier chapter has already set forth the gallant manner in which colored non-commissioned officers, left in command by the killing or wounding of their officers, commanded their companies at la guasima, el caney and in the charge at san juan. on numerous occasions, with none of the heroic setting of the santiago campaign, have colored soldiers time and again command detachments and companies on dangerous scouting expeditions, and in skirmishes and fights with hostile indians and marauders. the entire western country is a witness of their prowess. this meritorious work, done in remote regions, has seldom come to public notice; the medal which the soldier wears, and the official entry in company and regimental record are in most cases the sole chronicle. a typical instance is furnished in the career of sergeant richard anderson, late of the ninth cavalry. the sergeant has long ago completed his thirty years of service. he passed through all non-commissioned grades in his troop and regiment, and was retired as post commissary-sergeant. the story of the engagements in which he commanded give ample proof of his ability and bravery. it would be no service to the sergeant to disturb his own frank and formal narrative. the sergeant's story:-- "while in sub-camp at fort cumming, new mexico, awaiting orders for campaign duty against hostile indians (old naney's band), on the evening of june , , my troop commander being absent at fort bayard, which left me in command of my troop, there being no other commissioned officer available, a report having come in to the commanding officer about o'clock that a band of apache indians were marching toward cook's canon, troops b and l, under general command of captain francis, th cavalry, and myself commanding troop b, were ordered out. we came upon the indians in cook's canon and had an engagement which lasted two or three hours. three or four indians were killed and several wounded. we had no men killed, but a few wounded in both l and b troops. we followed the indians many miles that evening, but having no rations, returned to fort cumming late that evening, and went into camp until the following morning, when the two troops took the trail and followed it many days, but being unable to overtake the indians, returned to fort cumming. in august, , while my troop was in camp at fort cumming, new mexico, awaiting orders for another campaign against these same apache indians, my troop commander having been ordered to fort bayard, new mexico, on general court-martial duty, and during his absence having no commissioned officer available, i was in command of my troop subject to the orders of the post commander. at o'clock at night, august , , while in my tent asleep, the commanding officer's orderly knocked on my tent and informed me that the commanding officer wanted me to report to him at once. i asked the orderly what was up. he informed me that he supposed a scout was going out, as the commanding officer had sent for lieutenant smith, then in command of troop h, th cavalry. i dressed myself promptly and reported, and found lieutenant smith and the commanding officer at the office on my arrival. the commanding officer asked me about how many men i could mount for thirty days' detached duty, leaving so many men to take care of property and horses. i told him about how many. he ordered me to make a ration return for that number of men, and send a sergeant to draw rations for thirty days' scout; and for me to hurry up, and when ready to report to lieutenant smith. by . my troop was ready and mounted, and reported as ordered, and at o'clock troop's b and h pulled out from fort cumming for lake valley, new mexico; and when the sun showed himself over the tops of the mountains we marched down the mountains into lake valley, thirty-five miles from fort cumming. we went into camp hoping to spend a few hours and take a rest, and feed our horses and men. about o'clock a small boy came running through camp crying as if to break his heart, saying that the indians had killed his mother and their baby. some of the men said the boy must be crazy; but many of them made for their horses without orders. soon lieutenant smith ordered "saddle up." in less than five minutes all the command was saddled up and ready to mount. we mounted and pulled out at a gallop, and continued at that gait until we came to a high mountain, when we came down to a walk. and when over the mountain we took up the gallop, and from that time on, nothing but a gallop and a trot, when the country was favorable for such. when we had marched about two miles from lake valley we met the father of the boy, with his leg bleeding where the indians had shot him. we marched about half a mile farther, when we could see the indians leaving this man's ranch. we had a running fight with them from that time until about o'clock that evening, august th, . having no rations, we returned to lake valley with the intention of resting that night and taking the trail the next morning; but about o'clock that night a ranchman came into camp and reported that the indians had marched into a milk ranch and burned up the ranch, and had gone into camp near by. lieutenant smith ordered me to have the command in readiness to march at o'clock sharp, and said we could surprise those indians and capture many of them and kill a few also. i went and made my detail as ordered, with five days' rations in haversacks, and at o'clock reported as ordered. about half-past o'clock the command pulled out and marched within about a mile and a half of the milk ranch and went into camp; and at daylight in the morning saddled up and marched to the ranch. the indians had pulled out a few minutes before our arrival. we took their trail and came up with them about o'clock, finding the indians in ambush. lieutenant smith was the first man killed, and when i heard his last command, which was "dismount," then the whole command fell upon your humble servant. we fell back, up a canon and on a hill, and held them until o'clock, when a reinforcement came up of about twenty men from lake valey and the indians pulled off over the mountains. the following-named men were killed in the engagement: lieutenant g.w. smith; mr. daily, a miner; saddler thomas golding; privates james brown and monroe overstreet. wounded--privates wesley harris, john w. williams and william a. hallins. after the indians ceased firing and fell back over the mountains i cared for the wounded and sent lieutenant smith's body to fort bayard, new mexico, where his wife was, which was about sixty miles from the battle-ground, and mr. daily's body to lake valley, all under a strong detachment of men under a non-commissioned officer; when i marched with the remainder of the command with the dead and wounded for rodman mill, where i arrived about o'clock on the morning of august and buried the dead and sent the wounded to fort bayard. one thing that attracted my attention more than anything else was the suffering of private john w. williams, troop h, who was shot through the kneecap and had to ride all that night from the battle-ground to brookman's mill. poor fellow! i buried all my dead, and then marched for fort cumming, where we arrived about sunset and reported to general edward hatch, then commanding the regiment and also the district of new mexico, giving him all the details pertaining to the engagement. general hatch asked me about how many men i could mount the next morning, the st. i informed him about how many. he ordered me to have my troop in readiness by daylight and report to lieutenant demmick, then commanding troop l, and follow that indian trail. my troop was ready as ordered, and marched. we followed those indians to the line of old mexico, but were unable to overtake them. such was my last engagement with hostile indians." the formula that negroes cannot command, with the further assertion that colored soldiers will neither follow nor obey officers of their own race, we have now taken out of the heads of its upholders, and away from its secure setting of type on the printed page, and applied it to the facts. negro soldiers have shown their ability to command by commanding, not always with shoulder-straps, to be sure, but nevertheless commanding. with wearying succession, instance after instance, where negroes have exercised all manner of military command and always creditably, have extended for us a recital to the border of monotony, and made formidable test of our patience. in france and the west indies, in central and south america, negroes have commanded armies, in one instance fighting under napoleon, at other times to free themselves from slavery and their countries from the yoke of oppression. in our own country, from the days of the revolution, when fourteen american officers declared in a memorial to the congress, that a "negro man called salem poor, of colonel frye's regiment, captain ames' company, in the late battle at charlestown, behaved like an _experienced officer_, as well as an excellent soldier;"[ ] from the first war of the nation down to its last, negro soldiers have been evincing their capacity to command. in the civil war, where thousands of colored soldiers fought for the union, their ability to command has been evidenced in a hundred ways, on scouts and expeditions, in camp and in battle; on two notable occasions, negro officers gallantly fought their commands side by side with white officers, and added lustre to the military glory of the nation. upon the re-organization of the regular army at the close of the war the theatre shifted to our western frontier, where the negro soldier continued to display his ability to command. finally, in the spanish war, just closed, the negro soldier made the nation again bear witness not alone to his undaunted bravery, but also to his conspicuous capacity to command. out of this abundant and conclusive array of incontestable facts, frankly, is there anything left to the arbitrary formula that negroes cannot command, but a string of ipse dixits hung on a very old, but still decidedly robust prejudice? there is no escape from the conclusion that as a matter of fact, with opportunity, negroes differ in no wise from other men in capacity to exercise military command. undoubtedly substantial progress has been made respecting colored officers since , when colored soldiers were first admitted in considerable numbers into the army of the union. at the period of the civil war colored officers for colored soldiers was little more than thought of; the sole instance comprised the short-lived colored officers of the three regiments of louisiana native guards, and the sporadic appointments made near the close of the war, when the fighting was over. more than three hundred colored officers served in the volunteer army in the war with spain. two northern states, illinois and kansas, and one southern state, north carolina, put each in the field as part of its quota a regiment of colored troops officered throughout by colored men. ohio and indiana contributed each a separate battalion of colored soldiers entirely under colored officers. in a regiment of colored troops with colored officers was practically impossible. in a regiment of colored volunteers without some colored officers was almost equally impossible. in a regiment of colored soldiers commanded by colored officers would have been a violation of the sentiment of the period and an outrage upon popular feelings, the appearance of which in almost any northern city would hardly fail to provoke an angry and resentful mob. at that period, even black recruits in uniforms were frequently assaulted in the streets of northern cities. we have seen already how sergeant rivers, of the first south carolina volunteers, had to beat off a mob on broadway in new york city. in regiments and battalions of colored troops, with colored colonels and majors in command, came out of states where the most stringent black laws were formerly in force, and were greeted with applause as they passed on their way to their camps or to embark for cuba. in baltimore, in , the appearance of a negro in the uniform of an army surgeon started a riot, and the irate mob was not appeased until it had stripped the patriotic colored doctor of his shoulder-straps. in , when the sixth regiment of massachusetts volunteers passed through the same city, the colored officers of company l of that regiment were welcomed with the same courtesies as their white colleagues--courtesies extended as a memorial of the fateful progress of the regiment through the city of baltimore in . one state which went to war in to keep the negro a slave, put in the field a regiment of colored soldiers, officered by colored men from the colonel down. to this extent has prejudice been made to yield either to political necessity, or a generous change in sentiment. thus were found states both north and south willing to give the negro the full military recognition to which he is entitled. with this wider recognition of colored officers the general government has not kept pace. in the four regiments of colored volunteers recruited by the general government for service in the war with spain, only the lieutenants were colored. through the extreme conservatism of the war department, in these regiments no colored officers, no matter how meritorious, could be appointed or advanced to the grade of captain. such was the announced policy of the department, and it was strictly carried out. the commissioning of this large number of colored men even to lieutenancies was, without doubt, a distinct step in advance; it was an entering wedge. but it was also an advance singularly inadequate and embarrassing. in one of these colored volunteer, commonly called "immune" regiments, of the twelve captains, but five had previous military training, while of the twenty-four colored lieutenants, eighteen had previous military experience, and three of the remaining six were promoted from the ranks, so that at the time of their appointment twenty-one lieutenants had previous military training. of the five captains with previous military experience, one, years ago, had been a lieutenant in the regular army; another was promoted from post quartermaster-sergeant; a third at one time had been first sergeant of artillery; the remaining two had more or less experience in the militia. of the eighteen lieutenants with previous military experience, twelve had served in the regular army; eight of these, not one with a service less than fifteen years, were promoted directly from the ranks of the regulars for efficiency and gallantry. at the time of their promotion two were sergeants, five first sergeants and one a post quartermaster-sergeant. the four others from the regular army had served five years each. of the six remaining lieutenants with previous military experience, four had received military training in high schools, three of whom were subsequently officers in the militia; fifth graduated from a state college with a military department; the sixth had been for years an officer in the militia. with this advantage at the start, it is no extravagance to say that the colored officers practically made the companies. to them was due the greater part of the credit for whatever efficiency the companies showed. moreover, these colored officers were not behind in intelligence. among them were four graduates of universities and colleges, two lawyers, two teachers, one journalist, five graduates of high schools and academies, and the men from the regular army, as their previous non-commissioned rank indicates, were of good average intelligence. there is no reason to believe that this one of the four colored volunteer regiments was in any degree exceptional. these are the officers for whom the war department had erected their arbitrary bar at captaincy, and declared that no show of efficiency could secure for them the titular rank which they more than once actually exercised. for they were repeatedly in command of their companies through sickness or absence of their captains. they served as officers without the incentive which comes from hope of promotion. they were forced to see the credit of their labors go to others, and to share more than once in discredit for which they were not responsible. they were, and in this lay their chief embarrassment, without the security and protection which higher rank would have accorded them. in case of trial by court-martial, captains and other higher officers filled the court to the exclusion of almost all others. these were white men. it is gratifying to record that the war department recognized this special injustice to colored officers, and in the two regiments of colored volunteers recruited for service in the philippines all the line-officers are colored men, the field officers being white, and appointed from the regular army in pursuance of a general policy. thus far has the general government advanced in recognition of the military capacity of the negro. in the swing of the pendulum the nation is now at the place where the hardy general butler was thirty-seven years ago, when he organized the three regiments of louisiana native guards with all line-officers colored. the way in which modern armies are organized and perfected leaves little necessity for an equipment of exceptional personal gifts in order to exercise ordinary military command. the whole thing is subordinate, and the field for personal initiative is contracted to the minimum. in our own army the president is commander-in-chief, and the command descends through a multitude of subordinate grades down to the lowest commissioned officer in the service. we have "articles of war" and "regulations," and the entire discipline and government of the army is committed to writing. there is no chance to enshroud in mystery the ability to command. for ordinary military command, with intelligence the chief requisite, little is required beyond courage, firmness and good judgment. these qualities are in no respect natural barriers for colored men. this last story of the negro soldier's efficiency and gallantry, told in the pages of this book, teaches its own very simple conclusion. the cuban campaign has forced the nation to recognize the completion of the negro's evolution as a soldier in the army of the united states. the colored american soldier, by his own prowess, has won an acknowledged place by the side of the best trained fighters with arms. in the fullness of his manhood he has no rejoicing in the patronizing paean, "the colored troops fought nobly," nor does he glow at all when told of his "faithfulness" and "devotion" to his white officers, qualities accentuated to the point where they might well fit an affectionate dog. he lays claim to no prerogative other than that of a plain citizen of the republic, trained to the profession of arms. the measure of his demand--and it is the demand of ten millions of his fellow-citizens allied to him by race--is that the full manhood privileges of a soldier be accorded him. on his record in arms, not excluding his manifest capacity to command, the colored soldier, speaking for the entire body of colored citizens in this country, only demands that the door of the nation's military training school be freely open to the capable of his race, and the avenue of promotion from the ranks be accessible to his tried efficiency; that no hindrance prevent competent colored men from taking their places as officers as well as soldiers in the nation's permanent military establishment. footnotes: [ ] headquarters department of the gulf, new orleans, august , . general orders no. . "whereas, on the d day of april, in the year eighteen hundred and sixty-one, at a public meeting of the free colored population of the city of new orleans, a military organization, known as the 'native guards' (colored), had its existence, which military organization was duly and legally enrolled as a part of the militia of the state, its officers being commissioned by thomas o. moore, governor and commander-in-chief of the militia of the state of louisiana, in the form following, that is to say: the state of louisiana. (seal of the state.) by thomas overton moore, governor of the state of louisiana, and commander-in-chief of the militia thereof. "'in the name and by the authority of the state of louisiana: know ye that ---- ----, having been duly and legally elected captain of the "native guards" (colored), first division of the militia of louisiana, to serve for the term of the war, "'i do hereby appoint and commission him captain as aforesaid, to take rank as such, from the d day of may, eighteen hundred and sixty-one. "'he is, therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the duties of his office by doing and performing all manner of things thereto belonging. and i do strictly charge and require all officers, non-commissioned officers and privates under his command to be obedient to his orders as captain; and he is to observe and follow such orders and directions, from time to time, as he shall receive from me, or the future governor of the state of louisiana, or other superior officers, according to the rules and articles of war, and in conformity to law. "'in testimony whereof, i have caused these letters to be made patent, and the seal of the state to be hereunto annexed. "'given under my hand, at the city of baton rouge, on the second day of may, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one. (l.s.) (signed) thos. o. moore. "'by the governor: (signed) p.d. hardy, secretary of state. (wilson: black phalanx, p. .) [ ] de tocqueville: l'ancien régime et la revolution, p. - . [ ] thomas westworth higginson: army life in a black regiment, pp. - . [ ] thomas wentworth higginson: army life in a black regiment, p. . [ ] williams's negro troops in the rebellion, pp. - , quoting the order. [ ] williams's negro troops in the rebellion, pp. - , original order quoted. [ ] see pp. - ms. [ ] wilson: black phalanx, p. , original order quoted. [ ] campaigns of the civil war. f.v. greene. the mississippi, p. et seq. [ ] williams's negro troops in the rebellion, p. , original order quoted. [ ] ms. archives of massachusetts, vol. , p. , quoted in williams's negro troops in the rebellion, p. . appendix. the correspondence following shows the progress of the negotiations for the surrender of the city of santiago and the spanish army, from the morning of july d until the final convention was signed on the sixteenth of the same month. this surrender virtually closed the war, but did not restore the contending nations to a status of peace. twenty-three thousand spanish soldiers had laid down their arms and had been transformed from enemies to friends. on the tenth of august following, a protocol was submitted by the president of the united states, which was accepted by the spanish cabinet on the eleventh, and on the twelfth the president announced the cessation of hostilities, thus closing a war which had lasted one hundred and ten days. on the tenth of december a treaty of peace between the united states and spain was signed at paris, which was subsequently ratified by both nations, and diplomatic relations fully restored. the war, though short, had been costly. one hundred and fifty million dollars had been spent in its prosecution, and there were left on our hands the unsolved problem of cuba and the philippines, which promised much future trouble. within a month from the signing of the convention, the army of invasion, known as the fifth army corps, was on its homeward voyage, and by the latter part of august the whole command was well out of cuba. well did the soldiers themselves, as well as their friends, realize, as the former returned from that campaign of a hundred days, that war in the tropics was neither a pastime nor a practice march. the campaign had tested the powers of endurance of the men to its utmost limit. the horrors of war were brought directly to the face of the people, as the ten thousand invalids dragged their debilitated forms from the transports to their detention camps, or to the hospitals, some too helpless to walk, and many to die soon after greeting their native shores. those who had been so enthusiastic for the war were now quiet, and were eagerly laying the blame for the sorrow and suffering before them upon the shoulders of those who had conducted the war. few stopped to think that a good part of this woe might be justly charged to those who had constantly resisted the establishment of an adequate standing army, and who, with inconsistent vehemence, had urged the nation into a war, regardless of its military equipment. the emaciated veterans arriving at montauk were spoken of as the evidences of "military incompetency;" they were also evidence of that narrow statesmanship which ignores the constant suggestions of military experience. * * * * * headquarters united states forces, near san juan river, july , -- . a.m. to the commanding general of the spanish forces, santiago de cuba. sir:--i shall be obliged, unless you surrender, to shell santiago de cuba. please inform the citizens of foreign countries, and all the women and children, that they should leave the city before o'clock to-morrow morning. very respectfully, your obedient servant, william r. shafter, major-general u.s.v. reply. santiago de cuba, july , . his excellency the general commanding forces of united states, near san juan river. sir:--i have the honor to reply to your communication of to-day, written at . a.m., and received at p.m., demanding the surrender of this city, or, in contrary case, announcing to me that you will bombard this city, and that i advise the foreigners, women and children that they must leave the city before o'clock to-morrow morning. it is my duty to say to you that this city will not surrender, and that i will inform the foreign consuls and inhabitants of the contents of your message. very respectfully, jose toral, commander-in-chief, fourth corps, headquarters fifth army corps, camp near san juan river, cuba, july , . the commanding general, spanish forces, santiago de cuba, cuba. sir:--i was officially informed last night that admiral cervera is now a captive on board the u.s.s. gloucester, and is unharmed. he was then in the harbor of siboney. i regret also to have to announce to you the death of general vara del rey at el caney, who, with two of his sons, was killed in the battle of july st. his body will be buried this morning with military honors. his brother, lieutenant-colonel vara del rey, is wounded and a prisoner in my hands, together with the following officers: captain don antonio vara del rey, captain isidor arias, captain antonio mansas, and captain manuel romero, who, though severely wounded, will all probably survive. i also have to announce to you that the spanish fleet, with the exception of one vessel, was destroyed, and this one is being so vigorously pursued that it will be impossible for it to escape. general pando is opposed by forces sufficient to hold him in check. in view of the above, i would suggest that, to save needless effusion of blood and the distress of many people, you may reconsider your determination of yesterday. your men have certainly shown the gallantry which was expected of them. i am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, william r. shafter, major-general, commanding united states forces. headquarters fifth army corps, camp near san juan river, cuba, july , . to the commanding general, spanish forces, santiago de cuba, cuba. sir:--the fortune of war has thrown into my hands quite a number of officers and private soldiers, whom i am now holding as prisoners of war, and i have the honor to propose to you that a cartel of exchange be arranged to-day, by which the prisoners taken by the forces of spain from on board the merrimac, and any officers and men of the army who may have fallen into our hands within the past few days, may be returned to their respective governments on the terms usual in such cases, of rank for rank. trusting that this will meet with your favorable consideration, i remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant, william r. shafter, major-general, commanding united states forces. headquarters fifth army corps, camp near san juan river, cuba, july , . to the commanding officer, spanish forces, santiago. sir:--it will give me great pleasure to return to the city of santiago at an early hour to-morrow morning all the wounded spanish officers now at el caney who are able to be carried and who will give their parole not to serve against the united states until regularly exchanged. i make this proposition, as i am not so situated as to give these officers the care and attention that they can receive at the hands of their military associates and from their own surgeons; though i shall, of course, give them every kind treatment that it is possible to do under such adverse circumstances. trusting that this will meet with your approbation, and that you will permit me to return to you these persons, i am, your very obedient servant, william r. shafter, major-general, commanding united states forces. army of the island of cuba, fifth corps, general staff. to his excellency the commander-in-chief of the american forces. excellency:--i have the honor to reply to the three communications of your excellency, dated to-day, and i am very grateful for the news you give in regard to the generals, chiefs, officers and troops that are your prisoners, and of the good care that you give to the wounded in your possession. with respect to the wounded, i have no objection to receiving in this place those that your excellency may willingly deliver me, but i am not authorized by the general-in-chief to make any exchange, as he has reserved to himself that authority. yet i have given him notice of the proposition of your excellency. it is useless for me to tell you how grateful i am for the interest that your excellency has shown for the prisoners and corpse of general vara del rey, giving you many thanks for the chivalrous treatment. the same reasons that i explained to you yesterday, i have to give again to-day--that this place will not be surrendered. i am, yours with great respect and consideration, (signed) jose toral. in santiago de cuba, july , . headquarters fifth army corps, camp near san juan river, cuba, july , . to the commander-in-chief, spanish forces, santiago de cuba. sir:--in view of the events of the d instant, i have the honor to lay before your excellency certain propositions to which, i trust, your excellency, will give the consideration which, in my judgment, they deserve. i inclose a bulletin of the engagement of sunday morning which resulted in the complete destruction of admiral cervera's fleet, the loss of six hundred of his officers and men, and the capture of the remainder. the admiral, general paredes and all others who escaped alive are now prisoners on board the harvard and st. louis, and the latter ship, in which are the admiral, general paredes and the surviving captains (all except the captain of the almirante oquendo, who was slain) has already sailed for the united states. if desired by you, this may be confirmed by your excellency sending an officer under a flag of truce to admiral sampson, and he can arrange to visit the harvard, which will not sail until to-morrow, and obtain the details from spanish officers and men on board that ship. our fleet is now perfectly free to act, and i have the honor to state that unless a surrender be arranged by noon of the th instant, a bombardment will be begun and continued by the heavy guns of our ships. the city is within easy range of these guns, the eight-inch being capable of firing , yards, the thirteen-inch, of course, much farther. the ships can so lie that with a range of , yards they can reach the centre of the city. i make this suggestion of a surrender purely in a humanitarian spirit. i do not wish to cause the slaughter of any more men, either of your excellency's forces or my own, the final result, under circumstances so disadvantageous to your excellency being a foregone conclusion. as your excellency may wish to make reference of so momentous a question to your excellency's home government, it is for this purpose that i have placed the time of the resumption of hostilities sufficiently far in the future to allow a reply being received. i beg an early answer from your excellency. i have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, w. r. shafter, major-general, commanding. headquarters fifth army corps, camp near santiago, july , . hon. secretary of war, washington, d. c. i forwarded general toral's proposition to evacuate the town this morning without consulting any one. since then i have seen the general officers commanding divisions, who agree with me in that it should be accepted. st. it releases at once the harbor. d. it permits the return of thousands of women, children and old men, who have left the town, fearing bombardment, and are now suffering fearfully where they are, though i am doing my best to supply them with food. d. it saves the great destruction of property which a bombardment would entail, most of which belongs to cubans and foreign residents. th. it at once releases this command while it is in good health for operations elsewhere. there are now three cases of yellow fever at siboney in a michigan regiment, and if it gets started, no one knows where it will stop. we lose by this, simply some prisoners we do not want and the arms they carry. i believe many of them will desert and return to our lines. i was told by a sentinel who deserted last night that two hundred men wanted to come, but were afraid our men would fire upon them. w.r. shafter, major-general, united states volunteers. reply. washington, d.c., july , . major-general shafter, playa, cuba. in reply to your telegram recommending terms of evacuation as proposed by the spanish commander, after careful consideration by the president and secretary of war, i am directed to say that you have repeatedly been advised that you would not be expected to make an assault upon the enemy at santiago until you were prepared to do the work thoroughly. when you are ready this will be done. your telegram of this morning said your position was impregnable and that you believed the enemy would yet surrender unconditionally. you have also assured us that you could force their surrender by cutting off their supplies. under these circumstances, your message recommending that spanish troops be permitted to evacuate and proceed without molestation to holguin is a great surprise and is not approved. the responsibility for the destruction and distress to the inhabitants rests entirely with the spanish commander. the secretary of war orders that when you are strong enough to destroy the enemy and take santiago, you do it. if you have not force enough, it will be despatched to you at the earliest moment possible. reinforcements are on the way of which you have already been apprised. in the meantime, nothing is lost by holding the position you now have, and which you regard as impregnable. acknowledge receipt. by order of the secretary of war. (signed) h.c. corbin, adjutant-general. headquarters united states forces, camp near san juan river, cuba, july , . to his excellency, the commander-in-chief of the spanish forces, santiago de cuba. sir:--with the largely increased forces which have come to me, and the fact that i have your line of retreat securely within my hands, the time seems fitting that i should again demand of your excellency the surrender of santiago and your excellency's army. i am authorized to state that should your excellency so desire, the government of the united states will transport your entire command to spain. i have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, william r. shafter, major-general, commanding. reply. army of the island of cuba, fourth corps, july , . to his excellency, the commander-in-chief of the forces of the united states, in the camp of the san juan. esteemed sir:--i have the honor to advise your eminence that your communication of this date is received, and in reply desire to confirm that which i said in my former communication, and also to advise you that i have communicated your proposition to the general-in-chief. reiterating my sentiments, i am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, (signed) jose toral, commander-in-chief of the fourth corps and military governor of santiago. headquarters fifth army corps, camp near santiago de cuba, july , . to his excellency, commander-in-chief of spanish forces, santiago de cuba. sir:--i have the honor to inform your excellency that i have already ordered a suspension of hostilities, and i will repeat that order, granting in this manner a reasonable time within which you may receive an answer to the message sent to the government of spain, which time will end to-morrow at o'clock noon. i think it my duty to inform your excellency that during this armistice i will not move any of my troops that occupy the advanced line, but the forces that arrived to-day and which are debarking at siboney require moving to this camp. i wish that your excellency would honor me with a personal interview to-morrow morning at o'clock. i will come accompanied by the commanding general of the american army, and by an interpreter, which will permit you to be accompanied by two or three persons of your staff who speak english. hoping for a favorable answer, i have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, william r. shafter, major-general, commanding. army of the island of cuba, fourth corps, santiago de cuba, july , -- p. m. to his excellency, the general of the american troops. esteemed sir:--i have the honor to answer your favor of this date, inform your excellency that in deference to your desires i will be much honored by a conference with his excellency, the commanding general of your army, and your excellency, to-morrow morning at the hour you have seen fit to appoint. very respectfully, your obedient servant, (signed) jose toral, commander-in-chief of the fourth army corps. preliminary agreement for the capitulation of the spanish forces which constitute the division of santiago de cuba, occupying the territory herein set forth, said capitulation authorized by the commander-in-chief of the island of cuba, agreed to by general toral and awaiting the approbation of the government at madrid, and subject to the following conditions: submitted by the undersigned commissioners-- brigadier-general don frederick escario, lieutenant-colonel of staff don ventura fontan and mr. robert mason, of the city of santiago de cuba, representing general toral, commanding spanish forces, to major-general joseph wheeler, u.s.v., major-general h.w. lawton, u.s.v., and first lieutenant j.d. miley, second artillery, a.d.c, representing general shafter, commanding american forces, for the capitulation of the spanish forces comprised in that portion of the island of cuba east of a line passing through aserradero, dos palmas, palma soriano, cauto abajo, escondida, tanamo and aguilera, said territory being known as the eastern district of santiago, commanded by general jose toral. . that pending arrangements for capitulation all hostilities between american and spanish forces in this district shall absolutely and unequivocally cease. . that this capitulation includes all the forces and war material in said territory. . that after the signing of the final capitulation the united states agrees, with as little delay as possible, to transport all the spanish troops in said district to the kingdom of spain, the troops, as near as possible, to embark at the port nearest the garrison they now occupy. . that the officers of the spanish army be permitted to retain their side arms, and both officers and enlisted men their personal property. . that after final capitulation the spanish authorities agree without delay to remove, or assist the american navy in removing, all mines or other obstructions to navigation now in the harbor of santiago and its mouth. . that after final capitulation the commander of the spanish forces deliver without delay a complete inventory of all arms and munitions of war of the spanish forces and a roster of the said forces now in the above-described district, to the commander of the american forces. . that the commander of the spanish forces, in leaving said district, is authorized to carry with him all military archives and records pertaining to the spanish army now in said district. . that all of that portion of the spanish forces known as volunteers, movilizados and guerillas, who wish to remain in the island of cuba are permitted to do so under parole not to take up arms against the united states during the continuance of the war between spain and the united states, delivering up their arms. . that the spanish forces will march out of santiago de cuba with honors of war, depositing their arms thereafter at a point mutually agreed upon, to await their disposition by the united states government, it being understood that the united states commissioners will recommend that the spanish soldier return to spain with the arms he so bravely defended. entered into this fifteenth day of july, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, by the undersigned commissioners, acting under instructions from their respecting commanding generals. (signed) joseph wheeler, _major-general u.s. vols._; h.w. lawton, _major-general u.s. vols._; j.d. miley, _ st lieut. d art., a.d.c. to general shafter._ frederico escario, ventura fontan, robert mason. army of the island of cuba, fourth corps, santiago de cuba, july , -- p.m. to his excellency, the general-in-chief of the american forces, esteemed sir:--as i am now authorized by my government to capitulate, i have the honor to so advise you, requesting you to designate the hour and place where my representatives should appear, to concur with those of your excellency to edit the articles of capitulation on the basis of what has been agreed upon to this date. in due time i wish to manifest to your excellency my desire to know the resolution of the united states government respecting the return of the arms, so as to note it in the capitulation; also for their great courtesy and gentlemanly deportment i wish to thank your grace's representatives, and in return for their generous and noble efforts for the spanish soldiers, i hope your government will allow them to return to the peninsula with the arms that the american army do them the honor to acknowledge as having dutifully defended. reiterating my former sentiments, i remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant, jose toral, commander-in-chief of the fourth army corps. at neutral camp, near santiago, under a flag of truce, july , . recognizing the chivalry, courage and gallantry of generals linares and toral, and of the soldiers of spain who were engaged in the battles recently fought in the vicinity of santiago de cuba, as displayed in said battles, we, the undersigned officers of the united states army, who had the honor to be engaged in said battle, and are now a duly organized commission, treating with a like commission of officers of the spanish army, for the capitulation of santiago de cuba, unanimously join in earnestly soliciting the proper authority to accord to these brave and chivalrous soldiers the privilege of returning to their country bearing the arms they have so bravely defended. joseph wheeler, major-general, u.s. vols. h. w. lawton, major-general, u.s. vols. first lieut., d art., a.d.c. j. d. miley. army of the island of cuba, fourth corps, santiago de cuba, july , . to his excellency, the commander-in-chief of the forces of the united states. esteemed sir:--at half-past i received your communication of this date, and i am sorry to advise you that it is impossible for my representatives to come to the appointed place at midday, as you wish, as i must meet them and give them their instructions. if agreeable to you, will you defer the visit until p.m. to-day or until to-morrow morning, and in the meanwhile the obstacles to the entrance of the red cross will be removed from the harbor. i beg your honor will make clear what force you wish me to retire from the railroad, as, if it is that in aguadores, i would authorize the repair of the bridge at once by your engineers; and if it is that on the heights to the left of your lines, i beg you will specify with more precision. i have ordered those in charge of the aqueduct to proceed at once to repair it with the means at their command. awaiting your reply, i remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant, jose toral, commander-in-chief of the fourth army corps. headquarters fifth army corps, camp, july , . to his excellency, general jose toral, commanding spanish forces in eastern cuba. sir:--i have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's letter of this date, notifying me that the government at madrid approves your action, and requesting that i designate officers to arrange for and receive the surrender of the forces of your excellency. this i do, nominating major-general wheeler, major-general lawton, and my aide, lieutenant miley. i have to request that your excellency at once withdraw your troops from along the railway to aguadores, and from the bluff in rear of my left; also that you at once direct the removal of the obstructions at the entrance to the harbor or assist the navy in doing so, as it is of the utmost importance that i at once get vessels loaded with food into the harbor. the repair of the railroad will, i am told, require a week's time. i shall, as i have said to your excellency, urge my government that the gallant men your excellency has so ably commanded have returned to spain with them the arms they have wielded. with great respect, i remain, your obedient servant and friend, william r. shafter, general, commanding. terms of the military convention for the capitulation of the spanish forces occupying the territory which constitutes the division of santiago de cuba and described as follows: all that portion of the island of cuba east of a line passing through aserradero, dos palmas, cauto abajo, escondida, tanamo and aguilara, said troops being in command of general jose toral; agreed upon by the undersigned commissioners: brigadier-general don federico escario, lieutenant-colonel of staff don ventura fontan, and as interpreter, mr. robert mason, of the city of santiago de cuba, appointed by general toral, commanding the spanish forces, on behalf of the kingdom of spain, and major-general joseph wheeler, u.s.v., major-general h.w. lawton, u.s.v., and first lieutenant j.d. miley, second artillery, a.d.c., appointed by general shafter, commanding the american forces on behalf of the united states: . that all hostilities between the american and spanish forces in this district absolutely and unequivocally cease. . that this capitulation includes all the forces and war material in said territory. . that the united states agrees, with as little delay as possible, to transport all the spanish troops in said district to the kingdom of spain, the troops being embarked, as far as possible at the port nearest the garrison they now occupy. . that the officers of the spanish army be permitted to retain their side arms, and both officers and private soldiers their personal property. . that the spanish authorities agree to remove, or assist the american navy in removing, all mines or other obstructions to navigation now in the harbor of santiago and its mouth. . that the commander of the spanish forces deliver without delay a complete inventory of all arms and munitions of war of the spanish forces in above described district to the commander of the american forces; also a roster of said forces now in said district. . that the commander of the spanish forces, in leaving said district, is authorized to carry with him all military archives and records pertaining to the spanish army now in said district. . that all that portion of the spanish forces known as volunteers, movilizados and guerillas, who wish to remain in the island of cuba, are permitted to do so upon the condition of delivering up their arms and taking a parole not to bear arms against the united states during the continuance of the present war between spain and the united states. . that the spanish forces will march out of santiago de cuba with the honors of war, depositing their arms thereafter at a point mutually agreed upon, to await their disposition by the united states government, it being understood that the united states commissioners will recommend that the spanish soldier return to spain with the arms he so bravely defended. . that the provisions of the foregoing instrument become operative immediately upon its being signed. entered into this sixteenth day of july, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, by the undersigned commissioners, acting under instructions from their respective commanding generals and with the approbation of their respective governments. (signed) joseph wheeler, _major-general u.s. vols._; h.w. lawton, _major-general u.s. vols._; j.d. miley, _ st lieut. d art., a.d.c. to general shafter._ frederico escario, ventura fontan, robert mason. the following dispatch, sent by general linares, will show how desperate were the straits into which he had been driven and how earnestly he desired to be granted authority to avoid further fighting by the surrender of his forces at santiago: santiago de cuba, july , . the general-in-chief to the secretary of war. although prostrated in bed from weakness and pain, my mind is troubled by the situation of our suffering troops, and therefore i think it my duty to address myself to you, mr. secretary, and describe the true situation. the enemy's forces very near city; ours extended fourteen kilometres ( , yards). our troops exhausted and sickly in an alarming proportion. cannot be brought to the hospital--needing them in trenches. cattle without fodder or hay. fearful storm of rain, which has been pouring continuously for past twenty-four hours. soldiers without permanent shelter. their only food rice, and not much of that. they have no way of changing or drying their clothing. our losses were very heavy--many chiefs and officers among the dead, wounded and sick. their absence deprives the forces of their leaders in this very critical moment. under these conditions it is impossible to open a breach on the enemy, because it would take a third of our men who cannot go out, and whom the enemy would decimate. the result would be a terrible disaster, without obtaining, as you desire, the salvation of eleven maimed battalions. to make a sortie protected by the division at holguin, it is necessary to attack the enemy's lines simultaneously, and the forces of holguin cannot come here except after many long days' marching. impossible for them to transport rations. unfortunately, the situation is desperate. the surrender is imminent, otherwise we will only gain time to prolong our agony. the sacrifice would be sterile, and the men understand this. with his lines so near us, the enemy will annihilate us without exposing his own, as he did yesterday, bombarding by land elevations without our being able to discover their batteries, and by sea the fleet has a perfect knowledge of the place, and bombards with a mathematical accuracy. santiago is no gerona, a walled city, part of the mother country, and defended inch by inch by her own people without distinction--old men and women who helped with their lives, moved by the holy idea of freedom, and with the hope of help, which they received. here i am alone. all the people have fled, even those holding public offices, almost without exception. only the priests remain, and they wish to leave the city to-day, headed by their archbishop. these defenders do not start now a campaign full of enthusiasm and energy, but for three years they have been fighting the climate, privations and fatigue, and now they have to confront this critical situation when they have no enthusiasm or physical strength. they have no ideals, because they defend the property of people who have deserted them and those who are the allies of the american forces. the honor of arms has its limit, and i appeal to the judgment of the government and of the entire nation whether these patient troops have not repeatedly saved it since may th--date of first bombardment. if it is necessary that i sacrifice them for reasons unknown to me, or if it is necessary for some one to take responsibility for the issue foreseen and announced by me in several telegrams, i willingly offer myself as a sacrifice to my country, and i will take charge of the command for the act of surrender, as my modest reputation is of small value when the reputation of the nation is at stake. (signed) linares. thus surrendered to our forces about , spanish troops, of whom about , had been in the garrison of santiago, the others having been stationed in garrisons outside of the city, but belonging to the division of santiago. with them were also surrendered cannon, machine guns and over , rifles. the troops were all sent back to spain in vessels of their own nation and flying their own flag. we had lost in battles with them before the surrender officers killed and men; and officers and , men wounded. none note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) a gunner aboard the "yankee" from the diary of number five of the after port gun (russell doubleday) the yarn of the cruise and fights of the naval reserves in the spanish-american war edited by h. h. lewis, late a s.n. with introduction by w. t. sampson, rear admiral u.s. boy scouts of america honorary president, the hon. woodrow wilson honorary vice-president, hon. william h. taft honorary vice-president, colonel theodore roosevelt president, colin b. livingstone, washington, d.c. vice-president, b.l. dulaney, bristol, tenn. vice-president, milton a. mcrae, detroit, mich. vice-president, david starr jordan, stanford university, cal. vice-president, f.l. seely, asheville, n.c. vice-president, a. stamford white, chicago, ill. chief scout, ernest thompson seton, greenwich, connecticut national scout commissioner, daniel carter beard, fishing, n.y. national headquarters the fifth avenue building, fifth avenue telephone gramercy new york city finance committee john sherman hoyt, chairman george d. pratt mortimer l. schiff h. rogers winthrop george d. pratt treasurer james e. west chief scout executive additional members of the executive board ernest p. bicknell robert garrett lee f. hanmer jobe sherman hoyt charles c. jackson prof. jeremiah w. jeeks william d. murray dr. charles p. nell frank presbrey edgar m. robinson mortimer l. schiff lorillard spencer seth spreguy terry july st, . to the public:-- in the execution of its purpose to give educational value and moral worth to the recreational activities of the boyhood of america, the leaders of the boy scout movement quickly learned that to effectively carry out its program, the boy must be influenced not only in his out-of-door life but also in the diversions of his other leisure moments. it is at such times that the boy is captured by the tales of daring enterprises and adventurous good times. what now is needful is not that his taste should be thwarted but trained. there should constantly be presented to him the books the boy likes best, yet always the books that will be best for the boy. as a natter of fact, however, the boy's taste is being constantly vitiated and exploited by the great mass of cheap juvenile literature. to help anxiously concerned parents and educators to meet this grave peril, the library commission of the boy scouts of america has been organized. every boy's library is the result of their labors. all the books chosen have been approved by them. the commission is composed of the following members: george f. bowerman, librarian, public library of the district of columbia, washington, d.c.; harrison w. graver, librarian, carnegie library of pittsburgh, pa.; claude g. leland, superintendent, bureau of libraries, board of education, new york city; edward f. stevens, librarian, pratt institute free library, brooklyn, new york; together with the editorial board of our movement, william d. murray, george d. pratt and frank presbrey, with franklin k. mathiews. chief scout librarian, as secretary. in selecting the books, the commission has chosen only such as are of interest to boys, the first twenty-five being either works of fiction or stirring stories of adventurous experiences. in later lists, books of a more serious sort will be included. it is hoped that as many as twenty-five may be added to the library each year. thanks are due the several publishers who have helped to inaugurate this new department of our work. without their co-operation in making available for popular priced editions some of the best books ever published for boys, the promotion of every boy's library would have been impossible. we wish, too, to express our heartiest gratitude to the library commission, who, without compensation, have placed their vast experience and immense resources at the service of our movement. the commission invites suggestions as to future books to be included in the library. librarians, teachers, parents, and all others interested in welfare work for boys, can render a unique service by forwarding to national headquarters lists of such books as in their judgment would be suitable for every boy's library. signed chief scout executive. acknowledgement acknowledgements are due to j. harper skillen, stewart flagg, george yardley, w.g. wood, and e. howe stockwell for the use of photographs; and to c.b. hayward and allan h. seaman for the use of notes and diaries. [illustration: the naval reserves leaving new york--going off in the tugboat to man the "yankee".] this book is respectfully dedicated by russell doubleday number five of the after port gun of the yankee to the naval reserve organizations throughout the united states, who have made such an enviable record during the spanish-american war and before whom such a glorious future opens author's foreword april the successors of the crew of the "yankee" are now "somewhere in the service." the boys of the first battalion new york naval militia were just as eager to get to sea in the service of uncle sam to do their part for the great cause, as we were in the spring of ' . the old frigate "granite state" (formerly the new hampshire), living through three wars, has resounded to the tramp of hundreds of tars in the making. she is the school ship, the home ship of the first battalion. down her gangways went most of the "yankee's" crew and between her massive decks they returned after their job was done. as i write it seems as if i can hear the shrill whistle of the bo'sn's pipe sounding in all parts of the old wooden ship, then the long drawn call "all hands on deck." the men come tumbling up from below, touching their caps in salute as their heads rise above the hatch coaming. men standing in battalion formation, by divisions, at attention, each man answers "here" as his name is called. some of the voices are a little husky as the speaker realizes that war is on and he is about to be called for real service. and so they are mustered in. the state's sailors become uncle sam's man-o'-war's-men. the old "granite state" is once more emptied of its crew. the decks are silent and the long, low gangways beneath the ancient deck beams are checked with squares of undisturbed yellow-light, as the sun streams through the square gun ports. the readers of this book can imagine the men on our great gray ships of war going through much the same routine followed by the "yankee's" crew, for there has been but little change in the work and play of the man-o'-war's-men. so let us take off our caps and give the men of three cheers and a tiger. may they shoot straight, and keep fit. pipe down. russell doubleday april, nineteen years ago this month the "yankee's" crew went to sea. introduction. as the commander-in-chief of the american naval squadron blockading santiago and the cuban coast, the auxiliary cruiser "yankee," manned by the new york naval reserves, came immediately under my observation, and it is a pleasure for me to speak of the spirit and efficiency shown by the officers and crew during their stay under my command. the young men forming the ship's company of the "yankee" were called into service several weeks prior to any other naval reserve battalion; they came from all walks of civil life, and their minds, devoted to peaceful pursuits, were suddenly diverted to the needs and requirements and the usages of naval routine. notwithstanding this radical change, they have made the name of their ship a household word throughout the country, and have proved that the average american, whether he be clerk or physician, broker, lawyer, or merchant, can, on the spur of the moment, prove a capable fighter for his country even amid such strange and novel surroundings as obtain in the naval service. these young men have especially upheld the american supremacy in the art of gunnery, and have, on all occasions, proved brave and efficient. the conclusion of the spanish-american war released them from their voluntarily assumed positions in the regular navy, but when they returned to civil life they carried with them the consciousness of duty well done at santiago and cienfuegos and whenever their guns were used in hostile action. in a word, the naval reserves manning the "yankee," in common with those on board other vessels in the service, have proved their aptitude for sea duty, and made apparent the wisdom of the government in calling them into active service. w.t. sampson, rear-admiral, u.s.n. u.s. flagship "new york," september , . contents chapter author's foreword introduction preface i. in which the "yankee" goes into commission ii. in which we get under way at last iii. in which the "yankee" cruises for prizes iv. we get orders to go south v. a wild goose chase vi. we become coal heaters vii. we enter the "theatre of war" viii. we join sampson's fleet ix. clear ship for action x. we bombard santiago de cuba xi. a perilous moment xii. in search of adventure xiii. a narrow escape xiv. we engage in a sea fight xv. coaling in the tropics xvi. "remember the fish" xvii. in god's country xviii. the "yankee" arrives off santiago xix. hope deferred xx. taps appendix list of illustrations the naval reserves leaving new york--going off in the tugboat to man the "yankee" frontispiece "that fat man in the cellar wants me to sleep in a bag--" "the gig was lowered" "the men on the stages" "stand by, men. be ready fob instant action" "the 'yankee' dropped her anchor off tompkinsville" "with a frightful roar the defective cartridge exploded" "the six-pounders on the 'yankee's' forecastle joined in the chorus" "clear ship for action!" the bombardment of morro castle, santiago on the gun deck during the bombardment the searchlight "sweeping back and forth across the black of the horizon" "there was temporary confusion" "the fusillade was lively" "the spar deck was covered with red shellac" "the marines aired their hammocks on the forecastle deck" "he got his orders from the bridge" "all you men who want to go in swimming may do so" marching through city hall park, new york city preface. when the important events of the first part of april, , were shaping themselves toward an inevitable conflict between spain and the united states of america, the authorities at washington began to perfect their plans for an immediate increase of the navy. the naval militia of the country, of whom assistant secretary theodore roosevelt had a very high opinion, came in for early attention, and word was sent to the different states to prepare for service. several days previous to the actual outbreak of war, messages were forwarded from the naval reserve receiving ship "new hampshire," lying at a dock in the east river, to a number of young men, members of the naval militia, residing in new york city. these summons contained simply a request to report at once on board the ship, but they resulted in a most curious and interesting transformation--in fact, they formed the foundation of a chain of events which was destined to amalgamate into a common grade--that of a naval bluejacket--several hundred young americans, who, in their natural characters, were sons of rich men and of men of moderate means, of doctors and lawyers and brokers and clerks and bookkeepers, and of all sorts and conditions of respectable citizens. patriotism was the incentive which called these youths of various stations together, and sheer love of country and the courage to fight her battles formed the cement which bound them cheerfully to their duty. to fight for pay and as a profession is one thing; to offer your freedom and your life, to endure discomforts and actual hardships, to risk health in a fever-stricken foreign country, and to sacrifice settled ambition for mere patriotism, is another. it is the latter which the volunteer naval reserve of the united states has done, and every american citizen with a drop of honest blood in his veins will surely give the organization the praise it so richly deserves. on the third of may, while cervera's whereabouts was still an absorbing mystery, the "yankee" (an auxiliary cruiser, converted from the steamship "el nort") went into commission at the brooklyn navy yard. she was manned entirely, save for the captain, executive officer, navigator, paymaster, and the marine guard, by members of the new york state naval militia. for four months she remained in commission, weaving the threads of a glorious record which will ever redound to the credit and honor of the volunteer naval reserve. truth is ever stranger than fiction, and the simple story of the boys of the gallant "yankee," as set forth in the diary of number five of the after port gun, should appeal to the heart of every reader in this great country of ours--a country made grander and better and more potent in the world's history by the achievements of such brave lads as those who formed the crew of the "yankee." number five's diary was written simply for his family, but the fame gained by the "yankee" leads the publishers to believe that it will prove interesting to americans far and wide. it is set forth in narrative form, but the incidents and the straightforward, simple, and sailor-like words are those of the actual participant. this is his story. chapter i. in which the "yankee" goes into commission. u.s.s. "new hampshire," april , . report at "new hampshire" immediately, ready to go on board auxiliary cruiser "yankee." (signed) john h. barnard, lieut, commanding d division, n.y. state naval militia. it was this telegram, brief but extremely comprehensive, received early on the morning of the twenty-sixth of april, which sent me post-haste to the old receiving-ship "new hampshire," moored at the end of an east river dock. the telegram had been anxiously expected for several days by the members of the first battalion, and when i reached the ship i found the decks thronged with excited groups. "war was a certainty, and the very air was filled with rumors. the prevailing topic was discussed from every point of view, and within sixty seconds as many destinations had been picked out for the 'yankee.' it was variously reported that she was to go to havana, to manila, to porto rico, and even to spain. this last rumor brought shouts of laughter, and 'stump,' as we termed him, a well-known young insurance broker of new york, remarked, in his characteristic way: "it probably won't be this particular 'yankee,' boys, that will go there, but there'll be others." there was much cleaning of kits and furbishing of cutlasses. we knew that we would not take the latter with us, but then it was practice, and we felt anxious to do something martial as a relief to our excitement. there was a diversion shortly before noon, when the "old man" (the captain) appeared with a number of official-looking papers in his hands. "he's got the orders," whispered little potter, our latest recruit. "whoop! we'll get away this morning, sure." the whistle of the bosun's mate on watch echoed shrilly about the decks a few moments later. "now, d'ye hear there," he shouted, hoarsely, "you will break out mess gear and get yourselves ready for messing aboard ship." that did not sound as if we were destined to see our new vessel put into commission very soon, and there was some grumbling, but the boys fell to work with good grace, and we were soon preparing for our stay aboard the old frigate. the officer of the deck was lenient, however, and the majority of the crew secured permission to sleep at home that night. the following monday, on reporting on board the "new hampshire," we learned that the entire detail selected to man the "yankee" would proceed to that ship shortly after eight bells. word was passed that our enlistment papers--for we were to regularly enter uncle sam's naval service--would be made out, and that our freedom and liberty, as some of the boys put it, would cease from that hour. the latter statement made little impression. we had entered the naval reserves for business, if business was required, and we expected hardships as well as fun. a navy-yard tug, sent by the commandant, steamed alongside at two o'clock, and the company was marched on board without delay. the boys were eager to enter on this, their first real detail, and, in the rush to gain the deck of the tug, young potter slipped from the rail and fell with a mighty splash into the water. "man overboard!" bawled his nearest mate, and "man overboard!" echoed one hundred and fifty voices. there was a scramble for the side, and the tug's deck hand, assisted by several of our fellows, fished potter from the river with a boat hook. "hereafter, please ask permission before you leave the ship," facetiously remarked the officer in charge. "humph! as if i meant to do it," grunted potter, wringing the east river from his duck shirt. we caught our first view of the "yankee" as we steamed past the cob dock at the yard. we were favorably impressed at once. she is a fine-looking ship, large, roomy, and comfortable, with lines which show that she is built for speed. as her record is twenty knots an hour, the latter promise is carried out. the "yankee" was formerly the "el norte," one of the morgan line's crack ships, and, when it was found necessary to increase the navy, she was purchased, together with other vessels of the same company, and ordered converted into an auxiliary cruiser. gun mounts were placed in the cargo ports, beams strengthened, magazines inserted, and interior arrangements made to accommodate a large crew. the "yankee's" tonnage is , tons; length, feet; beam, feet. the battery carried consists of ten five-inch quick-firing breechloaders, six six-pounders, and two colt automatic guns. after events proved conclusively the efficiency of the "yankee's" armament. the detail was taken alongside the "yankee" by the tug. we had our first meeting with our new captain, commander w.h. brownson, of the regular navy. his appearance and his kindly greeting bore out the reputation he holds in the service as a gentleman and a capable officer. it is well to say right here that commander brownson, although a strict disciplinarian, was ever fair and just in his treatment of the crew. our pedigrees were taken for the enlistment papers, and the questions asked us in regard to our ages, occupations, etc., proved that the government requires the family history of its fighters. the following day each man was subjected to a rigid physical examination. the latter ceremony is so thorough that a man needs to be perfect to have the honor of wearing the blue shirt. personally, when i finally emerged from the examining room, i felt that my teeth were all wrong, my eyes crossed, my heart a wreck, and that i was not only a physical ruin, but a gibbering idiot as well. that i really passed the examination successfully was no fault of the naval surgeon and his assistants. after the medical department had finished with us, the enlistment papers were completed, and we became full-fledged "jackies," as "stump" termed it. the members of the battalion were rated as landsmen, ordinary seamen, and able-bodied seamen, according to their skill, and a number of men, hastily enlisted for the purpose, were made machinists, firemen, coal-passers, painters, and carpenters. some of these had seen service in the regular navy, and they were visibly horny-handed sons of toil. one irishman, whose brogue was painful, looked with something very like contempt on the naval reserve sailors. "uncle sam is a queer bird," several of us overheard him remark to a mate. "he do be making a picnic av this war wid his pleasure boats an' his crew av pretty b'yes. if we iver tackle the spaniards, there'll be many a mama's baby on board this hooker cryin' for home, swate home." "hod," a six-footer, who played quarter-back on a famous team not long ago, took out his notebook and made an entry. "i'll spot that fellow and make him eat his words before we get into deep water," he said, quietly. he was not the only one to make that vow, and it was plain that burke, the irishman, had trouble in store for him. on our return to the "new hampshire," the battalion was placed under the regular ship's routine. all the men were divided into two watches, starboard and port. the port watch, for instance, goes on duty at eight bells in the morning, stands four hours, and is then relieved by the starboard watch; this routine continues day and night, except from four until eight in the afternoon, when occur the dog watches, two of them, two hours long each, stood by the port and starboard men respectively. the dog watches are necessary to secure a change in the hours of duty for each watch. from now on we were given a taste of the actual work of the service. details were made up each morning and sent to the "yankee" to assist in getting her in readiness for service. one of the first duties was to carry on board and stow away in the hold one hundred kegs of mess pork. as each keg contained one hundred pounds, the task was not easy for men unaccustomed to manual labor. still there was no complaint. in fact, the only growling heard so far had come from some of the men who had seen service in the regular navy. burke, the fireman, declaimed loudly against the "shoe leather an' de terrer-cotter hard-tack which they do be tryin' to feed to honest workers. as for the slops they call coffee, oi wouldn't give it to an orangeman's pig!" the food served out on board the "new hampshire"--being the usual government ration of salt-horse, coffee, and hard-tack--was vastly different from that to which the majority of the boys were accustomed, but it was accepted with the good grace displayed by the members of the reserve on every occasion. all these little discomforts are, as the navigator (a commissioned officer of the regular navy) remarked, "merely incidental to the service." as the time approached when we were to board the "yankee" for good, the ordinary watches were abandoned, and only anchor watches kept. an anchor watch is a detail of five or six men, selected from the different parts of the ship, who do duty, really, as watchmen, during the night. two days before the order arrived to leave the "new hampshire," it was found necessary to station several men, armed with guns and fixed bayonets, on the dock near the ship, to stop men from taking the "hawser route" ashore. the firemen and coal-passers had been refused shore leave, or liberty, as it is called, because of their habit of getting intoxicated, pawning their uniforms, and loitering ashore. truth to tell, the guns and bayonets had little effect, as the offenders were old in the business. the second night after the order was put in force it happened that "hod," who was rated as an able seaman, was on duty with gun and bayonet on that end of the dock opposite the forecastle. he had just relieved the man whose watch ended at midnight, and he stood thoughtfully watching the twinkling lights on the opposite side of the mighty east river. there was so much to occupy his mind in a situation which was both charming and fascinating that he remained motionless for several minutes. presently there came a slight, scraping sound, and the end of a rope struck the dock almost at his feet. glancing up, "hod" saw a man's figure, dimly outlined in the gloom, slip from the topgallant forecastle and quickly descend the rope. it was evidently one of the men taking "french" leave, and it was the sentry's duty to give the alarm at once. but "hod" had other views in this particular case. hastily stepping back into the shadows, he laid his gun upon the floor of the dock, and rolled up his sleeves with an air that meant business. the next moment the absconder dropped from the rope. as he prepared to slip past the ship a sinewy hand was placed upon his shoulder, and another equally sinewy caught him by the collar. "burke, suppose you return aboard ship," said "hod," quietly. "you are not going to hit the bowery this time." the irish fireman attempted to wrench himself free, then he struck out at "hod" with all the force of his right arm. the quarter-back's practice on the field came into play, and the college graduate tackled his opponent in the latest approved style. the struggle was short and decisive, and it resulted in burke declaring his willingness to return to the ship. "the next time you try to size up a new shipmate be sure you are on to his curves," remarked "hod," as he escorted his prisoner over the gangway. "you will find some of 'mama's pretty boys' rather tough nuts to crack." the day following this little episode found the members of the state naval militia detailed to form the crew of the "yankee" in full possession of the cruiser which they were to sail to glory or defeat in defense of their country. the ship's company, two hundred and twenty-five in all, boarded the auxiliary warship without ceremony, and were speedily set to work hoisting in provisions, removing to the yard all unnecessary stuff with which the ship was littered, and getting her generally in condition for sailing. the work was extremely hard, but it was done without demur. a naval officer attached to the yard stood near me at one time during the afternoon, and i heard him remark to a visitor who had accompanied him on board: "you will find an object lesson in this scene. these young men working here at the hardest kind of manual labor, buckling down cheerfully to dirty jobs, were, a few days ago, living in luxury in the best homes in new york city. the older men were clerks, or lawyers, or physicians, and not one of them had ever stained his hands with toil. look at them now." unconsciously i glanced across the deck to where three men were hauling upon a whip, or block-and-tackle, which was being used to hoist huge boxes and casks of provisions on board. the three men were working sturdily, and it would have been difficult to recognize in them, with their grimy faces and soiled duck uniforms, a doctor, a bank cashier, and a man-about-town well known in new york city. near the forward hatch, industriously swabbing the deck, was a black-haired youth whose father helps to control some of the largest moves on 'change. scattered about the gangway were others, some painting, some rolling barrels, and a number engaged in whipping in heavy boxes of ammunition. they were all cheerful, and the decks resounded with merry chatter and whistling and song. i turned to myself. my hands were brown and smeared and bruised. my uniform, once white, was streaked and stained with tar. i wore shoes innocent of blacking and made after a pattern much admired among navvies. i had an individual ache in every bone of my body, and i was hungry and was compelled to look forward to a dinner of odorous salt-horse, hard bread, and "ennuied" coffee, but i was happy--i had to admit that. perhaps it was the novelty of the situation, perhaps it was something else, but the fact remained that i would not have left the ship or given up the idea of going on the cruise for a good deal. we worked hard all day, and, when mess gear was piped for supper, we could hardly repress a sigh of heartfelt relief. the food, bad as it was, was welcome, and when i reluctantly swung away from the mess table i felt much better. at six bells, shortly before hammocks were piped down, the "striker," or helper, for our mess cook, said mysteriously: "don't turn in early, russ, there's going to be a little fun. 'bill' and 'stump' have young potter on a string. it will be great." chapter ii. in which we get under way at last. the hint of possible fun that night was sufficient to keep me alert. "all work and no play, etc.," was part of our code aboard the "yankee," and goodness knows we had worked hard enough getting the ship ready for sailing to be permitted a little sport. then, again, any badgering of young potter would be innocent amusement, so i laid by and waited, keeping my eye on "bill." "bill," by the way, was the captain of our mess, a jolly good fellow, popular, and always in evidence when there was any skylarking on foot. hammocks were piped down at seven bells ( : p.m.), and, as it was our first experience on board the "yankee," there was some confusion. a number of new recruits had joined that afternoon, and their efforts to master the mysteries of the sailor's sleeping outfit were amusing. a naval hammock differs largely from those used ashore. a hammock aboard ship is of canvas, seven feet long, with holes a few inches apart at each end, through which are reeved pieces of strong cord. the latter are called clews, and they meet at an iron ring, which is attached to the hooks in the carline beams when the hammock is in position for use. when a hammock is properly slung it hangs almost straight, with very little sagging. to get in properly, one grasps two hoops near the head, and, with an agile spring, throws body and feet into the canvas bed. this requires a knack, and is learned only after a more or less painful experience. a three-inch mattress and two blankets go with each outfit. for sheets a bag-like mattress cover is used, and, in lieu of the downy pillows of home, the sailor must be content with his shoes rolled up inside his trousers or flannel shirt. with it all, however, the naval hammock is very comfortable. there is the advantage of being able to not only wash your blankets and sheets, but your bed as well. once each month clean hammocks are issued and the old ones scrubbed. while i was below, rigging up my clews, i saw a commotion on the other side of the deck. the master-at-arms was expostulating with one of the new recruits who had reported that afternoon. suddenly the latter called out, angrily, "i'll see if i have to, durn you!" and bolted for the upper deck. the master-at-arms followed him at once, and several of us followed the master-at-arms to see the excitement. we reached the quarter-deck just as the recruit came to a stop in front of the officer on watch. [illustration: "that fat man in the cellar wants me to sleep in a bag----".] "what's the matter with you?" demanded the latter, curtly. "what's up?" "th-th-that m-m-man down in the--the cellar wants me to sleep in a bag, durn him," gasped the recruit, waving his lanky arms, "and i won't do it for him or no one else." "cellar?" then the officer shouted with laughter. the recruit was sent back to the "new hampshire" next day, but it was long before the master-at-arms was known by any other name or title than "the man in the cellar." a few minutes before tattoo, "bill" and "stump" came up and intimated by signs that i was to accompany them to the forward part of the berth deck. on reaching the extreme end, which was occupied by an immense hawser reel, "bill" indicated a hammock which was swinging with the forward clews directly above the great spool, or reel. "if young potter doesn't think this old hooker is haunted i'll never play another joke," he chuckled. "get in and show him, 'stump.'" the latter grasped two hooks, gave himself a swing, landed in the hammock, and in an instant struck the deck with a thump, the hammock under him. as he rolled out i rubbed my eyes. the hammock had swiftly returned to its former position! "it isn't hoodooed," grinned "bill." "just look here." he hauled up on the head clews and presently a five-inch shell appeared above the top of the reel. the shell was fastened to the end of the hammock lashing, at the other end of which was attached the ring. the lashing led over the hook, and the weight of the shell was just sufficient to keep the hammock in its place. as i finished inspecting the clever contrivance, the boatswain's mate piped tattoo. we hurried away to watch from a distance. laughing and singing, the fellows trooped down to prepare for turning in; the hard labor of the day had not dampened their spirits. the deck soon presented an animated scene. a number of us had slept long enough on board the "new hampshire" to become accustomed to man-o'-war style, but the new recruits were like so many cats in a strange garret. they stood about, glancing doubtfully at their hammocks and then at their clothes. they did not know just what to do with either. "how do you get into the thing, i wonder?" asked the fellow from harlem, eyeing his suspended bed. "borrow the navigator's step-ladder," suggested the coxs'n of the gig. "he keeps it in the chart room." the greatest difficulty was the disposal of our clothes. there were no wardrobes nor closets nor convenient hooks, and it was strictly against the rule to leave anything lying around decks. the question was solved presently by an old naval sailor, who calmly made a neat roll of his duck jumper and trousers and another of his shoes and shirt. the latter he tucked into his clews at the foot, and the other he used as a pillow. we thanked our lucky stars we did not have creased trousers, smooth coats, vests, white shirts, collars, and neckties to dispose of. in due time young potter, who had stayed on deck viewing the scenery until chased by the corporal of the guard, came down and made for his hammock. four dozen pairs of eyes watched him with delightful anticipation. unconscious of the attention he was attracting, he doffed his clothes and brought out something from his black bag which proved to be a night-shirt! if there was any compunction in regard to the trick intended for him, it instantly vanished. a sailor with a night-shirt was legitimate prey. whistling softly, the victim prepared himself for the swing, grasped the hooks, and then, with good momentum, landed in the hammock. there was a swish, a distinct thud, and young potter rolled out upon the deck with a gasp of amazement. turning as quickly as he could, he looked up and saw the hammock swinging in its proper place. it was physical labor for us to keep from howling with glee at the expression on his face. he glanced sheepishly about to see if his catastrophe had been observed; then he made another attempt. this time a heave of the ship sent him even more quickly to the deck, and he landed with a bump that could have been heard in the cabin. he was fighting mad when he again scrambled to his feet. "i can lick the lubber who threw me out," he shouted. "stop that talking," came from the master-at-arms' corner. "turn in and keep quiet about the decks." potter grumbled something under his breath, then he made a careful search in the vicinity of his hammock. it was worth a dollar admission to see him poke about with, the end of a broom. he found nothing suspicious, and proceeded to try again. very gingerly he grasped the hooks, and he experimented with one foot before trusting his whole weight to the hammock. the second he released his hold of the hooks he fell, and the fall was even greater than before. "the blamed thing is spooky!" he howled, as he gathered himself together. he made a quick run for the ladder leading on deck, but was stopped by the master-at-arms, who demanded an explanation. while they were arguing, "bill" and i quickly fixed the hammock, casting off the shell and concealing it behind a black bag. we had barely finished when the chief petty officer came up and examined the clews. he tested them by applying his own weight, then gave the crestfallen and astounded potter a few terse words of advice about eating too much supper. five minutes later the deck was quiet. the hard labor of the previous day--such labor as hauling and pulling, handling heavy boxes and casks, and bales and barrels of provisions and ammunition--had made me dead tired, and i slept like a log until reveille. this unpleasant function occurred at three bells (half-past five o'clock), and it consisted of an infernal hubbub of drums and bugles and boatswains' pipes, loud and discordant enough to awaken the seven sleepers. we roused in a hurry, and, with eyes scarcely open, began to lash up our hammocks. "seven turns, no more, no less," bawled the master-at-arms. "get just seven turns of the lashing around your hammocks, and get 'em quick. if you can't pass your hammock through a foot ring, you'll go on the report. shake a leg there!" the rumor had gone about that it was the custom to "swat" the last man with a club, and there was a great scramble. we found the hammock stowers in the nettings, which were large boxes on the gun deck, and our queer canvas beds were soon stowed away for the day. as the reveille hour is too early for breakfast, coffee and hard-tack is served out by each mess cook. the coffee is minus milk, but it is hot and palatable, and really acts as a tonic. the first order of the day is to scrub down decks and clean ship generally, but, as the "yankee" was still in the throes of preparation, we were spared that disagreeable work and permitted to arrange our belongings for the long voyage before us. in the service each man is allowed a black bag about three feet six inches high, and twelve inches in diameter, and a small wooden box, eighteen inches square, known as a "ditty box," to keep his wardrobe in. all clothing is rolled, and careful sailors generally wrap each garment in a piece of muslin before consigning it to the black bag. in the ditty box are kept such articles as toothbrush, brush and comb, small hand glass, writing material, and odds and ends. each bag and box is numbered, and must be kept in a certain place. at first we thought it wouldn't be possible to keep our clothing in such a small space, but experience taught us that we would have ample room. the following days until the eighth of may were days of manual labor, which hardened our muscles and placed a fine edge on our appetites. to see the men who had been accustomed to a life of luxury toiling away with rope and scrubbing brush and paint pot, working like day laborers, and happy at that, was really a remarkable spectacle. for my part, i noticed with surprise that scratched and bruised hands--scratched so that the salt water caused positive pain--did not appeal to me. i tore off a corner of my right thumb trying to squeeze a large box through the forward hatch, and the only treatment i gave it was a fragment of rather soiled rag and a little vaseline borrowed from a mate. to quit work and apply for the first aid to injured never struck me. ashore i would probably have called a doctor. the day before we left the yard one of my mates sprained his back lifting a box of canned meat. in civil life he had been a lawyer with a promising practice, his office being with one of the best known men of the bar. he gave it up and joined the naval reserves because, as he expressed it, "to fight for one's country is a patriot's first duty." when the accident happened, he refused to go below to the sick bay until the doctor stated that rest for a few days at least was absolutely necessary. "it isn't that i mind the hurt, boys," he said, with a smile, as he was assisted to the hatch, "but i hate to be knocked out in my first engagement, and that with a box of canned corned beef." the monotony of work was broken on the ninth of may, when preparations were made to leave the yard. the destination was only tompkinsville, but there was not a man on board but felt that, as the last hawser was cast off, we were fairly started on our cruise in search of action. as the "yankee" was assisted away from the wharf by a government tug, a number of friends gathered ashore cheered lustily and waved their hats and handkerchiefs. the scene had been repeated time without end, no doubt, but it went to our hearts all the same, and there was many a husky note in the cheers we gave in return. there was also encouragement in the whistles we received as we dropped down the east river, and we felt as if our small share in the war would be appreciated by those compelled to stay at home. we steamed directly to the vicinity of fort wadsworth, staten island, anchored off tompkinsville, and then picked up a berth there for the night. half way down the bay we met a tug carrying a committee from the "sons of the revolution" of new york state. the committee had been selected by the society to present us with a set of colors. the tug accompanied us to our anchorage, then the committee came on board. the ceremony of presentation was rather picturesque. the visitors gathered on the bridge, the ship's bugler sounded the assembly, and in obedience to the call we lined up on the forward deck. we wore the white duck service uniform, including trousers, jumper, and cap. some of the uniforms had suffered in contact with pitch, but the general effect was good. when everything was in readiness, the chairman of the committee presented the set of colors and said: "captain brownson, officers and men of the 'yankee,' i have the honor, on behalf of the society of the sons of the revolution in the state of new york, to present these colors to the members of the naval reserve of the state of new york, who have enlisted for service under your command." he continued by hoping that the colors would ever float victorious, and said that he did not doubt it, and then our skipper made a little speech in reply. the affair wound up with a round of cheers and general congratulations. the flags were handsome, and, as it came to pass, they flaunted amid battle smoke before many weeks. our stay off tompkinsville was to be short, but we had time to become acquainted with a characteristic naval oddity known as the bumboat. diligent inquiries among the old sailors on board the "yankee" failed to enlighten me as to the derivation of the name, but the consensus of opinion was that these floating peddlers sold articles which, to use a slang phrase, were pretty "bum." experience has given the opinion some color of truth. our bumboat boarded us early and stayed with us until the corporal of the guard called "time." she came laden with pies and doughnuts, pins and needles, tape and buttons and whisk brooms and shoe blacking, handkerchiefs, ties, scissors, soap, writing paper, envelopes, ink, pens, cakes, bread, jelly, pocket knives, and a schedule of prices that would have brought a blush of envy to the face of a swiss inn-keeper. as the boys had not yet grown entirely accustomed to what is called "government straight," i.e., salt meat and hard-tack, the bumboat did a thriving business. young potter's bill was tremendous, and mrs. bumboat bade him a regretful farewell when she visited us for the last time. at three in the afternoon of the tenth we hoisted anchor on our way to sea. our good friends had not deserted us, and a number of them, aboard several tugs, accompanied us as far as the narrows. the "god-speed" given us as we steamed away would have been a fine object lesson to our future antagonists. up to the present we had been concerned simply with the preparations for war, but it was destined that before another twenty-four hours had passed we would have a taste of the actual realities. the "yankee" was to see service. chapter iii. in which the "yankee" cruises for prizes. it was evening, the evening of the day on which the "yankee" sailed from tompkinsville bound out on her maiden cruise as an auxiliary ship of war. the afternoon had passed without event, save that which attacks the amateur sailor when he first feels the heaving swell of old ocean. the crew had shaken into its place, and the men of the watch on deck were commencing to appreciate their responsibilities. the ship was quiet, save for the faint chug-chug of the propeller under the stern and the occasional clang of a shovel in the fire room deep down in the innermost reaches of the ship. the sun had vanished in a hazy cloud which portended a stiff breeze, but the wind was still gentle, and, as it swept across the decks from off the port quarter, it seemed grateful indeed to those who came from below for a breath of air. orders had been issued to darken the decks. the running lights of red and green were still in the lamp room, and, except for a soft, rosy glow from the binnacle-bowl, there was a blackness of night throughout the upper part of the ship. cigars and pipes and cigarettes had been tabooed, and doors were opened in the deck houses only after the inside lights had been lowered to a flickering pin point. up on the forward bridge captain brownson stood talking in a low voice to the executive officer, lieutenant hubbard. the lurching swing of the ship caused them to sway back and forth against the rail and a metallic sound came from a sword scabbard suspended from the captain's belt. the presence of this sword, betrayed by the clatter it made, told a secret to several sailors gathered under the lee of the pilot house, and one said, in an excited whisper: "there's something up, chips. the old man is fixed for trouble. i'm going aft and stand by." the speaker started off, but before he had taken ten steps the shrill blast of a bugle suddenly broke the stillness of the night. the discordant notes rang and echoed through the ship, and, while the sound was still trembling in the air, two score of shadowy figures sprang up from different parts of the deck and scurried toward the ladders leading below. the transformation was instant and complete. from a ship stealthily pursuing its way through the darkness--a part of the mist--the "yankee" became the theatre of a scene of the most intense activity. there was no shouting, no great clamor of sound; nothing but the peculiar shuffling of shoes against iron, the hard panting of hurrying men, the grating of breech-blocks, low muttered orders from officer to man, and a multitude of minor noises that seemed strange and weird and uncanny in this blackness. a belated wardroom boy, still carrying a towel across his arm, slips from the cabin and hastens forward to his station in the powder division. the navigator, an officer of the regular navy, whose ideas of discipline are based on cast iron rules, espies the laggard and administers a sharp rebuke. a squad of marines dash from the "barracks" below and line up at the secondary battery guns on the forecastle. some of the marines are hatless and coatless, and one wiry little private shambles along on one foot. he stumbles against a hatch-coaming and kicks his shoe across the deck. suddenly an order comes out of the gloom near the main hatch and is carried from gun to gun. "cast loose and provide!" the hitherto motionless figures waiting at the battery spring into activity. hands move nimbly at the training and elevating gear. breech-blocks are thrown open, sights adjusted, the first and second captains take their places, the former with the firing lanyard in readiness for use at his gun; then there is silence again as the officer in charge of the division holds up one hand as a signal that all is prepared. then comes the word to load. in a twinkling the ammunition hoists are creaking with their burdens and boxes of shell appear on deck. these are quickly lifted to the guns and taken in hand by the loaders. the latter do their part of the general work thoroughly and with despatch, and presently the breech-blocks are swung to and the battery is ready for action. in the meantime there has been systematic preparation in other parts of the auxiliary cruiser. down in the sick bay aft, the surgeon and his assistants have made ready for their grewsome task. cases of glittering instruments have been opened, lint and bandages and splints are in their proper places, and the apothecary and bayman are getting the cots in trim for instant use. in the fire room the firemen and coal-passers are heaping up the furnaces, a couple of men hurry away to attend to the fire mains, and, standing by in readiness for duty, are the engineers and crew of the off watch. the carpenters are ready below with shot-hole plugs, and everywhere throughout the ship can be found officers and sailors and marines and men of the "black gang," each at his proper station in readiness for the word to begin action. but that word does not come. instead a stentorian command is heard from the bridge: "secure!" laughing and joking, the crew of the "yankee" hasten to restore the ship to its former state. all this has been a drill, the drill known as general quarters. it is the first time it has been held under service conditions, and when the captain steps down from the bridge and says in his brisk, authoritative way, "very well done, very well done indeed," the boys of the cruiser are satisfied and happy. twice during the night the drill is repeated. there is no grumbling because of disturbed sleep, for a rumor has gone about the ship that spanish vessels have been seen off the coast, and even the cranks on board admit that drills and exercises are necessary. sea watches have been set, and the rules followed when under way are now operative. a brief explanation of the routine attending the first hours of a naval day may help to make succeeding descriptions more plain. the ship's daily life commences with the calling of the ship's cook at : a.m. the ordinary mess cooks are awakened at four o'clock, so that coffee can be prepared for the watch. coffee is always served with hard-tack to the watch coming on deck at four. it is all the men get until breakfast at : , and a great deal of work must be accomplished before that time. after the hard-tack and coffee had been consumed--and it went to that spot always reserved for good things--the lookouts of the other watch on the port and starboard bridge and the patent life buoys port and starboard quarter were relieved. as soon as the first streaks of dawn were to be seen a long-drawn boatswain's pipe, like the wail of a lost soul, came from forward, and the order "scrub and wash clothes" given. a day or two before the "yankee" left the navy yard, one of the pretty girls who had come over to visit her asked: "where do you have your washing done? it must require a great many washerwomen to keep the clothes of this dirty [glancing rather disdainfully at her somewhat grimy friend] crew clean." though we knew that the luxury of a laundry would not fall to our lot, we were at a loss as to the method pursued to clean clothes. we soon learned. we who had been anticipating an order of this sort came running forward with bundles of clothes that would discourage a steam laundry. this was the first opportunity we had had to clean up. the forecastlemen led out the hose, which was connected to the ship's pump, and, after wetting down the forecastle deck (where all clothes must be scrubbed), we were told we might turn to. the "kid," who was the youngest member of the crew aboard, very popular with officers and men, and who afterward became the ship's mascot, said, "how do you work this, anyway?" i confessed that i was in the dark myself, but proposed that we watch "patt," the gunner's mate, who had served in the navy before. presently we saw him lay his jumper flat on the deck, wet it thoroughly with water from the hose, then rub it with salt-water soap. then he fished out a stiff scrubbing brush and began to scrub the jumper as if it was a floor. we then understood the significance of the order _scrub_ and wash clothes. in salt water the clothes have not only to be washed, but scrubbed as well. the "kid" remarked, "well, i'll be switched," and forthwith fell on his knees and proceeded to follow "patt's" example. though we scrubbed manfully, "putting our backs into it" and "using plenty of elbow grease," as instructed, still the result was hardly up to our expectations. the navigator remarked, as we were "stopping" the clothes on the line, "you heroes might scrub those clothes a little bit; it does not take a college education to learn how to wash clothes." i agreed with the "kid" that, though cleanliness was next to godliness, cleanliness, like godliness, was often a difficult virtue to acquire. we found it almost impossible to be cleanly without the aid of fresh water, so the schemes devised to avoid the executive's order and get it were many and ingenious. one man would go to the ship's galley, where the fresh water hand-pump was, and, without further ado, begin to fill his bucket, remarking, if the cook attempted to interfere, that he had to scrub paint work or he had orders from the doctor to bathe in fresh water. these excuses would be successful till too many men came in with buckets and plausible excuses, when the cook would shut down on the scheme for the time. the man with fresh water was the envy of his fellows, and must needs be vigilant, or bucket and water would disappear mysteriously. the "kid" happened to be next me when "stopping" his clothes on the line, and remarked, as he tied the last knot on his last jumper, "i like to be clean as the next chap, but this scrubbing clothes on your knees is no snap." he stopped to feel them. "why, i can feel the corns growing on them already. how often do we have to do this scrubbing job, anyhow?" he asked. "you _can_ do it every morning, if you really feel inclined," i replied, smiling at his rueful countenance; "clothes can only be washed during the morning watch (four to eight), i understand, and, as the starboard men are on duty one day during that time and the port watch the next, each is supposed to 'scrub and wash clothes' in his own watch. see?" the "kid" looked up at the dripping line of rather dingy clothes, then down at his red and soapy knees, and said, as he turned to go aft, "well, when we get back to new york, i am going to have a suit of whites made of celluloid that can be washed with a sponge." at : the order "knock off scrubbing clothes" was given, and then all hands of the watch "turned to" and scrubbed decks, scoured the gratings and companion-way ladders with sand and canvas, brass work was polished, paint work wiped down, and everything on board made as spick and span as a new dollar. a vast quantity of water is brought from over the side through the ship's pump, and the men work in their bare feet. in fact, the usual costume during this period of the day consists of a pair of duck trousers and a thin shirt. on special occasions even the shirt is dispensed with. during warm weather it is delightful to splash around a water-soaked deck, but there are mornings when a biting wind comes from the north, and the keenness of winter is in the air, and then jackie, compelled to labor up to his knees in water, casts longing glances toward the glow of the galley fire, and makes his semi-yearly vow that he will leave the "blooming" service for good and go on a farm. this scrubbing of decks and scouring of ladders put an extra edge on our appetites, so we agreed with "stump" when he said, "i feel as if i could put a whole bumboat load of stuff out of commission all by my lonely." "stump's" appetite was out of proportion to his size. when the boatswain's mate gave his peculiar long, quavering pipe and the order "spread mess gear for the watch below," at : , we of the watch on deck realized that there was still forty minutes to wait. every man's hunger seemed to increase tenfold, so that even the odor of boiling "salt-horse" from the galley did not trouble us. finally the order came, "on deck all the starboard watch"; followed by the boatswain's mess call for the watch on deck. the scramble to get below and to work with knife, fork, and spoon resembled a fire panic at a theatre. it is first come first served aboard ship, and the man who lingers often gets left. the gun deck of the "yankee," like the gun deck of most war vessels, is jack's living room. here he sleeps, in what he facetiously calls his folding-bed, which is swung from the deck beams above; here he enjoys the various amusements that an ordinary citizen would call work; here he goes through his drills; here he fights, not his shipmates, but his country's enemies, and here he eats. the remark, "he spread his legs luxuriously under the mahogany," would hardly apply to jack's mode of dining. his table is a swinging affair that is hung on the hammock hooks--a mere board a couple of feet wide and twelve or fourteen feet long, having a ridge around the edge to keep the plates from sliding off in a seaway. jack's dining chairs are called "mess benches," and consist of a long folding bench that with the table can be stowed away in racks overhead when not in use. a mess chest for each mess, an enamelled iron plate and cup, and a knife, fork, and spoon for each man complete the "mess gear" outfit. the ship's company is divided into messes, each man being assigned to a certain mess at the same time his billet number or ship's number is given to him. there are from fifteen to thirty men in a mess. each has its own "berth-deck cook," who prepares the food for the galley; each, too, has a mess caterer, or striker, whose business it is to help the mess cook and see that all goes well. the caterer is a volunteer from the mess, and generally serves for a week, when another volunteer takes his place. if the quantity or quality of the food is not up to expectations, it would be better for the caterer that he be put down in the "brig" out of harm's way, for jack is apt to speak his mind in vigorous english, and his mind and stomach have generally formed a close alliance. the twenty minutes allowed for meals are well spent, and the clatter of knives and forks attests the zest with which uncle sam's man-o'-war's-man tackles his not always too nice or delicate fare. the nine dollars a month allowed by the navy for rations is expended by the paymaster of the vessel, not by the men, so, if the paymaster concludes that the men shall have "salt-horse," rice, and hard-tack, jack gets "salt-horse," rice, and hard-tack, and that is all he does get unless his mess cook and caterer are unusually prudent and save something from the previous day's rations, or the mess has put up some extra money and has "private stores." as the man with the biggest appetite or the fellow who eats slowly are putting away the last morsel of cracker hash or the last swallow of coffee, "jimmy legs" (the master-at-arms) comes around, shouting as he goes, "shake a leg there, we want to get this deck cleared for quarters." he is often followed by the boatswain's mate of the watch, who echoes his call, and between them they clear the deck. then begins the real work of the day. chapter iv. we get orders to go south. shortly after breakfast the "yankee" came to anchor outside of provincetown, mass. an hour later a large man-of-war was discovered steaming toward us. rumors were rife at once, and the excitement increased when the vessel, which proved to be the gallant cruiser "columbia," passed close alongside, and the captain was observed to lean over the bridge railing with a megaphone in his hands. "'yankee' ahoy!" came across the water. "hello, 'columbia!'" replied captain brownson. "i have orders for you." "whoop! we are going to cuba," cried young potter. "it's dead sure this time. they can't do without us down--" "silence!" called out the executive officer, sternly. "corporal of the guard, see to that man." poor potter is sent below in disgrace amid the chuckles and jeers of his unsympathetic shipmates. the little episode nearly earned him many hours of extra duty. in the meantime the "columbia's" captain had communicated the welcome intelligence that we were to cruise to the southward at once to look for several suspicious vessels that had been sighted in the vicinity of barnegat. this promised action so strongly that a cheer went up from the crew. this time even the officers joined in. very shortly after came the order "all hands on the cat falls," at which every man jack came running forward. the blue-clothed figures poured up the companion-ways like rats out of a sinking ship, for "all hands on the cat falls" means up anchor, and up anchor meant new experiences, perhaps a brush with a spanish man-of-war or the capture of a spanish prize. the anchor was yanked up and guided into place on its chocks in a hurry, and soon the "yankee" was under way and headed southward. as we passed the "columbia," the men of both ships stood at attention, feet together, hands at the side, heads up, silent. so a ship is saluted in the united states navy, a ceremony dignified and impressive, though not as soul-stirring as the american cheer. the "scuttle butt navigators," or, as the "yankee" boys called them, the rumor committee, were very busy that bright day in may. according to them we were to sail seaward and discover cervera's fleet, the whereabouts of which was then unknown. we were to sail south and bombard havana. the older, wiser heads laughed at such rumors, and said it was foolishness, but all were ready and anxious to listen to the wildest tales. all the time the ship was getting under way the routine work was going on. the sweepers had obeyed the order given by the boatswain's mate, accompanied by the pipe peculiar to that order, "gun-deck sweepers, clean sweep fore and aft; sweepers, clean your spit kits." at twenty minutes past nine the bugle sounded the first or officers' call to quarters, a call that sounded like "get your sword on, get your sword on, get your sword on, get your sword on, get your sword on right away!" ten minutes later came "assembly," and the men rushed to their places at the guns and their stations in the powder divisions. after our division had been mustered, "long tommy," the boatswain's mate and captain of our gun, said to "hay," "i think we'll have some shooting to-day. i saw the gunners' mates rigging a target." "good!" said "hay," "what does it look like?" "why," explained tommy, "it's a triangular sail, having a black spot painted in the middle, supported by a raft, also triangular, which is floated by three barrels, one at each corner." "can't be very big," said "stump." "about ten feet at the base, tapering to a point. the red flag that flies from the top is perhaps fourteen feet from the water, i should say." "and they expect us to hit that?" broke in "lucky bag kennedy." "of course," said tommy the confident, "and we shall." as soon as the officers of the different divisions had returned from the bridge, where they had been to report, the quick, sharp bugle call which summons the crew to general quarters was sounded. as the first notes were heard, the men scattered as if a bomb with a visible burning fuse had fallen in their midst. some hurried to lead out the hose, some to get the gun sights and firing lanyards, some to get belts and revolvers for the guns' crews, some down into the hot, dark magazines, and some to open up the magazine hoists. all was apparent confusion, but was in reality perfect discipline. soon boxes of shell were ready by the guns, but the order "load" had not yet been given. the triangular target was then lowered over the side and cast loose. in a few minutes the six-pounders on the spar deck began to bark. "getting the range, i guess," said "hod," who had sneaked over from the powder division to get a look at the target. "pretty near it," replied "stump," as a shot splashed close to the triangular piece of canvas. "here comes scully," some one whispered; "now we'll have a chance." "the captain says fire when ready, at , yards," said scully, saluting mr. greene, the officer of the division. "captain says, sir, instruct your men to shoot at the top of the roll, and a little over, rather than under the target," continued he, saluting again. "port battery take stations for exercise, load, set your sights at , yards, and when ready, fire." mr. greene's orders came sharp and clear; there was never any misunderstanding of them. most of us of number eight's gun crew had never stood near a big gun when it spoke, and most of us dreaded it and felt inclined to run away out of ear-shot. it was our business to stand by, however, so we stood by while tommy, firing lanyard in hand, sighted the machine. "right!" he sung out to "stump" and "flagg," who were at the training wheels. "right handsomely," added tommy, working the elevating gear, as the gun moved slowly round. the gun roared and jumped back on its mount six or eight inches, but promptly slid back again--forced back by powerful springs. the shell sped on its way, humming as it went, and struck a little short of the target, sending up a great fountain as it was exploded by the impact with the water. "hay" pulled the breech lever and the breech plug came out, allowing "stump," who wore heavy gloves for the purpose, to extract the empty shell. this he dropped in the concrete waterway, then ran to his place at the training wheel; a fresh shell had been put in the gun, meanwhile, and it was ready for business again. a number of good shots were made by different gunners. enough to show that, amateur tars that we were, there was the making of good gunners in us. as the "kid," in his overweening confidence, said, "ain't we peaches? when we get down south we will have a little target practise, and the 'dagos' will be so scared that they will haul down their colors tight away." during the day we steamed slowly along, a bright lookout being kept by the men at the foremast-head for suspicious steamers. after dinner at eight bells ( o'clock), the smoking lamp, which hangs near the scuttle butt aft, was kept lighted about fifteen minutes. smoking is allowed aboard only when the smoking lamp is lighted, and as "hay" was wont to say, it was lighted "when you did not want to smoke." at ten minutes past one "turn to" was piped by the boatswain's mates, followed by the call for sweepers. then came the order, "stand by your scrub and wash clothes." so the "kid" and i hastened forward, both anxious to see if our initial clothes-washing venture was a success. we had depended on the sun to bleach our much be-scrubbed clothes, but--well--i would have left them where they were if i could. as for the "kid's"--after holding them off at arm's length for a while, he remarked, "why, i would not use such rags to clean my bicycle at home," and threw them overboard. he was always a reckless chap. the infantry drill we had at afternoon quarters at : , served to keep us busy. the same thing had been gone through on the "new hampshire" many a time and oft. we found it rather difficult to march straight and keep a good line on a swaying deck. so we were kept at it until we had got the hang of it. we were still parading to and fro on the spar deck, when some one sighted land off the starboard bow. the dismissal call was given none too soon, for the curiosity as to what we were heading for made discipline lax and attention far from close. we soon learned that this was block island. the gig was lowered, and the captain and mail orderly went ashore. "now we'll get our real orders," said potter. "ho! for the spanish main," he shouted, forgetting his narrow escape of the day before. "it will be ho! for the ship's brig, and ho! for five days on bread and water, if you don't look out," said "stump," dryly. about dark, the gig came back again, bringing the captain in it and the mail orderly--but no mail, and how we did long for a word from home. a scrap of newspaper, even, would be a blessing. we had just sat down to evening mess when the order, "all hands on the gig falls!" was given, and the master-at-arms chased us off the gun deck. soon the measured tread of many feet could be heard, and then the order was given by the officer of the deck to the coxswain of the gig, "secure your boat for sea." [illustration: "the gig was lowered"] [illustration: "the men on the stages"] so we were to go off again. where? within a short time we were under way again. the usual watches were set, but very few of the boys went below. the mere rumor that the enemy was prowling along the coast was enough to prevent sleep. my watch went on duty at four o'clock. we were not called in the usual way, by the boatswain's whistle, but each man was roused separately. this in itself was sufficient to lend an air of intense interest to the scene. on reaching the deck i found that the night had grown stormy. a chill wind was blowing off the coast, rendering pea coats and watch caps extremely comfortable. a fine rain began to fall shortly after four, and by the time i had taken my post forward as a lookout it had increased to a regular squall. the "yankee" was a splendid sea boat, but in the course of an hour the choppy waves kicked up by the storm set her to bobbing about like the proverbial cork. the gloom of the night had changed to a blackness that made it impossible to see an arm's length away. standing on the starboard bridge, i could scarcely distinguish the faint white foam gathered under the forefoot. aft there was nothing visible save a length of stay which seemingly began at nothing and ended in darkness. the howling of the wind through the taut cordage of the foremast, the sullen plunging of the ship's hull in the trough of the sea, the rise to a wave crest and the poising there before falling once more, the smell of the dank salt air, and the occasional spurt of spray over the leaning bow, all made a scene so novel to me that i forgot spanish ships and my duty and stood almost entranced. it was a dereliction for which i was to suffer. in the midst of my reverie a hand was suddenly placed upon my shoulder and i heard a familial voice exclaim sternly: "lookout, what do you mean by sleeping on post? why did you not report that light?" it was captain brownson! asleep on post! the accusation was grave enough to startle me, and i lost no time in stammering a denial. luckily, the discovery of the strange light, which was just faintly visible dead ahead, occupied the commander's attention for the moment and i escaped further rebuke. captain brownson hurried to the bridge and presently word was passed to go to quarters at once. the ports were opened, ammunition made ready for both the main and secondary batteries, and the crew stood at their guns in readiness for action. it was a very impressive sight, the grim weapons just showing in the dim lantern light, the great cartridges standing close to the breeches, the men quiet and steady, their faces showing anxiety but perfect self-control. i was proud to belong to such a crew, for the majority thought that an action was imminent, and perhaps a superior foe to be fought, yet there was no sign of that fear which is supposed to attack the novice in battle. it was a convincing proof of american bravery and self-reliance. in the meantime the engines had been called on for full speed, and the ship throbbed and swayed with the increased power. extra men were presently sent below to the fire room, and it soon became evident that we were in actual chase of the suspicious vessel. from my station at the after port gun i was enabled to catch an occasional glimpse of the sea through the open port. the squall had passed in part and the night was growing lighter. the rain still fell, though fitfully, and at times a dash of water entered the port, besprinkling gun and crew and fighting tackle, leaving great drops that glistened like dew in the waning light of the lanterns. alongside, white-capped waves raced with the ship. as the gloom lightened, the horizon spread, and presently, away in the distance, a dark spot, like a smudge upon a gray background, became visible. "long tommy," attached to my gun, leaned far out of the port with an exclamation of excitement. "by george! it's another ship," he added. "we are in a nest of the dagoes," cried young potter, rather wildly. "we have run into an ambuscade." "you've got a great chance to become a dead hero," remarked the first gun captain dryly. word was passed from above to break out more shell, and presently the navigator slipped down the ladder and made a close inspection of the different five-inch guns. as he went from crew to crew he gave whispered instructions to the officers in charge. "the old man expects trouble this trip," whispered tommy. he coolly stripped off his shirt and stood, half-naked, the muscles of his athletic chest and arms gleaming like white marble in the uncertain light. most of us followed his example, and the spectacle of the swaying groups of men, bared for action, added a dramatic tinge to the scene. below, the powerful engines throbbed with a pulsation that set every bolt and joint creaking, the strident echoes of the firemen's shovels could he heard scraping against the iron floor, and little whistlings of steam came like higher notes in the general tune. even the noises of the ship were strange and weird and impressive. the crews had been standing in readiness at their stations for almost an hour when it suddenly became noticeable that the darkness of night was giving way before a gradual dawn. the glimmering flame in the lanterns faded and waned, objects buried in gloom began to assume shape, and the edges of the open ports grew sharp and more defined. constant waiting brought a relaxation of discipline, and the members of the different crews grouped about the ports and eagerly searched for the chase. the smudge on the horizon had long since disappeared, but directly ahead could be seen the faint outlines of a steamer. a dense cloud of smoke was pouring from her funnel, and it was plainly apparent that she was making every effort to escape. this in itself was enough to stamp her identity, and we shook our clenched fists exultantly after her. the night broke rapidly. in the east a rosy tinge proclaimed the coming sun. just as the first glitter of the fiery rim appeared above the horizon, a gray, damp mist swept across the water, coming like an impenetrable wall between the "yankee" and the chase. [illustration: "stand by, men. be ready for instant action".] chapter v. a wild goose chase. a howl of disappointment went up from the crew. "oh, if she was only within range," cried "hay," smiting the breech of the five-inch rifle with his hand. "just one shot, just one shot." "guns' crews will remain at stations," ordered the first lieutenant from near the ladder. "stand by, men. be ready for instant action." "hurray! the old man won't give it up," cheered "stump," under his voice. "that's the stuff. now, if only that measly fog lifts and we get a trifle nearer, we'll do something for the old flag." the minutes passed slowly. it was heartbreaking work, this waiting and watching, and there was not one of the "yankee's" crew but would have given a year's pay to have seen the mist lift long enough to bring us within range. suddenly, just as the fervent wish was trembling on our lips, "hod marsh," who was near the port, cried out joyfully: "she's fading, fellows, she's fading!" like a theatre curtain being slowly raised, the mist lifted from the surface of the water. little by little the expanse of ocean became visible, and at last we, who were watching eagerly, saw the hull of a steamer appear, followed by masts and stack and upper rigging. an exclamation of bitter disappointment came from tommy. "durned if it ain't an old tramp!" he groaned. "fellows, we are sold." and so it proved. the fog lifted completely in the course of an hour and we secured a good view of our "will o' the wisp" of the night's chase. it was a great lumbering tramp, as high out of the water as a barn, and as weather-stained as a homeward-bound whaler. she slouched along like a crab, each roll of the hull showing streaks of marine grass and barnacles. there was little of man-o'-war "smartness" in her make-up, of a verity. for several days the "yankee" cruised up and down the coast between delaware breakwater and block island. many vessels were sighted, and on two occasions it was considered expedient to sound "general quarters," but nothing came of it. we finally concluded that the enemy were fighting shy of the vicinity of new york, and all began to long for orders to the southward. drill followed drill during these waiting days. target practice was held whenever practicable, and the different guns' crews began to feel familiar with the rapid-fire rifles. the men, accustomed to a life of ease and plenty, found this first month's work an experience of unparalleled hardship. their hands, better fitted for the grasp of pen and pencil, were made sore and stiff by the handling of hawsers, chains, and heavy cases. bandages on hands, feet, and, in some cases, heads, were the popular form of adornment, and the man who did not have some part of his anatomy decorated in this way was looked upon as a "sloper," or one who ran away from work. for how could any one do his share without getting a finger jammed or a toe crushed? the work that was done, too, during this month of cruising along the coasts of long island and new jersey was hard and incessant. drills of all kinds were frequent, and sleep at a premium. the "yankee" at this time was attached to the northern patrol fleet, of which commodore howell was the commander. it was her business to cruise along the coast from block island south to delaware breakwater, and watch for suspicious vessels. this duty made constant movement necessary, and unwearying vigilance on the part of the lookouts imperative. rainy, foggy weather was the rule, and "oilers" and rubber boots the prevailing fashion in overclothing. sea watches were kept night and day; half of the crew being on duty all the time, and one watch relieving the other every four hours. the watch "on deck" or on duty on a stormy night found it very tedious waiting for the "watch below" to come and relieve them. the man who could tell a story or sing a song was in great demand, and the man who could get up a "yankee" song was a popular hero. the night after our wild goose chase, described in the last chapter, the port watch had the "long watch"; that is, the watch from p.m. to midnight, and from four to eight the next morning--which allowed but four hour's sleep. it was raining and the decks were wet and slippery. the water dripped off the rims of our sou'westers in dismal fashion, and the fog hung like a blanket around the ship, while the sea lapped her sides unseen. our fog-horn tooted at intervals, and everything was as damp, dark, and forlorn as could be. a knot of men were gathered under the lee of the after deckhouse, huddled together for warmth and companionship. there was "stump," "bill," potter, and a number of others. "say! can't any one sing, or tell a yarn, or whistle a tune, or dance a jig?" said "bill" in a muffled tone. "if some one does not start some kind of excitement i will go to sleep in my tracks, and doctor 'gangway' says i mustn't sleep out of doors." his speech ended in a fit of coughing and a succession of sneezes. "here, 'morse,' give us that new song of yours," said "steve," as another oilskinned figure joined the group. "morse" and "steve" were our chief song writers. each sat on a quarter six-pounder, one on the starboard, the other on the port. "i will, if you chaps will join in the chorus," answered "morse." "no, thank you," he added, as some one handed him an imaginary glass. "_nature_ has wet my whistle pretty thoroughly to-night." "stump," in his most impressive manner, stepped forward, and in true master-of-ceremonies style introduced our entertainer. he was enlarging on the undoubted merits of the composer and singer, and had waxed really eloquent, when a strong gust of wind blew the water that lodged in the awning squarely down his neck. this dampened his ardor but not our spirits. "morse," like the good fellow he was, got up and sang this song to the tune of "billy magee magaw": when the "yankee" goes sailing home again, hurrah! hurrah! we'll forget that we're "heroes" and just be men, hurrah! hurrah! the girls will giggle, the boys will shout, we'll all get a bath and be washed out, and we'll all feel gay when the "yankee" goes sailing home. the city bells will peal for joy, hurrah! hurrah! to welcome home each wandering boy, hurrah! hurrah! and all our sisters and cousins and girls will say "ain't they darlings?" and "_see_ the pearls!" so we'll all feel gay when the "yankee" goes sailing home. our patrolling cruise will soon be o'er, hurrah! hurrah! we'll be happy the moment our feet touch shore, hurrah! hurrah! and "cutlets" and "hubbub" and all the rest may stick to the calling they're fitted for best, but _we'll_ all feel gay when the "yankee" goes sailing home. even "bill" was able to find voice enough to shout "good!" and give "morse" a resounding slap on his wet oilskinned shoulder. the song voiced our sentiments exactly, and cheered us a lot. none of us believed that "our patrolling cruise would soon be o'er," however, and hardly a man would have taken his discharge had it been offered to him that moment. we had put our names to the enlistment papers and had promised to serve uncle sam on his ship the "yankee" faithfully. we had gone into this thing together, and we would see it through together. still we would "all feel gay when the 'yankee' goes sailing home." "that reminds me of a story," began potter, when "long tommy," the boatswain's mate of the watch, interrupted with, "potter, take the starboard bridge. i will send a man to relieve you at the end of an hour." so potter went forward to relieve his mate, who had stood an hour of lookout duty on the starboard end of the bridge. he went forward, swaying with the motion of the ship, his oilskin trousers making a queer, grating noise as one leg rubbed against the other, and "stump" said, "i'll bet he won't stay with us long; he talks too much." a prophetic remark, as future events proved. the group broke up after this. some who were not actually on lookout duty went into the hot fire room, and after taking off their outer clothing, tried to snatch a few winks of sleep. the "watch on deck" was not allowed to go below at night, so the only shelter allowed us was the fire room and the main companion-way. the latter could hold but a few men, and the only alternative was the fire or "drum" room, into which the heat and gas from the furnaces ascended from the bowels of the ship, making it impossible for a man to breathe the atmosphere there for more than half an hour at a time. the after wheel-house was sometimes taken advantage of by the more venturesome of the boys, but the risk was great, for "cutlets" was continually prowling around, and the man found taking shelter there would receive tongue lashings hard to bear, with abuse entirely out of proportion to the offence. a little before twelve o'clock we heard the boatswain's pipe, and the long drawn shout, "on deck all the starboard watch," and "all the starboard watch to muster." so we knew that we would soon be relieved, and would be able to take the much-needed four hours' sleep in our "sleeping bags," as "hay" called them. the starboard men came slowly up, rubbing their eyes, buttoning their oilskins, and tying their sou'westers on by a string under their chins as they walked. "hurry up there, will you?" calls out a port watch man, as the men of the other watch sleepily climb the ladder. "get a move on and give us a chance to get out of this beastly wet." a sharp retort is given, and the men move on in the same leisurely way. the men of both watches are hardly in the best of humors. it is not pleasant to be waked up at midnight to stand a four hours' watch in the rain and fog, nor is it the most enjoyable thing in life to be delayed, after standing a four hours' watch in the rain, realizing all the time that each minute of waiting takes that precious time from the scant four hours' sleep. but finally "all the watch" is piped, and we go below and flop into our hammocks, to sleep as soundly and dreamlessly as babies. a sailor will sleep like a dead man through all kinds of noises and calls, but the minute his own watch is called he is wide awake in an instant, from sheer force of habit. so when the boatswain's mate went around with his pipe, singing out as he dodged in and out among the swinging hammocks, "on deck all the port watch," each of us jumped out of his swaying bed and began to climb into his damp clothes and stiff "oilers." we then made our way through the darkness, often bumping our heads on the bottom of hammocks, and earning sleepy but strongly worded rebukes from the occupants; colliding with stanchions, and stubbing our toes on ring bolts and hatch covers. all arrived at length, formed an unsteady line on the forecastle deck, and answered to our names as they were called by the boatswain's mate. so began another day's work on one of uncle sam's ships. it was sunday, and after a while the fog lifted and the sun came out strong and clear. all the men who were off duty came on deck to bask in the sun, and to get dried and thawed out. "steve" poked his uncombed, sleepy head through the "booby" hatch cover. "well, this is something like! if the 'old man' will let us take it easy after inspection, i won't think life in the navy is so bad after all." "well, inspection and general muster and the reading of the ship's bible will take up most of the morning," said gunner's mate "patt," as he emerged from the hatch after "steve," wiping his grimy hands on a wad of waste, for he had been giving the guns a rub. "and if we don't have to go chasing an imaginary spaniard or lug coal from the after hold forward, we'll be in luck," he continued. "what about the 'ship's bible'? what is 'general muster'?" queried half a dozen of us. "why," said "patt," "the ship's bible is the book of rules and regulations of the united states navy. it is read once a month to the officers and crew of every ship in the navy. the officers and crew will be mustered aft--you'll see--the deck force and engineer force on the port side, the petty officers on the starboard side forward, the commissioned officers on the starboard side aft, and the marines athwartships aft. this forms three sides to a square. see?" "i don't see the use of all this," broke in the irreverent "kid." "do we have to stand there and have war articles fired at us?" "that's what, 'kid,'" replied "patt," good-naturedly. "after all hands have taken their places," continued our informant, "the 'old man' will walk down the galley ladder in that dignified way of his, followed by the executive officer. 'mother hubbub' will then open the blue-covered book that he carries, and read you things that will make your hair stand on end and cause you to consider the best wording for your last will and testament." "patt" was very impressive, and we stood with open mouths and staring eyes. "when old 'hubbub' opens the book, all hands, even the captain, will take off their hats and stand at attention. then the war articles will be read to you. you will learn that there are twenty-seven or more offences for which you are liable to be shot--such as sleeping on post, desertion, disobedience, wilful waste of government property, and so forth; you will be told that divine service is recommended whenever possible--in short, you are told that you must be good, and that if you are not there will be the deuce to pay. then the captain will turn to 'scully' and say, 'pipe down,' whereupon 'scully' and the other bosun's mates will blow a trill on their pipes, and all hands will go about their business." so concluded our oracle. "gee whiz!" said the "kid." "i nearly got into trouble the other night, for i almost dozed when i was on the buoy. i'm not used to getting along on eleven hours' sleep in forty-eight yet," he added, apologetically. we all looked forward to "general muster" with a good deal of interest, and when it occurred, and the captain had inspected our persons, clothes, the ship, and mess gear, we decided that "patt's" description fitted exactly, and were duly impressed with its solemnity. we found to our sorrow that we of number eight's crew were not to enjoy sunshine undisturbed, but were soon put to work carrying coal in baskets from the after hold forward, and dumping it in the bunker chutes. this work had been going on almost every day, and all day, since we left tompkinsville. the coal was in the after hold and was needed in the bunkers forward, so every piece had to be shovelled into bushel baskets, hoisted to the gun deck, and carried by hand to the chute leading to the port and starboard bunkers. a dirty job it was, that not only blackened the men, but covered the deck, the mess gear, the paint work, and even the food, with coal dust. number eight's crew had been at this pleasant occupation for about an hour, with the cheerful prospect of another hour of the same diversion. "hay" was running the steam winch, "stump" was pulling the baskets over the hatch coaming as they were hauled up by the winch, and the other five were carrying. "say, this is deadly slow, tiresome work," said "flagg," who was carrying with me. "i'd give almost anything for a little excitement." the last word had scarcely been uttered when there came the sounds of 'commotion on deck. a voice cried out in sharp command, the rudder chains creaked loudly, the ship heeled over to starboard, and then we who were at the open port saw a long, snaky object shoot out from the edge of the haze and bear down upon us. "my heaven!" shouted "stump," "it's a torpedo boat!" the commotion on deck had given us some warning, but the sudden dash of the long, snaky torpedo boat from out the haze came as a decided shock. for one brief moment we of the after port stood as if turned to stone, then every man ran to his quarters and stood ready to do his duty. with a cry, our second captain sprang to the firing lanyard. before he could grasp it, however, the officer of the division was at his side. "stop!" he exclaimed authoritatively. the interruption was fortunate, for, just then, a swerve of the oncoming torpedo boat revealed a small flag flying from the taffrail staff. it was the american ensign. the reaction was great. forgetting discipline, we crowded about the port and laughed and cheered like a lot of schoolboys. potter, in his joy and evident relief, sent his canvas cap sailing through the air. a rebuke, not very stern, however, came from the lieutenant in charge of the division, and we shuffled back to our stations. "cricky! what a sell," exclaimed the second rifleman, grinning. "i was sure we had a big job on our hands this time. i'm rather glad it is one of our fellows after all." "i'm not," spoke up young potter, blusteringly. "what did we come out here for, hey? i say it's a confounded shame. we might have had a chance to send one of the spaniards to the bottom." "it may be a dago after all," suggested "bill," glancing from the port. "the flag doesn't mean anything. they might be flying old glory as a _ruse de guerre_. by george! that craft looks just like the 'pluton.'" we, who were watching, saw potter's face lengthen. he peered nervously at the rapidly approaching torpedo boat, and then tried to laugh unconcernedly. "you can't 'string' me," he retorted. "that's one of your uncle samuel's boats all right. see! they are going to hail us." a bell clanged in the engine room, then the throbbing of the machinery slackened to a slow pulsation. the rudder chains rattled in their fair-leaders, and presently we were steaming along, with the torpedo craft a score of yards off our midships. on the forward deck of the latter stood two officers clad in the uniform of the commissioned service. one placed a speaking trumpet to his lips and called out: "cruiser ahoy! is that the 'yankee'?" "you have made a good guess," shouted captain brownson. "what boat is that?" "'talbot' from newport. any news? sighted you and thought we would speak you." our commander assured them that we were in search of news ourselves. the "talbot's" officers saluted and then waved a farewell. the narrow, low-lying craft spun about in almost her own length, a series of quick puffs of dense black smoke came from the funnels, and then the haze swallowed up the whole fabric. we were left to take our discomfiture with what philosophy we could muster. when "secure" was sounded we left our guns with a sense of great danger averted and a feeling of relief. chapter vi. we become coal heavers. the little strip of north american coast between delaware breakwater and block island is very interesting, and, in places, beautiful. the long beaches and bare sand dunes have a solemn beauty all their own. though the boys on the "yankee" took in and appreciated the loveliness of this bit of coast, they were getting rather familiar with it and somewhat bored. they longed for "pastures new." summer had almost begun, but still the fog and rain held sway. the ship crept through the night like a big gray ghost--dark, swift, and, except in the densest fogs, silent. pea-coats were an absolute necessity, and woolen gloves would have been a great comfort. all this in the blooming, beautiful month of may! one bleak morning the starboard watch was on duty. we of the port watch had turned in at four (or, according to ship's time, eight bells). we were glad to be between decks, and got under way for the land of nod without delay. it seemed as if we had been asleep but a few minutes, when "scully," chief boatswain's mate, came down the gun deck gangway, shouting loud enough to be heard a mile away: "all hands, up all hammocks;" then, as the disposition to get up was not very evident, "show a leg there; ham and eggs for breakfast." this last was a little pleasantry that never materialized into the much-coveted and long abstained from delicacy. the hammocks were lashed up and stowed away in the "nettings," as the lattice-like receptacles are called, leaving the deck clear for the work of the day. mess gear for the "watch below" had just been piped, and we were glad; even the thought of burnt oatmeal and coffee without milk was pleasant to us. the ports were closed and the gun deck was dark and dismal. the fog oozed in through every crack and cranny, and all was very unpleasant. of a sudden there was a sharp reverberation that sounded so much like the report of a big gun that all hands jumped. the course of the ship was changed, and the jingle bell sounded. the "yankee" forged on at full speed in the direction from which the sound had come. we all stood in expectant attitudes, listening for another report. we had about made up our minds that our ears had deceived us, when another explosion, louder and nearer than the first, reached us. on we rushed--toward what we knew not--through a fog so thick that the water could be seen but dimly from the spar deck. the suspense was hard to bear, and the desire to do something almost irresistible. the men unconsciously took their regular stations for action, the guns' crews gathered round their guns, the powder divisions in the neighborhood of the ammunition hoists. "i wish potter was here," said "stump." "i rather think he would be white around the gills. this sort of business would give him a bad case of 'cold feet.'" "oh, he had 'cold feet' a few days after we left new york, and wrote to his friends to get his discharge," said "bill." "got it and quit two weeks after we left new york, the duffer," added "hay." the "yankee" still steamed on into the bank of fog. "cupid," the ship's bugler, began to play the call for general quarters, but was stopped by a sharp command from the bridge. what was it all about? was it to be tragedy or farce? then scully came down the starboard gangway, a broad smile on his ruddy face. a clamoring group gathered round him instantly. "what is it?" "is the 'old man' playing a joke on us?" "do you suppose cervera has got over to this side?" "scully," overwhelmed with questions, put up his hands protestingly. "no, no; none of those things," said he. "what do you suppose we have been doing for the last twenty minutes?" we confessed we did not know. "chasing thunder claps--nothing more nor less than thunder claps! and we'll see nothing worse on this coast," he added sententiously, as soon as he could get his breath. the wind rose, and while it blew away the fog in part, it kicked up a nasty sea, in which the "yankee" wallowed for hours, waiting for the fog to clear enough to make the channel and enter new york harbor. it seemed we had been heading for new york, and we did not know it. it was not the custom aboard that hooker to give the men any information. [illustration: "the 'yankee' dropped her anchor off tompkinsville"] when we learned for sure that we were bound for new york, our joy was beyond measure. shore leave was the chief topic of conversation. and every man not on duty went down into his black bag, fished out his clean blues, and set to work sewing on watch marks and cap ribbons. for jack must be neat and clean when he goes ashore. the mud-hook was dropped in the bay off tompkinsville, thursday, may th, seventeen days after we left the navy yard. it seemed seventeen months. an "anchor watch" of sixteen men was set for the night, and most of us turned in early to enjoy the first good sleep for many weary days. all hands were turned out at five o'clock. we woke to find a big coal barge on either side of the ship. after breakfast the order "turn to" was given. "all hands coal ship, starboard watch on the starboard lighter, port watch on the port lighter." from seven o'clock in the morning till twelve o'clock that night, the crew of the "yankee"--aforetime lawyers, physicians, literary men, brokers, merchants, students, and clerks--men who had never done any harder work than play football, or row in a shell--coaled ship without any rest, other than the three half hours at meal times. about the hardest, dirtiest work a man could do. the navy style of coaling is different from that customary in the merchant service. in the latter, the dirty work is done in the quickest, easiest way possible. the ship is taken to a coal wharf and the coal is slid down in chutes, or barges are run alongside and great buckets, hoisted by steam, swing the black lumps into the hold or bunker. the navy style, as practised on the "yankee," was quite different. the barges were brought alongside, the men divided into gangs--some to go in the hold of the barge, some to go on the platforms, some to carry on the ship herself. the barge gang shovelled the coal into bushel baskets; these were carried to the men on the stages; and the latter passed them from one to the other, to the gun deck; finally, the gang on the vessel carried the baskets to the bunker holes, and dumped them. the ship was well provided with hoisting machines, but, for some reason, this help was not permitted us. it was a long, inexpressibly dreary day's work, and though undertaken cheerfully and with less complaining than would have been believed possible, the drudgery of it was a thing not easily forgotten. before the day had ended, all hope of getting ashore was lost, for we were told that no liberty would be given. the following day and half of our stay in new york harbor was spent in the same way--shovelling, lifting, and carrying coal. the eyes of many of us were gladdened by the sight of friends and relatives, who were allowed aboard when mess gear was piped, and put off when "turn to" sounded. we were pleased to see our friends, but our friends, on the contrary, seemed shocked to see us. one dainty girl came aboard, and, as she came up the gangway, asked for a forecastle man. the word was passed for him. he had just finished his stint of coaling, and was as black as a negro. in his haste to see his sister, he neglected to clean up, and appeared before her in his coal heaver's make-up. "you, will? i won't believe it! i won't, i won't, i won't!" and for a second she covered her face with her hands. then she picked out the cleanest spot on his grimy countenance and kissed him there, while we looked on in envy. the "yankee" at last receiving orders to sail for the front, left tompkinsville may th. we passed out of the narrows with a feeling of relief. the work we had just finished was the hardest we had ever experienced. it was particularly tantalizing because we were almost in sight of our homes, but could not visit them. a starving man suffers more from hunger if pleasant food is placed within sight, but beyond his reach. however, we were to go to the front at last, and we rejoiced at the prospect of being really useful to our country. the following day, decoration day, dawned pleasantly, both wind and weather being all that could be desired. directly after dinner we were sent to quarters for target practice. the target was dropped astern, and the ship steamed ahead to the required distance. word was given to the marines manning the six-pounders to prove their skill. the port forecastle six-pounder, using a shell containing cordite, a powerful english explosive, was in charge of a marine corporal named j.j. murray, who acted as captain of the gun. after firing several rounds with marked success, murray saw that the gun was loaded for another trial. standing at the breech, he steadied the gun with his left arm and shoulder, seized the pistol-grip, placed his finger on the trigger, and then slowly and carefully brought the target within the sighting line in readiness to fire. the other members of the gun's crew were at their proper stations. numbers and , respectively second captain and first loader and shellman, were directly behind the corporal. they saw him steady the piece again, take another careful aim, then noted that his finger gave a quick tug at the trigger. the result was a dull click but no explosion. the corporal stepped back from his place in vexation. he had succeeded in getting a fine "bead" just as the cartridge failed. "blast the english ammunition!" he exclaimed. "it's no good." the other men at the gun nodded approval. their experience bore out the corporal's assertion. they also knew that the cordite cartridges were not adapted to american guns, and should not have been used. but they were marines and they were accustomed to obey orders without comment. captain brownson had noticed the incident and he sent word to delay opening the breechblock until all danger of explosion had passed. after waiting some time, corporal murray proceeded to extract the shell. he took his place at the breech, while no. unlocked the plug and swung it open. "now we'll see what is the matter," he began. "i guess it is another case of--" he never finished the sentence. with a frightful roar the defective cartridge exploded, sending fragments of shell and parts of the breech-block into the corporal's face and chest. he was hurled with terrific force to the deck, where he lay motionless, mortally wounded. numbers and of the unfortunate gun's crew did not escape, the former being struck down with the hand lever, which penetrated his arm. the injured men received prompt attention from the surgeon and his assistants, but corporal murray was beyond mortal aid. he died ten minutes after the accident. he was a good soldier, jolly and light-hearted, and a great favorite with the crew. the peculiar feeling of antagonism which is supposed to exist between the sailors and marines did not obtain in his case. in the navy the hammock which serves the living as a bed by night is also their coffin and their shroud. it so served corporal murray. [illustration: "with a frightful roar the defective cartridge exploded"] shortly after four bells (six o'clock) on the evening of the day on which the accident occurred, the boatswain's mate sent the shrill piping of his whistle echoing through the ship, following it with the words, doleful and long drawn out: "all hands shift-ft-ft into clean-n-n blue and stand by to bury the dead-d-d!" when the crew assembled on the gun deck in obedience to the call, the sun was just disappearing beyond the edge of the distant horizon. its last rays entered the open port, showing to us the dead man's figure outlined under an american flag. the body had been placed upon a grating in front of an open port, and several men were stationed close by in readiness to launch it into the sea. the ceaseless swaying of the ship in the trough of the sea, the engines having been stopped, set the lines of blue uniformed men swinging and nodding, and, as the surgeon, dr. mcgowan, read the episcopal service, it seemed in the half light as if every man were keeping time with the cadence. the words of the service, beautiful and impressive under such novel circumstances, echoed and whispered along the deck, and at the sentence, "we commit this body to the deep," the grating was raised gently and, with a peculiar _swish_, the body, heavily weighted, slid down to the water's edge and plunged sullenly into the sea. a moment more and the service was finished, the bugler sounding "pipe down." a salute, three times repeated, was fired by sixteen men of the marine guard. * * * * * the voyage down the coast was utilized in making good men-o'-war's men of the "yankee's" crew. captain brownson believes thoroughly in the efficacy of drill, and he lost no time in living up to his belief. when all the circumstances are taken into consideration, the task allotted to the captain of the "yankee" by the fortunes of war, was both peculiar and difficult. on his return from europe, where he had been sent to select vessels for the improvised navy, he was ordered by the navy department at washington to take command of the auxiliary cruiser "yankee." this meant that he was to assume charge of a ship hastily converted from an ordinary merchant steamer, and to fight the battles of his country with a crew composed of youths and men whose whole life and training had hitherto followed totally different lines. it was a "licking of raw material into shape" with a vengeance. when the "chesapeake" sailed forth to fight her disastrous battle with the british ship "shannon," her crew was made up of men untrained in the art of war. the result was the most humiliating naval defeat in the history of the united states. the same fate threatened captain brownson. there was this difference in the cases, however. the "chesapeake" had little time for drilling, while the "yankee" was fully six weeks in commission before her first shot was fired in action. every minute of those six weeks was utilized. during the trip down the coast from new york general quarters were held each day, and target practice whenever the weather permitted. in addition to these drills the crew was exercised in man and arm boats, abandon ship, fire drill, infantry drill, and the many exercises provided by the naval regulations. before the "yankee" had been in the gulf stream two days, the various guns' crews were almost letter-perfect at battery work. as it happened, the value of good drilling was soon to be demonstrated. as we neared cuba, the theatre of our hopes and expectations, we were scarcely able to control ourselves. the bare possibility of seeing real war within a few days made every man the victim of a consuming impatience. rumors of every description were rife, and the many weird and impossible tales invented by the ship's cook and the captain's steward--the men-o'-war oracles--would have put even baron munchausen to the blush. the rumor committee, otherwise known as the "scuttle-butt navigators," to which every man on board was elected a life member the moment he promulgated a rumor, was soon actively engaged, and it was definitely settled that the "yankee" was to become the flagship of the whole fleet, our captain made lord high admiral, and the whole spanish nation swept off the face of the globe, in about thirteen and a half seconds by the chronometer. chapter vii. we enter the "theatre of war." the shrill pipe of the bosun's whistle, followed by the order "all hands to muster," reached our ears a day or two out from new york. we were enjoying an hour of well-earned leisure, so it was with reluctance that we obeyed and went aft on the gun deck. all hands are seldom called to muster, so we knew that something of importance was in the wind. after the three-sided hollow square had been formed, the captain appeared. the small men stood on tip-toe, and the tall men craned their necks. "we are about to enter the theatre of war," said the captain, in his sharp, decisive way, "and i expect every man to do his duty, to redouble his efforts to preserve discipline, to perfect drills. drills will, of a necessity, be frequent and hard. i would have you understand that our best protection is the fire from our own guns. the more rapid and accurate our fire, the safer we shall be. pipe down." after we had been dismissed, the men formed little groups and discussed the captain's speech. "i like the 'old man's' talk," said the "kid," condescendingly; "it's to the point and short. but how in the name of common sense are we going to find time to drill with more frequency? three times a day and once or more at night, allows us just about time enough to eat and do the necessary routine work, to say nothing about sleeping. clear ship, general quarters, and fire drill during the day, and general quarters after ten last night. that's already somewhat frequent, methinks," he concluded, suppressing a yawn. "well, if we are to have any scraps," said "bill," "we certainly must know how to work the ship and the guns. for, as the skipper said, 'our own fire is our best protection.'" we bowled along at a good fifteen-knot gait, day after day and night after night. the weather was magnificent and the climate delightful. it was full moon, and such a moon as few of us had seen before--so bright that letters could be and were written by her silvery light. though drills of all sorts were of constant occurrence, there were times after mess when we could "caulk off" and enjoy the glorious weather. our experience of bad weather along the coast of new jersey and long island had given us keen zest for the good conditions we were now enjoying. we were sailing along in the warm waters of the gulf stream--the gulf weed peculiar to that current slipping by as we forged through it. "stump," "dye," of number eight's gun crew, a witty chap and a good singer, "hay," and i were leaning over the taffrail, looking into the swirling water made by the propeller's thrust, when "dye" remarked: "this is the queerest water i ever saw in all my days; it looks like the bluing water our laundress used to make, with the suds mixed in." the smooth sea was dark and clear as could be, but where churned by the propeller it turned to the color of turquoise. "i really believe," said "bill," as he joined the group, "that we could use it to turn our whites blue." it was a delight and marvel to us all; we would have liked nothing better than to have spent hours gazing at these wonderful colors. as we stood absorbed in the sight before us, we were interrupted by the short, sharp ringing of the ship's bell--a dozen or more strokes given in quick succession followed, after a short pause, by two more strokes. some one shouted "fire, boys!" and all hands rushed for their stations--some to the hose-reel, some below to the gun deck to close the ports, and some to the berth deck to receive the hose when it came down. we did not know whether it was drill or actual fire, but the skipper's talk of the night before gave us unusual energy, and the preparations were made in record time. the canvas hose was pulled along the deck with a swish, the nozzle grasped by the waiting hands below and carried with a run away aft on the berth deck. the fire was supposed to be raging at this point, as was indicated by the two last strokes of the alarm signal. while the hose was being led out, sturdy arms tugged at the port lanyards and pulled them to. others battened down the hatches, to keep the draught from adding fury to the flames. all this was done in less time than it takes to tell it, and the men stood at their posts, perspiring and panting from the quick work. we had hardly time to catch our breath when the order "abandon ship" was heard. immediately there was a scurry of feet, and a rush for the upper deck; but some stayed below to carry ship's bread and canned meats to the boats--two cases of bread and two cases of meat for the large boats, and one case of each for the smaller. the crews and passengers of each boat gathered near it. every man had been assigned to a boat either as crew or passenger, and when the order "abandon ship" was given, every one knew instantly where to go for refuge. though we had already gone through this "fire drill" and "abandon ship" (one always followed the other), it had then been done in peaceful waters and in a perfunctory way. now that we were entering "the theatre of war," we felt the seriousness of it all, and realized that what was now a mere drill might become a stern reality. the order "secure" was given; the hose was reeled up, the ports opened, and the provisions returned to their places in hold and store room. the men went to their quarters, and so stood till the bugler blew "retreat." the time not devoted to drills was taken up in getting the ship ready for the serious work she was to undertake. all woodwork on the gun deck not in actual use was carried below or thrown overboard, and the great cargo booms were either taken down and stowed safely away, where the splinters would not be dangerous, or were covered with, canvas. these preparations had a sinister look that made us realize, if we had not done so before, that this was real war that we were about to engage in--no sham battle or manoeuvres. the men went about their work more quietly and thoughtfully, for one and all now understood their responsibilities. if the ship made a record for herself, the crew would get a large share of the credit; and if she failed to do the work cut out for her, on the crew would be laid the blame. if the men behind the guns and the men running the engines did not do their work rapidly and well, disaster and disgrace would follow. as we neared the scene of conflict, the discipline grew more and more strict. before a man realized that he had done anything wrong, his name would be called by the master-at-arms and he would be hauled "up to the mast" for trial. "you ought to see the gang up at the mast," said "stump," one bright afternoon. "'mac' and 'hod marsh' have gathered enough extra duty men to do all the dirty work for a month." "what were you doing up there?" asked a bystander. "why, i thought i heard my name called, and as discretion is the better part of valor, i lined up with the rest, and i was glad i did, too, for it was good sport." "maybe you thought it was sport, but how about the chaps that were 'pinched'? who was up before the skipper, anyhow?" "oh, there was a big gang up there--i can't remember them all; 'lucky bag kennedy' was there, for being late at general quarters the other day. when the captain looked at him in that fierce way of his and asked what he had to say for himself, 'lucky bag' said he didn't realize the time. the skipper could hardly keep his face straight. 'four hours,' he said, and that was all there was to it." "poor 'lucky bag,'" came from all sides as "stump" paused to take breath. "then there was 'big bill,' the water tender," continued "stump." "he was hauled up for appearing on the spar deck without a uniform. when the skipper asked him what he had to say for himself, 'big bill' cleared his throat with a _woof_--you know how it sounds: the ship shakes and trembles when he does it--and the 'old man' fairly tottered under the blast. 'big bill' explained that he could not get a uniform big enough for him, because the paymaster could not fit him out. the captain almost grinned when he heard the excuse, and 'big bill'--well, he enjoyed the situation, i'll bet a month's pay." there was a little pause here, and we heard a great voice rumbling from below. then we knew that "big bill" was telling his intimates all about it, embellishing the story as only he could do. we laughed sympathetically as the shouts of glee rose to our ears. we had all enjoyed his good-humored irish wit. "well, who else was in trouble this afternoon, 'stump'?" said "mourner," the inquisitive. "oh, a lot of unfortunate duffers. several who were put on the report for being slow in lashing up their hammocks got a couple of hours extra duty each. one or two were there because they had clothes in the 'lucky bag'--they had left them round the decks somewhere, and the master-at-arms had grabbed them. the owners had to go on the report to get the clothes out. it cost them a couple of hours each." "well, how did you get out of it?" said i, when "stump" paused to breathe. "i was nearly scared to death," he continued, after a minute or two. "my name was not called, and the rank thinned out till there were only a few of us left. i began to think that some special punishment was being reserved for me, and that the captain was waiting so he could think it over. what my offence was i could not imagine; my conscience was clear, i vow. as i stood there in the sun i thought over the last few days, and made a confession to myself, but couldn't think of anything very wicked. had i unintentionally blocked a marine sentry's way and thus interfered with him in the performance of his duty? i had visions at this point of myself in the 'brig,' existing on bread and water. had i inadvertently gone into 'cutlet's' pet after wheel-house? i was in a brown study, conjuring up imaginary misdeeds, when a voice sounded in my ear: 'here, my man; what do you want?' i looked around, dazed, at the captain, who stood by, the closed report book in his hand. then i realized that my being there was a mistake, so i saluted and said, 'nothing, sir.'" "that's a very nice tale," said "dye." "we'll have to get 'mac' to verify it." "it's straight," protested "stump." "ask the skipper himself if you want to." the old boat ploughed her way through the blue waters of the gulf stream at the rate of from fourteen to fifteen knots an hour. the skies were clear and the sun warm and bright--cool breeze tempered its heat and made life bearable. the ship rolled lazily in the long swell and the turquoise wake boiled astern. we steamed for days without sighting a sail or a light; we were "alone on a wide, wide sea." at times schools of dolphins would race and shoot up out of the water alongside, much to our glee. all the beauties of these tropical waters were new to us. every school of flying fish and flock of mother carey's chickens brought crowds to the rail. the sunsets were glorious, though all too short, and the sunrises, if less appreciated, just as fine. at night the guns' crews of the "watch on deck" slept round their loaded guns, one man of each crew always standing guard. the men of the powder divisions manned the lookout posts. all hands were in good spirits, calmed somewhat, however, by the thought that soon we might be in the thick of battle, the outcome of which no man could tell. it was during this voyage that friendships, begun on the block island-barnegat cruise, were cemented. the life aboard ship tended to "show up" a man as he really was. his good and bad qualities appeared so that all might see. was he good-natured, even-tempered, thoughtful, his mates knew it at once and liked him. was he quick-tempered, selfish, uncompanionable, it was quite as evident, and he had few friends. sterling and unsuspected qualities were brought out in many of the men. every man felt that we must and would stand together, and with a will do our work, be it peaceful or warlike. where were we bound? were we to join the havana blockading fleet? were we destined for despatch and scout duty? or were we to take part in actual conflict? it was while we were settling these questions to our own satisfaction on the morning of june d, that a hail came from the lookout at the masthead forward. "land o!" he shouted, waving his cap. "hurray! it's cuba!" the navigator, whose rightful surname had been converted by the facetious naval reserves into "cutlets," for reasons of their own, lost no time in rebuking the too enthusiastic lookout. "aloft, there, you measly lubber! what in thunder do you mean? have you sighted land?" "ye-es, sir-r," quavered the lookout. "then why don't you say so without adding any conjectures of your own?" commented the irascible lieutenant "cutlets," severely. the rest of the crew were too deeply interested in the vague streak of color on the horizon to pay any attention to the "wigging" of the man at the masthead. we knew that the dun-hued streak rising from the blue shadows of the ocean was cuba, and we could think or talk of nothing else. somewhere beyond that towering mountain was santiago, the port in which the flea-like squadron of admiral cervera was bottled up, and there was a deadly fear in our hearts that the wily spaniard would sally forth to battle before we could join our fleet. we pictured to ourselves the gray mountain massed high about the narrow entrance of santiago bay, the picturesque morro castle, squatting like a grim giant above the strait, and outside, tossing and bobbing upon the swell of a restless sea, the mighty semicircle of drab ships waiting, yearning for the outcoming of the dons. we of the "yankee," i repeat, were in an agony of dread that we would arrive too late. cape maysi, the scene of many an adventurous filibustering expedition, was passed at high noon, and at eight bells in the evening the anchor was dropped off mole st. nicholas, a convenient port in the island of hayti. as we steamed into the harbor we passed close to the auxiliary cruiser "st. louis." the anchor was scarcely on the bottom when the gig was called away. we awaited the return of captain brownson with impatience. the news he brought was reassuring, however. nothing of moment had occurred since our departure from new york. within an hour we were again out at sea, this time en route to santiago. there was little sleep on board that night, and when morning dawned, every man who could escape from below was on deck watching, waiting for the first glimpse of admiral sampson's fleet. shortly after daylight, the squadron was sighted. the scene was picturesque in the extreme. the gray of early dawn was just giving way before the first rays of a tropical sun. almost hidden in the mist hovering about the coast were a number of vague spots seemingly arranged in a semicircle, the base of which was the green-covered tableland fronting santiago. the spots were tossing idly upon a restless sea, and, as the sun rose higher, each gradually assumed the shape of a marine engine of war. beyond them was a stretch of sandy, surf-beaten coast, and directly fronting the centre ship could be seen a narrow cleft in the hill--the gateway leading to the ancient city of santiago de cuba. as we steamed in closer to the fleet we saw indications that something of importance had occurred or was about to occur. steam launches and torpedo boats were dashing about between the ships, strings of parti-colored bunting flaunted from the signal halliards of the flagship "new york," and nearer shore could be seen one of the smaller cruisers evidently making a reconnaissance. "we are just in time, russ," exclaimed "stump," jubilantly. "the fleet is getting ready for a scrap. and we'll be right in it." i edged toward the bridge. the first news would come from that quarter. several minutes later, captain brownson, who had been watching the signals with a powerful glass, closed the instrument with a snap, and cried out to the executive officer: "hubbard, you will never believe it." "what's happened?" the reply was given so low that i could catch only a few words, but it was enough to send me scurrying aft at the top of my speed. the news was startling indeed. chapter viii. we join sampson's fleet. as the "yankee" steamed in toward the blockading fleet off the entrance to santiago harbor, the scurrying torpedo boats and the many little launches darting here and there like so many beetles on a pond, became more apparent, and it was plainly evident to all that something of great importance had recently happened. the scattered remarks made by captain brownson on the bridge formed, when pieced together, such a wonderful bit of news that i could scarcely contain myself as i hurried aft. i wanted to stop and fling my cap into the air. i felt like dancing a jig and hurrahing and offering praise for the fact that i was an american. as it happened, i was not the only member of the "yankee's" crew that had overheard the "old man's" words. the second captain of the after port five-inch gun, a jolly good fellow, known familiarly as "hay" by the boys, chanced to be under the bridge. as i raced aft on the port side he started in the same direction on the starboard side of the spar deck. his legs fairly twinkled, and he beat me to the gangway by a neck. "what do you think?" i heard him gasp as i came up. "talk of your heroes! whoop! say, i'm glad i am a son of that old flag aft there. it's the greatest thing that ever happened." "what?" chorused a dozen voices. "last night--" "yes." "last night a volunteer crew--" "hurry up, will you?" "last night, or rather early this morning, a volunteer crew, under the command of a naval constructor named hobson, took the collier 'merrimac' into the mouth of the harbor and--" "that old tub?" interrupted a marine who had served in the regular navy, incredulously. "why, she's nothing but a hulk. she hasn't a gun or--" "she didn't go in to fight," said "hay." "they were to block up the channel with her." "to block up the channel?" "yes. cervera and his fleet are in the harbor, you know, and the scheme was to keep them from coming out." "did they succeed?" chorused the whole group of eager listeners. "yes, but----" the conclusion of "hay's" sentence was drowned in a wild whoop of joy, a whoop that brought a number of other "yankees" to the spot, and also a gesture of remonstrance from the executive officer on the bridge. "wait, boys," i said, gently; "you haven't heard all." there was quiet at once. "hobson and his brave men succeeded in accomplishing their object, but they have paid the penalty for it." "not dead?" asked one in almost a whisper. "so the captain read the signals. the 'merrimac' went in about three o'clock this morning. it seems she reached the channel all right, but she was discovered and sent to the bottom with all on board." "hay" took off his cap reverently, and the others instantly followed his example. nothing more was said. the glory of the deed was overshadowed by the supposed fate of the gallant volunteer crew. the "yankee" steamed in to a position designated by the flagship, and the captain went aboard to pay his respects to admiral sampson. a spanish tug, flying a flag of truce, which had emerged from the harbor at noon, met one of our tugs, also flying a flag of truce, and almost immediately a string of signals went up to the signal yard of the "new york." then came such a burst of cheers and whistling and tossing of hats from every ship in the fleet that it seemed as if every officer and sailor in sampson's squadron had suddenly gone daft. like wildfire, the glorious news spread-- hobson and his men were safe! the tug from the harbor had brought an officer sent by admiral cervera himself with a message stating that the brave naval constructor and all his crew had been captured alive and were now prisoners in morro castle. later, a press boat came alongside and confirmed the news through a megaphone. the excitement on board the "yankee," like that throughout the fleet, was tremendous. those in the north who had received both the news of the feat and the rescue at the same time, can hardly understand the revulsion of feeling which swept through the american ships gathered off santiago. it was like hearing from a supposed dead friend. these heroes were comrades--nay, brothers. they wore the blue and they were fighting for old glory. their praise was ours and their deed redounded to the eternal credit and fame of the american navy. small wonder that we welcomed the news of their safety, and cheered until our throats were husky and our eyes wet with something more than mere exertion. all hail to richmond pearson hobson and his men! heroes all! * * * * * during the afternoon of our arrival, when we finally secured time to look about us, we were struck with the appearance of the really formidable fleet of warships collected under admiral sampson's flag. for size of individual ships and weight of armor and armament, there had never been anything in the history of the united states to equal it. the fleet consisted of the powerful battleships "iowa," "indiana," "massachusetts," and "texas," the two splendid armored cruisers "new york" and "brooklyn," cruisers "new orleans" and "marblehead," converted yachts "mayflower," "josephine," and "vixen," torpedo boat "porter," cable boat "adria," gunboat "dolphin," and the auxiliary cruisers "st. louis" and "yankee." the vessels formed a semicircular line, completely enclosing the entrance to santiago harbor. from where the "yankee" rested, on the right wing, a fine view of the coast could be obtained. two insurgent camps were plainly visible--one on the beach and another in the hills, which at that point rose to the height of fully four thousand feet. morro castle, a grim, sullen, gray embattled fort, directly overlooking the channel, was in plain sight, and here and there could be seen little green or sand-colored mounds, marking the site of earthworks. the stretch of blue sea, edged by the tumbling surf-beaten beach, and the uprising of foliage-covered hills, all brought out clearly by a tropical sun, formed a picture as far removed from the usual setting of war as could be. but war was there, and the scenery appealed to few. there was more interest in the drab hulls of the fleet and the outward reaching of the mighty guns. that evening--the evening of june d--the "yankee's" decks presented an animated spectacle. the novel surroundings and the prospect of action kept the boys interested. the "rumor committee" was in active session, and one of its principal members, the captain's orderly, brought the news forward that the auxiliary cruiser would surely lead a procession of battleships into santiago harbor the following day. this was a little too strong for even the marines to swallow. we lay down by our loaded guns that night, feeling that it was well to be within easy reach of our defenders. hammocks were laid on the deck close to each five-inch breechloader, and the regular watch was doubled. lack of experience made all these warlike preparations very impressive, and it was some time before the boys fell asleep. for my part, such a restlessness possessed me that, after trying to woo slumber for a half hour, i left my place and crawled over nearer the open port. "hello, russ," whispered a voice, apparently from the outside. "just lean out here if you want to cool off. isn't the night air fine?" a small figure wriggled in from where it had been hanging over the port sill, and in the faint light i recognized "kid," as we called him, the smallest boy on board, and so pleasant and popular that we had unanimously elected him the mascot of the ship. i was glad to see that it was "kid." his fund of ready wit and his never-failing good-nature made him a welcome companion at all times. he did not belong to my gun, being a "powder monkey" on no. , a six-pounder on the spar deck, but "kid" was privileged, and he could have penetrated to the captain's cabin with impunity. "thought i'd drop down here for a rest," he began, stretching himself and yawning. "too much tramping about on deck to sleep. say, looks as if we were going to have a little rain, doesn't it?" the moon had just passed behind a scurrying cloud, causing the silvery sparkle of its reflection to suddenly fade from the surface of the water. the lights and shadows on the nearby beach changed to a streaky dark smudge. there was a damp touch to the air. "this would be a proper night for one of those sneaking torpedo boats to give us a scare," resumed "kid," thoughtfully. "funny ways of fighting those dagoes have, eh? it's like prisoner's base that i played when i was a boy." "kid's" eighteen years were a mature age in his opinion. "the two torpedo craft in santiago harbor could do a great deal of damage if they were properly handled," i ventured. "they are magnificent vessels of their class. look what cushing did with a slow steam launch and a powder can on the end of a stick." "the case was different." "yes, but----" "cushing was an american," interrupted the boy convincingly. there was silence for awhile and we lolled in the port, gazing idly at the black spots in the gloom representing the blockading fleet. between us and the shore was the "new orleans," the faint tracery of her masts just showing above the distant background of the hills. the dampness in the air had increased, and a dash of rain came in the open port. "what were you doing at the mast this morning, 'kid'?" i asked by way of variety. "had a mustering shirt in the lucky bag." i heard the boy chuckle. there was an escapade behind the remark. "you know that wardroom jap with the bad eye?" "yes." "it was his shirt." "but how----" "it was this way. you know how hard it has been to put up with 'government straight' as a steady diet, don't you?" i nodded. as "government straight" meant the extremely simple bill of fare provided by uncle sam, consisting of salt beef, pork, hardtack, beans, and canned butter, with an occasional taste of dried fruit, i was compelled to admit my acquaintance with it. "well, the other night i got to dreaming that i was back in new york," resumed "kid." "i dreamt i dropped into a bang-up restaurant and ordered beefsteak, fried potatoes, pie, and----" a groan came from one of the gun's crew, who was within hearing, and "kid" lowered his voice. "hit him where he lived, i guess," he chuckled. "well, i woke up so hungry that i couldn't stand it any longer. i looked up the jap and struck him for a hand-out. he wanted a shirt, and i wanted something to eat, and we made a bargain. i brought him my extra mustering shirt--it was too large for me, anyway--and he gave me some bread and butter, cold potted tongue, three bananas, and----" "for mercy's sake, stow that," muttered a voice from back of the gun-mount. "don't we suffer enough?" "that's 'hand-out' hood," grinned "kid." "he's kicking because he didn't get it. well, i gave the shirt to the jap, and what did he do but lose it. my name was on the collar, and 'jimmy legs' put me on the report. the 'old man' was easy, though. gave me four hours extra duty. i asked him if i couldn't work it out in the wardroom pantry." "kid's" chuckle came to a sudden stop, and he leaned out through the port. "what's the matter?" i asked. "thought i saw something moving over there near the beach." "must have been a shadow." "guess so. still, it looked like some kind of a--" bang! the sharp report of a rapid-fire gun cut short his words. another followed almost instantly, then came a regular volley. the effect on the crew of the "yankee" was instantaneous. the men sleeping at the guns scrambled to their feet, hammocks were kicked out of the way, and before the word to go to general quarters was passed, every member of the crew was at his station. "i thought i saw something moving inshore," cried "kid," as he scurried away. "it's a spanish torpedo boat," muttered "stump." "great scott! just listen to the 'new orleans.' she's firing like a house afire." suddenly there came a deep, thunderous roar. it was the voice of a thirteen-inch gun on the "massachusetts." sixty seconds later the six-pounders on the "yankee's" forecastle joined in the chorus, and the action became general. "do not fire without orders, men," cautioned lieutenant greene, the officer in charge of our division. "just take it easy and bide your time." it was our first experience in actual fighting, and our anxiety to "let loose" was almost overwhelming. we were held to our stations so rigidly that but few glimpses could be caught of the outside. the "new orleans," on our starboard, was still rattling away. notwithstanding our own inaction (the gun deck battery was not used), there was a certain exhilaration in even listening to the sounds of conflict, and the eager, tense faces surrounding the guns reflected in the dim light of the deck lanterns such a fierce desire to fight that they were absolutely transfigured. "can't stand this much longer," muttered "hay," the second captain, as a peculiarly vicious report came from the direction of the "massachusetts." "why don't they give a fellow a chance?" [illustration: "the six-pounders on the 'yankee's' forecastle joined in the chorus"] "steady, men," admonished lieutenant greene. "don't be impatient. our turn will come soon. steady!" a turn of the hull--we were under way at half speed--brought the land on the port bow just then. the moon suddenly emerged from behind the clouds, and we who were nearest the port, distinctly saw a long, black object fade into the obscurity of the coast almost directly under morro castle. "she's escaped!" groaned "stump." "it's the torpedo boat, and she is safe again." as if to prove the truth of his words the guns on the "new orleans" and "massachusetts" became silent; then word was sent below to "secure." our first action was disappointing, but there was little grumbling. we knew full well that momentous events were bound to occur before long. the following morning, shortly after daybreak, the torpedo boat "porter" steamed alongside. her coming created some excitement, and the "yankee's" crew promptly lined the railing. "what's that object on the deck?" asked "stump," pointing to a long brass cylinder lying abaft the after conning tower. "it's a torpedo, but not like those used in our navy," replied "hay." captain brownson leaned over the end of the bridge and waved his hand to lieutenant fremont, the "porter's" commander. the latter was smiling, and as we watched, he made a gesture toward the mysterious brass cylinder. "see that thing, brownson?" he called out. the captain nodded. "it almost paid you a visit last night." "what----" "we picked it up near shore this morning and sunk another. that spanish torpedo boat made a great attempt to sink one of our ships, and, if i am not mistaken, the 'yankee' was her intended prey. congratulations." as the "porter" steamed away we felt very much like congratulating ourselves. this was grim war of a certainty. like the boy who was blown a mile in a cyclone without injury, we experienced a certain pride that we really had been in danger. about the middle of the afternoon a signal was seen on the flagship. it was read at once, and immediately the boatswain's mate passed a call that sent a thrill of anticipation through us. it was: "all hands clear ship for action!" [illustration: "clear ship for action!"] chapter ix. clear ship for action. the boatswain's mate's shrill piping and the long drawn out cry, "all hands clear ship for action!" was not entirely unexpected. an unusual activity on the part of the signal men on the flagship "new york" had not escaped our notice, and when the summons to prepare for battle echoed through the "yankee's" decks it found us in readiness for prompt obedience. at the time the call sounded a number of us were standing in the port waist idly watching the fleet and the shore. "bill," a member of the powder division, whose father is a prominent real estate broker of new york, and whose great talent is for practical joking and general fun making, was telling a story. as we scattered at the summons, he started below with me. even the circumstances could not prevent him following his hobby, and he whispered as we hurried along: "say, russ, this reminds me of a good story i once heard. there was a man who was too lazy to live and the neighbors finally decided to bury him. so they took him out to the village graveyard one morning before day and----" "here, you men, pass this mess chest below," interrupted an officer, beckoning to us. "bill" grasped one end of the object indicated and lugged it to the hatch. "they took the lazy man to the village graveyard, as i was saying," resumed "bill," "and they buried him up to his neck in the earth. then they hid back of tombstones and----" "less talking there, men," exclaimed the navigator, hurrying past us. "you 'heroes' do too much yarning to suit me. get those things below at once. shake it up." "they are in an almighty hurry," grumbled "bill." "the forts won't move. they'll be there to-morrow, i guess. well, as i was saying, the villagers concealed themselves behind convenient tombstones and waited to see what the lazy man would do when he woke up. by and by day broke, and just as the sun gilded the windows of the old church the fellow who was buried up to his neck----" "chase those mess chests below, bullies," called out the boatswain's mate, dropping down the ladder a few feet away. "lively there; the 'old man' wants to break a record. when you have finished, hustle to the oil and paint lockers and help carry all inflammable material to the spar deck." for several minutes "bill" worked away in silence. between us we managed to lower a number of chests into the hold where they would be out of the way; then we disposed of more objects liable to produce unwelcome splinters, and finally we started toward the paint locker. the gun deck presented a scene of the most intense activity. the process of clearing ship for action requires the united efforts of the entire crew. on vessels of the regular service, such as the "new york" or "indiana," where everything has been constructed with a view to the needs of battle, the work is thoroughly systematized and comparatively easy. the "yankee," being a merchant steamer hastily converted into a vessel of war, presented greater difficulties. however, the crew was fairly familiar with its duties and the work progressed at a rapid rate. when "bill" and i reached the paint locker we found several others preparing to convey the oil to the deck. it was a momentary respite, and "bill" took advantage of it. "when the sun rose the fellows hiding behind the tombstones saw the lazy man open his eyes," he resumed hurriedly. "he looked around and took in all the details of the scene, the old church with the windows glowing redly, the weeping willows shaking and trembling in the crisp morning breeze, the rows of sod-covered mounds, the crumbling tombstones, and on one side the old rickety fence marking the passing of the road. all this he saw and then--" "hear the news, fellows?" interrupted the "kid," suddenly approaching. "we are going to--what's the matter, 'bill'?" for "bill" had caught him by the slack of the shirt and one arm and was hustling him along the deck. the "kid," looking aggrieved, went his way, and "bill" returned. "as i was saying," he continued calmly; "the lazy fellow saw all those things, then he threw back his head and laughed and laughed until the tears rolled down his cheeks. 'whoop!' he cried, 'this is the best piece of luck i've struck yet. hurray! blamed if it ain't the resurrection day and i'm the first feller above ground. whoop!'" after i had finished laughing i picked up a can of oil and asked: "where's the similarity, 'bill'? it's a good story, but you said this reminded you of it." "humph! aren't we going to see the resurrection of some of these old spanish fossils around here to-day?" "bill" demanded. "and aren't we the first volunteer force on the spot? i guess that makes the story apropos." as the "yankee" was the first vessel manned by naval reserves to reach the scene of hostilities, i could not deny "bill's" claim. seeing the success of one story, he was on the point of telling another, when word came to hasten the clearing of the ship for action, and we were compelled to devote our energies to the work in hand. the decks were sanded--a precaution that made more than one wonder if the spilling of blood was really anticipated; all boats and spare booms were covered with canvas to prevent the scattering of splinters, the steel hatch covers were closed down, hammocks were broken out of the racks and made to serve as an added protection to the forward wheel-house, and everything possible done to make the ship fit for action. the time taken to gain this end did not exceed ten minutes, which was almost a record. signals were displayed stating that we were in readiness, then all hands were called to general quarters. as we hurried to our stations i saw the entire blockading fleet moving slowly shoreward. "we are going to bombard the dagoes this trip for sure," observed the first captain of number eight as we lined up. "i see their finish." "don't be too sure," said "stump." "there's many a slip between the muzzle and the target. maybe we won't do much after all. just to make it interesting i'll bet you a dinner at del's that we will only chuck a bluff. what d'ye say?" "done, if you make it for the whole ship's company," chuckled the first captain. "stump" shook his head. "a dinner at del's for over two hundred hungry reserves, and on a salary of $ per month. nope. not on your life." "cast loose and provide," came the order. there were a few moments of rapid work, then the battery was reported in readiness for firing. through the open port we could catch a glimpse of the other vessels of the fleet, and the spectacle formed by the low-lying battleships, the massive cruisers, and the smaller, but equally defiant gunboats, was one long to be remembered. every ship was cleared for business. on the vessels of the "oregon" class nothing could be seen but the gray steel of turrets and superstructure. the "new york" and the "brooklyn" were similarly cleared. on the bridges could be seen groups of officers, but the decks were empty. every man was at his gun. the ships steamed in to within a short distance of the beach and then formed a semicircle, the heavier vessels taking the centre where they could directly face the forts. the little "dolphin" was on the extreme right of the line, with the "yankee" next. when within easy range of the guns ashore there ensued a wait. no signal to fire came from the flagship, and there did not seem to be any move toward opening the battle by the forts. we stood at our guns in silence, awaiting the word, until finally patience ceased to be a virtue. "seems to me they ought to do something," murmured "stump," glancing shoreward rather discontentedly. "ain't we fair targets?" "why don't the admiral tell us to sail in?" queried the first captain in the same tone. "the day is fine and the range is good. there's the beggars plain enough with their measly old forts. what more is wanted?" "wish they would pipe down and light the smoking lamp," said the second loader. "it would be a great deal more fun than standing here like a dummy." the sun had passed beyond the top of the hills, but the light was sufficiently strong to bring out in plain relief the batteries guarding the entrance to santiago. grim morro castle appeared almost deserted. the red and yellow banner of spain flaunted lazily from the ramparts, but only here and there could be distinguished the little black dots representing the soldiers on guard. the earthworks and smaller forts were equally idle. "we won't get anything out of them to-day," remarked "stump" decisively. "it must be one of their eternal feast days when they won't even fight." "there goes a signal on the flagship," exclaimed the first loader, pointing out the port. "i'll bet a dollar it's--" "the signal to pull out again," groaned "stump." "didn't i say so?" "the admiral intends to postpone the bombardment for some reason," i ventured. "perhaps it's too late in the day." whatever the cause, it was now plain that we would not engage the forts. in obedience to the signals on the "new york," which were repeated by the "brooklyn," the whole fleet returned to the former station several miles from shore. the word to "secure" was passed and presently the "yankee" had resumed its former condition of armed watchfulness. that evening after supper there was a gathering of the choice spirits of the crew in the vicinity of the after wheel-house. "dye," the chief member of the "yankee's" choir, started one of "steve's" little songs, which, although rendered very quietly in deference to the rules observed on blockade, was greatly enjoyed. the air was "tommy atkins," and the words ran as follows: "they made us sign our papers for a year, and dressed us in a natty sailor's suit; they taught us how to heave the lead and steer, and how to handle guns and how to shoot. we fancied we'd be leaving right away to capture prizes on the spanish main, and be raising merry hades with the dusky spanish laddies, and within a month come steaming home again. chorus. "but instead we ran a ferry all along the jersey shore, and our turns were empty very, and our hands were awful sore. we would give our bottom dollar just to see a cable car, just to hear a newsboy holler, just to smoke a good cigar. "in times of peace we do not have to sweep or carry coal or stand on watch all night; we do not have to scrub down decks or keep our toothbrush chained, or brasswork shining bright. we never washed our faces in a pail, we never heard the fog-horn's awful shriek, we never ate salt horse, we combed our hair, of course, and we never wore our stockings for a week." chorus. "suppose you 'heroes' pipe down there," came from the darkness just then. "what do you think this is, a concert hall?" "it's 'cutlets,'" muttered "stump." "he would like to make the ship a funeral barge." we sat in silence for a while, watching the retreating form of the navigator passing forward; then tom le valley, a zealous member of number nine gun's crew, spoke up. "do you see those two lights twinkling over there about where the 'dolphin' should be, fellows?" he asked. some one yawned and nodded. "reminds you of a story, eh?" asked "bill," who was leaning against the rail. "well, come to think of it i remember a--" "several years ago i happened to be a patient in a hospital over in brooklyn," continued tom. "i was almost well and about to leave the place when a man in the upper ward--" "i had a cousin once who used to travel a great deal," interrupted "bill," taking a seat on the deck with his back against a bitt. "one time he happened to be in a small town just outside of dublin, ireland. the inn was crowded and he had to take up his quarters with a family who occasionally rented out rooms. a circus and menagerie was giving exhibitions in the city, and one night the biggest monkey escaped from its cage and skipped out. they instituted a search at once, but the animal could not be found. well, it happened that the family with whom my cousin was stopping consisted of father and mother and one son about ten years old. the boy, whose name was mike, was a regular limb. always in mischief and----" "as i was saying," broke in tom at this juncture, "when i was about to leave the hospital, a man in the upper ward concluded to depart this world for a better one. it happened about eight o'clock in the evening, and, as was usual in such cases, the nurse on watch was supposed to get several convalescent patients and a stretcher and carry the body down to a little wooden house a hundred yards from the main building. the nurse, with whom i was on friendly terms, had an important case to attend to just then and he asked me if i wouldn't take charge of the stretcher party. well, we started down the yard, i leading the way with a lantern, and we finally reached the little house. we entered and----" "some people think they are the only story tellers in the group," remarked "bill" with mild sarcasm at that interesting point. "to tell a good story with a point to it is an art. now, as i was saying, this boy mike would rather get into mischief than eat a--what's the irish for potato?" "spud," suggested "hod." "murphy," said "stump." "well, it's immaterial. anyway the boy was full of mischief. the night the monk got away he had been sent to bed early because of some trick he had played. he slept in a little room at the head of the stairs leading to the second story. his window opened on a lean-to shed, and, as it was a warm evening, the sash was raised. shortly after the youngster got to bed, something slipped over the back fence, and after prowling about the yard for a moment, climbed upon the shed and through the window into the room where mike was just in the act of falling asleep. the thing, which was about the youngster's size, crept over the floor toward the bed, and then with a spring, landed squarely upon----" "some people use more wind in telling a story than would fill a maintop-sail," drawled tom. "there's nothing like getting at your subject. now, when we reached the little wooden house we entered, and after accomplishing our errand, started back to the main building. while on the way it suddenly occurred to me that i had forgotten to close the door between the two rooms of which the house was composed. there was an open window in the front room, and there was no telling what might get in. i told the fellows to go on and i tasked back to the little house. i still carried the lantern, but just as i reached the door, it went out. i tell you, i felt like letting the whole thing go, but i didn't want to get the nurse into trouble. so i unlocked the front door, opened it, and, great scott! i saw----" "there's everything in choosing a subject when you want to tell a good story," calmly interrupted bill. "this story i am trying to tell has a laugh in it. you don't have to keep your hair down with both hands and feel the cold chills playing tag up and down your spinal column, like you have to do when some people are trying to yarn. well, when the thing that had crept through the window landed on the bed, mike let out a yell that could have been heard in dublin. 'ow-w-w!' he whooped, scrambling to the floor. he caught one sight of the visitor, and then made a dash for the window and slid clear to the ground, leaving pieces of shirt and his epidermis on every nail on the shed roof. the noise he made roused the father and mother below, and the latter started for the stairs. 'that b'ye 'll be the death av me yet,' she complained. 'i'll go up and give him a slap.' she lost no time in reaching the little room, and when she entered she saw the bed with what she thought was mike under the clothes. 'mike, ye rascal,' she exclaimed, 'turn down the sheet this minute. it's mesilf as'll tache ye to raise a noise at this time o' night. for shame, ye spalpane! what, ye won't obey your own mother? i'll show ye. take that!' she brought her hand down upon the figure outlined under the sheet with a resounding whack. the next second the thing leaped from the bed squarely into her arms. 'wow! murther! mike, what have ye been doing?' she howled, adding at the top of her voice, 'patrick, patrick, come quick! the b'ye has got hold of your hair restorer. he's all covered with hair and he's gone daft. murther!' with that the father made for the stairs as fast as his legs could carry him. just as he got to the top--" "the sight i saw when i opened the outer door of the little house almost knocked me silly," broke in tom, rather excitedly. "there in the other room gleamed--" "when patrick reached the second floor," interrupted bill, raising his voice, "he felt something strike him full in the chest; then two hairy arms clasped him about the throat and--" "in the other room gleamed two--" "oh, give a fellow a chance, will you?" cried bill. "you want the whole floor. what do you think--" "sh-h-h! here comes the executive officer," hastily whispered "stump." "we've made too much racket. let's go into the after wheel-house." "we must be quiet about it," spoke up the "kid," warningly. "'cutlets' is chasing around to-night, and if he catches us in there he'll raise cain." "all right," replied bill. "and i'll finish that story if i have to stay up all night." "same here," retorted tom, with evident determination. "come on." and we all followed the twain. chapter x. we bombard santiago de cuba. the after wheel-house on board the "yankee" was a round structure of steel built on the spar deck directly over the counter. it contained a steering wheel to be used in case the wheel in the pilot-house should be disabled. when the chill winds of may and early june were blowing off the northern coast during the "yankee's" period of cruising in that vicinity, the after wheel-house formed a snug and comfortable retreat for the men of the watch. it was freely used for that purpose until the navigator chanced to discover the fact. he forthwith issued orders forbidding any person to enter the house, except on duty. his order, like many others, received respectful consideration--when he happened to be looking. in the present case we were so eager to hear the conclusion of the stories being related by the rival yarn-spinners, that we were fain to brave "cutlets'" displeasure. led by bill and tom, we piled inside. "what i was trying to say," spoke up the former, getting the first opening, "was that when patrick reached the top of the stairs, something struck him full in the chest, and two hairy arms were thrown about his neck. the sudden shock sent him tumbling backward, and he fell kerflop! down the steps. up above, his wife was howling to beat the band, 'mike, mike, ye spalpane! you do be killing your poor father. och! why did i live to see this day?' in the meantime the real mike--for the one inside was the escaped monk from the menagerie--had scooted for the police. they came, a half dozen of them, and as they entered the front door--" "time!" chuckled "stump." "give tom a chance." "as i opened the front door of the little wooden house where we had placed the body," said tom, prompt to take advantage of the opportunity, "i saw two gleaming eyes glaring at me from the inner room. i tell you, my heart fell clean down into my boots." "should think it would," muttered the "kid," peering about the wheel-house with a shiver. "ugh!" "i dropped the lantern," resumed tom, "and staggered back. just then a----" "half dozen policemen entered the front door just as patrick and the supposed mike reached the bottom of the stairs," broke in bill, taking up the thread of his story. "well, when the irish coppers saw pat with the monk hanging around his neck they thought the old nick had him. they started to run, but the old woman reached the lower floor in time to see both mike and the monkey. she grabbed a broom, but the monk slipped through the front door, and----" "that's the end of your story. and a good job it is too," remarked tom. "it is better than having no end," retorted bill. "you spin out a yarn to beat the band." "it's getting late," spoke up "hod," yawning. "if you fellows are going to chew the rag all night i----" "only a word more," interrupted tom. "as i staggered back i fell into the arms of the nurse, who had come down to see what kept me. i explained in a hurry, and he lit a match. we both went in and discovered----" "sh-h-h! get out of here, you fellows," suddenly spoke up a voice at the door on the starboard side. "here comes 'cutlets'!" there was a scramble for the opposite door, and in much less time than is taken in the telling, the wheel-house was empty. we huddled in the shadows for a moment; then dodged forward. as we reached the hatch i heard the "kid" ask tom: "say, what was it you saw? tell a fellow, won't you?" "two brass knobs on an old chest," was the calm reply. "huh!" the following day being sunday, was given over to rest and recreation and the writing of letters, until late in the afternoon. the day dawned clear but very warm. there was very little breeze stirring, and the spar and gun decks, where we spent the most of our time, were almost stifling. "corking mats," as they are termed in naval parlance, were very much in evidence. the sailor's "corking mat" is a strip of canvas which he spreads upon the deck to protect his clothing from the tarry seams, when he feels the necessity for a siesta or nap, which is quite often. toward evening we were put to work at a task which gave welcome promise of coming action. under the direction of the executive officer we broke out a number of bags of coal from the orlop deck and piled them five deep, and about the same number in height, around the steam steering engine under the forward wheel-house. this was to give added protection to a vital part of the ship. the work was hard and unpleasant, especially to men who had not spent the major portion of their lives at manual labor, but it was one of those disagreeable fortunes of war to which we were growing accustomed, and we toiled without comment. that night when we turned in, that is, those who were fortunate enough to have the "off watch," it was generally rumored about the decks that the fleet would surely bombard early the following morning. about two bells (five o'clock) the different guns' crews, who were sleeping at the batteries, were called by the boatswain's mates, and told to go to breakfast at once. "it's coming," exclaimed "hay," joyfully. "the old 'yankee' will see her real baptism of fire to-day. 'kid,' you young rat, you'll have a chance to dodge shells before you are many hours older." "you may get a chance to stop one," retorted the boy. after a hurried meal, word to clear ship for action was passed, and the "yankee's" boys set to work with a vim. the task was done more thoroughly than usual. the boats and wooden hatches were covered with canvas, everything portable that would splinter was sent below, the decks were sanded, and all the inflammable oils were placed in a boat and set adrift for the "justin," one of the colliers, to pick up. the day seemed fitted for the work we had in hand. the sky was overcast, and occasionally a rain squall would sweep from the direction of the land, and envelop the fleet. it was not a cold, raw rain, like that encountered in more northern latitudes in early summer, but a dripping of moisture peculiarly grateful after the heat of the previous day. shortly before seven o'clock, the members of the crew were in readiness for business. the majority had removed their superfluous clothing, and it was a stirring sight to watch the different guns' crews, stripped to the waist and barefooted, standing at their stations. there was something in the cool, practical manner in which each man prepared for work that promised well, and it should be said to the everlasting credit of the naval reserves that they invariably fought with the calmness and precision of veterans whenever they were called upon. in the present case, there would have been some excuse for faint-heartedness. the crew of the "yankee," made up of men whose previous lives had been those of absolute peace, who had never heard a shot fired in anger before their arrival at santiago, who had left home and business in defence of the flag--these men went about their preparations for attacking the fortifications with as little apparent concern as if it were simply a yachting trip. there was no holding back, no hesitancy, no looks of concern or anxiety, but when the signal to advance inshore appeared on the "new york," at six bells (seven o'clock), there was a feeling of relief that the time of waiting was over. we were to be in it at last. the flagship's signal to advance in formation was obeyed at once. moving in double column, the fleet stood in toward the batteries. the first line, as we saw from the after port, was composed of the "brooklyn," "texas," "massachusetts," and "marblehead." the line to which the "yankee" was attached, included, besides that vessel, the "new york," "oregon," "iowa," and "new orleans." when within three thousand yards from shore, the first line turned toward the west, leaving us to steam in the opposite direction. the batteries ashore could now be plainly distinguished. morro castle, grim and defiant, seemed to ignore our coming, if the absence of life was any proof. lower down on the other side of the entrance where the estrella and catalena batteries were located, there seemed to be more activity. men could also be seen running about in some new batteries a little to the eastward of morro castle. it was evident to us at once that the enemy had not anticipated an attack on such a rainy, windy day. on swept the two lines of ships without firing a shot until they formed a semicircle, with the heavier vessels directly facing the forts; then the "new york" opened fire with one of her heavy guns, the "iowa" following immediately. at this moment, : a.m., the ships were arranged as follows, counting from the right: "new york," "yankee," "new orleans," "massachusetts," "oregon," "iowa," "indiana," "texas," "marblehead," and "brooklyn." guarding the extreme left were the "vixen" and "suwanee," and doing similar duty on the other flank were the "dolphin" and "porter." the shot from the flagship was the signal for a general bombardment. there was no settled order of firing, but each ship just "pitched in," to use a common expression, and banged away at the forts with every available gun. the scene on the gun deck of the "yankee" was one never to be forgotten. when the word to commence firing reached us, we sprang to the work at once. each crew paid strict attention to its own station, and the routine of loading and firing went on with the regularity of clockwork. a number of boxes of the fixed ammunition had been "whipped" up from below while we were steaming into position, and there was no lack of death-dealing food for the hungry maws of the battery. not much could be seen of the outside at first, as the task in hand claimed our strict attention, but after a while an occasional glimpse was obtained of the other ships and the forts. the heavy battleships, the "indiana," "oregon," "massachusetts," "iowa," and "texas," were lost in the dense smoke of their guns. it was thrilling to see them, like moving clouds, emitting streams of fire which shot through the walls of vapor like flashes of lightning athwart a gloomy sky. [illustration: the bombardment of morro castle, santiago] the noise was terrific. it seemed to gather at times in such an overwhelming, soul-stunning clamor of sound, that the very air was rent and split and shattered, and the senses refused further burden. there was no possibility of hearing the human voice, save at odd intervals when a brief cessation occurred in the firing. orders were transmitted by gestures. the smoke was thick and stifling, the saltpetre fumes filling the throat and lungs, until breathing was difficult. the dense bank of vapor enveloping the ship also rendered it almost impossible to aim with any accuracy. we of number eight gun were early impressed with this fact, and "hay," the second captain, exclaimed during a lull: "it's that fellow in charge of number six. he won't give us any show. just look how he's working his crew. did you ever see the beat of it?" the captain of number six, a broker of considerable note in new york, a member of the calumet club, and the son of a distinguished captain in the confederate navy, was fighting his gun with savage energy. under his direction, and inspired by a running fire of comments from him, the different members of number six crew were literally pouring a hail of steel upon the batteries. the firing was so rapid, in fact, that it kept our port completely filled with smoke, much to our sorrow. notwithstanding that fact, "hay," the second captain of number eight, did such marvellous shooting, that word presently came from captain brownson on the bridge, publicly commending him. we were correspondingly elated, and worked all the harder. it was not until we had been firing some time that we began to take particular note of our surroundings. at first the novelty of the situation and a state of excitement, natural under the circumstances, kept us absorbed in our duties, but when it became apparent that the engagement was to be a matter of hours--and also that the spaniards did not aim very well--we commenced to look about. one of the first things to strike me personally, and it was rather humorous, was the appearance of "stump," the second loader. orders had early been given to avoid exposing ourselves to the enemy's fire as much as possible. "stump," than whom no more daring and aggressive man could be found on board, thought it wise to obey, so he crouched behind the gun-mount and compressed himself so as to be out of range. from this position he had only to reach out one hand to train the gun, which was his special duty. meanwhile, he continually urged "hay" to keep on firing. "doesn't make any difference whether you can see or not," he exclaimed. "shoot anyway. give it to the beggars! that's the ticket, old chap. now another. whoop! did you see that land? ah-h-h! we are the people." as the novelty of the scene gradually wore off we began to enjoy it hugely. we pumped away at the guns, commenting freely on the enemy's marksmanship. we felt more like a party watching a fireworks display than the crew of a warship engaged in bombarding a number of forts. the two lines were steaming back and forth in front of the batteries, firing as the guns would bear. at first, morro castle and the smaller forts maintained a spirited fire, but finally their response to our fusillade slackened considerably, and it became evident that they had been driven from their guns. the difference in aim between the spanish gunners and ours was very perceptible. their shells invariably passed over the ships or landed short, and at no time during the engagement were any of the american vessels in imminent danger. this was not due to length of range either, as the lines were maintained at from two to four thousand yards. as bill put it, "any dago that can't hit a flock of barn doors like this fleet, had better go back home and hoe onions." the ships of our fleet also made better targets than did the batteries ashore. it was certainly easy to distinguish the position of each vessel, but as the spanish batteries were nearly all situated a short distance back from the crest of the ridge with a background little different in color from that of the battery, we found it difficult to locate them at times. our elevation had to be perfect, as with an inch or two below or above, the projectile would either vanish in the distance or take effect on the cliffs below the batteries. we of number eight gun, when the "yankee" was steaming with the starboard broadside bearing, managed to slip across the deck and watch the firing from the ports and deadlights. it was really beautiful to see the landing of the great shells upon the forts and surrounding earth. some battered into the soft spots on the cliffs, sending huge masses of dirt and débris high into the air; then when the explosion came, there would follow a great cloud of dust resembling the wavering smoke over a city fire. others struck the harder portions of the cliff, bursting into a shower of fragments, each kicking up its own pother of dirt and shattered rock. at times a shell would land in a crack in the face of the hill, and immediately following would come an upheaval of stones. these boulders, many of them of immense size, would roll down the slope and splash in the water at the base, creating a series of fountain-like cascades. accompanying the display was a continuous roar of explosion and detonation that echoed and reechoed across the water like the pealing of tropical thunder. in fact, it was these noises, mingled with the fierce reports of our guns, which impressed us the most. taking it all in all, the scene was spectacular in the extreme. "boys," remarked no. of our crew--"morrie," we called him--"this sight is worth all the coaling and standing watches and poor food we have had to put up with. i would experience it all over again just to see this bombardment." and we heartily agreed with him. after a time it seemed as if the admiral was determined to plump shells into the vicinity of santiago until there was nothing left to fire at. there had been a continuous outpouring of projectiles from the guns of the fleet for over an hour, yet that grim line of gray steel fortresses still passed and repassed in front of the forts. it was really growing monotonous, when something occurred at the gun to which i was attached that served to give us an exciting minute or two. "hay" had just fired a shot which caught one of the new batteries directly in the centre. the shell was extracted, and another inserted, but when the second captain pressed the electric firing lanyard, there was no report. the shell had missed fire. "long tommy" reached forward to open the breech, but was stopped by a sharp order from the divisional officer. "don't open that breech till i give the word," he said. the electrical connections were examined and the contacts scraped bright. "stand by," said "hay" finally; "let's try her again." the great gun moved slowly on its pivot while "hay" worked the elevating gear. the orders came sharp and clear through the roar of the cannon and the shriek of the shells. as we watched our young gun captain, we saw his set face grow even more determined, and we knew that he had got his sight to suit him and that he was about to fire the gun. with a gesture of disgust he threw down the firing lanyard. "it's no go," he said, "that cartridge will have to come out." we looked at one another; it was a serious moment. the bombardment was now at its height, and the thunderous roaring of the guns was increasing with every passing second. above and around us the vicious reports of the "yankee's" five-inch rapid-firers seemed like one continuous volley. a hoarse cheer came from a nearby ship, proclaiming the landing of some favored shot. "hurry, fellows," shouted "hay" in an ecstasy of impatience. "lively there; we're missing all the sport." chapter xi. a perilous moment. the scene on the gun deck of the "yankee" at that moment would have made an eloquent subject for the brush of a meissonier. it was the deck of a warship in battle, and the spectacle enacted was accompanied, by an orchestra of the mighty guns of a fleet in action. imagine a compartment of steel, a compartment filled with smoke that surged and eddied as the ship lunged forward or rolled upon a heavy swell. imagine scattered about in this pungent vapor many groups of men, men half-naked, perspiring; their glistening bodies smeared and stained with the grime of conflict. imagine in the centre of one of these groups a wicked, menacing gun--a five-inch breechloader, its long, lean barrel raised shoulder-high upon the apex of a conical gun-mount, near the base of which are significant wooden cases, some empty and others filled with elongated, formidable cartridges; and pails of black, dirty water ascum with powder; and other objects each significant of war. imagine these things, and then understand that this gun, made to be turned against an enemy, has now turned against its workers. in the bore, pent in by the polished breechblock, is a cartridge which has failed in its duty. it is apparently defective. the tide of battle is surging on; other ships of the bombarding fleet are still pouring their shot and shell upon the grim array of forts ashore; other guns of this ship are pursuing their duty with savage energy. but this gun is silent. the men wax impatient. it is the height of the conflict. many shots have been fired, and many more will yet be required to subdue the enemy. to be "out of action" will mean passiveness in the face of the enemy. anything but that. there is a rivalry between the guns' crews. it is a rivalry as to which shall make the best shots and create the most damage. the members of number eight--the after gun on the port side--are proud of their record. their second captain--he whom they call "hay"--has received the public commendation of the captain himself, sent down from the bridge in the midst of the battle. it is a mark of distinction not given freely, and number eight is eager for more honors. but the men have not forgotten a similar case, occurring on the voyage down the coast, when another cartridge failed, and on being extracted from the breech chamber, exploded, killing a marine corporal and wounding others. the men of number eight have not forgotten that tragedy, and that is why their gun is now to them a menacing creature of steel, whose breath may be the breath of death. they stand in groups, they eye it, they speculate, and they feel that a desperate and perilous duty is before them. the risk must be taken. the cartridge must be extracted. it is a fortune of war which all who enlist must expect. but it is one thing to fall before an enemy's blow, and another to lose your life at the stroke of your own weapon. the officer of the division steps forward. "we will see if we can't take it out without much danger," he says, briefly. "bring a rope." one is hastily procured, and the first captain--a great, brawny, good-natured fellow, who has spent years at sea--deftly fastens the bight of the rope to the handle of the breechblock. he then retreats a short distance and signifies his readiness. "when i give the word," calls out the officer, "pull handsomely. ready--pull away!" from out the smoke-filled compartment men lean forward, eagerly--anxiously. they instinctively shrink back as the breech plug slowly moves. then, when it finally opens, revealing the brass head of the cartridge inside the firing chamber, a sigh of relief comes from all. but the danger is not yet over. the defective projectile must be taken out and tossed into the sea. the second loader steps forward at a signal from the gun captain. this second loader is "stump." he shows no fear, but draws out the heavy cartridge, handling it as he would a harmless dummy, and passes it to another man and myself. carrying it between us--and carrying it gingerly--we hasten to the side, and with a powerful swing, launch the hundred-pound projectile through the open port. it barely clears the port sill, coming so close to it, in fact, that for one breathless second we think that it will strike. as the shell passes from view, another sigh of relief comes from the spectators. "hay" passes a grimy towel over his perspiring face. "whew! that was a ticklish moment," he said, solemnly. "i'd just as soon not handle any more defective shells." which exactly represented our sentiments. three minutes later number eight was barking away at the forts ashore, and the episode of the cartridge that missed fire was a thing of the past. the bombardment of santiago had now lasted over an hour. as yet not one of the american vessels had been reached by a shell, nor had the forts suffered any perceptible damage. the fleet, roaring and thundering, was swinging back and forth through the great semicircle, the smoke from the guns was banking along the beach, and from morro castle and its attending batteries came sharp, defiant answers to the interminable volleys fired by our squadron. "it's a good thing uncle sam's shot locker is pretty capacious," remarked flagg, as we shoved another cartridge into the yawning breech of our five-inch gun. "if we haven't fired over three hundred rounds since seven o'clock i can't count." "it'll be double that before we get through," grunted "long tommy," as we stepped back from the loaded gun. "steady, there. stand by!" a motion to "hay," who held the firing lanyard, and almost instantly came the sharp, vicious report of the breechloader. each man sprang back to his station, and the process of reloading went on without delay. the battle smoke from number six, which had filled our port for some time, cleared away just then, enabling us to see "hay's" last shot strike squarely upon the outer line of earthworks of the punta gorda battery. "splendid shot, 'hay'!" exclaimed our division officer, briefly. "bully, that's what it is--bully!" cried "stump," patting the second captain upon the back. "hurray! it's knocked out a gun," reported "dye," from nearer the port. "i saw the piece keel over backward." there was no time for further comment. when a gun's crew is firing at will, and the excitement of combat has taken possession of the individual members, the task in hand requires all one's attention. we of number eight had suffered one delay, and we really felt that the lost time must be made up. personal impressions in battle have been described in prose and poem until the subject is hackneyed, but it may be of interest to note that the impressions experienced by the novices in naval warfare manning the "yankee," during the bombardment of santiago, consisted mainly of one feeling. it was well-voiced by "hod," who said many days later: "i felt just as i did one time when i attended barnum's circus in madison square garden. they had three rings, two platforms, a lot of tight-ropes and trapezes and other things all going at the same time. before i had been in the place three minutes i was wishing for a hundred eyes. and that is the way i felt at santiago." what we saw of the bombardment was limited to the range of our gun port, but that little was worth all the hardships and toil and discomforts of the whole cruise. the spectacle of the fleet itself was almost enough. to see the great ships ploughing through the water, each enveloped in a shroud of smoke, shot here and there with tinges of ruddy flame; to see that mighty line swinging and swaying in front of the enemy; to see the shells land and explode in fort and battery; to see the great gaps torn in cliff and earthworks; to see the geyser-like fountains of water spout up here and there as the spanish shells struck the surface of the bay--to see all this, and to hear the accompanying thunder and booming of the guns, was payment in full for coal handling and standing watch and "government straight." not one of the "yankee" boys would have missed the spectacle for anything earth could offer. [illustration: on the gun deck during the bombardment] during the second hour of the attack we were enabled to observe the work being done by other vessels of the fleet. near us was the gallant "new orleans," the ship purchased from brazil. her foreign build made it easy to distinguish her, and, as she was the only craft using smokeless powder, she presented a prominent mark. the guns on board the "new orleans" were being served rapidly and with precision, and we saw a number of shots strike well within the limits of the batteries. at our end of the line the flagship "new york," the "iowa," and the "oregon" were pouring an appalling fire into some new earthworks near morro castle. it was seen that but very few shots were sent in the direction of the latter, and it transpired that admiral sampson had issued strict orders to the fleet to avoid endangering lieutenant hobson and his brave companions, who were supposed to be imprisoned in old morro. before the end of the second hour the "new york" and the "new orleans" had succeeded in completely silencing cayo battery, dismantling the guns and wrecking the outer fortifications. at the other end of the line admiral schley's division was doing splendid work. we could see the "massachusetts," "brooklyn," and "texas" move in toward shore and open fire at close range. it was a stirring sight, this mighty duel between warships and forts. as compared with the cliffs and hills of the land, the ships seemed veritable pigmies, but in this strife the pigmies were all powerful. the guns of the fleet were working havoc in the forts ashore, and we could see the spanish artillerymen abandon battery after battery. cayo, punta gorda, estrella, and catalena were rapidly being vacated. the former was entirely out of the fight, and the others were replying only at intervals. presently the "massachusetts" and "marblehead" advanced within two thousand yards of the estrella fortification and began such a terrific firing that within a few minutes a great cloud of smoke appeared above the works. the spanish guns became quiet at once, and a rousing cheer went up from the fleet. "hay," in his exuberance, wanted to send a five-inch shell from our gun at the burning fort, but the distance was too great and he was compelled to be content with a couple of well-aimed shots at the nearest battery. "i wish we had thirteen-inch guns and the range was about ten feet," grumbled "stump." "i'd like to smash the whole outfit in a pair of minutes. by cricky! we have poured enough good old american steel into those forts to build a bridge across the atlantic, but the dagoes are still giving us guff." "it won't last much longer," said tommy reassuringly. "from the looks of those batteries they haven't much fight left. i'll bet a hardtack against a prune we haul off at four bells." "licked?" queried flagg. "nope." "will the spaniards give up?" asked "dye." tommy hesitated before replying. it was a brief lull and we were resting at the gun. the crew, grimy, dirty, battle-stained and tired, was glad to lean against the side of the deck or a convenient stanchion. tommy's long service in the regular navy as apprentice and seaman made his opinions official, and we were always glad to listen to his explanations. "will the spaniards give up?" repeated "dye." "yes, and no," replied the first captain thoughtfully. "you see, it's this way. those dagoes are not fools by any means. they have selected good places for their batteries, and they know earthworks are hard to destroy. they aren't like the old-style stone forts that could be knocked to pieces in no time. when a shell, even a thirteen-incher, hits a mound of earth it tears up the dirt and spoils the look of the parapet, but it really doesn't do much harm. to completely ruin an earthwork battery, you must dismantle every gun in it. and that's pretty hard to do. mark my words, those fellows will give us a shot of defiance after we quit." "what's the idea of all this bombarding then?" asked "stump." "we'd be much better 'caulking off,' seems to me." "and think what it costs the government," i suggested. "the cost of the projectiles and the wear and tear to guns and ships must be something enormous." tommy's answer was drowned in the thundering roar of the "new york's" battery, which opened fire just then a short distance away, but it was evident he agreed with me. a moment later number eight went into action once more, and we worked the breechloader without cessation until the conclusion of the bombardment, which came a half hour later. the fortifications ashore had entirely ceased firing, and at ten o'clock a signal to stop bombarding appeared on the flagship. it was obeyed with reluctance, and it was evident the crews of the various ships were anxious and eager to continue. as the fleet drew off there was a puff of smoke in one corner of punta gorda battery and a shell whizzed over the "massachusetts." a second shot came from one of the earthworks, and still another from punta gorda; then the firing ceased again. "didn't i tell you so?" quietly remarked tommy. "the beggars ain't licked yet." "but they got a taste of uncle sam's strength," said flagg. "and i'll bet anything they haven't enough whole guns left to equip one small fort," added "stump." "i heard the skipper say the destruction of life must be enormous," spoke up the "kid," stopping on his way aft to deliver a message. "he watched the whole thing with his glass. he told 'mother hubbub' the moral effect was worth all the trouble." "that's an expert opinion," observed "hay," wiping off the breech of the gun. "now you've had your little say, youngster, so just trot along." the fleet presently reached its former station several miles off shore, and the bombardment of santiago was at an end. no attempt was made to clean ship until late in the afternoon. the men were permitted to lie around decks and rest, smoke, and discuss the fight, which they did with exceeding interest. when dinner was piped at noon, the shrill call of the boatswain's whistle was welcome music. a sea battle is a good appetizer. about four o'clock in the afternoon the fleet was treated to a spectacle both novel and humorous. the little "dolphin," a gunboat of not fifteen hundred tons displacement, which was keeping guard close in shore, began to use her guns. a battery near the channel returned the fire, but the plucky little craft maintained her position, and from the series of rapid reports coming from her four-inch breechloaders and six-pounders, it was evident she had something important on hand. the "yankee" was signalled to run in to her assistance, but before we could reach a position, the "dolphin" had accomplished her task. it was not until then that we discovered what she had been doing. "may i never see home again if the gunboat hasn't corralled a railway train in a cut!" exclaimed "patt." "just look there, fellows. see that ridge of earth on the other side of the channel? just under it is a track running into a cut and--" "the 'dolphin' has closed up both ends," interrupted "stump," with a laugh. "she's knocked down a pile of earth and débris on the track and the, train can't get out. what a bully trick." flagg produced a glass, and after a careful scrutiny reported that he could see part of the train lying on its side at the eastern end of the cut. he could also distinguish a number of bodies, and it was plain that the spanish loss had been heavy. it was not until later that we learned the details, which were as follows: after the bombardment the "dolphin" remained at her station, firing occasionally at the batteries ashore. she was directly opposite a cut in the cliff, through which runs a little railway connecting the iron mines with the dock in santiago harbor. during the bombardment, a train loaded with spanish troops remained in the cut, and at its conclusion attempted to leave. it was espied by the "dolphin" and driven back. it tried the other end with like results, and for an hour this game of hide-and-seek was kept up, to the discomfiture of the train. while waiting for the train to appear at either end, the gallant little gunboat shelled a small blockhouse, and in time disabled it. then she steamed back to the fleet and reported that she had "wrecked a trainload of troops and dismantled a blockhouse." when she left for her station again she was applauded by the whole squadron. we learned later that one hundred and fifty men were killed on the train. shortly after supper the "yankee's" whaleboat was called away and sent to the flagship, returning an hour later with sealed orders from the admiral. at midnight we quietly steamed from our station and passed out to sea, our destination being unknown to all save the commanding officer. chapter xii. in search of adventure. when a man-of-war sails from port under what are called "sealed orders," which means that the orders given to the captain by the admiral are not to be opened for a certain number of hours, or until the ship reaches a certain degree of latitude, there is a mystery about the affair which appeals strongly to the crew. we of the "yankee" felt very curious as to our destination when we left santiago that night, and the interest was greatly stimulated by the discovery, before we had gone very far, that the "st. louis" and "marblehead" were following us. the "rumor committee" went into active session without delay. "bet i can guess it," said "stump," as a half dozen of us met in the gangway. "we are bound for a cable station somewhere." "to cable the news of the fight?" said flagg. "no. that was done by one of the other ships." "what then?" "to get permission from washington to go ashore and reclaim all that steel we wasted in the bombardment." there was a laugh at this sally. "i have been figuring on the cost of the fight," remarked "hay," after a pause. "a five-inch shell is worth $ , and as we fired about two hundred and fifty, it means just $ , worth of five-inchers alone." "then there are the six-pounders." "they cost $ a shot," resumed "hay," reflectively. "i guess we must have fired about a million of them." "hardly that," smiled tommy, "but we expended enough to bring the total up to $ , at the very least. war is a costly thing, boys." when the quartermaster on duty came off watch he joined us in the gangway, and reported that we were steering a straight course to the southward. "if we keep it up we'll land somewhere near the antarctic ocean," remarked kennedy, doubtfully. "i wonder--" "i know, i know," broke in the "kid," eagerly. "we're going for ice." the burning question was solved at daybreak. the morning sun brought into view a stretch of highland which proved to be cuba. we had steamed out to sea on scouting duty, and had doubled on our tracks, as it were. the port we found to be guantanamo, a small place some forty miles to the eastward of santiago. the town itself lies on a bay connected with the sea by a tortuous and winding channel. the entrance is protected by a fort and several blockhouses, and when we steamed inshore we espied the "st. louis" and "marblehead" laying to, waiting for us outside. the "marblehead" preceding us, we entered the harbor, and the two ships began a lively bombardment, while the "st. louis" lay outside. shortly after the firing began, a spanish gunboat was seen steaming out past the fort. a few shots in her direction sent her scurrying back again, and that was the last seen of her during the fight. after the battle of the previous day, this affair seemed insignificant, and aroused little interest. the blockhouses were destroyed and the fort silenced after a short period of firing, and the "st. louis" proceeded with the duty which evidently had caused our visit. it was the cutting of a cable connecting guantanamo with the outer world. our little fleet steamed to sea in the afternoon, returning just before dark. the fort, showing signs of reanimation, was treated to another bombardment, which effectually settled it. a small fishing hamlet composed of a dozen flimsy huts of bamboo was set on fire and burned to the ground. when we left guantanamo shortly after dark, bound back for santiago, we had the satisfaction of knowing that one more blow had been struck against spanish rule in the fair isle of cuba. at dawn the following day, santiago was sighted. the fleet was still lying off the entrance like a group of huge gray cats watching a mouse hole. as we passed in, the flagship began signalling, and it soon became noised about the ship that we had received orders to leave for mole st. nicholas after dark. "it looks as if the 'yankee' will come in handy as a messenger boy," said "stump." "when the admiral wants 'any old thing' he tells his flag officer to send the naval reserve ship." "it's a good thing to be appreciated," grinned "dye." "to tell the truth, though, i'd rather be on the move than lying here watching the land." "we don't want to be away when cervera comes out," remarked flagg. "when he comes out," retorted "stump," emphasizing the first word meaningly. "the old gentleman knows when he is well off and he'll stay inside." "which, as the texan said when he was accused of stealing a horse," put in tommy, "remains to be proved. just you keep your eye on the gun and wait." "there goes another string of signals on the 'new york,'" exclaimed "dye," pointing toward the flagship. "whiz! i'd hate to be a signalman aboard of her. they are always at it." the flagship of a fleet like that assembled in front of santiago during the blockade, is certainly kept very busy. in the naval service, everything in the way of routine emanates from the flagship. every ship in the squadron, for instance, takes the uniform of the day from her. the number of sick each morning must be reported by signal; all orders (and they are legion) are transmitted by wigwag or bunting; scores of questions are asked daily by each ship, and it is indeed seldom that the signal yards of a flagship are bare of colored flags. in the american navy the present methods of communication are by the use of flags representing numerals, by the meyer code of wigwag signals, and by a system of colored electric bulbs suspended in the rigging. the latter system is called after its inventor, ardois. in the daytime, when ships are within easy distance, wigwagging is commonly used. a small flag attached to a staff is held by the signalman in such a position that it can be seen by the ship addressed. a code similar to the morse telegraph alphabet is employed. by this system the flag, when waved to the right, represents , or a dot; and , or a dash, when inclined to the left. each word is concluded by bringing the flag directly to the front, which motion is called . naval signalmen, generally apprentices, become very expert, and the rapidity with which they can wigwag sentences is really remarkable. the ardois system of night signalling consists of electric lights attached to the rigging. there are four groups of double lamps, the two lamps in each group showing red and white respectively. by the combination of these lights letters can be formed, and so, letter by letter, a word, and thence an order, can be spelled out for the guidance of the ships of a squadron. the lamps are worked by a keyboard generally placed on the upper bridge. the "flag hoist" system, as it is termed, consists of the displaying of different flags at some conspicuous place like the masthead. there are a great many flags and pennants, differing in color, shape, and design, each having its own particular meaning, and when three or four are shown aloft together, a number is formed, the significance of which can only be determined by referring to a code book. each navy has a private code, which is guarded with great care. so particular are governments in this respect, that the commanding officer of every ship has instructions to go to any length to destroy the code book, if capture is imminent. during the late war with spain it was reported at one time that the spanish code had been secured. this means that the dons will be compelled to adopt an entirely new code of signals. besides the above systems, signalling in the navy includes various other devices. for instance, the fog whistle can be utilized in connection with the meyer system of numerals. one toot represents , two short toots , and a long blast the end of a word. in a fog, this is the only means practicable. similar sounds can be made by horn or gunfire. at night searchlights are often used by waving the beam from the right to the left, thus forming an electric wigwag, or by flash like the heliograph. on small ships not fitted up with the ardois system, the very night signal is used. this consists of a pistol made for the purpose, which discharges lights similar to those found in the ordinary roman candles. the colors are red and green, and they are fired in combinations expressing the numbers from to and , so that the numbers to four digits contained in the signal book may be displayed. the "yankee" was rigged with the ardois lamps, and she also carried all the necessary signal flags and other paraphernalia required to communicate with other vessels of the fleet. the signalmen on board had been drilled in their work as members of the naval reserve prior to the beginning of the war, and they were experts to a man. on the evening of june th, while we were idling about decks awaiting the order to get under way, a small boat came alongside, having as a passenger a captain of the army. he proved to be a special agent who had succeeded in visiting the vicinity of santiago, and was on his way to mole st. nicholas for the purpose of cabling to washington. the mysterious manner in which he boarded the ship, and the quickness with which we steamed from port, created some excitement, and we felt the importance of our mission. the night was dark and muggy--an ideal time for torpedo-boat work, and extra lookouts were posted by order of the captain. nothing of interest occurred, however, until early next morning. the ship was ploughing along at a steady gait, and those of the watch who were not on actual duty were snatching what sleep they could in out-of-the-way corners, when suddenly the call to "general quarters" was sounded. long practice caused prompt obedience, and the various guns' crews were soon ready for action. very few of us knew just what was on foot until the "kid," in passing, contrived to convey the interesting information that a big spanish fleet had been sighted dead ahead. "that's funny," remarked "stump," trying to peer from the port. "we are not changing our course any. surely the 'old man' doesn't intend to tackle them alone." "i guess the 'kid' is 'stringing' us," observed tommy, sagely. "he's up to that trick every time. we're not chasing spanish fleets alone. the captain knows his business all right, all right." word was brought from the upper deck presently, that we were in pursuit of a strange steamer which had been discovered lurking on the horizon. she failed to respond to our signals, and chase was made forthwith. the "yankee's" speed soon proved superior to that of the stranger, and within an hour we had her close aboard. "it's an english tramp from the looks of her," reported "hay," who had a choice position near the gun port. "she's got a dozen people on the bridge and they are badly scared." a blank six-pounder was fired, but she did not heed it, so a shot was fired across the stranger's bows, and she hove-to in short order. "steamer ahoy!" came faintly to our ears from on deck. "what steamer is that?" the answer reached us in disjointed sentences, but we heard enough to set us laughing. tommy smacked his hand upon the breech of the gun and chuckled: "it's one of those everlasting press boats. the sea is full of 'em." "what in the deuce did they run for, i wonder?" exclaimed kennedy. "afraid of us, i suppose. it's ticklish times around here, and i don't blame them. press boats are not made to fight, you know." "that idea doesn't carry out their motto," drawled "dye." "how's that?" asked flagg, innocently. "why, they claim that the pen is mightier than the sword, don't they?" after the laugh had subsided, "morrie," one of the rochester detail, who acted as a shellman in the crew of number eight, said seriously: "i am a great admirer of the press representatives down here, fellows. they are capable, good writers, and there is not a branch of the whole outfit that has been more faithful to duty. they were sent here to get the news, and they get it every time. there has never been a war more ably reported than this, and, although the correspondents have to hustle day and night, they still find time to keep us informed, and to give us an occasional paper from home. they are good fellows all." "amen!" said "hay." after a time, the press boat sheered off, and we continued on our course. later in the morning another steamer was sighted. the "yankee" was sent after her at full speed. the chase crowded on all steam, but she was soon overhauled, and found to be a norwegian trader. after a satisfactory explanation she was permitted to go. three hours later the "yankee" dropped anchor off mole st. nicholas, a haytian seaport brought into some prominence through the location of a cable station. mole st. nicholas is a little collection of tropical-looking houses set among palm trees at the foot of a large hill, which in places aspires to the dignity of a mountain. the town itself is rather picturesquely situated, the foliage-covered background and beautiful inlet of pure clear water giving it a natural setting very attractive to our eyes. after we had been anchored an hour or so, a bumboat came out, manned by a crew of two coal-black negroes who spoke a french patois, intermingled with comical english. the boat itself was a queer, stubby craft propelled by home-made oars. before the morning was well advanced the ship was surrounded by boats carrying shells, limes, prickly pears, green cocoanuts, bananas, fish, and "water monkeys." the latter were jugs made of a porous clay, and they were eagerly purchased. the "water monkey" is a natural cooler, and when placed in a draught of air will keep water at a temperature delightful in a warm latitude. we parted with our mysterious passenger, the army officer, and weighed anchor just as the sun was setting. lookouts were posted early, and special instruction given by the captain to maintain a vigilant watch. the fact that we were in the very theatre of war, and that several spanish cruisers, including the spanish torpedo boat "terror," were reported as being in the vicinity, kept a number of us on deck. "it is one thing lying off a port with a lot of other ships and bombarding a few measly earthworks, and another to be sneaking about in the darkness like this, not knowing when you will run your nose against an enemy twice as large," said flagg, as several of number eight's crew met on the forecastle. "i tell you, it feels like war." "reminds me of a story i heard once," put in "stump," lazily. he was lounging over the rail with his back to us and his words came faintly. the deck was shrouded in gloom, and the vague outlines of the pilot-house, only a dozen feet away, was the length of our vision aft. a soft, purling sound came from over the side where the waves lapped against the steel hull. a shovel grated stridently now and then in the fire room, and occasionally a block rattled or a halliard flapped against the foremast overhead. the surroundings and the strange, weird "feel" of the darkness were peculiarly impressive. "i don't know whether we care to hear any story," observed "hay." "better keep it until later, 'stump.' the night's too wonderful to do anything except lounge around and think. whew! isn't it dark?" "this story i was going to tell you requires a setting like this," replied "stump." "it is about a ship that started from england years and years ago. she had as passengers a lot of lunatics who were to be experimented upon by a doctor about as crazy as they. he bought the ship, fitted it up with a number of little iron cages, and set forth with his queer cargo. ten days out, the lunatics broke from their quarters and captured the vessel. one of them, who had been a sea captain in his time, took charge, and proceeded to carry out a little idea of his own, which was to make sane people crazy." "that was turning the tables with a vengeance," drawled "dye," from his perch on an upturned pail. "i wonder if he was any relation to 'cutlets'?" "a lineal ancestor, i'll bet a biscuit," chimed in "hay." "don't you remember the quotation, 'by these acts you will know their forefathers,' or something like that?" "well," resumed "stump," "the crazy captain put the doctor and the crew in the cages and began to feed them hardtack and berth-deck scouse and salt-horse and--" [illustration: the searchlight "sweeping back and forth across the black of the horizon"] "must have been a government naval contractor in his time," murmured "morrie." "i bet i know the rest," exclaimed the "kid," coming up in time to grasp the situation. "the captain set his prisoners to carrying coal from the after hold forward and then back again, didn't he?" "if you fellows think you can tell the story better than i can, go ahead," retorted "stump," in disgust. "you are like a lot of old maids at a sewing circle. i give--" "what was that?" suddenly cried "hay," springing to his feet. "if it wasn't a flash of light i'll eat my--" a figure hastily emerged from the gloom aft. "go to your stations at once, you men," called out a voice. "general quarters!" as we scurried toward the hatch a great shaft of light appeared off the port beam, and began sweeping back and forth across the black of the horizon. "good heavens!" exclaimed "hay," "it's a searchlight on some man-of-war. we're in for it now!" chapter xiii. a narrow escape. the finger of light sweeping the heavens above the distant horizon meant to us the presence either of friend or foe, and the question was one we had little desire to solve at that moment. rumors of spanish warships lurking in the waters adjacent to cuba were rife, and it had even been stated that another squadron inferior only to cervera's fleet was somewhere in the neighborhood. we of the "yankee" were willing, and i may say, without undue boasting, eager to meet any vessel of equal size or even larger, but to give battle to a whole fleet was a little too much. nevertheless, when the word was passed to go to "general quarters," there was no sulking nor hesitancy. the battery was ready in record time. our gun was placed in trim, ammunition hatches opened, cartridges whipped on deck, and the piece prepared for instant use so rapidly that the officer of the division, lieutenant greene, gave us warm praise. then we waited. it is difficult for a layman--a citizen who has not experienced the test of action and danger in battle--to understand or appreciate our feelings that night. it is hard to describe them, to paint with mere words the intense seriousness and gravity of the situation. you can imagine a dark night at sea--a night so black that the senses feel oppressed. you can add to these a thrill of impending danger and a vision of capture by a cruel enemy and the thought that the very next second will sound the signal for an uproar and outbreak of combat, but your impressions will fall far short of the reality--that must be experienced to be appreciated. as we stood at our stations surrounding number eight gun, i tried to read the faces of my companions, to see if i could find in them traces of worry or anxiety, or of fear. the situation warranted even the latter emotion. the dim light cast by the nickering battle lanterns sent fantastic shadows dancing over deck and bulkhead, and caused the men at the guns to resemble, in their stained white working clothes, so many gaunt spectres. but they were spectres with a grim purpose in view, and as the officer of the division strode back and forth, alert and watchful, they followed his movements with their eyes, eager for the word that would set them in action. they were not veterans, and their experience in war could have been measured by days, but they were honestly ready to fight and to shed the last drop of their blood for the flag waving over the taffrail. it was a ticklish situation. even the "kid," with his careless, happy-go-lucky mind, would have admitted that; but as time passed without bringing a break in the monotony of waiting, we began to feel restless. the tension was still great, but the first sense of apprehension was gone. "i do wish something would happen," muttered "hay," after a while. "can you see anything from that port, 'morrie'?" "a wall of blackness, that's all," replied the rochester man. "we've changed our course several times," spoke up flagg. "i think the 'old man' is scooting for cover." "fool if he didn't," growled tommy. "they have a pretty habit of court-martialling naval officers when they risk their ship unnecessarily. if captain brownson should fail to do all in his power to escape from what his judgment tells him is overwhelming odds, he'd find himself in trouble. discretion is the better part of valor, even in the navy." suddenly we began to notice a peculiar glow tinging the darkness, and reflecting from the polished parts of the gun. it came suddenly and with a spurt of ruddy light unmistakable. "it's a fire somewhere," exclaimed flagg. "look! it's getting brighter." "it comes from this ship," cried "stump," edging toward the port. "is it possible the old hooker is on fire?" we waited for the ringing of the alarm bell, or the call to "fire quarters," but the minutes slipped by without the summons. outside, the ruddy glare tinged the surface of the sea, sparkling from foam-crested waves, and forming a circle of dancing light through which the "yankee" speeded on in her flight for safety. our curiosity increased apace, and we watched eagerly for passing messengers or for some stray word that would explain the peculiar phenomenon. it was kennedy who finally solved the mystery--kennedy the luckless, he whom we dubbed "lucky bag," because of his propensity to allow his wearing apparel to find its way into the clutches of "jimmy legs." kennedy had slipped near the port and was trying to perform the difficult feat of scanning the upper deck from the opening. "come back here and stop that 'rubber-necking,' no. ," called out tommy. "do you want to get on the report?" "for the hundred and 'steenth time," added "stump," with a grin. "perhaps he's seasick," suggested "dye." "it's about due. he hasn't heaved up his boots since noon." "did you hear what 'cutlets' said to him yesterday?" spoke up "hay." "he was 'wigging' kennedy, and he remarked in his tender way, 'look here, you hero, why don't you brace up and be a man? you are continually sick or on the report, and you aren't worth your salt. get down below now, and fill your billet.' poor devil! he tries to do his best, i guess." just then kennedy faced around toward us and we saw that he was laughing. "what do you think?" he said. "it's a fire after all." "a fire? where?" we gasped simultaneously. "in the furnaces. i saw a big flame leaping from the funnel. gee! they must be whooping her up below to beat the band. coal piled up to the top of the flues." "it's oil," exclaimed tommy, gravely. "they are feeding the fires with crude oil. that means the last resort, fellows. the 'old man' is trying to get every ounce of steam possible." our curiosity satisfied, we felt more at ease, and we lounged at our stations and listened to the banging of furnace doors and grating of shovels in the fire room below. occasionally one of us would venture an opinion or try to exchange views, and "stump" even started a story, but in the main we were quiet and watchful. from the swaying and trembling of the hull it was evident the "yankee" was being pushed at her utmost speed. mess gear rattled in the chests, the deck quivered, and from down in the lower depths came the quick throb-throb of the overworked engines. presently the red glare caused by the upleaping flames from the funnel died away, and darkness settled down again. "i guess we are making it," observed tommy. "we have been a good two hours racing at this gait, which means a matter of almost forty miles." "they might let us take a run on deck," grumbled flagg. "what's the use of holding up this gun all night? it's getting monotonous." "here comes the 'kid,'" exclaimed "dye." "he may have some news." the youngster brought a message to lieutenant greene. as he started off, he whispered: "we are going to 'secure' in a few moments. it has been a great scoot. i heard the captain say to 'mother hubbub' that it would go down in history as a masterly retreat." "was it a spanish fleet?" queried "hay." "they are not certain. the skipper now thinks that it was a convoy of transports bringing the army of occupation. he didn't stop to find out, though. say, you fellows look tired. why don't you 'pipe down'?" he scurried off with a laugh, and we were just settling back for another siege of it when the welcome order came to "secure." the order was executed in a jiffy, and then those who had the off watch piled into their hammocks with a celerity seldom equalled. santiago was reached early the following morning, and before the day was over we heard that our neighbors of the night before were, as the captain had suspected, a fleet of transports bringing troops from the united states. "which doesn't alter the fact that we displayed wisdom in taking a 'sneak,'" commented tommy, grimly. "it's a clever chief who knows when to retreat." the great gray ships still tossed idly on the rolling blue sea when we took our station at the right of the line. it seemed more like a panorama, arranged for the amusement of an admiring crowd, than a fleet of floating forts ready at a moment's notice to pour out death and destruction. the flagship "new york," gay with signal bunting, was the centre of a fleet of launches and small boats. the boats' crews, in white duck, lounged in their places, while the captains were aboard conferring with the admiral. the torpedo boat "porter" flashed in and out between the grim battleships in an almost playful way. a signal boy on the "brooklyn" held a long wigwag conversation with the flagship, the bit of bright color showing sharply against the lead-colored turret. it was hard to realize that only a few days ago these same ships, that now rested so calmly and majestically, were enveloped in clouds of smoke, their great guns spitting forth fire and a fearful hail of steel. we looked at picturesque old morro on the bluff, and there, close to the lighthouse, still floated the spanish colors. it was aggravating, and we would like to have shot the hateful bunting away. we had no sooner reached our station than the boatswain's call echoed from one end of the ship to the other, "away gig." whereupon the gig's crew rushed below and "broke out" clean whites. no matter what happens, the gig's crew must always be clean, both in person and apparel. our gig soon joined the fleet of waiting boats at the flagship's gangway, and lay there while the captain went aboard. the skipper returned about noon and went forward. immediately, we heard the cry "all hands on the gig falls." then, before the boat was fairly out of water, we heard the engine bell jingle. we were off again. some active member of the "rumor committee" said we were bound for jamaica. and after consultation with a signal boy, who came aft to read the patent log, we found that we were heading for that island. the wind was dead ahead and blowing fresh and cool, but the sun was hot, and the boatswain's mates were instructed to keep the men in the shade as much as possible. the stress and strain of the night before made the few hours of "caulking off," that we now enjoyed, particularly grateful. we lay so thick on the windward side of the spar deck under the awning, that it would have been difficult to find foot room. every hour a signal boy came running aft to read the log, which was attached to the taffrail on the starboard quarter. the log worked on the same principal as a bicycle cyclometer. it had two dials that indicated the miles and fractions of miles as they were reeled off. a long, braided line, having what we called a "twister" attached, trailed behind in the water and made the wheels go round, a certain number of revolutions to the mile. hour after hour the ship rushed through the water. the engines throbbed in a regular, settled sort of way, that reminded one of a man snoring. the wind blew softly and caressingly. the ship rolled easily in the long swell. it was soothing and restful, and we felt quite reconciled to life in the navy. we almost forgot that we were on an engine of war; that there was enough ammunition below to blow up several "maine's," and that we were cruising in the enemy's country. the men talked cheerfully of home, pursuits, and pleasures, for it was too fine, too bright, to be depressed. finally the sun went down in a blaze of glory, dropping suddenly into the sea as it is wont to do in the tropics. in a few minutes it was dark. in these latitudes there is practically no twilight; the sun jumps into his full strength in the morning, and quenches his glory in the sea before one realizes the day is gone. soon after dark the lookouts began to report lights, and before long we found ourselves steaming into a fine harbor, which we learned was port antonio. a delightful feeling of security stole over us. we were at anchor in a friendly port, the inhabitants of which spoke the same tongue as we did and sympathized with us. we turned in at the earliest possible moment, and as we lay in our "elevated folding beds," as "hay" called them, we could hear unmistakable shore sounds--the barking of dogs, the crowing of cocks, and according to some active imaginations, even the bell of a trolley car. at one o'clock we were wakened by the call, "all hands on the cat falls." we slipped out of our "dream bags" with the best grace we could muster, and went forward to pull up the anchor to its place on the forecastle deck. so we gave up the pleasant idea that we were to spend the night undisturbed, and the guns' crews of the watch on deck made themselves as comfortable as possible under the circumstances, on their wooden couch around the guns; viz., the deck. when the sun rose next morning, we found that land was plainly visible from the port side, and we soon learned that we were still in jamaican waters and would arrive at montego bay about ten o'clock. the programme was carried out to the dot. the "yankee" steamed into the beautiful bay, the crew "at quarters," in honor of the english man-of-war "indefatigable," which lay at anchor there, and we had hardly let down our anchor when a fleet of "bumboats" came chasing out to us. though an american warship had never visited this port before, we seemed to be recognized by these enterprising marine storekeepers as easy prey. the native "bumboat" is a dugout affair very narrow for its length, and seemingly so cranky that we marvelled at the size of the sail carried. they brought fruits of all kinds, and tobacco, so we didn't stop to criticise their rig, but showed plainly that we were right glad to see them. the boatmen and women were all colored people and, like the race the world over, were most fantastically and gaily clothed. the women wore bright-hued calico dresses, and brighter bandana handkerchiefs on their heads. the men wore flaming neckties, gay shirts, and, in some cases, tall white or gray beaver hats. the boats were filled with yellow, green, and red fruits and brightly-colored packages of tobacco, the whole making a most vivid and brilliant display of color. the crew bought eagerly, regardless of price. limes, oranges, mangoes, bananas, and pineapples came over the side in a steady stream, while an equally steady, though smaller, stream of silver went back to the boats. it was a harvest day for the montego bay "bumboatmen." though we bought the fruits without hesitation, we bit into them gingerly, for, to most of us, many of them were strange. tom levalley brought me a mango and said that i could have it if i would sample it and tell what it was like. i accepted, for i had not been lucky enough to get near a boat to buy for myself. he handed me something that looked like a pear but was of the color of an orange. i was just about to bite into it when i chanced to look up. i saw that i was the target of all eyes. putting on a bold front, i sunk my teeth in the yellow rind. i found it was pleasant to the taste, but unlike anything that i had ever put in my mouth before. still the fellows gazed at me. was it a trick mango i had tackled so recklessly? i determined not to be stumped, and took a good big bite. in a moment, i discovered why i was the "observed of all observers." the last bite loosened a good deal of the peel, and the thing began to ooze. it oozed through my fingers and began to run down my sleeve; it dripped on my trousers and made an ineradicable stain; my face was smeared with it, my hands were sticky with it, my mouth was full of it, and still the blamed thing oozed. then the unfeeling crowd laughed. some one shouted "get under the hose." another yelled "swab ho," whereupon a none too clean deck swab was brought and applied to my face and hands, protests being unavailing. i afterwards remarked to tom that he had better try experiments on himself, or present me with a bathtub along with the next mango, and i have since learned that a distinguished person came to the same conclusion when first introduced to this deceitful fruit. we enjoyed our stay in this beautiful island port very much, and it was with great reluctance that we obeyed the order to "haul on the cat falls." as we were walking away with that heavy line, we saw a liberty party from the english warship start for shore in the ship's cutters, and we envied them with all our hearts. the town looked very attractive, set as it was on the side and at the base of a high hill, the red-tiled roofs of its houses showing against the graceful, green palm trees. on our left, a grove of cocoanut palms flourished, and beneath grazed a herd of cattle. soon the ship began to back out, and then, as the bay grew wider, she turned slowly and headed for the open. "lash your mess chests," said messenger "kid" to the berth deck cooks. "orders from the officer of the deck," he added. he turned to us, who were standing by the open port. "i guess we'll have a lively time of it, for i heard 'cutlets' say the barometer is dropping at a terrible rate." the "kid" scurried further aft to give the order to the boatswain's mates and master-at-arms. we looked out to seaward and noted the black sky and the rising wind. "i guess you 'heroes' will have a chance to show what right you have to be called seamen," said "stump," mimicking "cutlets." chapter xiv. we engage in a sea fight. "watch on deck, put on your oilers," shouted the boatswain's mates. the order came none too soon, for as the last man ran up the companion-way ladder, the rain began to drop in sheets. the rising wind drove the rain in our faces with stinging force, and we were soon wet as drowned rats. the white-capped seas raced alongside, and the "yankee" heaved and tossed like a bucking bronco. the lookouts at the masthead swayed forward and back, to and fro, dizzily, and the officer of the deck on the bridge had difficulty in keeping his feet. the pots and pans in the galley banged noisily, and ever and anon the screw was lifted out of the water, and for a few turns shook the ship from stern to stem with its accelerated speed. a number of men who had partaken too freely of tropical fruits manned the rail and seemed too much interested in the seething water below to notice the rain that was dripping down their necks. for a time, things were very lively aboard the old hooker, and, though in the main unpleasant, the grandeur of the sea in the tempest made up for all discomforts. the flash of the lightning, the roar of the thunder, the hum and whistle of the wind through the rigging, and the swish of the seas as they dashed themselves to spray against the sides of the ship--all this made an impressive chorus, more stirring even than the roar of cannon and the shriek of shell. when "hammocks" was blown by the ship's bugler at a quarter to seven, we found it difficult to make our way forward to the nettings. one moment we were toiling up the deck's steep incline; the next, the ship would bury her prow, and we were rushing forward pell mell. the boat seemed to be endowed with diabolical intelligence that night. a man might, perchance, stoop to tie his shoe or examine a freshly stubbed toe, when the ship would seem to divine that she had him at a disadvantage, and would leap forward so that he would immediately stand on his head, or affectionately and firmly embrace a convenient stanchion. "pride cometh before a fall," and the man who thought he had caught the swing and could walk a chalk line on the deck, soon found that the old boat knew a new trick or two, and in a twinkling of an eye he was sawing the air frantically with his arms, in his efforts to keep his balance. though the force of the tropical storm was soon spent, the sea continued high, and locomotion was difficult. the hammocks were given out by the "hammock stowers" of the watch on duty. they called out the numbers stenciled on our "dream bags," and the owners stepped forward and claimed them. as soon as a man secured his hammock he immediately slung it in place, unlashed it, and arranged the blankets to his liking. a group gathered around the capstan aft, after the hammock ceremony had been completed. some one said, "i'm glad i can sleep in a hammock a night like this; the heave of the ship will be hardly felt." "yes," responded the "kid," "i wouldn't swap my 'sleeping bag' for the captain's bed, to-night." "that reminds me," said "stump." "speaking of beds--when we were in new york a friend of mine came aboard to see me. he had a sister, but left her at home." "you can thank your lucky stars he did. if she'd seen your weary, coal-covered visage, you could not even have been a brother to her," interrupted "hay." "i guess you're right," responded "stump," with an appreciative grin. "anyhow, she did not come. so when her brother got home she plied him with questions--this he wrote me afterwards--wanted to know how i looked, asked what the ship was like, inquired about our food, and then she questioned him about my stateroom. was it prettily decorated? whose photograph occupied the place of honor on my dressing table? "billy, my friend," explained "stump," "is a facetious sort of chap, so he told her that of course such a large crew could not _all_ have staterooms, but _i_ had a very nice one, that could be folded when not in use, and put to one side out of the way. it was made of canvas, he said, so constructed that it would always swing with the ship, and so keep upright in a rolling sea. "she listened intently, and finally broke out enthusiastically: 'how nice!' "billy almost had a fit at that, and i nearly had, when i read his letter." we all laughed heartily and trooped below to enjoy a few hours' sleep in our "folding staterooms." the next day dawned bright and clear, and warm; with nothing to remind us of the storm of the night before except the seedy look on the faces of some of the "heroes" who were prone to seasickness. the sun had not been up many hours when the masthead lookout shouted, "sail ho!" to which the officer of the deck replied, "where away?" "dead ahead, sir. looks like one of the vessels of the fleet, sir." and so we joined the squadron again, after an absence of twenty-four hours. nothing had occurred while we were away. cervera's fleet was still "bottled up" in santiago harbor, and the american fleet held the cork so effectively that even a torpedo boat could not get out. after preparing the ship for the usual sunday inspection, and arraying ourselves in clean whites, polished shoes, and stockings, we thought we had done all the work that would be required of us for the day. but when the gig returned, bringing the skipper from the flagship, we learned that we were to get under way right after dinner, and steam to the westward. after "turn to" was sounded at : o'clock, we noted a long string of signal flags flying from the signal yard, which we found requested permission from the flagship to proceed at once. as the affirmative pennant on the "new york" slowly rose to its place on the foremast, the "yankee's" jingle bell sounded, and the ship began to gather headway. at "afternoon quarters"-- : --a drill, new to us, was taught; called by the officers "physical drill," and by the men "rubber-necking." we hardly felt the need of exercise. the swinging of a swab and use of sand and canvas, to say nothing of "scrub and wash clothes" before breakfast, seemed to us sufficient work to keep our muscles in good condition; but it is one of the axioms in the navy that "satan finds some mischief still for idle hands to do," so the men were soon lined up--sufficient space being given each man to allow him to swing his arms, windmill fashion, without interfering with his neighbor. a regular calisthenic exercise was gone through, such as may be seen in gymnasiums all over the country; but instead of a steady, even floor, upon which it would be quite easy to stand tiptoe, on one foot, or crouched with bended knees, it was quite a different matter to do these "stunts" on the constantly rolling deck. at the order, "knee stoop, one," we bent our knees till we sat on our heels. "heads up, hands on the hips, there!" said mr. greene of our division, as some one obeyed an almost irresistible impulse to keep his balance by putting out his hand. the man obeyed, but at that instant the ship gave a lurch, and the poor chap fell over on his head and almost rolled down the berth-deck hatch. the laugh that followed was promptly suppressed, and though the exercise was not carried out with a great deal of grace or ease, mr. greene seemed to be satisfied with the first attempt. we steamed along all the afternoon past the coast of cuba and within plain sight of the beautiful, surf-rimmed beach. we looked for signs of the enemy, but not a living thing could be seen. not a sign of human habitation; not an indication that any human being had ever set foot on this desolate land. so beautiful, so grand, so lonely was it that we longed to go ashore and shout, just to set a few echoes reverberating in the hills. toward night, we turned seaward, and the land was lost to view; at the same time the "yosemite," manned by the michigan naval reserves, who had accompanied us thus far, dropped out of sight in the haze. she was bound for jamaica. a ship painted the "war color" now in vogue in the united states navy, will disappear as if by magic when dusk comes on. the lead color makes any object covered with it invisible in half light or a haze. there had been much speculation during the day and evening as to our probable destination, but we remained in ignorance until the next morning, when it became known that our orders were to call at the port of cienfuegos, a prominent city of southern cuba, some three hundred and thirty miles from santiago. it was reported that the object of our visit was to intercept and capture a blockade runner said to be aiming for that port. the news received an enthusiastic welcome fore and aft. the billet of "fleet messenger" was becoming tiresome. the land had been sighted at two bells (nine o'clock), and all hands were looking for cienfuegos, but it was past one before the mouth of the harbor was gained. the "yankee's" crew were at regular quarters at the time, but a hurried order to dismiss and clear ship for action sent the different guns' crews scurrying to their stations. to add to the interest, word came from the bridge to train the guns aft and to do everything possible to disguise the cruiser. "we are to masquerade as a blooming merchantman," chuckled "dye." "this reminds me of my boyhood days when i read pirate stories. do you remember that yarn about kydd, where he rigged painted canvas about his ship and hid all the ports, 'stump'? it was great. the whole piratical crew, with the exception of a dozen men, kept below, and when a poor unfortunate ship came along, the bloodthirsty villains captured her." "i wish they had caught you at the same time," retorted "stump." "then we wouldn't be bothered with your infernal cackle. here, give me a hand with this mess chest." by this time the task of preparing for action was an old story, and we made short work of it. the call to "general quarters" followed without delay, and, as we prepared the battery for action, word came from above that a large gunboat, showing spanish colors, was leaving the harbor in our direction. "which means a scrap of the liveliest description," muttered tommy. "they evidently take us for a trader without guns, and they'll attack us sure." boom! a six-pounder gave voice from the spar deck, instantly followed by a five-inch breechloader in the waist. number eight was loaded, and "hay," who held the firing lanyard, snatched another sight, then stood erect with left hand in the air. "ready, sir," he called out to the officer of the division. "fire!" came the reply promptly. with the word a vicious report shook the deck, and the gun muzzle vanished in a cloud of smoke. eager hands opened the breech, others inserted another cartridge, there was a shifting of the training lever, a turn of the elevating wheel, then "hay" stood back once more, and coolly made the electrical connection. following the second report came a dull, booming sound, apparently from a distance. we eyed one another significantly. "it's a fort," quoth "dye." "we've got to tackle both sea and land forces." presently, while we were hard at work sending shots at the spanish gunboat, which was in lively action a short distance away, we became aware of a peculiar whirring noise--a sound like the angry humming of a swarm of hornets. it would rise and fall in volume, then break off short with a sharp crash. suddenly, while glancing through the port, i saw something strike the surface, sending up a great spurt of water. it was followed by a dull, muffled report which seemed to shake the ship. it was a shell! "whiz! they are coming pretty fast," remarked flagg. "that last one didn't miss us by a dozen yards." "this isn't santiago shooting," put in tommy. "these beggars know how to aim." during the next ten minutes the fighting was fast and furious. it was load and fire and load again without cessation. there was the old trouble in regard to the smoke, and half the time we had to aim blindly. notwithstanding that fact, "hay" did so well that word came from captain brownson complimenting him warmly. the "yankee" seemed to be the centre of a series of eruptions. the spanish shells kept the water continually boiling, and with the splashing of each projectile there would arise a geyser-like fountain accompanied by a muffled explosion which could be plainly felt on board the ship. [illustration: "there was temporary confusion"] it was the first real naval battle experienced by us--the bombardment of santiago being of an entirely different calibre--and it needed only the grewsome setting of surgeons and wounded and blood to make it complete. that soon came. we of number eight gun were working at our stations, so intent on our duties that the uproar of shot and shell outside claimed little attention, when suddenly there came a louder explosion than usual directly in front of the open port. there was a blinding flash, a puff of stifling smoke, and then kennedy, who was just approaching the gun with a shell, staggered back, and almost fell to the deck. tommy, the first captain, made a gesture as if brushing something from his breast, and then leaped to the injured man's assistance. "it was a piece of shell," cried "stump." "it came through the port." there was temporary confusion. the surgeon and his assistants came on a run, but before they could reach the spot, kennedy recovered and advanced to meet them. he presented a horrible spectacle, with his face and neck and body spattered with blood, and we who were nearest saw that he had been frightfully wounded in the left shoulder. notwithstanding that fact, he remained cool and steady, and never made the slightest indication that he was suffering. when he finally disappeared down the berth-deck ladder we exchanged glances of surprise and sympathy. "that isn't kennedy," murmured "stump," softly. "we didn't know him after all," said "hay." "poor devil! i hope he isn't badly injured." "he has been in the hardest kind of luck since we left new york," spoke up tommy. "seasick half the time, always in trouble, and bucking against homesickness and everything else. and now he has to be wounded. it's a shame." our thoughts were with our comrade as we served the gun, and when word came a few moments later that he was doing fairly well, we could hardly repress a cheer. there was little time, however, for displaying emotion. we were right in the thick of the fight, and the "yankee's" battery was being worked to the limit. it seemed as if the air fairly reeled with the noise and clamor of combat. shells buzzed and shrieked about us, and smoke gathered in thick, stifling clouds all about the ship. while we were laboring, stripped to the waist, and trying our utmost to disable or sink the spanish gunboat, an incident was occurring on deck which seemed more fitted for the pages of a novel than those of a story of facts. it was a display of daredevil courage seldom equalled in warfare. the lad whom we familiarly termed the "kid" was the central figure and the hero. the diary of no. of the after port gun, from which this narrative is taken, says of him: "'kid' thompson is the ship's human mascot and all-round favorite with officers and men. his bump of respect is a depression, but his fund of ready wit and his unvarying good nature are irresistible. he is eighteen years of age, and is a 'powder monkey' on number sixteen, a six-pounder on the spar deck. this gun and number fifteen were the last to obey the order to cease firing during the bombardment of santiago." during the fight with the spanish gunboat it chanced that the port battery was not engaged for a brief period, so the "kid," with the rest of number sixteen crew, were at rest. to better see the shooting the "kid" climbed upon the after wheel-house roof. the shells from the gunboat and the forts were dropping all around, fore and aft, port and starboard; they whistled through the rigging, and exploded in every direction, sending their fragments in a veritable hail of metal on all sides. the fact that the "yankee" had so far escaped injury aroused in the "kid's" breast a feeling of the utmost contempt for the spanish gunners. coolly standing upon his feet, he assumed the pose of a baseball player, and holding a capstan bar in his hands, called out tauntingly: "here, you dagoes, give me a low ball, will you? put 'em over the plate!" as a shell would fly past with a shriek, he would strike at it, shouting at the same time: "put 'em over the plate, i say. do you expect me to walk up to the fo'c's'le to get a rap at 'em? hi, there! wake up!" then as a shot fell short, he laughed: "look at that drop, will you? do you think i'm going to dive for it?" a moment later a shell flew past so close that the windage almost staggered him, but the daring lad only cried banteringly: "that's more like it. one more a little closer and i'll show you a home run worth seeing." and so it went until he was espied from the bridge and peremptorily ordered down. in the meantime, while this little episode was in progress, we on the gun deck were laboring without cessation. a dozen shots had been fired from number eight alone, when suddenly another fort secured the range, and began a deadly fusillade. the situation was becoming extremely serious! chapter xv. coaling in the tropics. the well-directed fire of the forts at the entrance to cienfuegos was rapidly making the "yankee's" position untenable, and it soon became apparent that we would have to give way before overwhelming odds. fifteen minutes after the battle began between the spanish gunboat and the "yankee," the former beat a hasty retreat, steaming back into the harbor. it was plainly evident, however, that she had been badly hulled, as she yawed wildly while passing from sight behind the headlands. this of itself was victory enough for the present, and at the end of twenty minutes' firing, we withdrew out of range. our object in the first place was, as we ascertained from forward during the day, to intercept a spanish blockade runner, the "purissima concepcion"; so we laid off the harbor and waited for the coming of the ship, which was supposed to have left jamaica for cienfuegos. the day was spent in cleaning up after our brief but lively battle, and when night came, we were again shipshape. shortly after daybreak the following morning, the lookout aloft reported that a steamer, evidently a man-of-war, was emerging from the harbor. the crew were called to "general quarters" at once, and every preparation made to give the stranger a lively reception. she proved, however, to be the german warship "geier" bound for santiago. "in time of peace prepare for war" is a good adage, but the reverse is also true. peaceful pursuits are of a necessity carried out even in the face of the enemy. at "evening quarters" new hammocks were doled out, and all hands were instructed to scrub the old ones next morning and turn them in. by this time we had become quite expert laundrymen, but we had never tackled a stiff canvas hammock, and the prospect was far from pleasant; the following morning, however, we learned how to perform this final feat of cleansing; after which we felt qualified to wash anything--from a handkerchief to a circus tent. as "hay" said, "i feel equal to applying for the position of general housework man, if i lose my job. i can sew--you ought to see the elegant patch i put on the seat of my old blues--i can 'scrub and wash' clothes, i can sweep beautifully, i can make a bed with neatness and despatch. and i have been known to get on my knees and scrub the deck." "you're not the only one," growled bill. "why, even 'dirty greene' escapes the aforetime customary 'calling down.'" greene was a clever fellow, a student at harvard, the owner of a yacht, and a good sailor, but his college education did not help him to get his clothes clean. that was a study that had been left out of his university curriculum. the consequence was that he, with a good many others, was "called down" at every inspection. "greene is getting it in the neck now," said his friend "steve"; "but i think he will get even some day with his cousin, the lieutenant of his division." "how's that?" we chorused. "why, you see he owns a schooner yacht. and his cousin, the lieutenant, is very fond of sailing and never fails to accept an invitation to go cruising on her. some day when the lieutenant is aboard, greene will look him over and discover that his shoes are not polished, that his hair has not been combed properly, or his white duck trousers are not immaculate. he will then be sent below in disgrace to repair these faults, and our friend greene will have the merry ha! ha! on him. 'he who laughs last, laughs best.'" we one and all wished we owned yachts and could invite some of the other officers--"cutlets" in particular. blockading duty is monotonous work, though the strain on the lookouts is intense. during the day, a bright lookout must be kept for the lightest tinge of smoke on the horizon, and at night for the faintest glimmer of light, or a deeper shadow on the rim of the ocean that would betray a ship. it was tuesday night, and time hung heavy on our hands. eight bells had not sounded, and, though hammocks had been given out, neither watch could turn in. it was with particular glee, therefore, that we welcomed the news that "steve" had composed an up-to-date verse to his "tommy atkins" song. after some persuasion--for he is a modest chap--he consented to sing it for us. "the first two verses of this song were writ before we sailed away for cuba's isle; and since that time the spaniards we have fit, and chased their gunboats many a weary mile. we've heard the bullets whistling overhead. we've heard the shells fly by and called it sport, and down at cienfuegos we proved ourselves courageous by tackling both a gunboat and a fort. chorus. "now we'd _like_ to run a ferry, all along the jersey shore; fighting spaniards, it is very nice, but we don't want--no more. we would give our bottom dollar, and of that you need not fear, just to hear the masthead holler brooklyn navy yard is here." "that's very good, 'steve,'" said greene, "but i can't quite agree to that line: 'fighting spaniards it is very nice, but we don't want--no more.' i'd like to have a few more raps at 'em." "you are such a bloodthirsty chap," said flagg, "you slam the charges into your old number seven as if you would like to wipe out the whole enemy with one fell swoop." "well," replied greene, thoughtfully, "a man does get awfully excited when the guns begin to bark." and every one of us knew exactly how he felt. we maintained a close vigil until the sixteenth of june--two days later--then sailed for santiago. shortly after entering port we were informed that the spanish gunboat with which we had been engaged off cienfuegos had sunk, sent to the bottom by our fire; a bit of news highly appreciated. our stay in santiago was short, the "yankee" leaving for guantanamo the next day at eleven o'clock. on reaching the latter port we found evidences of a considerable change in the condition of affairs. on our former visit, as the reader will remember, we had engaged in an interesting argument with a gunboat, a blockhouse, and a fort, driving the boat back into the harbor and silencing the fort. the good work done that day had borne fruit. on entering the bay we found several of our vessels quietly riding at anchor--the "oregon," "marblehead," "dolphin" (of railway-train fame), the ambulance ship "solace," the "panther," "suwanee," and three or four colliers and despatch boats. but that which attracted our instant attention and brought an involuntary cheer from us, was the sight of old glory, flaunting proudly from a tall flagstaff erected on the site of the former spanish blockhouse. "hurray!" shouted "stump," "it's the first american flag to fly over cuba. and we dug the hole to plant it." "that's right," assented "dye." "we are the people." "what's that camp on top of the hill?" queried flagg, indicating a number of tents gleaming in dots of white against the background of green foliage. "it is the marine camp," explained "hay." "didn't you hear about it in santiago? why, man, it's the talk of the fleet. the marine corps has been adding to its laurels again. the other day eight hundred of them landed from the 'panther' and fairly swept the place of spaniards, fighting against three times their number. it was great." "the marines have a fine record," put in tommy. "i've been shipmates with them for years, and i am free to confess that they always do their duty." "and are always faithful," remarked "dye." "that's their motto, 'semper fidelis.' they have lived up to it in every war. they antedate the navy, you know." "how's that?" asked the "kid," who was willing to absorb knowledge at times. tommy produced an ancient book from his ditty box, and proceeded to read an extract in a loud, sonorous voice. it was as follows: "resolved, that two battalions of marines be raised, consisting of one colonel, two lieutenant-colonels, two majors, and other officers, as usual in other regiments; that they consist of an equal number of privates with other battalions; that particular care be taken that no persons be appointed to offices or enlisted into said battalions but such as are good seamen, or so acquainted with maritime affairs as to be able to serve to advantage on sea when required, that they be enlisted and commissioned to serve for and during the present war with great britain and the colonies, unless dismissed by order of congress, that they be distinguished by the names of the first and second battalions of marines." "the date of that resolution," added tommy, with the air of a schoolmaster impressing a particular point, "is november , , which was before any naval vessel had been sent to sea by the continental congress. so you see the marines can claim priority in point of service." "and priority in point of landing in cuba," added "hod." "here's to them." our discussion on the subject of marines was cut short by a summons to coal ship, a task which had come to form the greatest thorn in the flesh of all on board the "yankee." the ship was run alongside the collier "sterling," and the port watch was set to work at once. from four to six and from eight to twelve p.m., and from four to eight the next morning the port watch shovelled, hoisted, and carried coal. coaling in the tropics is a very different thing from similar work in northern latitudes. the exertion of shovelling, or lifting the heavy baskets, added to the intense heat of the weather, makes of it a task extremely trying even to those of the strongest physique. during the time thus spent in guantanamo two of the "yankee's" crew were overcome by heat and exhaustion, and compelled to ask for medical attendance. our appearance beggared description. the exertion brought out a profuse perspiration on our half-naked bodies, to which the coal-dust stuck, thick and black. the black rubbed off in spots, showing the white skin beneath, the result being a most ludicrous mottled effect. a dime museum manager would make a fortune if he could have exhibited some of us as the piebald wild men from guantanamo. it was not till afterward, however, that we could appreciate the humor of our looks. during the thick of the work we were too busy to note the funny side of things; in fact, we felt quite sure that there was nothing funny about it. it is impossible to awaken the sense of humor in a man who is plying a heavy shovel in the hold of a collier, or lugging a weighty basket, while the temperature is soaring to unknown altitudes. the ship had to be supplied with fuel, however, and as the crew had neglected to ingratiate themselves with a good-natured fairy to wish it aboard for them, they had to do the work with the best grace possible. during a "spell" of resting, "hay," who was a bit of a philosopher in his way, glanced about decks at the groups of panting, perspiring men, and remarked: "it would be an object lesson to some of our friends in new york if they were to see us now. just look at those fellows. not one had ever before been compelled by ill-fortune to soil his hands with toil, yet when war threatened, and it was necessary to man ships in their country's service, they cheerfully took upon themselves the labor's of a common sailor, and not only fought for the flag, but worked hard for it in menial tasks." "menial tasks is good," said "dye," ruefully eyeing the baskets piled high with coal. "self-laudation is bad form," spoke up flagg, "but i think the naval reserves who are manning the different auxiliary cruisers--the 'yosemite,' 'prairie,' 'dixie,' 'badger,' 'yankee,' and the monitors--as well as those serving on board the regular ships, should be given credit for their patriotism." "the boys will get it when the time comes," remarked "stump," confidently. "and while we are waiting we'll just carry a little more coal. get in line there." kennedy, all this time, was bearing up under his trouble splendidly, and when the launch of the hospital ship "solace" came alongside to take him away, we could hardly repress a cheer. he was lowered over the side in a chair. as the launch steamed away, carrying kennedy and two other shipmates who had been overcome by heat, there was a lump in many a throat. it was not until almost dark the next day that the bunkers were filled. at three bells (half-past five o'clock) we dropped the collier and steamed to sea en route down the coast. shortly after ten the "yankee" passed the fleet off santiago. the electric searchlights in use on the ships nearer shore made a particularly brilliant display. the rays were turned directly upon the entrance to the harbor, and it was plainly evident that not even a small boat could emerge without being discovered. all day sunday we steamed out of sight of land, our course being to the westward and our speed a good fourteen knots. for four hours in the morning we scrubbed the gun deck, washed the white paint work with fresh water and soap, scrubbed the deck with stiff "kiyi" brushes, and polished off the bright work. by noon the deck had its pristine immaculate look. we were in the midst of the sloppy job when "forecastle murray" (one of the murray twins--they looked so much alike that the invariable greeting in the morning was "how are you, murray--or are you your brother?") came aft for a bucket of fresh water. "what do you think of this?" he inquired pugnaciously. "here we are scrubbing this blooming gun deck to beat the band, cleaning up the dirt of a two day's coaling, and now, forsooth, we are ploughing through the water at a fourteen or fifteen knot gait and burning up that coal almost as fast as we put it in." he disappeared up the galley ladder, grumbling as he went. "another county heard from," said "stump." "it does seem rather tough, but here goes"--he gave a vicious jerk to the hose he was handling and the stream caught "hay" full in the neck, whereupon "hay" saw to it that "stump" had a salt-water bath. by the time "mess gear" was piped, the ship was very clean, so during the afternoon we were left largely to our own devices. some wrote letters, though the possibility of sending them or of receiving answers was very remote. others gathered in little knots and read or sewed, and still others took advantage of the time to "caulk off" and make up some lost sleep. and so passed another sunday. though we might not have a religious service we were certainly cleanly, and, therefore, at the worst, not far from godly. nothing of interest occurred until early monday morning. several minutes before "mess gear" was due, a lookout at the masthead reported smoke in sight off the starboard bow. the engine room was signalled for full steam, and the "yankee" sped away in chase. "it's our day for scrapping," said "stump." "we've had more fighting on monday than on any other day of the week. i wonder if it's a spanish cruiser?" "it is heading for trinidad, whatever it is," remarked "hay." "do you see that sloping hill just ahead? it marks the entrance to the little port of trinidad. if i am not mistaken we'll find a gunboat or two in the harbor." [illustration: "the fusillade was lively"] "hay" proved to be a prophet. an hour later, on rounding a point of land, we came upon a small, armed launch steaming about near an old-time roofed-in gunboat which was riding at anchor in the harbor. as soon as we hove in sight the gunboat and launch opened fire. it was at long range, however, and the projectiles merely stirred up the water a mile away. as the "yankee's" guns replied, a two-masted steamer made her appearance from within the harbor and vanished behind the keys. the fusillade was lively, we firing fully one hundred rounds, but there was little damage done. after a time, the launch retreated, and we went outside for the night. "it's the last of that scrap," remarked tommy, the boatswain's mate, as he piped down. "we haven't any time to devote to such small fry." chapter xvi. "remember the fish." the following morning, after "all hands," the "yankee" started westward along the coast. cienfuegos was passed, and presently the cruiser was taken nearer shore. the lookouts were told to keep watch for horsemen riding near the beach. this order aroused our flagging interest, and the majority of men on board maintained a careful scrutiny of the white strip of land just beyond the breakers. it was not until noon, however, that our search was rewarded. it was just after passing a deep inlet that one of the lookouts espied a group of men gathered near the water's edge. there seemed to be a number of them, and not far away could be seen a blue and white flag flying from a small staff. the engines were stopped, and a boat officered by lieutenant duncan, and carrying "hay" as interpreter, went ashore. "hay" had spent several years in the west indies and was thoroughly familiar with the spanish language. as he was unique in that respect on board the ship, he often did duty as interpreter. the boat landed in a little cove. after parleying for a while, one of the landing party was seen to wigwag. a few moments later the boat returned, bringing three cubans, one of whom was the cuban governor of matanzas. the others were a captain and commander respectively. "hay" was immediately surrounded and asked to describe what he saw ashore. "i have had the honor of photographing a detachment of the cuban army of liberation," he replied, quizzically. "to tell the truth, it looked like a part of coxey's army. there were about thirty of them, and the clothing of the whole outfit wouldn't supply a new england farmer with a season's scarecrow. they carried guns of all descriptions, some of them with the barrels sawed off short like cavalry carbines; and not one of the men looked as if he knew the meaning of a square meal." "like washington's army at valley forge, eh?" observed levalley, joining the group. "yes, and they are fighting for their liberty, too." "how did they like being photographed?" asked tommy. "tickled to death. when i asked them to line up they almost fell over each other. next to eating, i think the poor devils love to have their pictures taken. they were just like children, and when i pressed the button they stood round waiting for the photograph to drop from the kodak." "reminds me of the cubans of puerto principe when the railway was built to that place," put in "zere," the chief quartermaster. "a temporary roundhouse had been constructed, and when the first locomotive reached the city and was placed in it to be cleaned, all the natives from miles around gathered there. they crowded the windows and doors and were evidently waiting for something. finally the engineer asked one of them what he wanted to see. 'we watch for mule to come out,' was the startling reply." "mule?" echoed flagg. "yes, that was the only motive power known to them," grinned "zere." "they thought even a yankee engine must have a mule somewhere inside." "that's like the natives of guatemala," spoke up "hop," the messenger. "when the street cars were introduced it was the usual thing for a native wishing to ride, to mount the platform and knock politely on the door. some one inside would rise and open it, and then the native would enter and shake hands all round." "fancy doing that on a broadway cable car," laughed "stump." our imagination was not strong enough for that. the cuban guests remained with us for several hours, then went ashore, together with a boat-load of provisions contributed by the ship. the whaleboat returned to the ship when the watch on deck had just been piped to supper. the other watch, therefore, had the job of pulling her up. the steady tramp, tramp, began and the boat slowly rose up foot by foot, till it was level with the rail, then there was a sudden jar and a crash. in an instant six men of the crew were in the water, while the boat floated away by itself. there was a rush of feet on deck, loud shouts and cries of "throw them a rope," "set adrift the life buoy," "where's that life belt?" and the like. the men at mess jumped up, overturning cups and plates and dishes of food. one forecastle man pulled off his jumper and dove in to help. the sea ladder was put over the side and "long tommy" went down it, taking with him a piece of line; this he slipped under the arms of rowland, the forecastle man, who had struck an oar on the way down, and was hurt. the man was soon hauled up on deck. the other four were also rescued. one went floating calmly off on the life buoy and was picked up by the gig, and the rest caught rope-ends and were safely hauled aboard, none the worse for their involuntary bath. lines were coiled down again, the sea ladder unshipped and put in its place, and soon all was quiet and shipshape again--but we discovered that two spit kits and a monkey-wrench had been thrown overboard to aid the sinking sailors. "it's an ill wind that blows nobody good," quoted the "kid," who happened to be sweeper that week. "i won't have to polish the brass on _those_ kits again." shortly after the return of the last boat, smoke was sighted to seaward. the crew was called to general quarters without delay, and our ship steamed out to investigate. after a brief but exciting chase, we discovered that the supposed enemy was the auxiliary cruiser "dixie," a sister ship of the "yankee." she was manned by the maryland naval reserves, and her armament was composed of six-inch breechloading rifles, not of the rapid-fire class. it soon became evident that her commanding officer, commander davis, was superior in rank to commander brownson, and he took charge of affairs at once. captain brownson was rowed over to the "dixie" to pay his respects, and on his return a rumor that we were to be relieved of coast patrol duty by the "dixie" and to proceed to key west, went through the ship like wildfire. tom levalley brought the news to a group of us gathered on the after gun deck. we were just discussing the peculiar, and apparently ridiculous, degrees of etiquette found among naval officers in general, as exemplified by the ranking of commander davis over commander brownson. "they are both commanders," tommy was explaining, "but commander davis happens to rank commander brownson by sixteen numbers in the official list. both entered the service november , , and--" "whoop!" down the ladder charged levalley, wildly flourishing his cap. he stopped in front of us and gasped: "hurrah! we're going--going to the united states, fellows." "what's up?" demanded "stump." "the 'dixie'--" "yes?" "she's to relieve us, and we are ordered to key west and then to new york. we're going--" "rats!" broke in "hay," in disgust. "you can't give us any game like that. it's a rumor, my boy. we're never going home. the 'yankee' is the modern 'flying dutchman,' and--" at that moment the "kid" appeared in sight, and his beaming face convinced us. it was glorious news, but not one of us felt like cheering. our emotions were too deep for that. the mere prospect of seeing home again was enough pleasure for the moment, and we were content to talk quietly over the welcome possibility of soon meeting relatives and friends. the "yankee" was destined, however, to experience a little more service before dropping anchor in home waters. for several days we cruised along the coast between casilda and cienfuegos. we came to know it very well; every ravine in the mountains was familiar, every inlet in the coral-bound shore known to us. it began to grow monotonous. time lay rather heavy on our hands, but not too heavy, for we were put to work, two guns' crews at a time, coaling in a new and torrid fashion: the coal in the after hold had not all been taken out during the northern cruise, so it was decided to pack it in bags, two hundred pounds to a bag, carry it forward and stack it in an unused ballast tank. number six and number eight guns' crews were among the first to engage in this pleasant occupation. we found heat enough below to supply a good-sized house all winter, so clothing seemed unnecessary. we stripped to the waist, "cumming," a member of number six gun's crew, remarking that he thought a cool glance and a frozen smile would be sufficient in such a warm climate. the work was hard and dirty and the heat terrific. we saw no necessity for the transfer. jack never can see the need of work unless it happens that some other crew is doing it. we cheered ourselves, however, by singing "there's a hot time in the old ship to-day." while we lay close inshore, the "dixie" cruised outside, and toward evening the two vessels met, and together we went to casilda, a port near trinidad. we stood by while the "dixie" threw a few shells into the fort. two days later the "yankee" parted from her consort and proceeded to the isle of pines. it was here one of the most laughable incidents of the cruise occurred. while steaming past one of the outlying islands, a small fleet of fishing sloops was discovered at anchor inshore. under ordinary circumstances such unimportant craft would not have been molested, but in the present case it was suspected that they formed part of the fleet supplying fish to the havana market. to destroy them was our bounden duty. "man the starboard fo'c'sle six-pounder and fire a shell in their direction," ordered the captain from the bridge. the gun was loaded in short order, and presently a projectile went screeching across the water, dropping with a splash near the largest sloop. several small rowboats were seen to pull away from the smacks, and it was evident the crews had fled in terror. directly after dinner, the "yankee's" first cutter and the second whaleboat were ordered away, manned and armed. a colt machine gun was placed in the bow of the former, and each carried an extra squad of armed marines. when the expedition returned it had in tow five decked sloops, one of which contained a quantity of fresh fish. orders were given to attach the latter to our stern, and to fire the others and set them adrift. before this was done, however, enough fish to supply the wardroom and cabin messes were taken out. "the crew can have its share to-morrow," quoth the captain. the "crew" waited impatiently, but when the morrow came it was found that, through some one's blunder, the sloop containing the fish had been burned, and an empty one towed to sea with us. the joke, if it might be so termed, was on the crew. the watchword heretofore on the "yankee," as on every one of uncle sam's ships, had been "remember the maine." hereafter it was "remember the fish." this was done so persistently that the officer who was responsible for the blunder was dubbed "fish," and whenever he went near any member of the crew he was likely to hear, in a low tone, "remember the fish." after leaving the isle of pines the eastern shore of cuba was rounded and a straight run made for key west. at noon on the th of june, just twenty-nine days after the "yankee" sailed from new york, we again entered a home port. the time was brief as time goes, but our varied experiences in foreign waters made the sight of the stars and stripes flaunting over american soil particularly pleasing. as we neared our anchorage the most entrancing rumors were rife. we were to get shore liberty without doubt, and the ship was to be coaled by outside labor. we took no stock in the latter rumor till an officer voiced it--then we believed. our clean blues were furbished up, lanyards scrubbed, and money counted. we understood that there was little to see at key west; that it was a dull and uninteresting place. still it was land, and we had not set foot ashore for almost three months. if we had not been so anxious to get ashore we might have been able to appreciate the marine picture. the harbor, if it could be called a harbor, was full of war vessels, prizes, and colliers. three grim monitors tugged at their anchor chains, apparently impatient at the restraint, while a few graceful, clean-cut, converted yachts swung with the tide. the gunboat "wilmington," and the cruisers "newark" and "montgomery," floated with a bored air. in ship's language they said, why are we loafing here? why not be up and doing? the "lancaster," a fine old frigate, the flagship of the commodore, had a fatherly air and seemed to say: "be good and you will all have a chance." once more we got our shore-going clothes ready, only to be disappointed, and again the promises made to us proved elusive. the day following our arrival, we were told that no shore liberty would be given at key west, and while the reasons were all sufficient, a man who has set his mind on an outing ashore after a hundred days at sea, finds it somewhat hard to reconcile himself to the inevitable. one of the hardest, if not the hardest, thing we had to bear was the lack of letters and news from home. when one has been deprived of all tidings from his own people for so long the longing for word of them becomes almost unbearable. in the midst of our toughest work we felt that a letter from home would act like a strong tonic and brace us for the effort, and it would have done so. but no such balm came, though we eagerly scanned every incoming vessel for the signal "we have mail for you." now at last, though there might be tons on tons of coal to be put in at key west, though the ship might have to be scrubbed and painted from truck to water line, we felt certain we would get letters from home. letters that we ached for. and so when we sighted the fleet and old fort, and realized that we had reached key west and mail at last, our joy was too great for utterance. the whaleboat went ashore and brought back two bags of precious missives, with the sad news that eight bags had been sent on a despatch boat to the "yankee" at santiago. we were glad enough to get two bags, yet we almost gnashed our teeth when we thought of the eight fat pouches that were chasing us around the island of cuba. the mail was brought to the wardroom and dumped out on the table for the commissioned officers to sort and pick out their own letters. a news-hungry group stood the while at the doors, watching and mentally grumbling that such an awfully long time was being taken to accomplish so simple a thing. finally the master-at-arms was sent for and the worth-its-weight-in-gold mail turned over to him to distribute. to the gun deck poured the eager throng. the master-at-arms backed up against the scuttle-butt for protection, then shouted out: "let one man from each mess get the mail; the rest of you stand off, or you won't get any till to-morrow." the rest of us stood to one side then, realizing that time would be thus saved. "jimmy legs" called out the names, and the representatives of the different messes took them. we heard kennedy's name called, and a murmur of sympathy spread around. "poor chap," said one, "he would give the use of his wounded arm for that letter." "yes," said another; "he has to suffer homesickness as well as pain, and a letter from home would brace him up as nothing else could." every man took his treasures to a quiet place, a place apart, if such could be found, to enjoy them alone. the few who got none--well! may i never see such disappointed, sorrowful faces again. the letters read and pondered over awhile, tongues began to be loosened, and soon all over the ship was heard the buzz of conversation. chums told each other the little items of news that to them seemed the most important things in the world. and after all had been told and retold, the men gathered in groups and discussed their past months' experiences. "do you know," said craven (a descendant of that famous line of naval heroes, a seaman and member of number thirteen six-pounder gun's crew), "i think we are wonderfully fortunate to come through this experience as well as we have. just think! we have been under fire five times, and only one man has been injured. why," he continued, and his hearers nodded assent, "i used to have the most awful visions--thought i saw the men lying round our gun in heaps, while fresh ones jumped to take the places of the fallen." "and they would," said messenger "hop," who happened to be passing on his way aft to deliver an order. the "yankee" had seen some spirited fighting, though most of her crew had anticipated nothing more exciting than patrol duty. moreover, it was almost certain that we had not seen the end of active service. at present, however, the crew settled down once more to the monotony of ship life in port--which is about equivalent to garrison duty for a soldier. chapter xvii. in god's country. the "yankee's" stay in key west was marked by one of the most melancholy incidents of the cruise. thomas clinton levalley, one of the first of the new york naval reserves to respond to the call for volunteers, died from appendicitis in the hospital ashore, to which he had been removed for treatment. "tom," as he was familiarly called by his shipmates, was on board the "yankee" during the five engagements of that vessel, and proved himself loyal and steadfast on every occasion. he was well liked by the officers and men of the crew, and his death was deeply regretted by all. it was his fate to be the one member of the new york naval reserves to lose his life in the service of his country. when a big barge heaped high with coal came alongside and was made fast, we began to doubt the assurances given us, that the coal would be put in by outside labor. a tug hove in sight shortly afterward that caused our gloomy faces to light up with gladness, for it carried a gang of negroes. the tug made fast to the barge, and its living cargo was soon hard at work filling the ship's bunkers. all that afternoon we "lingered in the lap of luxury," as "bill" put it. at six o'clock our dusky (doubly dusky) coal heavers went ashore, their labor over for the day. though the workmen had left, the work was still to continue. the crew coaled till twelve o'clock, working in quarter watches. the following day another barge came alongside and part of the crew had to turn to and help the hired shovellers. "so much," said "stump," snapping his fingers, "for the officers' assurances." up to this time we did not _know_ where we were going. of course the "rumor committee" were ready with news of destinations galore. we were to return to our patrol duty, to join the flying squadron and threaten the coast towns of spain, to join the blockading squadron off havana. we were to do a dozen or more things just as probable or just as improbable. a coal barge still lay alongside the starboard side of the ship, when a lighter appeared and made fast to the port side, loaded with express packages, parts of machinery, pipes, and bags of mail for every ship on the santiago blockade. "now we will get those eight bags of mail," said a forecastle man, exultantly. and from that moment we knew we were going back to cuba. but like a good many people who think they know it all--we didn't. bunkers, holds--almost every available space, in fact, was filled with coal. then began the much dreaded job of painting. stages were hung over the side, each manned by two men, and with much reluctance we began to daub the old "yankee" with gray paint. the men were unaccustomed to such work, though some could handle the brushes sold in "artist's materials" shops well enough, and they spattered gray paint all over themselves. it was thought easier to wash skins than jumpers, so many were decorated in wonderful fashion. "you would make a 'professor of tattooing' wild with envy," said greene to "steve," as the latter appeared over the rail. "well, i don't know," retorted "steve," "i am thinking of reporting you for misappropriating government property. you've got more paint on yourself than you put on the ship." after a day and a half of dreary work we had the satisfaction of seeing the vessel's sides one uniform color from stem to stern. it was a big job for such a short time and our arms ached at the very thought of it. the sides painted, our attention was given to the decks. they were swabbed thoroughly, first with a damp swab, and after they were entirely dry the spar deck was covered with red shellac, this being applied with a wide varnish brush. the gun deck was then taken in hand and treated in the same way. by saturday night the ship was as fine as a "brand new jumping-jack before the baby sucked the paint off." some of the men still suffered from black-and-blue spots, which, however, a little turpentine liniment would have banished. rumors were rife that we would be bound for new york shortly, but few believed them; the circulators themselves certainly did not, of that we felt sure. "the idea!" said "mourner," who, though ready to swallow most rumoristic pills, could not manage this one. "go to new york with eighty bags of mail for the santiago fleet! i can see us doing it." [illustration: "the spar deck was covered with red shellac"] [illustration: "the marines aired their hammocks on the forecastle deck"] "taps" sounded at nine o'clock, and we were glad enough to turn in. when all hands were called, i rubbed my eyes in astonishment, for as i glanced out of the deadlight near which my hammock swung, i saw that we were under way and well out to sea. i put on my togs in a hurry, and after lashing and stowing my "dream bag," rushed on deck. yes, sure enough, we were at sea. "stump" came and grabbed me round the waist--he could hardly reach higher. "we're bound for new york," said he. "we met the 'st. paul' going in and the signal boys say we signalled, 'we have urgent orders to proceed to new york.' what do you think of that?" he added, breathlessly. "with eighty bags of mail for the santiago fleet," said i, thinking of the poor fellows who were longing with all their hearts for those same bags. "regular navy style," added "stump." though it was hard on our friends off santiago we could not be cast down, and the near prospect of liberty--of an opportunity to see home and friends, of again setting foot on shore--transformed the entire crew. everywhere could be seen smiling faces. laughter and merry chatter filled the air, and the rollicking songs written by "steve" and others were more in evidence than ever. the daily routine of work seemed lighter. there was no grumbling, no fault finding; even the interminable task of shifting coal was carried on with actual cheerfulness. grimy hands and blackened faces and tired bodies were forgotten. "there's a mighty good dinner waiting for me in the dear old house," exclaimed "stump," unctuously. "i can sniff it afar. and say, fellows, won't we forget--for a few hours at least--that such things as reveille and scrub and wash clothes and coal humping and salt-horse exist on earth?" "oh, good mr. captain, how long will it be before we hear the welcome call, 'shift into clean blue, the liberty party!' and find ourselves piling over the side," groaned "hay." "you will be glad enough to come back to your uncle samuel," grinned "steve." "when your time is up you will be waiting for the boat." "no doubt," replied flagg. "we will be ready to complete our time of service, but there are some, if rumor speaks the truth--" he finished with a significant wink. he referred to the many threats of "french leave" made by certain members of the crew--threats which did not materialize except in a very few cases. the disgruntled members of the "yankee's" crew were composed mainly of the "outside" men--men not of the naval reserves. among the latter, despite the unaccustomed hardships to which they were subjected, a firm determination existed to remain until lawfully mustered out. the trip from key west to new york was marked by only one important incident--the celebration of the fourth of july. it was unlike that familiar to the majority of the crew. there were no fireworks, no parades, nor bands playing the national anthem. the day opened squally, and sharp gusts of rain swept the decks. the usual routine of work was proceeded with, and it was not until eight bells (noon) that we fully realized the date. at exactly midday a salute of twenty-one guns was fired, and those of us who were super-patriotic, took off our caps in honor of the flag. that ended the ceremony. "never mind," said tommy, when one of the boys bewailed the meagre celebration, "never mind, shipmate. there's a good time coming when we can whoop 'er up for old glory as much as we please. then we'll make up for to-day. we can't expect to do much under these conditions, you know." the day following (a fine, _cool_, bright one, and how we did appreciate it!) was spent by all hands in getting the ship spick and span for the inspection of visitors, who were sure to be on hand to welcome us. the semi-weekly ceremony of airing hammocks and bedding was indulged in. the bugler blew "hammocks," whereupon all hands lined up to receive them from the stowers. they were then unlashed on the gun deck, and inspected by the officers of the different divisions, who ordered that they should be taken up to the spar deck. the blankets and mattresses were spread wherever sun and breeze could get at them. the rail, as well as the boats, was covered with them. red blankets flaunted in the breeze from the rigging till we resembled an anarchist emigrant ship. the marines aired their hammocks on the forecastle deck in the neighborhood of their guns. after an hour or two, the word was passed to "stow hammocks," and soon all was shipshape again. this duty was performed once or twice a week, the frequency depending on weather and circumstances. wednesday, july th, we passed sandy hook and entered new york harbor, just thirty-six days since we left it. as we made our way up the channel, a pilot boat hailed us and told us of sampson and schley's glorious victory over cervera. though our joy was great and our enthusiasm intense, we were greatly disappointed that we were not in at the death. we felt sure that if we had been there our skipper would have worked the old craft in near enough to have given us a shot. we steamed on up the bay and through the narrows, the happiest lot of jackies afloat. the captain of every vessel we met pulled his whistle cord until the steam gave out, and the passengers cheered and waved their handkerchiefs, or whatever came handy. the health officer passed us in a jiffy, and before eight bells struck we were safely at anchor off tompkinsville. it transpired that we had been sent north on account of a yellow fever scare. the health officer proved that the fear was groundless. again we set to work cleaning, scrubbing, polishing, and painting, so by the time our friends came crowding aboard, the ship was as neat as a new pin. the visitors--how glad we were to see them! only one who has looked danger in the face and realized that there might never be a home-coming in this world, could understand our feelings as our relatives and friends--bless them--came aboard. fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, and other fellows' sisters crowded up the gangway to greet us. and all were welcome. the second day after we anchored, the port watch was given shore leave of twenty-four hours. so we donned our clean blues, and for the first time since may th, set foot on solid ground. as the port watch came over the side the following day, after its liberty ashore, they were met with the order "shift into working clothes at once and get those shells below." the red ammunition flag was flying at the foremast head, and all thoughts must be given up of the good times ashore. the starboard watch then went on liberty ashore and the port watch tackled the ammunition. from noon till after ten, we were kept busy storing thirteen-inch shells for the biggest guns in the navy. they weigh , pounds apiece and are dangerous things to handle, not only on account of their weight, but because of the charge of powder each carries. we also loaded eight, six, and five-inch shells into the after hold. we turned in at eleven o'clock, and were roused at : next morning to begin the same heavy work. when the starboard watch returned the following noon, we were still at it, and they, too, had to pitch in and help as soon as they could get into working clothes. saturday, sunday, and monday were spent in the same way--stowing food for uncle sam's mighty guns. the thirteen-inch shells were crated in heavy planks, bound with iron; slings of rope were placed around them and they were lowered slowly into the hold. the eight, six, and five-inch shells had a lashing of tarred rope and a loop by which they might be lifted and handled. charges of smokeless powder for thirteen, eight, and six-inch guns, in copper canisters, were also taken aboard. when all was stowed, we carried enough explosives to blow the water out of the bay. at half-past two on july th, the anchor was raised, the cat falls manned, and we bade new york good-by once more. a brisk northeast breeze was blowing, kicking up an uncomfortable sea, and when sandy hook was passed it became necessary to close all ports and batten down hatches. the rolling and pitching of the ship soon began to make things interesting on the gun deck. immense green seas, shipped at intervals on the upper deck, sent little streams of water trickling down through openings as yet unprotected. at evening quarters it was all we could do to stand upright. a number of men left their stations suddenly without permission, and seemed to take great interest in the sea just over the rail. as the sun sank, the wind rose, and with it came rain--rain in sheets--the "wettest" kind of rain. when the port watch was relieved at eight o'clock, even the veriest landsman among us could tell that the situation was becoming serious. we turned in at once, determining to get all the sleep possible in that pandemonium of sound. the value of hammocks in a heavy sea was proved beyond all peradventure, for once we got into them and closed our eyes, we hardly realized that the ship was almost on her beam ends much of the time. from time to time we were wakened by the crash of a mess chest, as it broke from its lashings and careened around the deck. the mess pans and pots banged and thumped. at intervals the lurching of the vessel caused a mess table with the accompanying benches to slide to the deck with a crash. at twelve, we of the port watch were wakened from our much-interrupted rest and ordered on deck for muster. as we slid from our hammocks we realized for the first time the fury of the storm. it was impossible to stand upright. the old hooker rolled so, that it was impossible to keep from sliding even when one lay prone on the deck. the men on lookout had all they could do to hang on. one moment the end of the bridge would rise high in air and the next almost bury itself in the seething waters. the wind roared, the lightning flashed, and the thunder rolled. the dense fog hung like a curtain round the ship, so the whistle was blown incessantly. the boatswain's mate ordered me to go forward and stand an hour's watch on the bridge. i obeyed, creeping on all fours most of the time, till i reached the opening between the deck houses. i escaped, by a hair's breadth, a sea which came over the side like a solid green wall. the man on the port end of the bridge whom i relieved, shouted in my ear--he could not be heard otherwise--"you want to get a good hold or you'll be fired overboard in a jiffy." then he left me. it was the kind of a night one felt the need of companionship. i spent a lonely hour on the bridge, eyes and ears strained for signs of other vessels, face and hands stung by the pelting rain. underlying all other thoughts was the consciousness that we carried several hundred tons of deadly explosive that might shift any moment or be ignited by a spark from a lamp and explode. the sandbags stored about the steering gear broke loose and were heaped in picturesque confusion. the scene aft was indescribable. a quantity of débris of varying nature slid across the smooth surface of the gun deck with a rush at every roll, making navigation a difficult, if not perilous, task. later, to add to the tumult, one man's hammock was cut down by a falling mess table, but he escaped serious injury. it was not until the following morning that the seas subsided, but the day proved pleasant, and the mishaps of the preceding afternoon were forgotten in the excitement of reaching norfolk, which port was reached by the "yankee" shortly before dark. later in the evening the ship was taken to the navy yard. "which means that we are going to hustle more ammunition," observed tommy, as we made fast to a dock. "and more stores," added "dye." "and coal," chimed in "stump," with a grimace. "i am glad of it, too." "glad of it?" echoed "dye," in surprise. "that's queer." "not at all, dear boy," was the second loader's calm reply. "d'ye see, i am in training for the billet of chief deck hand on a tramp canal boat, and this experience is just in my line." four days later the mooring hawsers were cast off and the "yankee" steamed out between the capes en route to santiago. from the hour we left norfolk until the sighting of the cuban coast, our time was taken up with drills of every description. the following extract from the log for july th, will suffice for an example: "cleared ship for action at three bells along with general quarters. general quarters again half an hour after turn to at noon. fire drill and abandon ship at three bells in the afternoon. general quarters again at two bells ( p.m.)." under date of july th, one of the crew states in his private diary: "clear ship for action again. this is a very pretty drill, and is much liked by the boys, as it includes sending all the mess gear and provisions below, where most of them are usually 'pinched.' clear ship for action always means an exchange of undesirable mess gear, such as broken benches, tables, etc. general quarters at : ; fired two shots at an invisible target with smokeless powder. great success, this new powder. if we had only been provided with it before, every living spaniard would have trembled at the word 'yankee'!" "what are we doing all this clear ship, general quarters, fire drill, and such business for?" said a forecastle man to craven, who, besides being on a deck gun, from which all that was occurring on the bridge could be seen, was a messenger. "why, don't you know?" said the latter. "we have a war artist aboard, and all this extra drilling is being done for his special benefit, so he can work it up for his paper, i suppose." "well, if we ever get that artist aboard the old 'new hampshire' we will teach him a few things, so he can describe them from actual experience," said "hod" the husky. "he'll be able to describe scrub and wash clothes, sweeping decks, washing dishes, and all the rest, most vividly," he continued, vindictively. "we'll show him how we get under the hose in the morning. oh, we'll have a bully time with him, and i'll wager that when we're through the honors of naval battles will seem too trivial for him to draw!" chapter xviii. the "yankee" arrives off santiago on the twenty-first of july the "yankee" arrived off santiago. the "brooklyn" was the only warship on guard, and the absence of that grim line of drab-colored ships changed the whole appearance of the coast. the "brooklyn" seemed lonely, though she rode the seas proudly. "see," she seemed to say, "i am monarch of all i survey"; and she looked every inch a queen, as she swayed slowly in the long ground swell, her ensign snapping in the brisk breeze and admiral schley's flag standing out like a board. from our proximity to the shore we were enabled to obtain a better view than before. old morro castle, perched above the mouth of the channel, seemed battered and forlorn. the stars and stripes floated on high exultingly from the very staff that formerly bore the spanish colors, and we thrilled when we saw it. the wreck of the "reina mercedes" could be plainly made out, and beyond her could also be seen the masts and stack of the "merrimac"--a monument to american heroism. with the u.s.s. "yankton" (which had run out of coal) in tow, we proceeded to guantanamo. while entering the bay, the first fleet of transports bearing troops for the invasion of porto rico was encountered. inside the harbor a vast squadron of american ships lay at anchor--some forty vessels in all. the spectacle of such a mighty fleet bearing our beloved colors was indeed inspiring. we found the "iowa," "massachusetts," "indiana," "oregon," "texas," "new york," "marblehead," "detroit," "newark," "porter," "terror," "gloucester," the repair ship "vulcan," several despatch boats and colliers in the bay. two gunboats and several steamers captured at santiago also bore the american colors. such a fleet many an important port has never seen, and in new york harbor would draw immense crowds. here the spectacle was wasted on unappreciative cubans. the bay presented a lively appearance with the innumerable little launches and despatch boats darting about from ship to ship. vessels went alongside sailing colliers to have their bunkers replenished; other ships entered or left at all hours; signals were continually flying from the flagship; occasionally a spanish launch bearing a flag of truce would come down from the town, and in the midst of it all the crews of the different men-of-war worked on in the accustomed routine, as if peace and war, drills and fighting, were all a part of man's ordinary existence. over a month ago we had sailed into this harbor with the "marblehead"; the ship cleared for action, the crews at their loaded guns, and the battle ensigns flying from fore and mainmast, as well as from taffrail. this time we entered the bay with a feeling that we were to take part in a great naval spectacle. as soon as we joined the fleet we became amenable to fleet discipline. all orders for routine work came from the flagship. "quarters" were held but twice a day instead of three times, and then they were short and, therefore, sweet. each morning at eight o'clock, when a war vessel is in port, the bugler plays "colors," while the drummer beats three rolls; those of the crew who are under the open sky stand at attention, silent, facing aft, where the flag is being hauled slowly to its place. at the completion of the call all hands salute; then the work is carried on. it is a beautiful ceremony. saluting the "colors" morning and evening is not merely a mark of respect for the government of the nation, but is an act of worship to the god of nations--a silent prayer for guidance and care and an expression of thankfulness. shortly after "colors" the morning following our arrival at guantanamo, orders were given to "turn to" on the ammunition. launches and barges from other warships came alongside, and the charges of powder and the shells were transferred to them. when this cargo of deadly explosive began to come aboard a "magazine watch" was set. the ammunition was stowed in all parts of the ship--forward, main, and after holds were filled. a watch was set on each of the holds. it was their duty to watch the temperature day and night and to report the same to the officer of the deck every half hour. extreme care was taken to guard against fire. in case fire was discovered, it was the duty of the man on watch to run and turn on the water--the key for the valve which regulated this being always carried on his wrist. then he must notify the officer of the deck, shouting "fire" as he went, after which he must go back and with the hose endeavor to put out the blaze. constant, wide-awake, alert watchfulness was necessary. it was hot and close below, and at night it was almost impossible to keep awake. it is difficult enough to keep wide awake for an hour's lookout on deck, when there is much to see and the air is brisk and invigorating, but it is quite a different matter to be roused in the middle of the night to stand two hours' watch in a close, hot hold, where nothing more interesting than cases of powder and the bare, blank sides of the ship are to be seen. at first, the knowledge that the lives of all on board and the safety of the ship herself depended on the alertness of the watch, kept us wide awake and anxious, but as time went on, it grew harder and harder to resist nature's demand for sleep; therefore, when the order was given to unload the ammunition, none were gladder than the men of the "magazine watches." after evening mess the boatswain's mate--he got his orders from the bridge--came aft, shouting as he walked, "all you men who want to go in swimming may do so right away." [illustration: "he got his orders from the bridge"] [illustration: "all you men who want to go in swimming may do so"] there was no doubt as to the popularity of that order. "all we men" wanted to go in swimming, and that right away. in a jiffy, white figures began to drop over the side with a splash, and soon shouts of glee filled the air. the water was warm and clear as crystal, and so dense with salt that a man diving, came up like a cork. in fifteen minutes the order "knock off swimming" was passed, and though we left the water with reluctance, obedience was prompt, lest the privilege might not again be accorded us. after hammocks had been given out, boats hoisted--all the work of the day finished, in fact--most of the men gathered aft to hear the band of the "oregon" play. it was a volunteer band; that is, the musicians were enlisted men, not assigned for the band. they played with vim and precision. it was almost dark; only the ships' outlines could be made out. the red and white signal lights twinkled at intervals at the mastheads of different vessels, while beams of light showed on the still, dark water from open ports. the whole fleet lay quiet while the men listened to the strains of music from the "oregon." it was more like the rendezvous of a cruising yacht club than a fleet of warships gathered in the enemy's country. the music from the battleship ceased, and for a moment all was still save for the lapping of the water against the ships' sides and the splash of a fish as it leaped out of water. suddenly and together, a shrill piping on all the ships broke the silence, followed by the hoarse cry, "all the anchor watch to muster." on all men-of-war at eight o'clock, the anchor watch is mustered. it consists of sixteen men--eight on duty from nine till one o'clock, the other eight from one till "all hands" at : . the first part always calls its relief at one o'clock. the mustering over, all flocked aft to hear the band again, but were disappointed, for the concert was over. however, the men had come aft for music and music they must have in some shape. so "steve" the modest was dragged out, and after some persuasion sang the following to the tune of "lou, lou, how i love ma lou." "baron," the gunner's mate, accompanied him on the mandolin, and eickmann, the marine corporal, helped out with his guitar. "'way down at the brooklyn navy yard, where ships are rigged for sea, three hundred little 'heroes' went aboard the old 'yankee.' oh! we were young and foolish, we longed for spanish gore, and so they set us working as we never worked before. chorus: "hard-tack and salt-horse every day, work, slave, for mighty little pay; and just before we get to sleep we hear the bosun pipe like this (whistle), 'up all hammocks, all hands.' "they turn us out each morning, to scrub our working clothes; to polish guns and bright work, to 'light' along the hose. to wash down decks and ladders, to coil down miles of rope, to carry coal in baskets, to live on air and hope. chorus: "hard-tack and salt-horse every day, work, slave, for mighty little pay; and when we think our work is done we hear the bosun pipe like this (whistle), 'turn to.' "way down at santiago, we fit the forts one day. the shells were bursting o'er us, there was the deuce to pay. we hid our inclination to run and hide below, because we're little 'heroes,' they've often told us so. chorus: "hard-tack and salt-horse every day, work, slave, for mighty little pay; and just as all the fight was over we heard the bosun pipe like this (whistle), 'gun-deck sweepers, clean sweep fore and aft. sweepers, clean your spit kits.' "one saturday we anchored just off the isle of pines, to load up with pineapples, and look for spanish signs. we called away the cutters, with seamen filled them up, and captured five small sailboats, two spaniards and a pup. chorus: "hard-tack and salt-horse every day, work, slave, for mighty little pay; and when we'd like to talk it over we heard the bosun pipe this (whistle), 'pipe down.'" "that's great!" said one and all. "there is just time for the 'intermezzo' before tattoo, 'baron,'" said "pair o' pants," the signal boy. "give it to us, will you?" "baron" obligingly complied. the boys lay around in comfortable, though ungraceful, attitudes, a small but appreciative audience. as the last high note died away the ship's bugler began that lovely call, "tattoo." we listened in silence, for though we had heard it many times, it was always a delight to us. then, too, it meant rest (not a drug in the market by any means). every ship's crew in the harbor, at the same moment was listening to the call blown by their own bugler. the men tumbled below and began to prepare for the voyage to dreamland. five minutes later, when the sleepy "taps" sounded, the decks were almost deserted save for the hammocks, which looked like huge cocoons swung horizontally. the following days till sunday were spent in unloading powder and shell. the six and eight-inch charges of powder and the shell were lifted by hand and slid down chutes to the barges alongside. to handle the powder and shell for the thirteen-inch guns, steam was called into service; the thirteen-inch charges being lowered into the waiting boat, by the aid of the cargo boom and steam winch. this work was hard and the heat trying, but it was accomplished with good grace, for we were glad to get rid of the dangerous stuff. sunday, after the usual inspection, several visiting lists were arranged, the most popular being that for the "oregon." we all wanted to inspect that wonderful ship. visiting is generally conducted on sunday or after dark. the word is passed for those who wish to visit a certain ship to "lay aft and report to the officer of the deck." the party, all in clean clothes, are taken to the vessel designated and lined up. after being counted they are allowed to go forward, where they yarn to their heart's content until the word is given by the boatswain's mate for them to muster aft again. the "visiting party" to uncle sam's bulldog was cordially received and shown all over. the great battleship was as clean and neat as a new pin. she looked as if she had just come out of her builders' hands. paint work spotless, brass work shining, engines fairly dazzling in their brightness. the crew contented and full of enthusiasm for their ship and commander--gallant captain clark! we saw the guns that helped to lay low cervera's splendid fleet and we saw "the men behind the guns." our attention was called to a jacky sewing on a blue shirt. "do you see that man over there?" said our guide. we answered "yes." "well, that's the chap that blew up one of the torpedo boats." "is that so? tell us about it." we gazed open-mouthed at the gunner as he sat cross-legged on the deck, sewing with all his might. "yes, that's the chap. you see, the spaniard was coming in our direction, and coming like greased lightning. the six-pounders on the superstructure had not been able to stop her, and things began to be interesting--" "yes," we gasped, breathlessly, as he stopped to light his pipe. "well, as i was saying, the blooming torpedo boat came nearer and nearer, and did not seem to mind the hail of six-pounders any more than a duck does the rain. i dunno why, for she had no protection that a sixer would not penetrate. "it got to be blamed exciting, when the officer of the division said to that feller over there, who was a captain of an eight-inch rifle, 'try your hand at it.' "bill said, 'aye, aye, sir, give me time and i'll plunk her sure.' all this time the sneaking craft was coming nearer and nearer. bill adjusted his sight and looked and looked, but still did not fire. "'for heaven's sake, hurry up!' said the division officer, getting nervous. "'in a minute, sir,' said bill. 'as soon as i get a good bead.' "he was as cool as an ice machine, and as deliberate as an old hen, but he could shoot, so we held ourselves in as best we could and watched. after waiting for what seemed an hour, bill pulled the lanyard and the old gun roared. as soon as the smoke cleared away, we looked to see the result of the shot. there was some wreckage floating where the torpedo boat had been--that was all. bill's shot went home, and exploded in the boiler room, and the whole craft went up in an instant." we looked again admiringly at the man sitting there so unconcernedly, and then in obedience to the boatswain's call, went aft and aboard our cutter. all the ammunition for the fleet was unloaded by tuesday. we still carried a small quantity of both powder and shell for the "massachusetts." tuesday afternoon we anchored alongside the sailing collier "frank a. palmer," and began to coal. the "yankee's" sister ship "prairie," manned by the massachusetts naval reserves, lay on the other side; we exchanged visits and found them good fellows, and we yarned away to our heart's content. we had now become, in a degree, used to coaling; our muscles were hardened and some long-needed labor-saving devices had been introduced, so the work was a little easier. coaling continued till friday night. during the morning of that day we were told that if two hundred tons were put aboard, a chance would be given us on the morrow to see the wrecks of cervera's once fine vessels. it was all the incentive we needed, and the coal came aboard in a steady stream. a little after seven the required amount was in the bunkers, and by eight o'clock the stages and other coaling paraphernalia were stowed away and the "yankee" had cast loose and was anchored by herself. the following morning dawned bright and clear. admiral sampson came aboard at : . we manned the "cat falls" and got under way at once. on the way down to the wrecks, the ship was cleaned, so by the time we reached the ruins of the spanish vessels, the "yankee" was spick and span. we passed the wrecks of the two torpedo boats, passed the mouth of santiago harbor, till finally we came to the "almirante oquendo" and the "maria teresa," fifteen miles west of old morro. the two wrecks lay close together. they were a melancholy sight; the "almirante oquendo," badly listed to port, a great rent in her side, rusted, almost completely demolished. the "maria teresa" seemed in better shape, but many shot holes were visible in her side. it was a dreary though gratifying sight. the great green-clothed mountains looked down serenely on these two examples of man's handiwork and man's destructiveness; the blue sea dashed itself to foam against the coral-bound coast; and the bright sun shone over all. the admiral went over in our gig, together with the captain and executive officer. several other boats went along, carrying, beside the regular crews, commissioned and chief petty officers. as we watched the boats bobbing in the short billows on their way, we, who were left behind, could not help comparing these battered hulks before us with our magnificent ships in guantanamo bay. all hail to the american seamen, "the men behind the guns"! chapter xix. hope deferred. for a few days there was little to do beyond the never-ending routine work: scrubbing decks, cleaning paint, and polishing bright work on guns and equipments. we were beginning to wonder if we were to lie at anchor indefinitely, and if our last chance of seeing any active service had gone by. on the morning of monday, august st, we had orders to get under way and go to sea. tongues began to wag at once, and before we had fairly cleared the harbor a dozen different destinations had been picked out. it would seem as if there could be no great danger in letting the men have some knowledge of where they are bound when fairly at sea, with no beings to whom the secret might be told, save sharks and dolphins, but "theirs not to make reply, theirs not to reason why." the navy has little use for jacky's brains; only his trained muscles and sinews. there is no life that can be depended upon to take the pride of intellect out of a man like that of a sailor, as rudyard kipling has shown in the case of harvey cheyne. we of the crew could think of many a cad on whom we would like to try the discipline. the most popular rumor ran to this effect: we are bound for porto rico to take part with the "massachusetts," "new orleans," "dixie," and other ships of the fleet in a bombardment of san juan. by the time land had faded from view, we knew that we really were bound for porto rico, but for what purpose we knew not. the rumor was correct in part, at least. we were glad to get to sea again. there is an undefinable feeling of relief, almost of joy, when the regular throbbing of the engines begins and the ship rolls and heaves to the swell. the spirits of the men rise; smiles lighten up their faces, and snatches of song can be heard as they work coiling down lines, lashing movables, and preparing the vessel for the rough-and-tumble conflict with the sea. as the sun sank, the waves rose. by the time the first night watch went on duty, the old steamer was tossing like a chip. the guns' crews of the watch on deck were ordered to sleep by their posts, and all was in readiness for instant action. at eleven o'clock we were roused by the call for "general quarters," and in a minute, all hands were in their places. we looked vainly, at first, for the cause of this commotion, but finally made out off our port bow the dim outlines of a steamer. it was only when our ship was on the top of the roll that we could make out our chase at all--nothing but a wall of water could be seen when we lay in the trough. "that boat is certainly doing her best to get away," said "bill." "and, holy smoke! see how she rolls." "she can't trot in our heat," said "dye." "we're gaining on her every minute." "she's not a warship," said "long tommy," who was lucky enough to possess a pair of glasses. "i wonder if we're going to get a prize at last?" "you forget the fishing sloops. 'remember the fish,'" laughed "hay." the two vessels came nearer and nearer, till finally they were within hailing distance. "what ship is that?" called out captain brownson, through the megaphone. "and where are you bound?" the answer came faintly over the tossing waves: "the 'burton,' with coal for santiago from guadeloupe." "ah, ha!" said tommy, "we get a prize at last." "wait a minute," said "stump," "he is saying something else." a gust of wind came at that moment and carried most of the sound away, but we gathered that our hoped-for prize had papers from our consul allowing her free passage. there was a universal groan of disappointment, and when the order was given to "secure," the hose was pulled up with unnecessary violence, hatches were lowered, and gun closets closed with no gentle hands. such keen disappointment must somehow find a vent. there was great excitement the following afternoon when the word was passed for all hands to get out their leggings and to wear shoes to midday quarters. and when we were arranged into companies, and had haversacks, canteens, and knapsacks doled out to us, we concluded that a landing party would be made up for porto rico. "the 'old man' is going to show the 'spinache' that the 'yankee' boys can fight on land as well as on sea," said tommy, as he yanked at an obstinate haversack strap. we marched round and round the spar deck to the music of bugle and drum till we got well into the swing of it, and felt very martial and formidable indeed. the "dixie" hove in sight at this juncture, and after a long megaphone conversation, we learned that the "massachusetts," for which we had some ammunition, was on her way to guantanamo, so we reluctantly turned around and retraced our way, the "dixie" leading. porto rico was not for us. alas! we felt like "the king of france and his hundred thousand men drew their swords and put them up again." the next morning we hove-to a norwegian steamer, the "marie," and before we realized what was being done, we found that we had a prize at last. a snug little steamer she was, well loaded down with coal for cervera's fleet. "cutlets" went over in a whaleboat, with a prize crew of six men. "well, well! this is almost too good to be true," said an after guard. "this _is_ great luck. we capture a prize and get rid of 'cutlets' at the same time." to which we all said, amen. we separated from the "marie," and, as the "yankee" was much the faster, she was soon lost to sight. the anchor had no sooner been dropped in guantanamo bay than our captain went over to the "new york," and then signals began to be displayed, and soon after all hands were hauling on the "cat falls." the skipper returned; the gig was pulled up to its place, and very soon we were ploughing the water in the open. as we went out, our prize came in. it seems the encounter with the "burton" was told to the admiral, and he at once ordered us to go out and get her. we headed straight out. the black smoke poured out of the funnels; the ship shook with the pounding of the strained engines. the land faded from view. about two o'clock we sighted the object of our chase, and it only required a blank shot from the forward six-pounder to bring her to. the prize crew, consisting of six seamen, some firemen and engineers, and officered by lieutenant duncan, went over and took possession of our second prize in one day. captor and captive then turned and headed for guantanamo. the men were in high spirits. speculation was rife as to the amount of prize money each would secure, and some even went so far as to plan the spending of it. every one felt very gay, and as if something should be done to celebrate our good fortune. we would have liked to spend some money for an entertainment, but that was impossible. "dick," however, was impressed into service to furnish some amusement. "dick," a forecastle man, is a born story-teller, and we knew if we could get him started, some fun would be assured. after some pressure he acquiesced, and began the following yarn: "one day a certain irishman, mike dooley by name, departed this life. he was much respected, and his death caused no little sorrow to his friends and neighbors. his wife and children were simply inconsolable. the widow wished to have a handsome funeral in his honor and spent her savings in furtherance of that plan. she had enough money for everything, except the silver inscription plate. but that difficulty was easily overcome, for 'what's the matter wid pat molloy painting it nately in white paint?' she said. "pat, being approached on the subject, expressed his entire willingness, and soon after called for the casket and took it away. he was told to letter the following, in neat, white letters: 'michael dooley departed this life in his prime, at the age of twenty-eight.' "pat was a bricklayer by trade, and painting was only a 'side line' with him. "he started to put the inscription on the casket, and got along bravely till he came to 'age of twenty-eight.' then he realized that he could not make the figures. he puzzled over it a long while, for he did not like to ask and thus show up his ignorance. "finally a bright idea struck him. four sevens make twenty-eight--why not put down four sevens--that was easy! "the job was finished just in time. "the relatives and friends were gathered round to pay their last respects. one friend was asked to get up and make a few remarks. he did so and began as follows: "'i am glad to be able to say a few words on this sad occasion, a few words of praise for our beloved friend; for other words than praise could not be said of him. i am proud to have known him and to have been numbered among his friends. his virtues need hardly be repeated. you knew him well. his generosity, his friendliness, and all the rest he possessed. i knew him from his youth up, and i am well aware of his goodness, as are you. he was a good husband, a good father, and a good friend. it is hard to give him up, but it must be. he died at the age of----' "here the speaker glanced at the casket beside which he stood, and read the following: michael dooley departed this life in his prime, at the age of . "'yis, my bereaved friends,' he continued, 'he was a good father, husband, and friend, and none knows that better than i. he was cut off in the pride of manhood, you might say--in his prime, at the age of----' "he glanced at the inscription again, then, after a painful pause, blurted forth: 'well, how the divil did he escape the flood?'" the sound of "tattoo" interrupted our laughter at this point, and all hands tumbled below. the following day we got rid of the last of the ammunition to the "massachusetts." a sigh of relief and thankfulness went up as the last charge of powder was taken over the side. the same day we saw some of our prize money vanish into thin air. the "burton" was released, and steamed out of the harbor. it was about this time that a well-authenticated rumor went the rounds to the effect that we were to go with a formidable fleet to spain, harass her coasts, and do up camara's fleet. this rumor was so well founded that many of us believed it, and, consequently, much time was spent in writing farewell letters. the prospect of soon seeing the "land of the free and the home of the brave" was not very bright. the consensus of opinion at this time was that we would see our year out in uncle sam's service. there was considerable gloom. the start once made and the "yankee" actually on her way to the land of the dons, all would be well and all hands would be cheerful; but the contemplation of the long trip in the wrong direction was a very different matter. the air was full of rumors. all was uncertain. we continued to write farewell letters, while the invading fleet still lay quietly at anchor, but ready to sail to the ends of the earth at a few hours' notice. the night of august th was moonless and dark. there had been no music from the "oregon's" band, and none of our men felt inclined to sing. the uncertainty had begun to tell, and all were a little depressed. i was "it" for anchor watch, and, as is often the case, the anchor watch manned the running small boat. we visited several vessels of the fleet, the crew staying in the boat while the officers went aboard. when we finally started to return to our own ship, we carried two of our officers, mr. duncan, mr. barnard, and an officer from the "indiana." as we cleared the wall-like sides of the "st. paul," we noted that the general signal call (four red lights) was up on the "new york." then, as we watched, the red and white bulbs began to spell out a message that made us all thrill with joy. the interest of the moment broke down all barriers of rank, and officers and men spelled out the exciting words aloud. a-s-s-o-c-i-a-t-e-d p-r-e-s-s d-e-s-p-a-t-c-h s-t-a-t-e-s t-h-a-t p-e-a-c-e p-r-o-t-o-c-o-l h-a-s b-e-e-n a-g-r-e-e-d u-p-o-n. we jackies would have liked to yell, but our lessons had been too well learned, and we restrained ourselves. we put the officer from the "indiana" aboard his own ship and then returned to the "yankee." as soon as the boat was secured for the night, i went around waking some of my particular friends to tell them the great news, forgetting that they could see it quite as well as i. all were too good-natured, however, to object; on the contrary, they seemed glad to talk about it. there was some dispute as to the meaning of the word "protocol"; but all agreed that, whatever its meaning, it must be good, coupled as it was with "peace." as we talked quietly, we heard faintly, softly, a verse of "morse's" song: "our fighting cruise will soon be o'er, hurrah! hurrah! we'll be happy the moment our feet touch shore, hurrah! hurrah! and 'cutlets' and 'hubbub' and all the rest may stick to the calling they're fitted for best, but _we'll_ all feel gay when the 'yankee' goes sailing home." in spite of the peace news we got orders to go out with the "dixie" and blockade the crooked island passage. so about four o'clock we hauled up the anchor and went to sea. all were gay, and many shook their hands in farewell to guantanamo bay. we were instructed to keep a sharp lookout for the steamer "monserrat," which had gained fame as a blockade runner. it was rumored that she carried captain-general blanco; that she was well armed, and had a captain noted for his unscrupulousness and for his fighting qualities. "i'd like to meet that ship," said "hay," "have a good 'scrap' with her, get a couple of shot holes in our upper works and battle flags, and then bring her triumphantly into key west or, better still, new york." "want to go out in a blaze of glory, do you?" said tommy, the long. "sure. i'd like to burn some of that powder we took such trouble to load." this expressed the sentiments of the whole ship's company. to have one more good fight--in which we were to come out victorious, of course--get a few souvenir shot holes where no harm would be done, and then go home. this would just about have suited us. we floated around lazily all day friday and saturday with a chip on our shoulder, as it were, but no "monserrat" came to knock it off. the lookouts at the masthead strained their eyes, and half the men not actually at work did likewise. all in vain; not an enemy did we see. a number of transports homeward bound, bearing worn but happy soldiers, were passed, and some came near enough to exchange cheers and good wishes. the screw revolved but slowly, and the ship moved just enough to give steerage way. every passing wave did as it wished with the great hulk, and she rolled like a log in the long swell. sunday night a change came over the almost quiet ship. the propeller turned with some energy; the steering engine whirred, and the "yankee" changed her course. this time she headed straight for guantanamo, and before many minutes we knew that we were returning to our old anchorage. the orders were to blockade the passage and keep a bright lookout for the "monserrat"; if by sunday at six o'clock she had not appeared, we were to return to the fleet. the men who were so sure that we should never see guantanamo again wore a sheepish air, and those who were not so sure lorded over them and remarked cheerfully, "i told you so." those of us who were sleeping at midnight were wakened and told to come to the port and look. sleepily we obeyed, but the moment we reached the opening we were wide awake. there, not three miles off, rolling in the ground swell, lay a great fleet, the searchlights sweeping the heavens and sea; the signal lanterns twinkling. as we looked, we saw at the masthead of the foremost vessel the signal lights spell out a followed by d, the "yankee's" private night signal. then, and our eyes almost started from our heads as we gazed, the lights continued to spell: "blockade raised; hostilities ceased." "hurrah!" shouted some one behind me. "wait a minute," said "hay," "that's not all." the lights went on spelling: "we are on our way to new york. you are to proceed to guantanamo." the hurrah, as we spelled out the first sentences, was followed by a groan, as we read the last. we were glad, indeed, to know that peace had come, but it was hard to see that great fleet homeward bound, and know that we must go back to our old post, to stay indefinitely. "hope deferred maketh the heart sick." chapter xx. taps. the days following our arrival at guantanamo were days of keen expectation and equally keen disappointment. a rumor that we were to return home at once would start up from nowhere in particular, and circulate until it was believed. then would come a denial and consequent discontent. the enforced idleness of riding at anchor day after day became so monotonous at last, that any little incident served to create excitement. visiting parties between the ships were permitted occasionally, and the "yankee's" crew grasped the opportunity to inspect some of the other auxiliary cruisers. one or two liberty parties were allowed ashore at camp mccalla, from which the men returned, tired and warm, but full of enthusiasm and interest for the things they had seen. the amount of "curios" and souvenirs brought aboard would fill a museum. pieces of projectiles and mauser cartridge shells, fragments of an unusual red wood, and pieces of fossil rock, of which the cliff was composed, were stowed away in bags and ditty boxes. the bay now had a very deserted appearance. all the battleships and many of the cruisers had gone north. the auxiliary cruisers, "new orleans," "newark," "marblehead," and a number of converted yachts were all that remained, besides our own vessel. it was still a goodly fleet, but in comparison to the great squadron, seemed small. for the first time we were at a loss for something to do. time hung heavy on our hands. the routine work, including morning "quarters," was finished by half-past ten every morning, and the balance of the day was spent as pleased us best, within certain well-defined limits. much time and thought were spent in chasing down rumors, and watching signals from the flagship. troopships from santiago, laden with homeward-bound troops, sailed by the mouth of the harbor, but we, the first volunteers to reach the seat of war and to see active service, still lingered. the "resolute" and "badger" left at last, and it was rumored that we would follow next day. but still we lingered. occasionally we got mail that told of home doings, and almost every letter finished with, "i suppose that you will soon be home, now that peace is declared." but still we lingered. we knew that we could hardly expect to be relieved at once; that there were many arrangements to be made in the navy department; many orders to be signed, and new plans to be formulated. but the thought carried little comfort with it. the pangs of homesickness were getting a strong hold on us. dr. "gangway" mcgowan had the ship's carpenter nail a nice, smooth piece of board over a hole in the wire netting of his cabin door; some wag took advantage of the opportunity, and lettered plainly the following, on its white surface: [illustration] he would have done a rushing business if he could have found a sure cure for homesick "heroes." on tuesday, august d, our depression reached its culminating point, for the word had been passed unofficially that we might lay here indefinitely--two weeks, a month, three months--there was no telling when we would get away from what had become a hateful spot to us. the men went about with a dejected air, and while all were good-natured enough, there was little inclination to talk. as night drew near, we saw several troopships pass the harbor homeward bound, and the sight did not lighten our gloom. when the sun finally sank, we were as melancholy a crowd as ever trod a deck. the men gathered in little groups, bewailing in monosyllables the decidedly gloomy future, when some one glanced up and saw that commodore watson's flagship, the "newark," was showing the general signal lights. then, as the answering lights blazed on the other ships, the red and white lanterns began to spell out a message. the news spread at once that the flagship was signalling a general message or one of interest to the whole fleet. soon the rail was lined with signal boys, and signal boys, _pro tem_. those who could read them, spelled the messages aloud, letter by letter. "'y-a-n-k-e-e' a-n-d 'n-i-a-g-a-r-a' w-i-l-l s-a-i-l f-o-r t-o-m-p-k-i-n-s-v-i-l-l-e t-o-m-o-r-r-o-w. 'd-i-x-i-e' a-n-d 'f-e-r-n' w-i-l-l g-o t-o h-a-m-p-t-o-n r-o-a-d-s." with a single bound all was changed from gloom to gladness. no man could say how glad he was, but every man felt his heart grow warm within him. there was a deep feeling of gratitude for the providential care we had received, and for the happy release that now had come. "cupid," the ship's bugler, played "home, sweet home," and instead of mobbing him as we would have done had he played it three hours earlier, we applauded. he also played "america," and then "dixie," in honor of our maryland friends on our sister ship of that name. it pleased them mightily, as was evidenced by the cheer that came over the quiet water to us. their bugler returned the compliment soon after by playing "yankee doodle." there was much good feeling when the men went below, to turn in, but not to sleep; we were too happy for that. as the talk and laughter gradually died down (the order, "turn in your hammocks and keep silence," was not very strictly observed that night), a voice would be heard singing--not always the same voice: "but we'll all feel gay when the 'yankee' goes sailing home." the following morning scully did not have to repeat "up all hands," for he had hardly got the words out of his mouth before every man was scrambling into his clothes as fast as he could. soon after breakfast the order was given to hoist up the catamaran, and then the rest of the boats were pulled up one by one. the boat's falls were run away with in a fashion that made the officers smile. the tackle-blocks fairly smoked. the only thing that marred our perfect joy was the departure of some of the marines to the "new orleans." we had grown to like them all very much, and especially a pleasant fellow we dubbed "happy," because of his unvarying cheerfulness. we had hoped to bring them all back with us, and were sorry to see them go. we listened with eager ears for the final order before sailing, "all hands on the cat falls," and just before noon we heard it. in ready response the men came tumbling up, and in a jiffy the anchor was pulled up as if it weighed five hundred, instead of five thousand pounds. the leadsman stood on his little platform and sang out, as he heaved the lead, the number of fathoms. it was the last touch we had of cuban soil. as the old ship gathered headway, cheer after cheer rang out from the ships that were left behind, and in answer to each, our crew, which had gathered on the forecastle, gave three rousing hurrahs and a tiger. so we sailed out of guantanamo bay for the last time. it was with a feeling of sadness mixed with joy that we watched the headland, that stands like a guard on one side of the bay, disappear in the haze. we were one of the first ships to enter its then hostile portals. we had gained renown there; we had seen the american flag raised on its beautiful shores, and but a few minutes ago we heard a ringing american cheer come over its clear waters, bidding us godspeed and a joyful home coming. the voyage home was like a triumphal journey. all hands were in high spirits. the gloom of a few hours before was dispelled by the talismanic words, "'yankee' and 'niagara' will sail for tompkinsville." though we were exceedingly glad, there was a good deal of quiet thinking going on. one and all realized that we had been exposed to no ordinary dangers. danger from the enemy's fire; danger from a deadly climate; danger from the effects of unaccustomed labor; danger from wind and raging sea. we had been brought through safe and sound by an all-wise god to lead peaceful, useful, and, it is hoped, helpful lives at home. this same thought had been in our minds many times before, and with the feeling of thankfulness would come a sense of surprise that we should pass through it all without harm. we sped on and on, the ship's prow ever pointed north. we watched the water to note the change in color; to see when the blue water of the gulf stream should be left behind and the green northern sea should be entered. as we neared new york our impatience grew with every added mile, and this eagerness was felt by officers as well as men. we sometimes forgot that our officers were capable of feeling disappointment, impatience, and joy; that they also had to stand watch and get along on short allowance of sleep; that they, too, were subject to annoyances as well as we. if we had not felt this before, we fully realized, now, how much _our_ officers had done for us. lieutenants duncan, greene, and barnard, dr. mcgowan, ensigns dimock and andrews, always treated us fairly and honestly. every man has a deep-seated feeling of loyalty and affection for them that will last as long as life shall last. as the tropical latitudes were left astern the nights became cool, and the watch on deck had the novel experience of walking post in pea coats. shortly after daybreak on the twenty-seventh of august the atlantic highlands were sighted, and, to quote one of the forecastle men, "all hands shouted to see god's country once more!" though we had seen the highlands, sandy hook, and all the familiar landmarks of the harbor many times, never had they seemed so attractive. the steam vessels we met tooted a welcome, as our identity became known, and the sailing craft dipped their colors in salute. inside the narrows, and ranged along the staten island shore, we found our companions of the santiago blockade, and, as we passed through the fleet to our anchorage, the crew stood at "quarters" in their honor. we heard later of the great reception these tried and true fighting ships of uncle sam's had received, and we only regretted that we were not present to add our little mite to the applause. after two days' stay off tompkinsville, during which time the ship was fairly overrun with visitors eager to see the "yankee" and her crew of "heroes," we steamed through the narrows en route for league island. orders had arrived from washington providing for the paying off and discharge of the new york naval reserves, and little time was lost in obeying. on reaching league island, the naval station near philadelphia, we found the old-time war monitors "nahant" and "jason" in port. the crew of the "nahant," made up of the new york naval reserves, were in readiness to accompany the "yankee's" crew back to the metropolis. while waiting for the specified date--friday, september d--bags were packed for the last time, and all preparations made for leaving the ship. now that the hour for departure was rapidly approaching, many of the boys began to express regrets. despite the hardships attending the cruise, it had brought many happy days--days made pleasurable by novel and strange surroundings--and it is not claiming too much to say that not one of the "yankee's" crew would have surrendered his experience. friendships had been formed, too--friendships cemented by good fellowship and mutual peril. those who have spent many days at sea know that acquaintances made on shipboard in the midst of calms and storms and the dangers of the deep, are lasting. and that was now being impressed upon the boys of the "yankee." while the crews of the "nahant" and "yankee" were preparing for the railway trip to new york, arrangements were being made in that city for a rousing welcome to the returning naval reserve battalion. shortly after ten the boys were mustered aft to hear captain brownson's parting speech. in his usual brisk manner he said that we were now to go back to our peaceful avocations; to our homes; to join our relatives and friends, and to become again private citizens. he ended by wishing us the best of luck. the cheers that followed shook the old ship from keel to topmast, nor were the cheers for lieutenant hubbard any the less hearty. a very few minutes after, we piled into a tug and steamed away. little was said, for there was a feeling of real regret: we were fond of the old boat, after all. "patt," the gunner's mate; the marines, and the few men of the engineer force who stayed on board, waved good-by. we boarded a special train with the crew and officers of the "nahant," and were soon speeding over the level country towards new york. after a very fast trip we reached jersey city, where we were fitted out with rifles and belts, and were met by the band that was to lead us through the city. [illustration: marching through city hall park, new york city] the people of new york turned out to give us a rousing welcome. it was a welcome we shall never forget--a welcome that made us forget all hardships, all dangers. whatever pride we may have had in our achievements was drowned in that thunderous greeting; we were humbled, for real heroes could hardly have deserved such a reception. the mayor stood in front of the city hall and reviewed us, and later we were reviewed by the president himself, at madison square. as the head of the column turned down twenty-sixth street, heading to our old receiving ship the "new hampshire," the band struck up "home, sweet home." the men still marched with heads erect and eyes to the front, but many of those eyes were dimmed with a moisture that almost prevented their owners from seeing the long, homeward-bound pennant that floated from the masthead of the old frigate. as for the greeting given by mothers and sisters and relatives of every degree and by friends assembled on the "new hampshire," that is one experience that cannot be described; it must be felt to be appreciated. suffice it that every member of the new york naval battalion felt amply repaid for the hardships endured and the sacrifices made in the service of old glory. and if the occasion should again arise for the calling out of the naval reserves of the first new york battalion, they, together with their comrades, the naval reserve battalions of other cities, will cheerfully don their "clean whites" and respond to muster. "pipe down!" appendix. the naval militia of the united states. the naval militia is a volunteer organization made up of certain patriotic citizens of the united states, who conceived the idea that the country could be served by its sons as well in the naval branch of the national defence as in the military. the subject of a naval volunteer force had been agitated for several years, but it was not until the latter part of june, , that the first enlistments were made. since that time the success of the organization has been continuous and most gratifying, and it has required only the recent war with spain to prove that its value to the country at large cannot be overestimated. at the outbreak of hostilities, the strength of the naval militia throughout the country was , officers and enlisted men, but the rush of recruits incidental to the opening of the war vastly increased that number. the scope of the organization is naturally limited to those states bordering on the seacoast and the great lakes, but the interest taken in it to-day by the people is widespread and emphatic. the existence of this interest was amply proved by the enthusiastic welcome tendered the returning crews of the "badger," "dixie," "prairie," "yosemite," and "yankee" by the citizens of the cities more closely concerned, and by the country at large. in a report made to secretary long in by theodore roosevelt, then assistant secretary of the navy, these prophetic words were used: "the rapidity with which modern wars are decided renders it imperative to have men who can be ready for immediate use, and outside of the regular navy these men are only to be found in the naval militia of the various states. if a body of naval militia is able to get at its head some first-class man who is a graduate of annapolis; if it puts under him as commissioned officers, warrant officers, and petty officers men who have worked their way up from grade to grade, year after year, and who have fitted themselves for the higher positions by the zeal and painstaking care with which they have performed their duties in the lower places; and if the landsmen, ordinary seamen, and seamen go in resolutely to do real work and learn their duties so that they can perform them as well as the regulars aboard our warships, taking pride in their performance accordingly as they are really difficult--such an organization will, in course of time, reach a point where it could be employed immediately in the event of war. "most of the naval militia are now in condition to render immediate service of a very valuable kind in what may be called the second line of defence. they could operate signal stations, help handle torpedoes and mines, officer and man auxiliary cruisers, and assist in the defence of points which are not covered by the army. there are numbers of advanced bases which do not come under the present scheme of army coast defence, and which would have to be defended, at any rate during the first weeks of war, by bodies of naval militia; while the knowledge they get by their incessant practice in boats on the local waters would be invaluable. "furthermore, the highest and best trained bodies could be used immediately on board the regular ships of war; this applies to the militia of the lakes as well as to the militia of the seacoast--and certainly no greater tribute is necessary to pay to the lake militia. many of these naval battalions are composed of men who would not enlist in time of peace, but who, under the spur of war, would serve in any position for the first few important months." the last sentence of the above extract is of peculiar interest, inasmuch as it proved true in every particular. the crews of the auxiliary ships manned by the naval militia during the spanish-american war of were composed of men who, in civil life, were brokers, lawyers, physicians, clerks, bookkeepers, or men of independent means. they sacrificed their personal interests for the moment, and, in their patriotic zeal, accepted positions of the most menial capacity on board ship. prior to the outbreak of war they had entered into training with the utmost enthusiasm. the navy department had assigned some of the older vessels to the various naval brigades, to be used as training ships, and with these as headquarters the brigades began drilling. in addition to the regular routine, summer cruising was taken up. the first battalion, new york state militia, for instance, went in a body to fisher's island, off the eastern end of connecticut, and there engaged in landing parties, camping, and sham battles. on another occasion the battalion embarked on board the battleships "massachusetts" and "texas," each militiaman having a regular bluejacket for a running mate, and doing just as he did. the two ships cruised in the vicinity of fisher's island, and a programme was carried out which included instruction in the different parts of the ship in great guns and ordnance, such drills as abandon ship, arm and away boats, clear ship for action, general quarters, signalling, and in the use of torpedoes. during one of the cruises of the massachusetts naval brigade a detachment was engaged in locating signal stations on the coast from the new hampshire state line to cape ann, and it was due to the efforts of this detachment that the signal stations established during the late war proved so efficient. the naval militia of maryland, louisiana, illinois, and other states were given opportunities for instruction in the handling of guns, the care of wounded, in infantry drill, limited artillery practice with rapid-fire batteries, and all the details of naval life, and so well did they benefit by it that the authorities at washington announced a willingness to trust any of the warships in their sole charge. it was to reach this pinnacle, as it may be termed, that the naval militia organizations of the united states had striven, and when they were finally called upon by the government they proved their worth by boarding modern warships, doing the work of regular sailors, and fighting for their country with a degree of skill and zeal that has earned for them the commendation of their fellow-citizens. united states naval code for visual signalling. to signal with flag or torch "wigwag": there are but _one_ position and _three_ motions. the _position_ is with the flag held vertically in front of the body; the signalman facing squarely the point to which the message is to be sent. appendix the _first_ or is a motion to the right of the sender. the _second_ or is a motion to the left of the sender. the _third_ or : the flag is dropped in front of the sender and instantly returned to _position_. the entire code is made up of these three motions-- , , and . every letter begins and ends with _position_. "wigwag" code. united states naval code for visual and telegraphic signalling. alphabet. a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z numerals. abbreviations. a after. b before. c can. h have. n not. r are. t the. u you. ur your. w word. wi with. y why. x x = "numerals follow" or "numerals end." sig. = signature. = end of word. = end of sentence. = end of message. , , = i understand. the complete number opposite each letter or numeral stands for that letter or numeral. example: the signal sent by commodore schley's flagship "brooklyn" that memorable d of july-- t h e e n e m y' s f l e e t , , , , , , , , , , , , l, rll, rl d rl, rr, rl, rllr, rrr, lrl d lllr, llr, rl, rl, l, d i s c o m i n g o u t o f , , , , , , , , , r, lrl d rlr, lr, rllr, r, rr, llrr d lr, rrl, l d lr, lllr h a r b o r. , , , , , , . rll, ll, lrr, lrrl, lr, lrr, ddd. r = right = . l = left = . d = drop = . night signalling. the lights in the ardois system--named after its inventor--sometimes called "shroud lights," are placed well up on the foremast. they are red and white electric bulbs. there are four of each placed in a line one above the other, in groups of two--- a red and white bulb together. unlike the "wigwag" system, the whole letter is shown at once. the code is the same as the "wigwag." one is indicated by a red light, two by white, and three by the combination, white, white, red and white. both systems may be mastered very easily by a little painstaking practice, and much amusement may be had through the mystification of those who do not understand it. a "wigwag" flag may be easily made by sewing a white square of muslin in the centre of a red bandana handkerchief. the best method of learning this system is to send simple messages, looking up the letters that there is any doubt about, and correcting mistakes as you go along. appendix. navy code flags. messages sent by the navy code flags cannot be read except by the aid of the code book. there are ten numeral flags-- to , and one for . all messages are made up by means of these ten flags headed by the code flag (whether it be geographical, telegraph, or navy list). for instance, a line of bunting is sent up on the flagship's signal halliards. it is read from the top down. the geographical flag flies first; then follow , , , . it means that the message can be found in the geographical list, number . the repeaters are used to avoid confusion. instead of putting two number flags together, for instance, number is flown with a repeater under it; second repeater repeats number , and so on. preparatory.--over hoist. prepare to execute subjoined order. interrogation.--alone. what is that signal? or "i don't understand--repeat." above hoist puts signal in interrogative sense. answering.--flown by ship receiving message indicates that signal is understood. affirmative.--alone. yes. above hoist puts message in affirmative or permissive sense. negative.--alone. no. above hoist puts message in negative sense. meal or numeral.--alone. crew at mess. above or below hoist--the numeral flags are to be taken as numbers simply. convoy.--alone at fore, means naval convoy. above hoist means use navy list. position.--in manoeuvres, hoisted by each ship as it gets into position ordered; lowered when next ship gets into place. guard or guide.--as its name implies--flown by guard or guide ship. telegraph.--use telegraph list. despatch or geographical.--alone at fore, indicates that the ship flying it is carrying despatches. above hoist. use geographical list. cornet.--alone. ship about to sail. over number. official number of ship. general recall.--recalls all small boats. powder.--hoisted alone in port. taking powder on board. alone at sea. distress. rating marks in the united states navy. the insignia of rank of commissioned, warrant, and petty officers. there are four classes of officers in the united states navy, and each has its own distinguishing mark. the commissioned officers of the line. the commissioned corps. the warrant officers. the petty officers. the first two classes are graduates of annapolis, or regularly commissioned by the government. the last two are composed of enlisted men who have been promoted. the rank device of the commissioned officers is worn on the shoulder-knot of the full dress uniform and on the collar of the service coat. the marks are as follows: [illustration: rear-admiral.] foul anchor with silver stars at ends; and one stripe of gold lace two inches wide, and one of one-half inch wide above it, on sleeves. [illustration: commodore.] a star with a foul anchor at either side of it; and one stripe of gold lace two inches wide on sleeves. [illustration: captain.] a spread eagle with foul anchor at either side. four one-half-inch stripes of gold lace on sleeves. [illustration: commander.] foul anchor with silver oak leaves at ends. three stripes of half-inch gold lace on sleeves. lieutenant-commander.--a silver foul anchor with a silver oak leaf at either end. two stripes of half-inch gold lace with a quarter-inch stripe between. [illustration: lieutenant.] silver foul anchor with two silver bars at either side. two stripes of gold lace one-half inch wide on sleeves. [illustration: lieutenant--junior grade.] silver foul anchor with one silver bar at either side. two stripes of gold lace, half and quarter-inch, on sleeves. [illustration: ensign.] a gold foul anchor on collar or shoulder-knot and one stripe of gold lace on sleeves. the commissioned corps. the commissioned corps' devices are substituted for the anchor by staff officers, who wear the same rank devices as are prescribed for line officers with whom they have relative rank. the pay corps.--a silver oak sprig and a narrow band of white cloth above and below the gold lace on sleeves. the medical corps.--a spread oak leaf of gold with an acorn of silver, and a band of dark maroon velvet above and below the gold lace on sleeves. the engineer corps.--four silver oak leaves, and a band of red cloth above and below the gold lace on sleeves. petty officers' rating marks. all petty officers wear a rating device on the sleeve of the outer garment above the elbow. if they belong to the starboard watch the mark will be sewed on the right sleeve; if the port, on the left. [illustration: quartermaster.] the petty officers' device always has a spread eagle above it. the specialty mark indicating to which department he belongs is just below in the angle formed by the chevrons. the chevrons indicate the class. three chevrons, first class; two, second class, and so on. the chief petty officers have an arch of the same cloth connecting the two ends of the top chevron. the specialty marks are as follows: [illustration: master-at-arms.] [illustration: gunner's mates.] [illustration: seaman gunner.] [illustration: chief yeoman.] [illustration: apothecary.] [illustration: yeoman-- st, d, and d class.] [illustration: ship's printer or schoolmaster.] [illustration: bandmaster.] [illustration: machinists, boiler-makers, water-tenders, coppersmiths, and oilers.] [illustration: carpenter's mates, plumbers, and painters.] [illustration: blacksmith.] [illustration: boatswain's mates and coxswains.] the seaman class is indicated by the rows of braid on the cuffs. seamen, first class or able-bodied seamen, have three rows of braid. seamen, second class or ordinary seamen, have two rows of braid. seamen, third class or landsmen, have one row of braid. the watch mark for the enlisted men not petty officers consists of a stripe of braid on the sleeve close to the shoulder. for the seaman, white on blue clothes, blue on white clothes. for the engineer force, red on both white and blue clothes. the watch mark indicates the watch of which the wearer is a member. the starboard men wear it on the right arm, and the port men on the left. taking soundings. heaving the lead. the man using the "lead line" (as the sounding-line weighted with lead is called) stands on a grating that projects over the side. this is placed near enough so that the steersman can hear the man who "heaves the lead" when he calls out the number of fathoms of water. this he tells by the marks on the "lead line" as follows: fathoms, twelve feet, strips of leather. " strips of leather. " white rag. " red rag. " leather with hole in it. " strips of leather or blue rag. " white rag. " red rag. " knots. " knot. " knots. " knot. " knots. " are called mark. " " " deeps. the leadsman stands on his little grating and swings the lead so it just clears the water. when it is swinging well he lets it fly in the direction in which the ship is moving and then notes the depth by the strips of leather or rags. the result is shouted out so the steersman can hear and keep the vessel in the channel. the boatswain's calls. the boatswain's calls or "pipes" are very difficult to reduce to a musical scale, because the pitch of the instrument depends entirely on the amount of energy expended by the blower. the novice, after a few trials, would probably assert that the primitive little whistle had only one note--and not very much of that; but he would be surprised indeed at the volume of sound, the range, and the command over the instrument which a veteran boatswain would soon make everyday matter to him. not only do these experts sound the regular calls with ear-piercing exactness, but actual tunes are often included in their repertoire. the pipe or whistle is held with the bulb in the centre of the palm, the hole being towards the wrist. the lobe to which the ring and lanyard are attached, serves simply as a handle. in the diagram given, the black line indicates the "pipe" or call; the four faint horizontal lines, the notes, and the vertical bars, the time. the roll indicated by the wavy line in the diagram is made by rapidly opening and closing the hand. the gradual rise and fall is effected in the same way, but slowly. the rattle is done by a quick movement of the tongue. this diagram is furnished by an old boatswain. as a rule, the calls are taught entirely by personal instruction, and it is believed that they have here been put into print for the first time. none of the ordinary manuals have ever given them, the young sailor having had to learn them by experience on shipboard. their importance is evident from the fact that every order aboard ship is preceded by the pipe peculiar to the command; for though the words may not be heard, the whistle can always be distinguished. even the most lubberly landsman, with such continuous practice, soon learns the meaning of the different calls, and jumps to obey them. [illustration: the boatswain's calls] [illustration: stations or quarters for exercise, or preceding action, of five-inch breechloading rifles.] . first captain, second boarder. . second captain, first boarder. . first loader, second boarder, . second loader, first boarder. . first shellman, pumpman, port guard. . second shellman, fireman, port guard. . first shellman, second rifleman. . second shellman, first rifleman. . stands at elevating gear wheel and sights and fires the gun. . stands at the right and beside the breech; opens same after firing so shell can be taken out. . stands at the left training wheel--i.e., the wheel that moves the gun laterally. he also loads the gun. . stands at the right training wheel. he takes out the empty shell after firing, and wears heavy gloves for that purpose. and . stand just behind no. to the right of the gun. they may be termed emergency men. they assist with the shells, carry the wounded, if any; will be called away in case of fire, and are qualified to sight and fire the gun in case the first and second captains are wounded or killed. they provide revolvers and belts for nos. , , and , and belts for nos. , , , and . they are also port guards, and defend the ports in case of close action. and . carry shells from the ammunition hoist to a position amidships convenient for quick transport to the gun. they are also riflemen, and may be called to protect any part of the ship from boarders or from fire on shore. a little dusky hero by harriet t. comstock _author of "cedric the saxon," "tower or throne," etc._ new york thomas y. crowell & co. publishers copyright, , by thomas y. crowell & company. this little book is lovingly dedicated to philip and albert by their mother [illustration: colonel austin staggered to his feet, leaning upon the little shoulder.] contents i. george washington mckinley jones ii. the box from up north iii. the little gauntlet and sword iv. waiting in the turret chamber v. the boy up north vi. "war, g. w.!" vii. the battle on the hill-top viii. the colonel's body-guard ix. "i'se got de colonel!" x. in the tent hospital xi. "it's all yours, g. w.!" xii. a history-evening at oakwood a little dusky hero. i. george washington mckinley jones. scratch! scratch! scratch! went colonel austin's pen over the smooth white sheets of paper, sheet after sheet. the dead heat of tampa hung heavy within the tent; the buzz of the flies was most distressing; but the reports must be got off, and after them there were letters to be written to "the boy and his mother" up north, telling them--especially the boy--what a glorious thing it is to serve one's country under _any_ circumstances. the present circumstances were extremely trying, to be sure, but the firm brown hand glided back and forth over the long pages in a determined manner that showed how colonel austin believed in doing his duty. scratch! scratch! scratch! buzz! buzz! buzz! "good-mornin', sah!" it was a soft little voice, and it droned away into the buzz of the flies and the scratching of the pen so that the writer at the rough table took no heed. "good mornin', sah!" this time colonel austin turned. he was a firm believer in discipline, and the unannounced arrival annoyed him. he swung around and gazed sternly about six feet from the ground. there was nothing there! his eyes dropped and finally rested upon the very smallest, dirtiest, raggedest black boy he had ever seen. but the beautiful great eyes of the forlorn mite looked trustingly up at the surprised officer, and colonel austin noticed that the grimy cheeks were tear-stained though the childish lips were smiling bravely. "good mornin', sah!" again piped the soft voice. "why, good morning to you!" the colonel replied. he was always tender with sick soldiers, women, and children, and the pathetic little figure before him touched his sympathy. "who are you, my small friend?" "george washington mckinley jones, sah." "just so; and where are your folks?" "no folks any more, sah. daddy he done got put in prison fur life, sah, 'cos he killed a frien' of his, an' my mammy she done died yesterday. i jus' come from her buryin', sah." two slow tears fell from the soft brown eyes and rolled over the stained cheeks. colonel austin's throat grew dry, as it always did when he looked upon suffering things bearing pain and trouble bravely. "and why do you come here, my child?" he asked kindly. "i likes de look ob your face, sah, an' i'se hungry--i'se starved, i is--an' 'sides i want work!" the boy certainly was not over nine, and was undersized and childish-looking even for that. "work!" smiled the grave colonel, "what in the world can you do?" "why, sah, i'se de best shot you ebber saw; i reckon i'se what you call a real crack shot; dat's what i am, sah!" the ring of pride in the piping voice reached the colonel's heart. "oh! i see," he nodded. "you wish to be a soldier boy, is that it?" the grimy little applicant drew himself up to his extreme height, and replied with magnificent scorn. "no, sah! i does _not_ wish to be a sojer boy. i wish ter be one ob dem heroes, sah!" a joke was a rare thing in those dull, waiting days, and george washington mckinley jones was delicious. the colonel smoothed the smiles from his mouth as best he could. but not a quiver of mirth ruffled the dirt-stained countenance of the child. his severe stare sobered the colonel, and he asked in a gentle tone, "do you know what a hero is, my boy?" george washington drew his ragged coat about him with a gesture of patient pity, then answered with a slow, pained dignity. "co'se i knows what a hero is, sah. how could i know dat i wanted ter be one if i didn't? a hero is a pusson, sah, what ain't afraid to tackle a job too big fur other folks, an' goes right froo wid it or dies a-doin' it!" something in the quiet words drove all desire to laugh for good and all from the listening officer. "i have a character on my hands, evidently," he thought; aloud he said, "george washington mckinley jones, i presume you haven't any particular job in heroism in sight at present?" "no, sah. i jes' wants to go 'long wid de boys, an' watch out fur my chance. mammy done tole me heaps ob times dat if i jes' was wid sojers, i was boun'ter be a hero some day, shore. she 'lowed she had visions." "you shall have your chance, comrade!" the colonel got up and took the thin little hand in his. "if you have told me the truth, my boy, i will take you along with my regiment and give you a show." he called to an officer who was passing the tent. "martin!" the man stopped and touched his cap. "martin, we have a young volunteer here. he's no common soldier, please understand; he's enlisted as a hero. feed him up, give him all that he can hold, and let him report to me later." lieutenant martin's face never changed expression; he simply held out his hand gravely to george washington mckinley jones, saluted his superior officer, and led the volunteer out of the tent. while george washington ate, solemnly and long, investigations were made as to the truth of his story. colonel austin made them himself. he wished to make sure, for his sympathy was deeply enlisted, and he did not intend to be deceived. he found the little fellow had not departed from the facts in the least particular. he belonged to nobody; but every one who knew him had a kindly word for him. he was known as an honest, good-natured little waif, with a reputation for hitting the bull's-eye every time any one would lend him a gun at a rifle-match. upon the evidence gathered the boy was taken into the army as the "mascot of the ninth," and before long he was the pet of the men in that city of white tents, and became known as "g. w.," for who in that hot, lazy place could waste time in calling him all of his various historical national names? it was "g. w." here and "g. w." there. he danced for them and sang for them, and was never weary, never ill-tempered. when once he had had enough to eat--and for many days the men thought that he never could get enough--he became the healthiest and ruggedest of boys, and beyond doubt one of the happiest that ever breathed. ii. the box from up north. one day a box came from the north. it was addressed to "george washington mckinley jones, care of colonel austin;" but as g. w. was incapable of reading he sharply questioned the messenger who delivered it. "how you know dis 'blongs ter me?" asked he. "there's your name," said the messenger. "whar?" the patient messenger traced the boy's illustrious name. "what's dar 'sides my name?" "care of colonel austin." "oh!" said g. w., understandingly, "dat means i'se got ter take care ob it fur my colonel! i reckon dey needn't took all de trouble to write dat foolishness out! co'se i'll take care of it." g. w. ran straight to colonel austin's tent. the officer was sitting inside, and, as it happened, alone. "hello, g. w., what have you there?" the boy held the big box out gravely. colonel austin read the address. "it's for you, my boy," he said. "open it and let us see what is inside. here, let us drop the tent-flap and keep the surprise to ourselves." when the colonel said the package was for him all doubt fled from g. w.'s heart. others might step from truth's narrow way--but his colonel? oh, never! the exciting thought that the box was really for himself made the sturdy little form quiver. his hands shook, and the big brown eyes stood open, as round as full moons. the heavy papers were off at last. upon the box itself lay a square white envelope, breathing forth a fragrance of violets, and stating as plainly as could be, in delicate lettering, that the contents of the envelope were also for g. w. "there's something for you in the letter--open that first," said the colonel. he was eyeing the scene with a strange look upon his face. "shall i read it for you, g. w.?" he added. "yes, sah! i guess you'll have to, sah, sump-in' seems de matter wid my eyes," said g. w. "you jes' read it, colonel. read it slow an' _exactly_ what it done say, kase i doan't want any mistake, sah, 'bout dis sort ob thing." "all right, old man,--just tell me if i go too fast." then the colonel began: "to george washington mckinley jones, _private in the ninth infantry_: "dear sir: the enclosed are for you. they were made in uncle sam's workshop, just where all the brave boys have theirs made"-- "you reads too fast, colonel!" gasped g. w., tiny drops of perspiration standing out on his face. the colonel began again at the beginning, and then went on, reading slowly: "i am sure they will fit, because a little messenger brought me the measurements. accept them with our love, and wear them like the hero you will certainly be some day. there is just one way you can thank us; bring colonel austin home to us safe and sound, well and strong. see that he obeys you where this is concerned. we wish him to do his duty, but do not let anything happen to him. "god bless you, little soldier! that is the daily wish of "the boy and his mother." there was silence in the tent. then said the colonel, "well, why don't you open the box, g. w.?" the boy was kneeling before the box, but his eyes were fastened upon a photograph on the rude table. it was a photograph of "the boy and his mother," g. w. felt certain; and he was realizing that these two, far away in the unknown, had spoken to him. "open it, g. w.," again the colonel said. "you do it, sah! i clar i doan't dare!" the officer laughed, and cut the string. within the box, neatly folded, but in such a way as to hide none of their charms, lay trousers and jacket of army blue resplendent with flashing buttons. colonel austin took the garments out, and held them up at arms' length. they were small, but perfect. "lawd!" gasped g. w.; "for de lawd's sake!" a moment of breathless silence followed; then colonel austin said, "they are yours, g. w., try them on! you are 'one of the boys' now for sure and certain, buttons and all! see, there is a ' ' on every button!" slowly the surprise cleared away in g. w.'s brain. he gave a low whistle, like the note of a bird, and struggled to his feet, for he was still on his knees by the box. "colonel," he whispered, "you ain't never tole me a lie--but dis here 'sperience done tries my mind! turn away yo' head, sah." colonel austin turned away his head and waited. behind his back arose a rustling, with mutters of impatience, as buttons refused to comply with the nervous efforts of awkward and trembling fingers. then came a long breath of content, as things began to run smoother, and presently a sigh of superhuman bliss; then a voice, new and deep, gasped forth: "look at me!" the colonel turned. there, his face and hands in a tremble, but all exultant, stood g. w. in the uniform of the ninth. the coat was buttoned crooked, the cap, which g. w. had discovered at the bottom of the box, was hind part before--but what of that? in all the army of the great republic was no manlier soldier than the little fellow who now faced his colonel with a look of rapture on his round, dusky face. "comrade, give us your hand!" there was a mistiness in the colonel's eyes, a queer chokiness in his voice. "you'll never disgrace the uniform, my boy,--it isn't in you to do it!" g. w. saluted, and then gravely placed his hand in colonel austin's. "dese clo'es," he said, "are jes' goin' to help make me a hero for sho! an', colonel, i'se goin' ter take care ob you jis' like de boy an' his mother tole me. i is sho! nothin' ain't goin' to happen 'long o' you while george washington mckinley jones knows what hisself am about! i'se goin' ter put dis letter in my breas'-pocket, an' it's goin' ter stay right plumb ober my heart, till i take yer back to dem two all right! now, sah, let me show de boys. lawd! i clar if my mammy"--the proud smile quivered--"should see me, i jes' reckon de visions she'd have would make her trimble!" iii. the little gauntlet and sword. the sunlight beat down upon tampa until every man in camp shed his coat in despair, but not one button did g. w. unfasten! he strutted and sweltered, and complained not. he gave daily exhibitions of his sharp-shooting--which, by the way, was an accomplishment truly remarkable. for the first time in his life he was absolutely and perfectly happy. while all "the boys" felt a personal interest in the child, it was a well-understood fact that he belonged to colonel austin. to that officer alone did g. w. report, and from him alone did he accept orders as to his outgoings and incomings. as the long languid weeks dragged on, g. w. became the life of the camp. his "break-downs," danced with wondrous grace and skill, set many a lazy foot shuffling in sympathy. he sang songs to a banjo accompaniment which made the listeners forget their pipes and cards, and set them to thinking of home--and other things. he appeared to be singularly innocent and child-like for such an uncared-for waif. he seemed to have gathered only good nature and a love for the brave and noble from his starved, cruel years. as colonel austin watched him from day to day he became more interested in him, and began to wonder what he should do with the odd little chap when the business with spain was settled, and life assumed its ordinary aspect once more. perhaps the colonel's hunger for the boy up north made him glad of the companionship; perhaps it was only his noble heart always yearning over the needy. be that as it may, the little black boy and the handsome young colonel became daily closer comrades. there was one regulation which colonel austin had insisted upon from the first. g. w., who was to sleep upon a mattress in his tent, was to go to bed early, as a child should. the men might bribe or coax him for a dance or a song during the day; but the little soldier had his orders to "turn in" at eight-thirty, and although g. w. often longed for an hour more, he obeyed like the hero he meant some day to be. love and a strong sense of duty governed the heart beating faithfully under the hot, trimly-buttoned uniform. he might wish to stay where the fun was, but he never varied his obedience by an extra five minutes. when it was possible the colonel took a few moments from duty or pleasure at the twilight hour, and followed g. w. into the tent. when the flap fell to after the pair, not a soldier but knew that the colonel was not to be disturbed except upon the most urgent business. when the colonel came out of the tent the look in his eyes made more than one man remember it. old general wallace was once known to have taken off his hat as he came face to face with g. w.'s colonel at the tent door, after one of those mysterious twilight talks. when the older man realized what he had done he jammed his hat down over his eyes, and, with an impatient laugh, said, "what in thunder is the matter with you, austin? you look like a methodist camp-meeting!" g. w.'s colonel saluted and passed on. one night when he went into the tent after g. w., he found the boy divested of his splendid regimentals, kneeling in a very scant and child-like costume before the table--which, by the way, was composed of two soap-boxes covered with a flag--and scanning the faces of "the boy and his mother." a strange yearning in g. w.'s eyes caused the officer to speak very gently. "what is it, old fellow? surely you are not envying the boy up north? you, a full-fledged soldier of uncle sam!" envy! why g. w.'s heart just then was filled with pity for that boy nearly as old as he, who was obliged to wear humiliating garments. actually there was lace on his collar. and the boy wore curls! not long ones, but curls nevertheless. g. w. had by this time acquired tact sufficient to forbid mention of these pitiful details, but he said slowly, "i'se right sorry fur de boy, colonel, kase he's 'bliged to stay away frum being wid you!" g. w. was too sincere to be laughed at, and the boy's father replied gently: "well, you see, comrade, it is this way: the boy is serving his country as well as you. he'd like to be here first-rate,--a drum-call sets him prancing like a war horse,--but there's the mother, you know. it would never do to leave her quite alone--he's taking my place by her side until the country needs me no longer and i may go home. there are a good many ways of serving, old man. "g. w., once i was walking through a gallery of an ancient castle, and i noticed among the armor and weapons which lined the walls a little gauntlet and sword. so very small were they that i questioned the guide, and he told me this story: 'in the dark days of long ago, when a man's castle had to be defended from his foes, and every one was on guard against an attack, there was a knight who had four sons and one fair daughter. three of the sons were great stalwart fellows, but the fourth was a crippled lad who lay upon his bed in the turret chamber week after week, dreaming his dreams and looking out across the wide parks over which he was never to ride to wage war against a cruel foe. the pretty sister sat much with him and wove wondrous stories from her busy brain to help while away the weary hours; and she got the father to have the slender gauntlet and sword made, so that the patient soldier upon the bed might the better believe himself like the strong, brave heroes of her tales. 'now it came to pass that a very wicked lord of an adjoining country wished to marry the pretty sister, and take her to his gloomy castle. to that the father and brothers said, "no!" they vowed that they would fight to the end rather than that the wicked lord should have his way. and soon they saw that they must indeed fight if they would keep her, for rumor reached them that the lord had raised a mighty company and was nearing their castle. then every man prepared himself for battle, and in the turret room the small warrior lay upon his bed with the gauntlet upon his hand, and the keen sword ready in case the foe should enter. day by day the fair sister, white and full of fear, knelt beside him, and tried to be brave for his dear sake. 'at length the day of conflict came. the two in the high room saw the banners of the wicked lord advancing, and the little brother said valiantly, "i will defend you!" 'the struggle came on. long and nobly did the knight and his men strive to keep back the terrible lord, and many fell in court-yard and hall. but at last the wicked lord and his followers triumphed, and with shouts of victory strode to the turret-room. 'there knelt the maid, her golden head bowed beside her brother. his left hand pressed her fair curls, but his right hand was ready for its task. the lord bent to grasp the prize for which he had fought, little heeding the crippled boy; but as his fingers were about to close upon the girl's arm the keen slender sword was raised in a hand made strong for the deed, and a desperate blow fell upon the wrist of the lord, and his hand was nearly severed from the arm. an awed silence followed the doughty deed. then out spoke the lord: "let no man touch the pair. of all warriors this cripple is the greatest, because in his weakness he has dared all things for love!"' "so you see, g. w., the poor young stay-at-home was a soldier, too!" said the colonel. "i have always loved to remember the story. and now i often think of the boy up north defending his mother from loneliness and foreboding--he is doing his share, g. w." g. w.'s soft, big, brown eyes were fixed upon his colonel's face. the great hero-tales of legend and history were new to his empty childhood, and this one thrilled him to his heart's core. "dat's a mighty fine story!" he mused. "when you was telling me dat story, colonel, it done seem as if nothing was mean in all de world; it seems like every one was brave!" "never reckon out any honest service, old man," the colonel went on; "very little things count in this world, and oftentimes the weakest do the greatest deeds. that little hero of long ago stretches forth a hand to every child who tries to do his part!" a gleam of admiration flashed into g. w.'s eyes. "well, i 'low dat de boy up north is a bigger soldier dan i 'magined. i knowed from de fust i done got to take care ob _you_, colonel, but now i jis' feel like i 'd be glad to do something fur de boy hisself!" colonel austin seemed to understand. "well," said he, "you and he are both taking care of me. you are helping him and he is helping you, and maybe some day you may tell each other all about it." there was surely one thing the colonel's two "boys" had in common: they both had the same devouring passion for hero-stories. during almost every spring evening of that year, by a bedside in a cool northern home, a pretty young mother had sat and told to an eager little lad thrilling tales of bravery and courage. always she began with the one the colonel had told to g. w.--the story of the crippled boy in the old castle turret. there was something in that legend that stirred jack austin in a wonderful manner. it had been hard for jack to be separated from his father from the first; but now, whenever he heard from his father's letters about g. w., and realized that among war's perils there could be a place for a small boy, his heart simply ached with longing. g. w., a boy little older than himself, was there beside daddy! but at this point jack always recalled the story of the gauntlet and the small sword, and stifled back the tears and looked lovingly at his pretty mother. no matter how he envied g. w., he would stay, patient, in his "turret chamber." his place was beside his mother until daddy came marching home. how many times his father had sent him that message! jack dreamed almost every night of his father coming home, keeping step to the cheerful drum; so he had marched away, and so he would return, with g. w. at his side! near his bed, at night, always lay jack's own splendid suit of make-believe soldier clothes. it was hard sometimes for him to think that they were make-believe clothes, while the suit of blue his mother had sent to g. w. were real, true ones, and worn by the dusky little soldier who lived in his dear father's tent. there often seemed to him an unendurable difference between g. w. and himself. poor little jack! he was braver than he realized when he turned away from this feeling and smiled up into his mother's face. but jack's mother knew all about this feeling. "and so you see, dear," the stories for jack always ended, "that though you are but mother's obedient little boy now, your chance in the great world's work will come!" and in the tent, beneath the glorious sunsets of tampa, at about the same time "daddy" would be sitting and smoking beside a small mattress bed, urging the same line of conduct upon another boy "hero" with a heart under the brown skin as pure and innocent as the one throbbing beneath the snowy night-gown so far away. "your chance will come, g. w.!" and both boys generally fell asleep with the resolve that they would do the things and bear the things of the present, and "wait" without a murmur, because heroes had done the same since the world began. iv. waiting in the turret chamber. it was never clear to g. w. why the "boys" were always anxious to be "going." for him the lazy, fun-loving life was never tedious or unpleasant. from all that he could gather by endless questioning, war was not half so agreeable, although he granted it must certainly be more exciting. "when will the order come for us to move?" that was the daily question in camp. at last it came! they were to sail at once. of course the president of the united states, whose illustrious name g. w. bore himself, meant all the thousands who were encamped in tampa; but to g. w. the order meant that _he_ and "de colonel" were to "pull up stakes" and sail away to that strange, mysterious cuba, and face war! the little dusky fellow in blue suddenly felt that his hands were pretty full. he it was who packed all the colonel's belongings, giving special care to the photograph. he polished up the guns and swords, and even his own buttons. he meant at least to command the respect of the foe. he often grew hot and tired, during those days, but never made a complaint. and when the hurried camp preparations were completed, it was g. w. and "de colonel" who marched down the long pier to the waiting transports. to g. w.'s mind, it was for them the cheers rang out, and for them did the band play the inspiring music that set his feet dancing. oh, it was the proudest moment of g. w.'s life so far. his buttons almost burst over his swelling chest. he was marching straight into the glorious future. he was going to be a hero without further delay. he saw "visions," like his mammy. somewhere, off in the misty distance, his "chance" was waiting for him; he felt as certain of it as he was that under his beloved uniform he was surely melting. the days in the crowded transport put little g. w.'s endurance to the test. but during the wretched hours one glance at the colonel's face gave him courage to suffer and be--still! his colonel saw it all. "bear up, old chap! heroes grin--and conquer things," said the officer, while his heart ached for the silent child; and in the end, through sea-sickness and a longing for old easy days, g. w. did grin and "conquer things." then they came to cuba! under the dark palms and cacti, once more the white tents were pitched; and facing the fact of approaching battles, the men made ready, but still lightened the heavy hours by song and joke, and boisterously welcomed the old comradeship of g. w. g. w. revived when once his feet touched solid land. "i doan't like de water," he explained; "it's shaky an' onsartain an'--an'--wet! dere's too much ob it too, an' when it gets wobbly, whar are yo?" so the boy cheerfully took up again his dancing and singing. war grew again to seem to him a matter of some other day. the regiment seemed merely to have shifted its pleasure-ground. to be sure, there were fewer hours alone with the colonel, for he was very busy, but g. w. followed him about at a distance whenever and wherever he could. if love could shield the young officer from harm, surely never was he safer. but presently g. w. began to form new and more personal ideas of war; his imagination, fed by the stories he had heard, sprang to life. perhaps war wasn't anything they would know about beforehand. that might be the reason for the look of anxiety he had noticed upon the face of his colonel. possibly war was like a great cloud hurled along by the hurricane--g. w. knew how _that_ looked. they might all be sitting by the camp-fire some night, when suddenly war would descend upon them and find them unprepared. with that thought g. w.'s face took on an expression of anxiety. he clung closer to his colonel; he did not intend that war should find his colonel unattended by body-guard. colonel austin often took heed of the faithful little shadow, and began to fear anew for the time when he might be obliged to "go to the front" and leave the boy behind. "g. w., you must never go beyond that point alone," he said one day, naming a hill a half mile or so distant. "these are not play-days, comrade; i want to feel that you are safe. i cannot afford to worry about you now. obedience first, old man, you know, and then you are on the way to being a hero." "yes, sah!" the small black hand gave the salute gravely. g. w. never by any possible chance forgot his military training. "but, colonel, you goes furder dan de hill right often." "that's true, g. w., but my duty calls _me_ beyond; _your_ duty bids you stay this side of the hill--that's the difference, g. w." "yes, sah! but how is i goin' ter take care ob you, wid you trapesing off de lawd knows whar?" colonel austin smiled. "you must try to be willing to trust me out of your sight, my boy," he said, "just as i have to trust you when you stay behind." "but, colonel, jes' 'spose war should attack you, wid me fur off? how does yo' 'spec i 'se goin' ter report to de boy an' his mother?" colonel austin saw trouble ahead unless he got g. w. into shape. "look here, old fellow," he replied, taking the young body-guard between his knees. "war isn't going to catch us napping. we'll know at what minute to point our guns at the enemy. we shall know and we shall obey our orders. and you'll know, and _you_ must obey _your_ orders, comrade. you must stay in your turret chamber, like the brave boy of old. you mustn't follow me past that point. if you do, g. w.,"--colonel austin had never threatened the boy before,--"unless you promise me, g. w., i'll tie the flaps of the tent upon you every time i leave it." the childish lips quivered in an un-soldier-like way. "i'll promise, colonel!" "all right, then, and give us your hand. comrade, you've taken a load from my mind." the days following grew to be hard days for the boy, so long petted by the regiment. food was scarce, and when there was plenty it was often of a kind that he turned from. the evenings in the tent were very long and lonely before he fell asleep. no stories now. his colonel's absences grew more frequent and more prolonged. g. w.'s only solace was to gaze at the picture of the boy and his mother. the half-mile hill became more and more every day a dread landmark. from that hated point of view he had to watch the colonel's tall figure disappear only too often, while he stayed behind to return ingloriously to the tent. where was the "chance" that was going to make him a hero if he must always stay behind in the place of safety? did the colonel think heroes were made on hill-tops a half mile from camp? g. w. grew sarcastic. he kept his buttons bright and his uniform brushed and trim; not because he loved it as when he expected to soon wear it as a hero, but because the colonel kept himself in order--his faithful g. w. could at least follow him in that. but at last came a thing that roused him from this mood. fever broke out in camp, and g. w. developed into a nurse of no mean order. he carried water and bathed aching heads. hot hands clung to him, forgetting how very small and weak he was. "sing to us, g. w.," often those weary, suffering fellows said, "and don't give us the jig-tunes, old man, but something soft." with his brown, childish face upraised g. w. would sing the old camp-meeting songs that his mother used to sing in the days of long ago before he had dreamed of being a hero. was it the religious thought in the quaint words, or the tender quality of the airs, or was it g. w.'s pathetic voice that had the power to quiet the delirium and make it possible for the tired sick men to rest? how can one tell? but as the boy sang stillness settled down over the rough hospital, and many a "god bless you, g. w.!" came from thankful lips. colonel austin watched the little comforter bustling to and fro, and with a grim smile he thought that the hero-side of g. w. was developing fast. the boy had grown thin, and an anxious, worn look made the small dusky face very touching; but weariness, disappointment, and bodily discomfort never dragged a complaint from the firm lips. v. the boy up north. just before the colonel and g. w. had been ordered by president mckinley to "move on," colonel austin had had the dear dusky little attendant photographed, dazzling uniform and all and had sent it to little jack who was playing his harder part away up in the northern home. underneath he had written, "my body-guard." after mrs. austin had gazed long and searchingly at the radiant little soldier, she had surprised her son by suddenly bursting into tears. "why, mamma-dear!" cried jack, "don't you like his looks?" "oh! i do indeed, jack; i like his looks so well that it almost breaks my heart--poor little fellow!" "poor little fellow?" jack fell to pondering. he examined every detail of the fascinating photograph--the suit of "real" soldier clothes, the straight, proud wearer with that look of exultation upon his round face. why "poor little fellow"? jacky would have given anything in the world--except his mother--to have been in his place. "mamma-dear," he sighed at last, "i'd rather be g. w. than president of the united states!" mrs. austin laughed and wiped away her tears. "that's because you are daddy's boy," she replied; "but poor g. w. has a hard way to travel through life, and your mother was wondering just where he will fit in when heroes are not required." "heroes are always required," jack answered sagely, "and i bet g. w. will be brave anywhere. he's got brave eyes." "i believe you are right, jack," said his mother. "put his photograph upon your table, and try to be the same kind of boy you think he is. he certainly is a dear little chap!" so upon the table in jack's room g. w.'s photograph was placed; and often and often when he was quite alone colonel austin's son visited with his father's small dusky body-guard until, on jack's side at least, the two became intimate friends. then into the northern home came daddy's letters telling of the approach of battle and the change of scene. nothing of g. w.'s doings was ever omitted by the colonel; he knew jack's hunger for hero-news. the little mother was less gay during those early days of summer; a shadow rested upon her sweet face, and she clung to jack with a sort of passion. jack was full of comfort and cheer when he was with her, but he had his hours of unhappiness too, and then he used to go into his room and stay with g. w. one day mrs. austin went to drive with a friend, and jack took that opportunity for a private drill, with g. w. to look on. up in his bright sunlit room he put on his soldier suit and marched to and fro with swelling chest and mighty stride. oh! if he were only to be with his father in the battles to come! he might keep danger away if he were with him. no one would hurt a little boy--he would go, in every battle, in front of his father! at last he went to the table and kneeling down scanned the likeness of g. w.--the boy who was filling his place, daddy's body-guard! he grew very unhappy as he looked at the small colored boy. "i'm a toy boy," he faltered, "and g. w. is a live soldier!" then he thought of daddy's last letter, in which he had written of the hill which marked g. w.'s boundary. "i bet that makes you turn hot and cold, g. w.," he mused. "oh, i know just how you feel!" the blue eyes searched deep into the pictured ones of brown. "oh! g. w., i wish you knew how to manage daddy as mamma-dear and i do! daddy'll let you do what's necessary always, if you just know how, but he's awful particular about being obeyed. i wish you could make him change his mind about that hill. of course they won't fight a battle _there_; if there was any danger of that daddy'd set your limit at camp! but, g. w., if you should go ahead and do a brave thing, like saving a life, he'd forgive you; he'd punish you, i guess, but he'd forgive you--mamma-dear and i'd make him, anyway. if _i_ were in your place, in the very clothes of the ninth, i'd dare a good sound punishing to be by daddy's side. i'd just ask him what he called me a body-guard for." the tears blinded jack's eyes, and through their gleam g. w.'s face seemed to grow rigid with disapproval. "i know," half sobbed jack, wiping his tears upon the sleeve of his blue "make-believe" coat; "daddy's trained you to think you _must_ obey; but, oh, i wish that particular old hill wasn't in cuba! "i'm going to tell you something, g. w.," jack went on. "once, the summer before daddy went away, i had a 'sperience with him. i was a year littler than i am now. he told me not on any account to go down to the river without him. i wanted to, for daddy had taught me how to swim and i wanted to float about and practise. every day i went near, to look at the water, and every night daddy would say, 'now remember, jack, for no reason go to the river without me.' but i went nearer and nearer, until one day i could see the other boys in, and then--i pulled off my clothes and in i went, too! i hadn't been in long when don grover--he's my best friend, but a year littler--got out further than any one else, and suddenly he put his arms right up in the air and screamed that he was a-drowning. we were all scared, and the other boys swam to the shore to get help. i couldn't think of anything but don, and i swam right out to him, and he didn't grab hold of me or anything, but let me kind of tow him in; and course it was awful far and we were nearly dead, and i kept thinking how i had disobeyed daddy, and seeing mamma-dear's mournful eyes. but don and i didn't talk, only just swam. when we got to the shore we crawled out and lay down and went to sleep, but when the boys came back with some men i waked up and told them to take don home and i could go alone. g. w., i was terribly fearful to go, for you know how particular daddy is about obeying and waiting in your own place of duty. "i ached, and my knees just fluttered. when i got there daddy and mamma-dear were sitting on the piazza, and the minute i looked at daddy i was sure he knew i had disobeyed. 'where have you been, jack?' he said, solemn. i said, 'swimming.' he got up, and mamma-dear began to cry, but daddy took me in the study and he--he whipped me, g. w., like anything, for disobedience. i wouldn't cry, because i _had_ been disobedient. "that evening don's father came over and told daddy how i tugged don in, and i saw daddy's eyes looking like two big steady stars, and the whipping was just nothing, and mamma-dear cried the same as if don and i were drowned dead. and, g. w., what do you think daddy did? when don's father finished, daddy came and said, 'you deserved the thrashing, jack, for not obeying, you know; but let me shake hands with you because you are a brave fellow,' and i almost choked. i said, 'don't mention it!' but i shook his hand like anything. oh, g. w., if only i could make you know just how to be a true body-guard to daddy! if you should go over that hill he'd punish you for disobeying, sure, but if some time you just _had_ to do it for a brave reason, he'd shake your hand, g. w." the boy in the photograph seemed to be listening to jack, and trying to understand him, and to be thinking about it, as if he knew that jack's very heart was in what he said. presently a slow smile lit up the features of the make-believe boy in blue. "g. w.," he whispered, "i'm not going to worry any more about daddy! you'll do the right thing by him, i'll bet! when you come home, g. w., you shall have half of everything i own. we're going to be brothers!" little jack austin ran down to meet his mother when she returned, with a cheery smile, because he had in his heart a sure trust that g. w. would save the day, no matter what the danger that threatened daddy! vi. "war, g. w.!" g. w.'s wanderings from camp became less and less frequent. he thought no longer of going anywhere but to the hill-top; and that detested limit became more hated as oftener and oftener the colonel passed beyond the faithful little guardian's gaze. "i'd jes' like to know whar de colonel goes _all_ de time!" sighed g. w. colonel austin was not unmindful of the boy, but evidently he was deep in business and anxiety. an occasional pat upon the little woolly head, or a word of cheer, was all the devoted comrade received; yet, with only that to feed upon, the childish devotion continually grew. he took to talking aloud to the boy and his mother, in the long silent hours of evening. they became as alive and intimate to him as he, all unknown to himself, had become to jack. he made solemn promises regarding the colonel which, had jack heard, would have set to rest any doubt as to g. w.'s capabilities of "managing the colonel." "doan you-uns be frettin'," he whispered one night when his own heart was like lead in his body; "you kin jes' keep on a-smilin' an' a-smilin'--i 'low i can take care ob de colonel. dat hill gets de best ob me, jes' fur de minute, but you min' i'm a-thinkin' 'bout dat ar hill! i'se goin' git de bes' ob dat der hill, yit!" one hot day when g. w. had smothered as usual his loathing for his limit, and followed at a respectful distance the tall, well-beloved figure of his colonel, he had a hard fit of sighing. "i reckon if de colonel knew 'bout how i is feelin' dis minute," he said, wiping the perspiration from his face, "he'd jes' holler back 'howdy' ter me." but the colonel not knowing of the faithful little henchman's nearness, sent back no word of loving cheer--did not once turn. the two were plodding along the road called the santiago road at the time, and the long strides of the officer presently put him beyond g. w.'s vision. suddenly g. w. sighed aloud. "he's gone!" there was a break in the soft voice. "i clar ter goodness, he's always gone! i'm bressed if i doan't wish de war would come an' be done wid! dese days done w'ar me to frazzles!" a low, deep, rumbling sound made g. w. start. by instinct, he crouched under some nearby bushes. "what's dat?" he muttered, his eyes growing round and full of inquiry. "dat ain't thunder!" the ominous, threatening sounds were drawing nearer, approaching over the road along which he had come, and along which he must return to camp. "lawd!" gasped g. w.; "jes' 'spose dat is war a-comin' an' a-ketchin' me alone by myself; good lawd!" the small face became terror-stricken. he clutched his hands in the pockets of his trousers. the rumble grew louder. suddenly the sun flashed upon a strange object being drawn up the rough trail. "cannoneers, forward!" came a full loud cry that echoed and re-echoed in g. w.'s brain. then the boy perceived, as far as his gaze could travel, soldiers and cannon filling the familiar road. he forgot his terror, and thrilled and palpitated as he gazed from his leaf-covered hiding-spot. then a new thought made him reel backward. was the entire american army marching away from camp, leaving him behind who was bound to return there? the colonel had left no orders for him; and the hill stood, as ever, between him and any following of the soldiers. then came a thought that relieved him--there would be the sick in camp; surely they could not join this rushing company and he would remain with them until the colonel remembered him. back toward camp he sped, keeping within the tangle of bushes and out of sight of the oncoming men; pushing and tumbling, he made his way as fast as his uniformed legs would carry him. when he reached camp, panting and heated, he found a scene of great excitement; and as far as he could judge, the men, both sick and well, were all there! the ninth, at least, had not gone over the hill-top! "what's goin' ter happen?" g. w. gasped. a boyish soldier who was writing a letter home looked up and answered, "war, g. w.! that's what's going to happen, and mighty quick, too." "and is us all goin' to de war?" g. w. sat down beside the soldier; indeed, his legs could hold him up no longer. "there are no orders yet, but i reckon we'll get our chance. two more transports are in, and a lot of guns." "i saw dem," said g. w., thrilling again. "miles ob dem an' millions of men! lawd, corporal!" then, after a pause, and very softly, he said, "say, corporal jack, if--if my colonel don't send orders back fur me to come ter him, an' if youse all get orders ter go on, will yer jes' fur my sake try ter find de colonel an' tell him a message? jes' tell him not ter fret 'bout me, cos i'se goin' ter remember de hill!" g. w. had never humiliated himself by allowing any one to suppose he cared to go beyond the hill-top. "an' jes' tell him i'll take care ob de picture!" there were tears rolling down g. w.'s upturned face. corporal jack laid down his pen and pad. "well!" he cried, "you're a brick, g. w. but the colonel is not going to forget you, g. w. brace up and hold on. and just give us your hand, comrade!" the two clasped hands gravely; then corporal jack went on with his letter, and g. w. passed into colonel austin's tent, to have all things ready in case there came an order to march. late that night, as g. w. lay upon his camp-bed (for he had been promoted from the humble mattress) in the dismantled tent, colonel austin entered. he was very weary, very pale. the boy upon the bed watched him silently. the moonlight was streaming in the opening, and the tall figure was distinctly outlined as the colonel paused within the doorway and glanced about the bare, disordered place. all at once he seemed to understand; a smile flitted across his worn face. he went over to the soapbox table, shorn of its gorgeous cover, the photograph alone adorning it. he took the picture, looked long and tenderly at the two faces, then slipping the card out of the frame he put it in his breast pocket. a moment later he came over to g. w.'s bed. the boy looked up trustingly. "i'se awake, colonel." "good for you, comrade. i want to have a little talk with you." a thin brown little hand slipped itself into the large firm one, and g. w. sat up. "g. w.," said the colonel, "i'm going to the front. you know what that means?" "i 'low i does, colonel. when does we start? i'se been a-workin' ter get ready." "but, comrade, _you_ are not to go!" the poor little body-guard had feared this. in his misery he looked up into the colonel's face and gulped helplessly. "don't take it that way, my child," said the colonel, smoothing the little woolly head burrowing back in the pillow; "it would be impossible for me to take a little fellow like you along. there's just a chance, you know, g. w., that i may not get back. i've thought lately that i did wrong to bring you from tampa; but you had nothing there, and we have had each other here, comrade, and _that_ ought to count for something." a tightening of the little hand replied. "if i shouldn't come back, my child," the colonel continued, "i want you to know that i have made all arrangements for you to be sent up to the boy and his mother. they'll look out for you, comrade, for they know that you are my little body-guard, and they will adopt you in their home--for your own sake too, g. w.; there's the making of a man in you, g. w., and you will not ever disappoint anybody, no matter what happens to me. during the coming days here, keep within your limits, my boy. obey orders, and you will be a hero indeed, for i know how much you want to go along to take care of me. by staying right here you are doing a harder thing." g. w. was sobbing forlornly. the colonel got up and paced the tent for a silent moment or two. "you've been the best kind of a comrade, g. w.," he went on, as he came back, while the listener drew his legs up and down under the coarse gray blanket, in an agony of sorrow. "and you're not going to fail me now, old fellow." "yes, sah! no, sah!" the pillow half stifled the words. presently poor g. w. sat up in bed again. "colonel," he said, "you jes' banish me out yo' mind! you do your work, an' be keerful to take keer ob yo'self. i'se goin' ter do what yo want an' keep in dem limits--but if yo' does _not_ come back frum dat front, i doan' think i can face dem two up norf! i'd jes' feel dat i hadn't done been no body-guard--fo de lawd, colonel austin, doan't ask me ter face de boy an' his mother 'thout you! i ain't goin' ebber ter forget what you don teach me, an' i'se nebber goin' ter shame yer while i lib, but i can't go 'thout you to dem--de lawd knows i can't." "under those circumstances i'll be obliged to come back, g. w." something choked the soldier's voice. then bending down he kissed the boy's dusky brow, as often he had kissed the white one of his own little son. "god bless you, comrade!" he whispered. "you've lightened many a burden for us all since you came among us. i trust you and i may be spared to meet again." then g. w. saw the tall form of the best friend he had on earth pass out of the tent, and fade away into the confusion and unreality of the moonlit night. vii. the battle on the hill-top. a strange atmosphere hung over the camp, an air of expectant waiting. the sick men tossed upon their beds bewailing their inability to be up and doing, and calling feverishly for "news!" but no news came; nothing to break the dismal monotony. everybody utilized g. w. the cook taught him to cook, and the nurses made him useful. the sick men smiled up at him as their only diversion. it was well for the boy that his days were filled with labor, and that he was too utterly weary at night to stay awake long. his dreams were filled far oftener than his waking thoughts with visions of the colonel. his dreams were always happy ones--then the colonel appeared well and jolly as g. w. had first known him. the little fellow hailed bed-time as the release from wretchedness. "now, then!" he would say to himself, as his lids grew heavy, "now i'se goin' ter see my colonel austin!" sometimes he would laugh aloud in his sleep, so very jolly was he, but there was no one to hear the sound in the empty tent. little g. w. had no folks now. his only good-night was the bugle-call, "all lights out!" but in the trenches at the front a brave man always included g. w. in his loving thoughts of home and dear ones; and up north the mother and the boy ended their evening prayer, "god bless daddy and g. w. keep them safe and bring them home to us very soon!" no one questioned g. w.'s goings and comings. if any thought was given, it was that he was probably obeying orders which colonel austin had left, and that he was proving himself a blessing where most boys would have been an annoyance and burden. so one day when he sauntered away from the cluster of tents, no one asked him where he was bound, or how soon he would be back. he passed along walking very straight as became a uniformed soldier, whistling a march-tune, now and then interrupting himself to introduce a clear flute-like note. something had happened to g. w. the day was oppressively hot, but his languor and sadness had vanished. he felt strong and happy; everything was beautiful, life was full of keen interest. "i 'low somethin' is goin' ter occur!" he said to himself; "i has feelin's like my mammy used ter have. sure's i'se a-walkin' here, the front is off dere 'yond de hill! dat's whar de colonel always went, an' dat's why he fix de top like a stun wall fur me. i 'clar i'se goin' up ter jes' look. what's i worth if i doan't take some chances ter find out news 'bout my colonel austin? lawd! it seems like forty-seben years since he done walk away like a dream!" now, strange to say, before g. w. had started on this tramp, besides donning his entire uniform, he had taken his gun, a small but perfect one that some of the officers had given him as a reward for excellent target-shooting; and also he had filled his canteen with water in true soldier fashion. under the blazing sun his hot coat and trousers became almost unendurable, and except for his new feeling of strength and joyousness, his precious gun would have become a burden. suddenly he stood still, and his face became rapt and eager. he gazed up to the tall trees under which he stood. "i'se clean forgot 'bout dat 'chance' ob mine fur ages; but, lawd! jes' s'pose it should come to-day!" he gasped. the remembrance that his mammy had said that if he wanted to be a hero he would have the "chance" filled him with a wild delight. for a moment he could not move, so great was his glad feeling--then with a cheery whistle he plodded on straight toward his hill-top. it was an unlikely spot for "chances." it was too near camp for the foe to be there; but irresistibly g. w.'s feet carried him forward. overcome at length by the heat, g. w. reached the summit, only to sink down at once in the tangle of bushes and pant and puff. but after a while he revived; and then peering through the undergrowth he gazed down upon the plain below that stretched beyond his limit. what had happened since last he had seen the spot? was he dreaming, or actually looking down upon something that was really taking place? g. w. stood up and steadying himself against a tree continued to gaze and gaze below. there was a big rude tent, with all sides open. within was a long table around which figures moved restlessly or stood strangely still. wagons were rolling up to this tent bringing burdens which turned poor little g. w. ill as he realized what they were. they were men! sick or wounded men! ready hands lifted the limp forms from the carts and laid them in long rows upon the ground; then, over and over again, as the fear-filled little watcher on the hill strained his eyes, he saw a man singled out from the lines and borne to the table. g. w. grew chill under the blazing sun as he looked, not comprehending what it meant. "i can't--think--what--dat--means!" he said aloud; "'pears like i am habin' a dream standin' up out-doors wid my clo'es on. lawd! how--i--does--wish--i--knew--what--dat--dar--means!" the poor little fellow rubbed his head in a hopeless, forlorn way, while his heart beat fast and chokingly. suddenly it came to him; like a flash the meaning became clear. there had been a battle! they were bringing in the dead and wounded from the front to that fearsome spot below. then g. w. shuddered as a new thought broke upon his brain. perhaps his colonel was there! the sudden idea took the form of a frenzy. he flung his arms up with a wild gesture, and then, alone on the hill-top, there was a battle on for g. w.--an exceedingly hard battle. "obey!" cried honor; "'tis the thing you are called to do! 'tis the thing you have promised!" "but the colonel may lie in the long row," pleaded love; "no one near him to tend just him; no one to give him a drink or hold his head or his hand; to follow him and stay by him. he is just one of a row!" g. w.'s sad little face turned gray. "you promised!" honor admonished. "he trusted you, with no doubt of your obedience!" "but they may have forgotten him. he may be lying out on the battle-field--and no one could find him as surely as you!" love sobbed in his ears. with a pitiful moan, the little body-guard gave up his promise! a disobedient, loving little black boy sped down from the hill-top, on the forbidden side, sobbing and crying. he flung all but his love for the colonel to the hot winds. he might be shot, he might lose his way endlessly, but he must go. with a bitter cry he flung off his coat and cap as he ran. the honor of a soldier's uniform was no longer for him. he paused only to take the precious up-north letter out of the pocket and crush it into his shirt front. viii. the colonel's body-guard tossing his canteen across his shoulder, and seizing his gun, g. w. tore on down the hill straight toward the gruesome place below, and right into it. no one noticed him. the surgeons were too busy to look up as he ran around the table scanning the faces upon the boards. the men carrying the helpless burdens, or ministering to their wants, had no time to question why a little black boy should suddenly be in among them. he made sure that he had looked into every face, and then, with a feeling of relief, was about to turn away from the sad scene, when a weak voice stopped him. "g. w.! thank god! come here!" g. w. turned; there upon a blanket under a tree waiting for his turn to be taken to the table was the boy who but a few days before in camp had told him that war was "mighty near." war had indeed drawn near in haste, and poor young corporal jack had gone down before the enemy's fire. "the colonel," gasped corporal jack, as g. w. came and bent over him; "he was shot, too. we fell side by side. we crawled back, but when the wagon came he made them take me; there was only room for one. he's a mile back on the roadside. g. w., get help and go for him, and tell him god bless him!" the weak voice ceased, for the men had come to carry him to the table. he tried to wave cheerfully to g. w., but the effort caused him to faint, and g. w. started away, trying to comprehend what he had heard. "my colonel's a mile back on the roadside!" that was all little g. w. had for a guide. but had his colonel been a hundred miles back, it would have made no difference to his body-guard. there was but one aim in g. w.'s heart: to reach his colonel, and save him for the boy and the mother up north! on he ran, grasping his little gun in a rigid clutch. he forgot to implore aid from those he met as he rushed. over the rough trail he sped like a deer. the fearful, ugly, swarming land-crabs scurried away from before him. "colonel!" he sobbed, "fore de lawd, colonel, where is you? i'se a-comin', colonel!--jes' you hold on!" a wagon bearing another pitiful load came by. "is colonel austin in dar?" he cried. some one knew him and called an answer: "no, g. w., your colonel isn't here!" on, on, again. what was that? a roar of cannon! g. w. shuddered, but gripped his gun and kept on, making forward. presently he began to meet more wounded men, singly, or in groups of two or three, trying with what strength remained in them to reach the rear. occasionally a man knew the boy, and gave him a friendly smile; once one asked him for a drink. "don't youse take much of it, captain," g. w. pleaded, holding the canteen to the parched lips, "cose dis is fur my colonel austin." be it to the man's eternal credit that, almost dying of thirst as he was, he handed back all but a mouthful of the blessed water. "thank you; that will help me to the camp. colonel austin is to the right of the road, a little further back, behind some bushes; he tried to come on with me, but fell. i'll send you help, for he cannot walk. god bless you, g. w." on through awful scenes the little black boy went. no one looked upon him with surprise. the small, familiar figure was part of the camp-life and war. again the little rescuer dashed on. and oh, go quickly now, g. w.! among the tangled bushes is a slinking, leaf-covered figure running as rapidly as you! hurry, tired feet! steady, little dusky hand! there is a deed for you to do which will make your name blessed up north, if only you are in time! ah, hist! a crackling among the bushes made g. w. pause. what was it? with a sudden impulse the boy crouched in the jungle and listened. after a moment a form, covered with leaves, half crawled, half ran, near where he was hidden. g. w. held his breath, and got his gun in position. he understood. he had heard of the foes' trick of covering themselves with leaves to escape attention, and he knew at once what he had to deal with. never was he calmer than he grew at that moment. but oh, look! the crawling form, in the open now, stopped, raised his gun, and took deliberate aim at something beyond. g. w. was as quick; and before there was time for the leafy form to draw the trigger, his own small sure hand had flashed forth a bullet! with a cry the wretched creature flung up his arms and fell back. g. w. stood up and wiped the perspiration from his cold, drawn face. his eyes were blazing, but the strange new calmness still possessed him. he pushed forward to find the object at which the spaniard's gun had been aimed. that it was "one of our boys" little g. w. of course knew; but he was _not_ prepared for the sight that presently rose before him. a bit beyond, leaning against a tree, bloodstained, dirt-begrimed, and faint, sat his colonel. at the first glimpse of him something like the ice of winter gave way in g. w.'s breast. the blood began to flow through his veins; the past was but a bad dream--he was once more a glad and loving little fellow. "colonel!" he whispered, like one coming out of sleep. "colonel, i'se here!" but colonel austin took no heed of the tender voice. ix. "i'se got de colonel!" g. w. stumbled onward and reached the tree, put his arm about the officer, and carefully held the canteen to his lips. a gurgle, the water was drained to the last drop; and then, oh, joy! the heavy eyes opened. it did not seem strange to colonel austin to see g. w.'s dusky face. it was but part of the troubled dream that held his heated brain. "hello, comrade!" he said. "just tell them i couldn't see the little corporal die. there was only room for one. he was crying for his mother, and he had been brave all day. the boy and his mother will--understand--by and by." "now you see heah, colonel," said poor little g. w. "you jes' stop dat kind ob talk. your laigs ain't hurt--it's your chist, an' you'se got ter git up an' come along!" g. w.'s voice was full of fright and determination combined. "no use, g. w.," groaned the colonel. "i tried it, and fell. help will be sent back, but it will be too late, my boy." "you get up, sah!" persisted g. w. "you'se got ter make a move fur de boy an' his mother! i'se goin' ter sabe yo' fur dem, sah, like i swar to. now stan' up, sah!" colonel austin staggered to his feet, leaning upon the little shoulder. the water had revived him, and g. w.'s words had recalled him to a sacred duty. the wound in his breast began to bleed again, and the crimson drops fell upon g. w. the man's weight, too, almost bowed the little boy down. but he set his teeth and smiled grimly. the undertaking seemed nearly big enough for a hero to tackle--and here he was just a disobedient, dishonored little black boy! "you'se doin' fine!" g. w. said, whenever colonel austin's steps flagged; "you'se done a mile _mos'_, colonel; dere ain't but a step or two furder. lean heavy, colonel,--yo' jes' ain't no heft at all!" and all the while the keen eyes were searching the underbrush for another leaf-clothed foe. once they stopped so that g. w. might tear his shirt in strips and bind it roughly over the bleeding wound. the blessed letter from up north fell out upon the ground. g. w. clutched it and put it in his trousers pocket; the sight of it gave him fresh strength. stumbling and swaying, the two went on again. no help came along the road. but dust-covered and near to death, the comrades at length reached the field hospital. it was growing dark when they came into the open space. lanterns were hanging around the great rough table, and the restless figures were still moving about. with rising hope little g. w. made a last rally. "come on, colonel," he panted; "you jes' hang on to me. we'se all right now. only you jes' come faster, colonel! you jes' _run_ now, colonel,--dere ain't no call ter act so back'ard here,--you'se on de road home!" the fainting man heard the brave soft voice, and he braced up and struggled yet again. they were nearing the tent opening, the lanterns flashed, and the moonlight fell full upon their faces. a soldier among the many who were lying out under the stars saw them and cried out: "look, boys! it's colonel austin and g. w." "yes, sah!" the boy said simply. "i'se got de colonel! here's de colonel!" "three cheers for g. w!" cried a weak voice. "g. w.'s saved the colonel!" the crowd of sufferers took up the quivering cry, and all around the tent spread the story of g. w.'s bravery. a surgeon glanced up--then with an exclamation rushed forward. "austin!" he shouted. "austin, let go of him, the boy is fainting! here, some one, lift g. w.! i've got the colonel!" that was all. for little g. w. the lights went out. the voices melted into silence. the colonel was safe! all was right. x. in the tent hospital. there were long, troubled dreams for little g. w.--dreams that were unlike those which used to come and cheer him in camp before he had given up his hopes of being a hero. these were full of terror--a longing for water, and visions of his dear colonel wounded and dying. sometimes a skulking figure, leaf-covered and terrible, stalked through those pain-filled visions. then he would shout for his gun. but always when he cried aloud, a voice familiar but distant called upon him to be calm and trust some one, whose name he had forgotten. at last there came a day when the dreams began to fade. voices not so distant reached him. then he tasted water, for the first time, he thought, in years! "thank you!" he said to some one holding the glass to his lips, but did not open his eyes. he was very tired. "g. w. is coming around all right," said a grave, quiet voice. "plenty of nourishment, nurse,--all that you can get for him. that boy mustn't slip through our fingers." the boy heard, but he did not stir. a new voice broke in upon the strange calm. "can't you speak to me, my child?" the simple question sent a thrill through the faithful heart. g. w. faintly unclosed his eyes. he must see who was speaking in that dear, dear voice. "colonel!" he whispered. "oh! my colonel!" then g. w.'s eyes opened wide. on the pillow of the bed next his own--for they were both lying in the tent hospital--he saw the face of colonel austin. the one face in the world that g. w. longed to see, and the one that he had dreamed and dreamed and dreamed was gone forever! little g. w. opened his lips with a gasp and an effort to speak. but memory rushed upon him. in that glance of recognition he remembered what he had done. "i done broke my word, colonel!" was what he said. two slow tears rolled down the dusky cheeks. "yes, g. w." "an' i follered you, colonel, like you tole me not to." "i know it--thank god!" if poor little g. w. had not been so weak he would have sprung up; he tried to, but fell limply back. "g. w., my child," said the colonel, moving a little nearer, "if you had not disobeyed and come after me i would not have been here. you took your orders from some one higher in command, g. w. we're going home soon, going home together. do you know what i am saying, g. w.? just as soon as we can travel we are going up north together to the boy and his mother!" things happened for dear little g. w. in snatches after that. pain-filled pauses and unconscious lapses and short, sudden, sharp throbs of happiness, made up life. the colonel gained his strength far sooner than g. w. he could have travelled, but he would not leave his little comrade. "i'll stay by the little chap until the end, or i'll take him home with me," he said to the doctor who urged his departure. "i'll never desert him." the "end" did not come to g. w., however. all at once he began to mend. white and weak, his eyes too large for his face, for fever had worn him to a shadow, colonel austin sat beside his bed retelling the old hero-stories, while g. w. smiled with closed eyes. sometimes the boy roused and asked a series of questions. "when is we goin' home, colonel?" "on the next transport, comrade." "i s'pose we has ter live in jes a house when we goes home?" sighed the boy. "why, g. w., a house isn't a bad thing--do you think so?" "i likes tents mighty well, i does!" said g. w. "well, old man, don't lose heart; you're not going to live in a house right away." "i spect de uniform wasn't nebber found up on de hill-top, colonel?" "no, my boy. there was no time to hunt up lost uniforms; it was all the boys could do to hunt up lost men." "colonel, what is i goin' ter do when dat transport comes in? no cloes, no nothin'!" colonel austin laughed, and many a sick man's face relaxed at the sound. "the colonel is laughing--g. w.'s better," murmured a weak voice, and the good news travelled around the hospital tent. "the boy and his mother are having a new suit made for you, g. w.," the colonel said. "the boy thought of it the first thing." when the transport came that was to carry the colonel, g. w., and several hundred others home, it had among its stores the new suit of blue for the destitute little soldier. if anything, it was more splendid than the first one, but it was wofully large for the poor little body-guard. when he first appeared in it the men were about to laugh, then grew suddenly silent as they saw the gray little dusky face, and remembered _why_ g. w. had so shrunk. but even g. w. smiled after a moment. he stood up by his cot, and put his hands in the pockets and spread wide the almost empty trouser-legs of the fine uniform. "i clar," said he, "if you'se all didn't see me a standin' on my feet, yo nebber would say dere were legs 'tached to my body!" "never mind, g. w.!" it was corporal jack who spoke. he, too, was going home on the transport, and the knowledge had put a pound or so of flesh on his bones. "never you care, g. w.! those shanks'll get you into god's country; and your rightful legs will grow again up there. lordy, g. w., if you only knew what is a-waiting for you!" g. w. smiled inquiringly. something was going to happen, as every one seemed to know. it was evidently an army secret, and the gossip of all the men, until g. w. drew near! then, smiling silence. xi. "it's all yours, g. w.!" the cool air was sweeping, like a breath of paradise, over the face of little g. w. they had brought him up on deck, for the transport was nearing home. colonel austin stood by, anxious; he did not like the look upon the thin, drawn countenance. "take a brace, g. w.!" he said, while he laid his fingers upon the weak pulse in the tiny wrist. sea-sickness had reduced the child to a mere skeleton. it had been worse than the fever. not even the thought that "up north" was within sight could arouse him now. "i see a long stretch of land, my boy," colonel austin went on, "and a fine white light-house on the farthest point. g. w., i'll bet you don't know what this light-house looks like!" "i bet i doesn't!" g. w. spoke in a whisper, his eyes shut. "in a few hours, g. w., we will swing into the bay." g. w. shuddered. the idea of _swinging_ into anything made him ill afresh. "and then they will put you on a litter, old man, and i will walk beside you up to--up to--are you listening, g. w.?" "yes, sah!" then a quiver passed over g. w.'s face. "i thought," he whispered, "i done thought i smelled land!" "and so you do, old fellow," said the colonel, cheerily. "here, let me lift you up. now, g. w., open your eyes! see the light-house shining like a slim white finger? that's montauk point, comrade, stretching along in the sea. they are going to land us here to rest a bit before we go home. are you understanding, my child?" g. w. lay staring at the scene with his great, round, soft eyes. the smell of the land was in his nostrils and presently he smiled a beautiful, satisfied smile, and colonel austin whispered, "thank god!" under breath. "colonel," g. w. said, low, "you jes' fetch my clo'es! i'se goin' ter land wid my soldier-clo'es all on. dat smell done cure me for sure! dat's a mighty fine smell, colonel, dat is!" some hours later the transport cast anchor in the lovely bay. in the early morning, when the sunlight danced upon the shining waves, never was there a fairer sight to greet sick, home-longing eyes. at last it was g. w.'s turn to be carried up the gang-plank. very gently they placed him upon the litter, and his colonel walked beside it and held the small, weak hand. g. w. closed his eyes, for the excitement made him tremble, and lately he had had trouble with growing tearful on every possible occasion, and had had to squeeze his eyelids together hard. they were carrying him along up somewhere--g. w. felt the upward motion. and now they were walking on even ground. presently the shouting he had noticed before began again. it came nearer and words became distinct. comrade was greeting comrade. there were welcomes for his colonel, a welcome to corporal jack--his mother was there, some one said; she was up in the general's tent. suddenly a few words startled g. w. they seemed to him to ring out of the confusion of greetings like an alarm: "oh, look! there are colonel austin and his little hero!" it was a woman's voice. the heavy brown eyes of the little fellow in blue on the litter opened. the procession of sick men was passing between lines of sympathizing people, but to g. w. they faded like visions. he turned his head and fixed his solemn gaze upon the one face in all the world dear to him. "colonel!" he gasped, "did yo' hear dem words--dem hero-words? yo' better tell dem dat it ain't so!" "why, my child, they know all about it. you are as big a hero as ever was brought home--didn't you know it?" "no, sah!" again the lids closed--the battle with tears was renewed. the next stage of little g. w.'s journey was made in an army ambulance. over the hills and down the sandy valleys the big wagon went softly until it stopped before the long hospital tent on the hill overlooking the merry waves. then g. w. was carried in and placed upon a bed, and a woman with a wonderful face came and bent over him. she wore a blue gown and a snowy cap and apron and kerchief. g. w. had never seen anybody in the world in the least like her. she stood and smiled down at him, and he smiled weakly up at her. "well, my little hero," she laughed in the most cheerful manner, as if it were quite a joke to see heroes carried about like babies, "it isn't so very bad! i think i can get you on your feet in--let me see--well, three days at the farthest." three days! if she had said three years the boy would have felt doubtful, for his legs were but waving strings. this smiling woman in blue and white fed him--about every two minutes, he thought; as soon as he had swallowed one thing she went away for another, and came back and fed him again; and he swallowed all the things down, and began soon to laugh as merrily as she. sure enough, upon the third day, and in the morning, too, she came walking up to g. w.'s cot with colonel austin, and over her arm hung the fine new uniform. "my boy," she laughed,--she always laughed,--and drew a screen about the bed, "we're going to put your clothes on you, and if you lean upon both colonel austin and me, i think you can manage to take a bit of a walk. we have something very important to show you." how he got into his dear blue clothes, g. w. never knew; but at length, and rather unsteadily, he was walking between the nurse and his colonel down the aisle of the tent. weak cheers followed him from rows of cots. thin hands waved him salutes. on the whole, it was rather jolly and inspiring. by the time he reached the door g. w. was walking more steadily, and the strong salt air put life into him at the first breath as he came outside in the sunlight. "just up this hill, now, g. w.,--can you make it?" asked the colonel. "take breath, go slowly, lean heavily. the last time you and i took a walk, comrade, i nearly bent you double. we're going to my tent." g. w. gazed about him. a city of snowy tents under a blue, blue sky. water everywhere round about, dancing in the sunlight and making a great roar as if constantly saluting the brave soldier boys who had come home to rest. down a hillside a troop of cavalry came galloping. the horses were to take a plunge in the ocean, and oh! how they loved the sport. g. w. shouted out weakly in pure delight. "dat's fine! dat's fine!" he gasped, waving his thin little brown hand as horses and riders tore past. then g. w. wearily asked, "whar did you say yo' tent is, colonel?" "right there, my boy." g. w. looked. "what's dat little tent fur, by de side ob it?" "that's yours, g. w." the nurse tightened her grasp of the trembling arm. "mine! dere's a flag a-flying on top, colonel! an' dere's a little horse a-pawin' in de front ob de tent-do', colonel!" "all yours, g. w! let's get on if you can, my boy!" at last the tents were reached. they entered g. w.'s. it was perfect. camp bed, soapbox table, flag-draped, a folding stool and all; and in the corner stood the little gun--the precious gun that had done such brave service for the colonel. "lie down now, g. w.," said the nurse; and the child promptly obeyed. he could take in the great scene just as well from the bed, and there was less danger of falling all in a heap if it got too overpowering. "my boy, there is some one waiting who wishes to see you," said colonel austin, presently; "may i bring the person in?" five minutes later two persons instead of one entered with g. w.'s colonel. one glance--and g. w. knew that he was in the presence of the boy and his mother! he struggled to get upon his feet, but the nurse's hand held him back; he merely gave a wan smile, and saluted gravely. "oh, g. w.!" cried the mother, holding her hands toward him from where she stood, the tears raining down from her bright eyes. "oh, g. w., you brave child, i did not know you were so _very_ small!" g. w. had never seen such a vision of loveliness as the lady was; but he was afraid of her. "how can i help kissing you, you blessed child!" she went on, coming close. kissing him! g. w. glanced about wildly. the lady's eyes filled up with bright tears anew. "no, i will not kiss you, g. w. of course not. you see i do not know very well just what it is safe to do with such small-sized heroes as you and jack!" she turned to the boy, who had stood motionless, looking on. "jack," she said, "it _is_ our g. w., daddy's body-guard." jack came forward. there was a suggestion of lace and curls about him perhaps, but his face gave g. w. a feeling of firm ground under his feet at last. "hello!" said jack, and held out a plump white hand. "hello!" g. w. replied, and laid his thin brown fingers slowly in the other's grasp. the moment while jack stood by the little soldier's bed was long enough for the two boys to eye each other well. jack spoke first. "you saved my father, g. w.,--you are a brick! whatever i've got, you can have half of it." "did you see dat hoss by de do'?" said g. w., after a moment. "dat hoss is mine! you--can--take--de fust ride! an' dis is my tent, my colonel give it to me, an' dis an' all dat i'se got b'longs ter you half!" then they smiled broadly into each other's faces, forgetting the onlookers. "we're going to be just like brothers," whispered jack austin. that was the thought that floated through the dusky little bodyguard's dreams that night as he slept in the little tent beside the colonel's. and the mother's words to the colonel mingled with jack's: "the boys'll have a good time!" and the tall light-house on the point blazed out its message to the sailors upon the sea, "all's well! all's well!" and to the brave soldier-boys sleeping within its shadow it sent down soft rays of light that breathed, "all's well! all's well!" on his cot poor weak little g. w., waking in the moonlight, smiled and sighed with content, then smiled again. xii. a history-evening at oakwood. "g. w., stand up in front of me, and answer!" g. w. took position and looked unflinchingly into the eyes of his colonel. the rapturous life at montauk was a thing of the past--the little body-guard never could think of it without his heart aching with happiness. it was the most glorious experience a boy ever had. the colonel wondered how g. w. had escaped being utterly ruined, for people had lost their heads over him, and even stern army men had shown a soft side toward the dusky little fellow. however, g. w. was a real hero, and such you simply cannot ruin. now the scene was changed. the colonel and g. w. were in the library of the home "up north;" they wore citizen's clothes and looked well and hearty. "g. w., do you remember what you once told me a hero was?" "yes, sah." "well, you proved yourself one, on a certain occasion, and i reckon you and i will never forget it." "no, sah!" "but, g. w., there are many kinds of heroes, as i have often told you. a fellow that can be a hero under _all_ circumstances is a chap worth knowing." "yes, sah!" all this sounded ominous, and g. w. pulled himself together. "well, my boy, you've got to go into a conflict again, another sort of a conflict, and i wish to heaven i could prepare you; but you'll have to battle it out, according to what is in you, as you did before, on the hill-top in cuba. i'm going to send you to school, my boy, with jack. it's a military school and the head master knows all about you, and _wants_ you there. the others don't know." "yes, sah!" the low voice had a tone that always unnerved the colonel--a tone of complete obedience, of complete understanding, and complete resignation. "you see, g. w., i want to fit you for life," the colonel went on. "i'm going to give you your chance. it's going to be a hard pull. the odds will be against you. it isn't just that it should be so, but it is so. your color, comrade, often will go against you, though your heart is the pure heart of a brave, honest child." "yes, sah." "of course," the deep voice went on, "i could buy favor for you at the school, by telling the story of your bravery--a sort of honor for you; but, g. w., i want you to win your own position there, just as you always have, so far. it will be a tussle, but i think you'd like to make the try?" "yes, sah." "because you'll have to tussle and try through life, you know, comrade." "yes, sah!" the firm white hand took the little brown one in a warm hold. "and i shan't bind you with any promises this time, g. w.," the colonel said. a warm color stole over g. w.'s dusky cheeks. he looked up and spoke unexpectedly to the colonel. "dere was two promises, colonel. i kep' de promise to de boy and his mother, sah. i kep' de promise to take care ob you, sah." the poor little body-guard, so long sick and torn with shame over his disobedience and tarnished honor, had thought the whole matter out to the comfort of his soul. he looked up fearlessly into his colonel's eyes. "so you did, g. w.," said the officer, humbly, but with a lighted face. "and god bless you, comrade!" the whole matter was clear to them both forever. * * * * * a week later the two boys went with colonel austin to enter the famous school where little g. w., as a private citizen of the republic he had served according to his strength, was to begin to hew out his fortunes, with the odds, as his colonel had said, against him. the head master greeted him cordially, and the other teachers followed the example. at the very outset the pupils were divided among themselves and withheld their verdict. the open comradeship of colonel austin's son was the thing that counted in the matter for the time being. the outcome of this school-life--not for their own boy, but for g. w.--was a grave matter with the colonel and the colonel's wife for those first weeks. "no one can hold out against his merry sweetness," said mrs. austin again and again. the question with the colonel was whether the little fellow had the sort of heroism to endure what he could not help. g. w. was undoubtedly "sweet," undoubtedly brave, but he was not "merry" those first months of school life. the work of lessons was bitter-hard for him, and the school routine most painful. never in his life before had he given a thought to his color. in the tampa days, before he had entered colonel austin's tent to "offer himself up on the altar of his country," there had never been a question as to his "position;" he had been just a "waif." his "army career" had placed him upon a pinacle where his color had served but to add to his glory. here, on the playground, except for jack and three or four others, g. w. was quietly ignored, and in a helpless way the little fellow felt it keenly, despite the colonel's warning. he tried to look ahead. he studied more and more diligently. he meant to be all the kinds of hero that colonel austin desired. "fo' de lawd!" he said one day in his room, as he scanned his trim figure in the gray school uniform before the glass. "fo' de lawd! i can't understand it." (g. w. was beginning to put the "d's" and "g's" on words now.) "i don't lie, and i ain't afraid of nothing--and i wouldn't do a mean thing any sooner dan dey! it's jes' my skin, and my skin's only a different color on the _outside_, de inside is jes'--is just de same." poor little g. w. "an' i'se getting 'long fine in my classes." (so he was, and at the cost of terrific strain and study.) "an' i likes--i like the--boys first rate--but nawthing in dis education's going to git de black off dis skin!" there was one hour in the school-day that george jones--he was "g. w." only to jack austin, and that in private--enjoyed thoroughly. this was an evening hour when one of the younger professors took the smaller pupils into a library and told them history stories; stories dealing with valiant deeds. there was a flavor of camp life and soldiering about many of the tales that george jones understood far better than the other boys. in the glow of his interest he generally forgot to notice if any boy edged away from him when he chanced to forget his "color" and drew too near; but colonel austin's son always noticed it, and his loyal heart ached. "oh! if i were only sure that daddy would think this was a good time to speak out!" jack often muttered between his teeth. "i wish these fellows knew how awfully white g. w. is inside!" but the colonel had warned jack against "speaking out" unless indignities to little g. w. should become unendurable. during one of these story hours in the library, g. w. had remained in the study-room to conquer a particularly knotty problem in addition, while jack, eager for the tale, which was to be an unusually splendid one, ran on ahead. it happened that when g. w. reached the room he was the last, and the others were clustered around professor catherwood. g. w. paused a moment to look for jack, but among those dark and light heads grouped close he could not distinguish him. just then the story plunged into the thick of interest, and g. w. took the nearest empty chair. unfortunately it was beside tom harding, a very quick-tempered but warm-hearted boy, who had, perhaps, more than any other pupil, made g. w.'s life at "oakwood" a grim experience. he glanced around as g. w. sat down. "please take another seat!" he said. for a moment the silence vibrated. g. w. arose and stood rigid, with downcast eyes. the master, too much disturbed to speak, was silent. but jack austin arose. "tom harding!" he said with flashing eyes, "george jones has a white heart and he is the bravest boy in this room! if you knew"-- at this point g. w. went to jack's side. "don't you tell dat, jack!" he said. "don't yer! you know what de--the colonel said. don' yer displease de colonel!" but jack's blood was up. there was something in his young voice that quieted even g. w. he put his hand upon g. w.'s shoulder and kept it there while he spoke. "george is my legally adopted brother, boys. he saved my father's life down in cuba." then came the whole brave, pathetic story, broken here and there by a shake in jack's voice. "and when g. w."--jack had forgotten the more dignified name--"made up his mind on the hill-top to go down after my father, he plunged off where spaniards were hidden thick and bullets flying. he went alone, and he was awful little. and he went on, and wounded soldiers met him and told him my father was off helpless on the ground in some bushes, and he got near there and he saw a spaniard aiming his gun and g. w. aimed his and shot true, and the soldier the spaniard was going to shoot--was my father! and g. w. got my own father back to the tent hospital all alone and no one else on earth did it. my father says g. w. had a glorious, glorious hero-strength. my father and my mother and myself are never, never going to forget what g. w. did! and g. w. is going to have the best life my father can help him get! now isn't he brave and fine enough to be respected? is any one going to mind his brown color when his soul is as white--as white as snow? what would you have of a boy?" jack's voice failed him. g. w., by his side, stood with his back to the boys, even yet as rigid as a statue. for a second--stillness; then a stir in the group. tom harding came forward, his fine young face quivering with emotion. "i beg your pardon, george," he said. "_i_ will never make your life hard again!" "nor i! nor i! nor any of us!" it came like a shout. a smile beamed upon the face of little g. w. his simple, strong, sunny nature responded to the honest outburst. he turned to the boys. "i'se sorry about my skin," he said slowly, "since you-all don't like de color; but i like de--the color of yours, and i'se goin'--going ter learn all that de colonel wants me ter learn! i'se never going to disappoint de colonel!" professor catherwood raised his hand. "three cheers for _our_ hero!" said he. "i think," he went on, when the hurrahing had died down, "that two hero stories are almost too many for one evening; besides you've got a chance to know a live hero. i am sure no boy of oakwood will ever again fail to recognize the real article in the hero line, when he sees it. good-night!" since that evening g. w.'s only battles have been with his school-books. and but for the manly help of his honest school-mates, the far-off victory would seem even dimmer than it does to george washington mckinley jones. the golden hour series _a new series of books for young people, bound in extra cloth, with illuminated designs, illustrations, and title-pages made especially for each volume_ a little dusky hero. by harriet t. comstock. the caxton club. by amos r. wells. the child and the tree. by bessie kenyon ulrich. daisies and diggleses. by evelyn raymond. how the twins captured a hessian. by james otis. the i can school. by eva a. madden. master frisky. by clarence w. hawkes. miss de peyster's boy. by etheldred b. barry. molly. by barbara yechton. the wonder ship. by sophie swett. whispering tongues. by homer greene. none proofreading team. a compilation of the messages and papers of the presidents by james d. richardson a representative from the state of tennessee published by authority of congress * * * * * william mckinley messages, proclamations, and executive orders relating to the spanish-american war * * * * * william mckinley william mckinley, the twenty-fifth president of the united states, was born in niles, trumbull county, ohio, january , . his ancestors on the paternal side, who were scotch-irish, came from scotland and located in pennsylvania. his great-grandfather, david mckinley, after serving in the revolution, resided in pennsylvania until , when he went to ohio, where he died in , at the age of . the grandmother of the president, mary rose, came from a puritan family that fled from england to holland and emigrated to pennsylvania with william penn. the father of the president, william mckinley, sr., was born in pine township, mercer county, pa., in , and married nancy campbell allison, of columbiana county, ohio, in . both the grandfather and father of the president were iron manufacturers. his father was a devout methodist, a stanch whig and republican, and an ardent advocate of a protective tariff. he died during his son's first term as governor of ohio, in november, , at the age of . the mother of the president passed away at canton, ohio, in december, , at the advanced age of . william mckinley was educated in the public schools of niles, union seminary, at poland, ohio, and allegheny college, at meadville, pa. before attaining his majority taught in the public schools. at the age of became a member of the methodist episcopal church. at the beginning of hostilities in the war between the states mr. mckinley, who was a clerk in the poland post-office, volunteered his services, and on june , , was enlisted as a private in the twenty-third ohio volunteer infantry. participated in all the early engagements in west virginia, and in the winter's camp at fayetteville received his first promotion, commissary-sergeant, on april , . in recognition of his services at antietam, sergeant mckinley was made second lieutenant, his commission dating from september , , and on february , , while at camp piatt, he was again promoted, receiving the rank of first lieutenant. in the retreat near lynchburg, va., his regiment marched miles, fighting nearly all the time, with scarcely any rest or food. lieutenant mckinley conducted himself with gallantry, and at winchester won additional honors. the thirteenth west virginia regiment failed to retire when the rest of hayes's brigade fell back, and, being in great danger of capture, the young lieutenant was directed to go and bring it away, which he did in safety, after riding through a heavy fire. on july , , at the age of , mckinley was promoted to the rank of captain. the brigade continued its fighting up and down the shenandoah valley. at berryville, va., september , , captain mckinley's horse was shot from under him. served successively on the staffs of generals r.b. hayes, george crook, and winfield s. hancock, and on march , , was brevetted major of united states volunteers by president lincoln for gallantry in the battles of opequan, cedar creek, and fishers hill. was detailed as acting assistant adjutant-general of the first division, first army corps, on the staff of general samuel s. carroll. at the close of the war was urged to remain in the army, but, deferring to the judgment of his father, was mustered out of the service july , , and returned to poland. at once began the study of law under glidden & wilson, of youngstown, ohio, and later attended the law school in albany, n.y. was admitted to the bar in march, , at warren, ohio, and the same year removed to canton, ohio, which has since been his home. in his first political speeches were made in favor of negro suffrage. in was elected prosecuting attorney of stark county, and served one term, being defeated two years later for the same office. mr. mckinley took an active interest in state politics, and made speeches in many of the campaigns. on january , , married miss ida saxton. two daughters were born to them, both of whom died in early childhood. in was elected a member of the national house of representatives, and for fourteen years represented the congressional district of which his county was a part, except for a portion of his fourth term, when he was unseated late in the first session. while in congress served on the committees on the judiciary, revision of the laws, expenditures in the post-office department, rules, and ways and means. as chairman of the last-named committee in the fifty-first congress, reported the tariff law of . at the beginning of this congress was defeated in the caucus of his party for the speakership of the house. in the meantime, his district having been materially changed, he was defeated for reelection to congress in november, , though he largely reduced the usual majority against his party in the counties of which the new district was constituted. in was elected governor of ohio by a plurality of , , and in was reelected by a plurality of , . in was a delegate at large to the republican national convention, and supported james g. blaine for president; was a member of the committee on resolutions, and presented the platform to the convention. also attended the convention of his party in as a delegate at large from ohio, supporting john sherman for president, and as chairman of the committee on resolutions again reported the platform. in was again a delegate at large from ohio, and supported the renomination of benjamin harrison, and served as chairman of the convention. at that convention votes were cast for him for president, although he had persistently refused to have his name considered. on june , , was nominated for president by the national convention of his party at st. louis, receiving on the first ballot - / out of a total of votes. was chosen president at the ensuing november election by a plurality in the popular vote of over , , and received electoral votes, against for william j. bryan, of nebraska. special message. executive mansion, _may , _. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states:_ official information from our consuls in cuba establishes the fact that a large number of american citizens in the island are in a state of destitution, suffering for want of food and medicines. this applies particularly to the rural districts of the central and eastern parts. the agricultural classes have been forced from their farms into the nearest towns, where they are without work or money. the local authorities of the several towns, however kindly disposed, are unable to relieve the needs of their own people and are altogether powerless to help our citizens. the latest report of consul-general lee estimates six to eight hundred americans are without means of support. i have assured him that provision would be made at once to relieve them. to that end i recommend that congress make an appropriation of not less than $ , , to be immediately available, for use under the direction of the secretary of state. it is desirable that a part of the sum which may be appropriated by congress should, in the discretion of the secretary of state, also be used for the transportation of american citizens who, desiring to return to the united states, are without means to do so. william mckinley. first annual message. executive mansion, _december , _. * * * * * the most important problem with which this government is now called upon to deal pertaining to its foreign relations concerns its duty toward spain and the cuban insurrection. problems and conditions more or less in common with those now existing have confronted this government at various times in the past. the story of cuba for many years has been one of unrest, growing discontent, an effort toward a larger enjoyment of liberty and self-control, of organized resistance to the mother country, of depression after distress and warfare, and of ineffectual settlement to be followed by renewed revolt. for no enduring period since the enfranchisement of the continental possessions of spain in the western continent has the condition of cuba or the policy of spain toward cuba not caused concern to the united states. the prospect from time to time that the weakness of spain's hold upon the island and the political vicissitudes and embarrassments of the home government might lead to the transfer of cuba to a continental power called forth between and various emphatic declarations of the policy of the united states to permit no disturbance of cuba's connection with spain unless in the direction of independence or acquisition by us through purchase, nor has there been any change of this declared policy since upon the part of the government. the revolution which began in lasted for ten years despite the strenuous efforts of the successive peninsular governments to suppress it. then as now the government of the united states testified its grave concern and offered its aid to put an end to bloodshed in cuba. the overtures made by general grant were refused and the war dragged on, entailing great loss of life and treasure and increased injury to american interests, besides throwing enhanced burdens of neutrality upon this government. in peace was brought about by the truce of zanjon, obtained by negotiations between the spanish commander, martinez de campos, and the insurgent leaders. the present insurrection broke out in february, . it is not my purpose at this time to recall its remarkable increase or to characterize its tenacious resistance against the enormous forces massed against it by spain. the revolt and the efforts to subdue it carried destruction to every quarter of the island, developing wide proportions and defying the efforts of spain for its suppression. the civilized code of war has been disregarded, no less so by the spaniards than by the cubans. the existing conditions can not but fill this government and the american people with the gravest apprehension. there is no desire on the part of our people to profit by the misfortunes of spain. we have only the desire to see the cubans prosperous and contented, enjoying that measure of self-control which is the inalienable right of man, protected in their right to reap the benefit of the exhaustless treasures of their country. the offer made by my predecessor in april, , tendering the friendly offices of this government, failed. any mediation on our part was not accepted. in brief, the answer read: "there is no effectual way to pacify cuba unless it begins with the actual submission of the rebels to the mother country." then only could spain act in the promised direction, of her own motion and after her own plans. the cruel policy of concentration was initiated february , . the productive districts controlled by the spanish armies were depopulated. the agricultural inhabitants were herded in and about the garrison towns, their lands laid waste and their dwellings destroyed. this policy the late cabinet of spain justified as a necessary measure of war and as a means of cutting off supplies from the insurgents. it has utterly failed as a war measure. it was not civilized warfare. it was extermination. against this abuse of the rights of war i have felt constrained on repeated occasions to enter the firm and earnest protest of this government. there was much of public condemnation of the treatment of american citizens by alleged illegal arrests and long imprisonment awaiting trial or pending protracted judicial proceedings. i felt it my first duty to make instant demand for the release or speedy trial of all american citizens under arrest. before the change of the spanish cabinet in october last twenty-two prisoners, citizens of the united states, had been given their freedom. for the relief of our own citizens suffering because of the conflict the aid of congress was sought in a special message,[ ] and under the appropriation of may , ,[ ] effective aid has been given to american citizens in cuba, many of them at their own request having been returned to the united states. the instructions given to our new minister to spain before his departure for his post directed him to impress upon that government the sincere wish of the united states to lend its aid toward the ending of the war in cuba by reaching a peaceful and lasting result, just and honorable alike to spain and to the cuban people. these instructions recited the character and duration of the contest, the widespread losses it entails, the burdens and restraints it imposes upon us, with constant disturbance of national interests, and the injury resulting from an indefinite continuance of this state of things. it was stated that at this juncture our government was constrained to seriously inquire if the time was not ripe when spain of her own volition, moved by her own interests and every sentiment of humanity, should put a stop to this destructive war and make proposals of settlement honorable to herself and just to her cuban colony. it was urged that as a neighboring nation, with large interests in cuba, we could be required to wait only a reasonable time for the mother country to establish its authority and restore peace and order within the borders of the island; that we could not contemplate an indefinite period for the accomplishment of this result. no solution was proposed to which the slightest idea of humiliation to spain could attach, and, indeed, precise proposals were withheld to avoid embarrassment to that government. all that was asked or expected was that some safe way might be speedily provided and permanent peace restored. it so chanced that the consideration of this offer, addressed to the same spanish administration which had declined the tenders of my predecessor, and which for more than two years had poured men and treasure into cuba in the fruitless effort to suppress the revolt, fell to others. between the departure of general woodford, the new envoy, and his arrival in spain the statesman who had shaped the policy of his country fell by the hand of an assassin, and although the cabinet of the late premier still held office and received from our envoy the proposals he bore, that cabinet gave place within a few days thereafter to a new administration, under the leadership of sagasta. the reply to our note was received on the d day of october. it is in the direction of a better understanding. it appreciates the friendly purposes of this government. it admits that our country is deeply affected by the war in cuba and that its desires for peace are just. it declares that the present spanish government is bound by every consideration to a change of policy that should satisfy the united states and pacify cuba within a reasonable time. to this end spain has decided to put into effect the political reforms heretofore advocated by the present premier, without halting for any consideration in the path which in its judgment leads to peace. the military operations, it is said, will continue, but will be humane and conducted with all regard for private rights, being accompanied by political action leading to the autonomy of cuba while guarding spanish sovereignty. this, it is claimed, will result in investing cuba with a distinct personality, the island to be governed by an executive and by a local council or chamber, reserving to spain the control of the foreign relations, the army and navy, and the judicial administration. to accomplish this the present government proposes to modify existing legislation by decree, leaving the spanish cortes, with the aid of cuban senators and deputies, to solve the economic problem and properly distribute the existing debt. in the absence of a declaration of the measures that this government proposes to take in carrying out its proffer of good offices, it suggests that spain be left free to conduct military operations and grant political reforms, while the united states for its part shall enforce its neutral obligations and cut off the assistance which it is asserted the insurgents receive from this country. the supposition of an indefinite prolongation of the war is denied. it is asserted that the western provinces are already well-nigh reclaimed, that the planting of cane and tobacco therein has been resumed, and that by force of arms and new and ample reforms very early and complete pacification is hoped for. the immediate amelioration of existing conditions under the new administration of cuban affairs is predicted, and therewithal the disturbance and all occasion for any change of attitude on the part of the united states. discussion of the question of the international duties and responsibilities of the united states as spain understands them is presented, with an apparent disposition to charge us with failure in this regard. this charge is without any basis in fact. it could not have been made if spain had been cognizant of the constant efforts this government has made, at the cost of millions and by the employment of the administrative machinery of the nation at command, to perform its full duty according to the law of nations. that it has successfully prevented the departure of a single military expedition or armed vessel from our shores in violation of our laws would seem to be a sufficient answer. but of this aspect of the spanish note it is not necessary to speak further now. firm in the conviction of a wholly performed obligation, due response to this charge has been made in diplomatic course. throughout all these horrors and dangers to our own peace this government has never in any way abrogated its sovereign prerogative of reserving to itself the determination of its policy and course according to its own high sense of right and in consonance with the dearest interests and convictions of our own people should the prolongation of the strife so demand. of the untried measures there remain only: recognition of the insurgents as belligerents; recognition of the independence of cuba; neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants, and intervention in favor of one or the other party. i speak not of forcible annexation, for that can not be thought of. that, by our code of morality, would be criminal aggression. recognition of the belligerency of the cuban insurgents has often been canvassed as a possible, if not inevitable, step both in regard to the previous ten years struggle and during the present war. i am not unmindful that the two houses of congress in the spring of expressed the opinion by concurrent resolution that a condition of public war existed requiring or justifying the recognition of a state of belligerency in cuba, and during the extra session the senate voted a joint resolution of like import, which, however, was not brought to a vote in the house of representatives. in the presence of these significant expressions of the sentiment of the legislative branch it behooves the executive to soberly consider the conditions under which so important a measure must needs rest for justification. it is to be seriously considered whether the cuban insurrection possesses beyond dispute the attributes of statehood, which alone can demand the recognition of belligerency in its favor. possession, in short, of the essential qualifications of sovereignty by the insurgents and the conduct of the war by them according to the received code of war are no less important factors toward the determination of the problem of belligerency than are the influences and consequences of the struggle upon the internal polity of the recognizing state. the wise utterances of president grant in his memorable message of december , , are signally relevant to the present situation in cuba, and it may be wholesome now to recall them. at that time a ruinous conflict had for seven years wasted the neighboring island. during all those years an utter disregard of the laws of civilized warfare and of the just demands of humanity, which called forth expressions of condemnation from the nations of christendom, continued unabated. desolation and ruin pervaded that productive region, enormously affecting the commerce of all commercial nations, but that of the united states more than any other by reason of proximity and larger trade and intercourse. at that juncture general grant uttered these words, which now, as then, sum up the elements of the problem: a recognition of the independence of cuba being, in my opinion, impracticable and indefensible, the question which next presents itself is that of the recognition of belligerent rights in the parties to the contest. in a former message to congress[ ] i had occasion to consider this question, and reached the conclusion that the conflict in cuba, dreadful and devastating as were its incidents, did not rise to the fearful dignity of war. * * * it is possible that the acts of foreign powers, and even acts of spain herself, of this very nature, might be pointed to in defense of such recognition. but now, as in its past history, the united states should carefully avoid the false lights which might lead it into the mazes of doubtful law and of questionable propriety, and adhere rigidly and sternly to the rule, which has been its guide, of doing only that which is right and honest and of good report. the question of according or of withholding rights of belligerency must be judged in every case in view of the particular attending facts. unless justified by necessity, it is always, and justly, regarded as an unfriendly act and a gratuitous demonstration of moral support to the rebellion. it is necessary, and it is required, when the interests and rights of another government or of its people are so far affected by a pending civil conflict as to require a definition of its relations to the parties thereto. but this conflict must be one which will be recognized in the sense of international law as war. belligerence, too, is a fact. the mere existence of contending armed bodies and their occasional conflicts do not constitute war in the sense referred to. applying to the existing condition of affairs in cuba the tests recognized by publicists and writers on international law, and which have been observed by nations of dignity, honesty, and power when free from sensitive or selfish and unworthy motives, i fail to find in the insurrection the existence of such a substantial political organization, real, palpable, and manifest to the world, having the forms and capable of the ordinary functions of government toward its own people and to other states, with courts for the administration of justice, with a local habitation, possessing such organization of force, such material, such occupation of territory, as to take the contest out of the category of a mere rebellious insurrection or occasional skirmishes and place it on the terrible footing of war, to which a recognition of belligerency would aim to elevate it. the contest, moreover, is solely on land; the insurrection has not possessed itself of a single seaport whence it may send forth its flag, nor has it any means of communication with foreign powers except through the military lines of its adversaries. no apprehension of any of those sudden and difficult complications which a war upon the ocean is apt to precipitate upon the vessels, both commercial and national, and upon the consular officers of other powers calls for the definition of their relations to the parties to the contest. considered as a question of expediency, i regard the accordance of belligerent rights still to be as unwise and premature as i regard it to be, at present, indefensible as a measure of right. such recognition entails upon the country according the rights which flow from it difficult and complicated duties, and requires the exaction from the contending parties of the strict observance of their rights and obligations. it confers the right of search upon the high seas by vessels of both parties; it would subject the carrying of arms and munitions of war, which now may be transported freely and without interruption in the vessels of the united states, to detention and to possible seizure; it would give rise to countless vexatious questions, would release the parent government from responsibility for acts done by the insurgents, and would invest spain with the right to exercise the supervision recognized by our treaty of over our commerce on the high seas, a very large part of which, in its traffic between the atlantic and the gulf states and between all of them and the states on the pacific, passes through the waters which wash the shores of cuba. the exercise of this supervision could scarce fail to lead, if not to abuses, certainly to collisions perilous to the peaceful relations of the two states. there can be little doubt to what result such supervision would before long draw this nation. it would be unworthy of the united states to inaugurate the possibilities of such result by measures of questionable right or expediency or by any indirection. turning to the practical aspects of a recognition of belligerency and reviewing its inconveniences and positive dangers, still further pertinent considerations appear. in the code of nations there is no such thing as a naked recognition of belligerency, unaccompanied by the assumption of international neutrality. such recognition, without more, will not confer upon either party to a domestic conflict a status not theretofore actually possessed or affect the relation of either party to other states. the act of recognition usually takes the form of a solemn proclamation of neutrality, which recites the _de facto_ condition of belligerency as its motive. it announces a domestic law of neutrality in the declaring state. it assumes the international obligations of a neutral in the presence of a public state of war. it warns all citizens and others within the jurisdiction of the proclaimant that they violate those rigorous obligations at their own peril and can not expect to be shielded from the consequences. the right of visit and search on the seas and seizure of vessels and cargoes and contraband of war and good prize under admiralty law must under international law be admitted as a legitimate consequence of a proclamation of belligerency. while according the equal belligerent rights defined by public law to each party in our ports disfavors would be imposed on both, which, while nominally equal, would weigh heavily in behalf of spain herself. possessing a navy and controlling the ports of cuba, her maritime rights could be asserted not only for the military investment of the island, but up to the margin of our own territorial waters, and a condition of things would exist for which the cubans within their own domain could not hope to create a parallel, while its creation through aid or sympathy from within our domain would be even more impossible than now, with the additional obligations of international neutrality we would perforce assume. the enforcement of this enlarged and onerous code of neutrality would only be influential within our own jurisdiction by land and sea and applicable by our own instrumentalities. it could impart to the united states no jurisdiction between spain and the insurgents. it would give the united states no right of intervention to enforce the conduct of the strife within the paramount authority of spain according to the international code of war. for these reasons i regard the recognition of the belligerency of the cuban insurgents as now unwise, and therefore inadmissible. should that step hereafter be deemed wise as a measure of right and duty, the executive will take it. intervention upon humanitarian grounds has been frequently suggested and has not failed to receive my most anxious and earnest consideration. but should such a step be now taken, when it is apparent that a hopeful change has supervened in the policy of spain toward cuba? a new government has taken office in the mother country. it is pledged in advance to the declaration that all the effort in the world can not suffice to maintain peace in cuba by the bayonet; that vague promises of reform after subjugation afford no solution of the insular problem; that with a substitution of commanders must come a change of the past system of warfare for one in harmony with a new policy, which shall no longer aim to drive the cubans to the "horrible alternative of taking to the thicket or succumbing in misery;" that reforms must be instituted in accordance with the needs and circumstances of the time, and that these reforms, while designed to give full autonomy to the colony and to create a virtual entity and self-controlled administration, shall yet conserve and affirm the sovereignty of spain by a just distribution of powers and burdens upon a basis of mutual interest untainted by methods of selfish expediency. the first acts of the new government lie in these honorable paths. the policy of cruel rapine and extermination that so long shocked the universal sentiment of humanity has been reversed. under the new military commander a broad clemency is proffered. measures have already been set on foot to relieve the horrors of starvation. the power of the spanish armies, it is asserted, is to be used not to spread ruin and desolation, but to protect the resumption of peaceful agricultural pursuits and productive industries. that past methods are futile to force a peace by subjugation is freely admitted, and that ruin without conciliation must inevitably fail to win for spain the fidelity of a contented dependency. decrees in application of the foreshadowed reforms have already been promulgated. the full text of these decrees has not been received, but as furnished in a telegraphic summary from our minister are: all civil and electoral rights of peninsular spaniards are, in virtue of existing constitutional authority, forthwith extended to colonial spaniards. a scheme of autonomy has been proclaimed by decree, to become effective upon ratification by the cortes. it creates a cuban parliament, which, with the insular executive, can consider and vote upon all subjects affecting local order and interests, possessing unlimited powers save as to matters of state, war, and the navy, as to which the governor-general acts by his own authority as the delegate of the central government. this parliament receives the oath of the governor-general to preserve faithfully the liberties and privileges of the colony, and to it the colonial secretaries are responsible. it has the right to propose to the central government, through the governor-general, modifications of the national charter and to invite new projects of law or executive measures in the interest of the colony. besides its local powers, it is competent, first, to regulate electoral registration and procedure and prescribe the qualifications of electors and the manner of exercising suffrage; second, to organize courts of justice with native judges from members of the local bar; third, to frame the insular budget, both as to expenditures and revenues, without limitation of any kind, and to set apart the revenues to meet the cuban share of the national budget, which latter will be voted by the national cortes with the assistance of cuban senators and deputies; fourth, to initiate or take part in the negotiations of the national government for commercial treaties which may affect cuban interests; fifth, to accept or reject commercial treaties which the national government may have concluded without the participation of the cuban government; sixth, to frame the colonial tariff, acting in accord with the peninsular government in scheduling articles of mutual commerce between the mother country and the colonies. before introducing or voting upon a bill the cuban government or the chambers will lay the project before the central government and hear its opinion thereon, all the correspondence in such regard being made public. finally, all conflicts of jurisdiction arising between the different municipal, provincial, and insular assemblies, or between the latter and the insular executive power, and which from their nature may not be referable to the central government for decision, shall be submitted to the courts. that the government of sagasta has entered upon a course from which recession with honor is impossible can hardly be questioned; that in the few weeks it has existed it has made earnest of the sincerity of its professions is undeniable. i shall not impugn its sincerity, nor should impatience be suffered to embarrass it in the task it has undertaken. it is honestly due to spain and to our friendly relations with spain that she should be given a reasonable chance to realize her expectations and to prove the asserted efficacy of the new order of things to which she stands irrevocably committed. she has recalled the commander whose brutal orders inflamed the american mind and shocked the civilized world. she has modified the horrible order of concentration and has undertaken to care for the helpless and permit those who desire to resume the cultivation of their fields to do so, and assures them of the protection of the spanish government in their lawful occupations. she has just released the _competitor_ prisoners, heretofore sentenced to death, and who have been the subject of repeated diplomatic correspondence during both this and the preceding administration. not a single american citizen is now in arrest or confinement in cuba of whom this government has any knowledge. the near future will demonstrate whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just alike to the cubans and to spain, as well as equitable to all our interests so intimately involved in the welfare of cuba, is likely to be attained. if not, the exigency of further and other action by the united states will remain to be taken. when that time comes, that action will be determined in the line of indisputable right and duty. it will be faced, without misgiving or hesitancy, in the light of the obligation this government owes to itself, to the people who have confided to it the protection of their interests and honor, and to humanity. sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passion nor selfishness, the government will continue its watchful care over the rights and property of american citizens and will abate none of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be honorable and enduring. if it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization, and humanity to intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part and only because the necessity for such action will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the civilized world. * * * * * william mckinley. joint resolution appropriating $ , for the relief of destitute citizens of the united states in the island of cuba. _resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled_, that the sum of $ , be, and the same is hereby, appropriated, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the relief of destitute citizens of the united states in the island of cuba, said money to be expended at the discretion and under the direction of the president of the united states in the purchase and furnishing of food, clothing, and medicines to such citizens, and for transporting to the united states such of them as so desire and who are without means to transport themselves. approved, may , . [footnote : see p. .] [footnote : see p. .] [footnote : see vol. vii, pp. - .] special messages. executive mansion, _march , ._ _to the congress of the united states_: for some time prior to the visit of the _maine_ to havana harbor our consular representatives pointed out the advantages to flow from the visit of national ships to the cuban waters, in accustoming the people to the presence of our flag as the symbol of good will and of our ships in the fulfillment of the mission of protection to american interests, even though no immediate need therefor might exist. accordingly, on the th of january last, after conference with the spanish minister, in which the renewal of visits of our war vessels to spanish waters was discussed and accepted, the peninsular authorities at madrid and havana were advised of the purpose of this government to resume friendly naval visits at cuban ports, and that in that view the _maine_ would forthwith call at the port of havana. this announcement was received by the spanish government with appreciation of the friendly character of the visit of the _maine_ and with notification of intention to return the courtesy by sending spanish ships to the principal ports of the united states. meanwhile the _maine_ entered the port of havana on the th of january, her arrival being marked with no special incident besides the exchange of customary salutes and ceremonial visits. the _maine_ continued in the harbor of havana during the three weeks following her arrival. no appreciable excitement attended her stay. on the contrary, a feeling of relief and confidence followed the resumption of the long-interrupted friendly intercourse. so noticeable was this immediate effect of her visit that the consul-general strongly urged that the presence of our ships in cuban waters should be kept up by retaining the _maine_ at havana, or, in the event of her recall, by sending another vessel there to take her place. at forty minutes past in the evening of the th of february the _maine_ was destroyed by an explosion, by which the entire forward part of the ship was utterly wrecked. in this catastrophe officers and of her crew perished, those who were not killed outright by her explosion being penned between decks by the tangle of wreckage and drowned by the immediate sinking of the hull. prompt assistance was rendered by the neighboring vessels anchored in the harbor, aid being especially given by the boats of the spanish cruiser _alfonso xii_ and the ward line steamer _city of washington_, which lay not far distant. the wounded were generously cared for by the authorities of havana, the hospitals being freely opened to them, while the earliest recovered bodies of the dead were interred by the municipality in a public cemetery in the city. tributes of grief and sympathy were offered from all official quarters of the island. the appalling calamity fell upon the people of our country with crushing force, and for a brief time an intense excitement prevailed, which in a community less just and self-controlled than ours might have led to hasty acts of blind resentment. this spirit, however, soon gave way to the calmer processes of reason and to the resolve to investigate the facts and await material proof before forming a judgment as to the cause, the responsibility, and, if the facts warranted, the remedy due. this course necessarily recommended itself from the outset to the executive, for only in the light of a dispassionately ascertained certainty could it determine the nature and measure of its full duty in the matter. the usual procedure was followed, as in all cases of casualty or disaster to national vessels of any maritime state. a naval court of inquiry was at once organized, composed of officers well qualified by rank and practical experience to discharge the onerous duty imposed upon them. aided by a strong force of wreckers and divers, the court proceeded to make a thorough investigation on the spot, employing every available means for the impartial and exact determination of the causes of the explosion. its operations have been conducted with the utmost deliberation and judgment, and, while independently pursued, no attainable source of information was neglected, and the fullest opportunity was allowed for a simultaneous investigation by the spanish authorities. the finding of the court of inquiry was reached, after twenty-three days of continuous labor, on the st of march instant, and, having been approved on the d by the commander in chief of the united states naval force on the north atlantic station, was transmitted to the executive. it is herewith laid before the congress, together with the voluminous testimony taken before the court. its purport is, in brief, as follows: when the _maine_ arrived at havana, she was conducted by the regular government pilot to buoy no. , to which she was moored in from - / to fathoms of water. the state of discipline on board and the condition of her magazines, boilers, coal bunkers, and storage compartments are passed in review, with the conclusion that excellent order prevailed and that no indication of any cause for an internal explosion existed in any quarter. at o'clock in the evening of february everything had been reported secure, and all was quiet. at forty minutes past o'clock the vessel was suddenly destroyed. there were two distinct explosions, with a brief interval between them. the first lifted the forward part of the ship very perceptibly; the second, which was more open, prolonged, and of greater volume, is attributed by the court to the partial explosion of two or more of the forward magazines. the evidence of the divers establishes that the after part of the ship was practically intact and sank in that condition a very few moments after the explosion. the forward part was completely demolished. upon the evidence of a concurrent external cause the finding of the court is as follows: at frame the outer shell of the ship, from a point - / feet from the middle line of the ship and feet above the keel when in its normal position, has been forced up so as to be now about feet above the surface of the water, therefore about feet above where it would be had the ship sunk uninjured. the outside bottom plating is bent into a reversed v shape (*a), the after wing of which, about feet broad and feet in length (from frame to frame ), is doubled back upon itself against the continuation of the same plating, extending forward. at frame the vertical keel is broken in two and the flat keel bent into an angle similar to the angle formed by the outside bottom plates. this break is now about feet below the surface of the water and about feet above its normal position. in the opinion of the court this effect could have been produced only by the explosion of a mine situated under the bottom of the ship at about frame and somewhat on the port side of the ship. the conclusions of the court are: that the loss of the _maine_ was not in any respect due to fault or negligence on the part of any of the officers or members of her crew; that the ship was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine, which caused the partial explosion of two or more of her forward magazines; and that no evidence has been obtainable fixing the responsibility for the destruction of the _maine_ upon any person or persons. i have directed that the finding of the court of inquiry and the views of this government thereon be communicated to the government of her majesty the queen regent, and i do not permit myself to doubt that the sense of justice of the spanish nation will dictate a course of action suggested by honor and the friendly relations of the two governments. it will be the duty of the executive to advise the congress of the result, and in the meantime deliberate consideration is invoked. william mckinley. executive mansion, _april , _. _to the congress of the united states:_ obedient to that precept of the constitution which commands the president to give from time to time to the congress information of the state of the union and to recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient, it becomes my duty to now address your body with regard to the grave crisis that has arisen in the relations of the united states to spain by reason of the warfare that for more than three years has raged in the neighboring island of cuba. i do so because of the intimate connection of the cuban question with the state of our own union and the grave relation the course which it is now incumbent upon the nation to adopt must needs bear to the traditional policy of our government if it is to accord with the precepts laid down by the founders of the republic and religiously observed by succeeding administrations to the present day. the present revolution is but the successor of other similar insurrections which have occurred in cuba against the dominion of spain, extending over a period of nearly half a century, each of which during its progress has subjected the united states to great effort and expense in enforcing its neutrality laws, caused enormous losses to american trade and commerce, caused irritation, annoyance, and disturbance among our citizens, and, by the exercise of cruel, barbarous, and uncivilized practices of warfare, shocked the sensibilities and offended the humane sympathies of our people. since the present revolution began, in february, , this country has seen the fertile domain at our threshold ravaged by fire and sword in the course of a struggle unequaled in the history of the island and rarely paralleled as to the numbers of the combatants and the bitterness of the contest by any revolution of modern times where a dependent people striving to be free have been opposed by the power of the sovereign state. our people have beheld a once prosperous community reduced to comparative want, its lucrative commerce virtually paralyzed, its exceptional productiveness diminished, its fields laid waste, its mills in ruins, and its people perishing by tens of thousands from hunger and destitution. we have found ourselves constrained, in the observance of that strict neutrality which our laws enjoin and which the law of nations commands, to police our own waters and watch our own seaports in prevention of any unlawful act in aid of the cubans. our trade has suffered, the capital invested by our citizens in cuba has been largely lost, and the temper and forbearance of our people have been so sorely tried as to beget a perilous unrest among our own citizens, which has inevitably found its expression from time to time in the national legislature, so that issues wholly external to our own body politic engross attention and stand in the way of that close devotion to domestic advancement that becomes a self-contained commonwealth whose primal maxim has been the avoidance of all foreign entanglements. all this must needs awaken, and has, indeed, aroused, the utmost concern on the part of this government, as well during my predecessor's term as in my own. in april, , the evils from which our country suffered through the cuban war became so onerous that my predecessor made an effort to bring about a peace through the mediation of this government in any way that might tend to an honorable adjustment of the contest between spain and her revolted colony, on the basis of some effective scheme of self-government for cuba under the flag and sovereignty of spain. it failed through the refusal of the spanish government then in power to consider any form of mediation or, indeed, any plan of settlement which did not begin with the actual submission of the insurgents to the mother country, and then only on such terms as spain herself might see fit to grant. the war continued unabated. the resistance of the insurgents was in no wise diminished. the efforts of spain were increased, both by the dispatch of fresh levies to cuba and by the addition to the horrors of the strife of a new and inhuman phase happily unprecedented in the modern history of civilized christian peoples. the policy of devastation and concentration, inaugurated by the captain-general's _bando_ of october , , in the province of pinar del rio was thence extended to embrace all of the island to which the power of the spanish arms was able to reach by occupation or by military operations. the peasantry, including all dwelling in the open agricultural interior, were driven into the garrison towns or isolated places held by the troops. the raising and movement of provisions of all kinds were interdicted. the fields were laid waste, dwellings unroofed and fired, mills destroyed, and, in short, everything that could desolate the land and render it unfit for human habitation or support was commanded by one or the other of the contending parties and executed by all the powers at their disposal. by the time the present administration took office, a year ago, reconcentration (so called) had been made effective over the better part of the four central and western provinces--santa clara, matanzas, havana, and pinar del rio. the agricultural population to the estimated number of , or more was herded within the towns and their immediate vicinage, deprived of the means of support, rendered destitute of shelter, left poorly clad, and exposed to the most unsanitary conditions. as the scarcity of food increased with the devastation of the depopulated areas of production, destitution and want became misery and starvation. month by month the death rate increased in an alarming ratio. by march, , according to conservative estimates from official spanish sources, the mortality among the reconcentrados from starvation and the diseases thereto incident exceeded per cent of their total number. no practical relief was accorded to the destitute. the overburdened towns, already suffering from the general dearth, could give no aid. so-called "zones of cultivation" established within the immediate areas of effective military control about the cities and fortified camps proved illusory as a remedy for the suffering. the unfortunates, being for the most part women and children, with aged and helpless men, enfeebled by disease and hunger, could not have tilled the soil without tools, seed, or shelter for their own support or for the supply of the cities. reconcentration, adopted avowedly as a war measure in order to cut off the resources of the insurgents, worked its predestined result. as i said in my message of last december, it was not civilized warfare; it was extermination. the only peace it could beget was that of the wilderness and the grave. meanwhile the military situation in the island had undergone a noticeable change. the extraordinary activity that characterized the second year of the war, when the insurgents invaded even the thitherto unharmed fields of pinar del rio and carried havoc and destruction up to the walls of the city of havana itself, had relapsed into a dogged struggle in the central and eastern provinces. the spanish arms regained a measure of control in pinar del rio and parts of havana, but, under the existing conditions of the rural country, without immediate improvement of their productive situation. even thus partially restricted, the revolutionists held their own, and their conquest and submission, put forward by spain as the essential and sole basis of peace, seemed as far distant as at the outset. in this state of affairs my administration found itself confronted with the grave problem of its duty. my message of last december[ ] reviewed the situation and narrated the steps taken with a view to relieving its acuteness and opening the way to some form of honorable settlement. the assassination of the prime minister, canovas, led to a change of government in spain. the former administration, pledged to subjugation without concession, gave place to that of a more liberal party, committed long in advance to a policy of reform involving the wider principle of home rule for cuba and puerto rico. the overtures of this government made through its new envoy, general woodford, and looking to an immediate and effective amelioration of the condition of the island, although not accepted to the extent of admitted mediation in any shape, were met by assurances that home rule in an advanced phase would be forthwith offered to cuba, without waiting for the war to end, and that more humane methods should thenceforth prevail in the conduct of hostilities. coincidentally with these declarations the new government of spain continued and completed the policy, already begun by its predecessor, of testifying friendly regard for this nation by releasing american citizens held under one charge or another connected with the insurrection, so that by the end of november not a single person entitled in any way to our national protection remained in a spanish prison. while these negotiations were in progress the increasing destitution of the unfortunate reconcentrados and the alarming mortality among them claimed earnest attention. the success which had attended the limited measure of relief extended to the suffering american citizens among them by the judicious expenditure through the consular agencies of the money appropriated expressly for their succor by the joint resolution approved may , ,[ ] prompted the humane extension of a similar scheme of aid to the great body of sufferers. a suggestion to this end was acquiesced in by the spanish authorities. on the th of december last i caused to be issued an appeal to the american people inviting contributions in money or in kind for the succor of the starving sufferers in cuba, following this on the th of january by a similar public announcement of the formation of a central cuban relief committee, with headquarters in new york city, composed of three members representing the american national red cross and the religious and business elements of the community. the efforts of that committee have been untiring and have accomplished much. arrangements for free transportation to cuba have greatly aided the charitable work. the president of the american red cross and representatives of other contributory organizations have generously visited cuba and cooperated with the consul-general and the local authorities to make effective distribution of the relief collected through the efforts of the central committee. nearly $ , in money and supplies has already reached the sufferers, and more is forthcoming. the supplies are admitted duty free, and transportation to the interior has been arranged, so that the relief, at first necessarily confined to havana and the larger cities, is now extended through most, if not all, of the towns where suffering exists. thousands of lives have already been saved. the necessity for a change in the condition of the reconcentrados is recognized by the spanish government. within a few days past the orders of general weyler have been revoked. the reconcentrados, it is said, are to be permitted to return to their homes and aided to resume the self-supporting pursuits of peace. public works have been ordered to give them employment and a sum of $ , has been appropriated for their relief. the war in cuba is of such a nature that, short of subjugation or extermination, a final military victory for either side seems impracticable. the alternative lies in the physical exhaustion of the one or the other party, or perhaps of both--a condition which in effect ended the ten years' war by the truce of zanjon. the prospect of such a protraction and conclusion of the present strife is a contingency hardly to be contemplated with equanimity by the civilized world, and least of all by the united states, affected and injured as we are, deeply and intimately, by its very existence. realizing this, it appeared to be my duty, in a spirit of true friendliness, no less to spain than to the cubans, who have so much to lose by the prolongation of the struggle, to seek to bring about an immediate termination of the war. to this end i submitted on the th ultimo, as a result of much representation and correspondence, through the united states minister at madrid, propositions to the spanish government looking to an armistice until october for the negotiation of peace with the good offices of the president. in addition i asked the immediate revocation of the order of reconcentration, so as to permit the people to return to their farms and the needy to be relieved with provisions and supplies from the united states, cooperating with the spanish authorities, so as to afford full relief. the reply of the spanish cabinet was received on the night of the st ultimo. it offered, as the means to bring about peace in cuba, to confide the preparation thereof to the insular parliament, inasmuch as the concurrence of that body would be necessary to reach a final result, it being, however, understood that the powers reserved by the constitution to the central government are not lessened or diminished. as the cuban parliament does not meet until the th of may next, the spanish government would not object for its part to accept at once a suspension of hostilities if asked for by the insurgents from the general in chief, to whom it would pertain in such case to determine the duration and conditions of the armistice. the propositions submitted by general woodford and the reply of the spanish government were both in the form of brief memoranda, the texts of which are before me and are substantially in the language above given. the function of the cuban parliament in the matter of "preparing" peace and the manner of its doing so are not expressed in the spanish memorandum, but from general woodford's explanatory reports of preliminary discussions preceding the final conference it is understood that the spanish government stands ready to give the insular congress full powers to settle the terms of peace with the insurgents, whether by direct negotiation or indirectly by means of legislation does not appear. with this last overture in the direction of immediate peace, and its disappointing reception by spain, the executive is brought to the end of his effort. in my annual message of december last i said: of the untried measures there remain only: recognition of the insurgents as belligerents; recognition of the independence of cuba; neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants, and intervention in favor of one or the other party. i speak not of forcible annexation, for that can not be thought of. that, by our code of morality, would be criminal aggression. thereupon i reviewed these alternatives in the light of president grant's measured words, uttered in , when, after seven years of sanguinary, destructive, and cruel hostilities in cuba, he reached the conclusion that the recognition of the independence of cuba was impracticable and indefensible and that the recognition of belligerence was not warranted by the facts according to the tests of public law. i commented especially upon the latter aspect of the question, pointing out the inconveniences and positive dangers of a recognition of belligerence, which, while adding to the already onerous burdens of neutrality within our own jurisdiction, could not in any way extend our influence or effective offices in the territory of hostilities. nothing has since occurred to change my view in this regard, and i recognize as fully now as then that the issuance of a proclamation of neutrality, by which process the so-called recognition of belligerents is published, could of itself and unattended by other action accomplish nothing toward the one end for which we labor--the instant pacification of cuba and the cessation of the misery that afflicts the island. turning to the question of recognizing at this time the independence of the present insurgent government in cuba, we find safe precedents in our history from an early day. they are well summed up in president jackson's message to congress, december , , on the subject of the recognition of the independence of texas. he said: in all the contests that have arisen out of the revolutions of france, out of the disputes relating to the crowns of portugal and spain, out of the revolutionary movements of those kingdoms, out of the separation of the american possessions of both from the european governments, and out of the numerous and constantly occurring struggles for dominion in spanish america, so wisely consistent with our just principles has been the action of our government that we have under the most critical circumstances avoided all censure and encountered no other evil than that produced by a transient estrangement of good will in those against whom we have been by force of evidence compelled to decide. it has thus been made known to the world that the uniform policy and practice of the united states is to avoid all interference in disputes which merely relate to the internal government of other nations, and eventually to recognize the authority of the prevailing party, without reference to our particular interests and views or to the merits of the original controversy. * * * * * * * * but on this as on every trying occasion safety is to be found in a rigid adherence to principle. in the contest between spain and her revolted colonies we stood aloof and waited, not only until the ability of the new states to protect themselves was fully established, but until the danger of their being again subjugated had entirely passed away. then, and not till then, were they recognized. such was our course in regard to mexico herself. * * * it is true that, with regard to texas, the civil authority of mexico has been expelled, its invading army defeated, the chief of the republic himself captured, and all present power to control the newly organized government of texas annihilated within its confines. but, on the other hand, there is, in appearance at least, an immense disparity of physical force on the side of mexico. the mexican republic under another executive is rallying its forces under a new leader and menacing a fresh invasion to recover its lost dominion. upon the issue of this threatened invasion the independence of texas may be considered as suspended, and were there nothing peculiar in the relative situation of the united states and texas our acknowledgment of its independence at such a crisis could scarcely be regarded as consistent with that prudent reserve with which we have heretofore held ourselves bound to treat all similar questions. thereupon andrew jackson proceeded to consider the risk that there might be imputed to the united states motives of selfish interest in view of the former claim on our part to the territory of texas and of the avowed purpose of the texans in seeking recognition of independence as an incident to the incorporation of texas in the union, concluding thus: prudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should still stand aloof and maintain our present attitude, if not until mexico itself or one of the great foreign powers shall recognize the independence of the new government, at least until the lapse of time or the course of events shall have proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability of the people of that country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to uphold the government constituted by them. neither of the contending parties can justly complain of this course. by pursuing it we are but carrying out the long-established policy of our government--a policy which has secured to us respect and influence abroad and inspired confidence at home. these are the words of the resolute and patriotic jackson. they are evidence that the united states, in addition to the test imposed by public law as the condition of the recognition of independence by a neutral state (to wit, that the revolted state shall "constitute in fact a body politic, having a government in substance as well as in name, possessed of the elements of stability," and forming _de facto_, "if left to itself, a state among the nations, reasonably capable of discharging the duties of a state"), has imposed for its own governance in dealing with cases like these the further condition that recognition of independent statehood is not due to a revolted dependency until the danger of its being again subjugated by the parent state has entirely passed away. this extreme test was, in fact, applied in the case of texas. the congress to whom president jackson referred the question as one "probably leading to war," and therefore a proper subject for "a previous understanding with that body by whom war can alone be declared and by whom all the provisions for sustaining its perils must be furnished," left the matter of the recognition of texas to the discretion of the executive, providing merely for the sending of a diplomatic agent when the president should be satisfied that the republic of texas had become "an independent state." it was so recognized by president van buren, who commissioned a chargé d'affaires march , , after mexico had abandoned an attempt to reconquer the texan territory, and when there was at the time no _bona fide_ contest going on between the insurgent province and its former sovereign. i said in my message of december last: it is to be seriously considered whether the cuban insurrection possesses beyond dispute the attributes of statehood, which alone can demand the recognition of belligerency in its favor. the same requirement must certainly be no less seriously considered when the graver issue of recognizing independence is in question, for no less positive test can be applied to the greater act than to the lesser, while, on the other hand, the influences and consequences of the struggle upon the internal policy of the recognizing state, which form important factors when the recognition of belligerency is concerned, are secondary, if not rightly eliminable, factors when the real question is whether the community claiming recognition is or is not independent beyond peradventure. nor from the standpoint of expediency do i think it would be wise or prudent for this government to recognize at the present time the independence of the so-called cuban republic. such recognition is not necessary in order to enable the united states to intervene and pacify the island. to commit this country now to the recognition of any particular government in cuba might subject us to embarrassing conditions of international obligation toward the organization so recognized. in case of intervention our conduct would be subject to the approval or disapproval of such government. we would be required to submit to its direction and to assume to it the mere relation of a friendly ally. when it shall appear hereafter that there is within the island a government capable of performing the duties and discharging the functions of a separate nation, and having as a matter of fact the proper forms and attributes of nationality, such government can be promptly and readily recognized and the relations and interests of the united states with such nation adjusted. there remain the alternative forms of intervention to end the war, either as an impartial neutral, by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants, or as the active ally of the one party or the other. as to the first, it is not to be forgotten that during the last few months the relation of the united states has virtually been one of friendly intervention in many ways, each not of itself conclusive, but all tending to the exertion of a potential influence toward an ultimate pacific result, just and honorable to all interests concerned. the spirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest, unselfish desire for peace and prosperity in cuba, untarnished by differences between us and spain and unstained by the blood of american citizens. the forcible intervention of the united states as a neutral to stop the war, according to the large dictates of humanity and following many historical precedents where neighboring states have interfered to check the hopeless sacrifices of life by internecine conflicts beyond their borders, is justifiable on rational grounds. it involves, however, hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest, as well to enforce a truce as to guide the eventual settlement. the grounds for such intervention may be briefly summarized as follows: first. in the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, starvation, and horrible miseries now existing there, and which the parties to the conflict are either unable or unwilling to stop or mitigate. it is no answer to say this is all in another country, belonging to another nation, and is therefore none of our business. it is specially our duty, for it is right at our door. second. we owe it to our citizens in cuba to afford them that protection and indemnity for life and property which no government there can or will afford, and to that end to terminate the conditions that deprive them of legal protection. third. the right to intervene may be justified by the very serious injury to the commerce, trade, and business of our people and by the wanton destruction of property and devastation of the island. fourth, and which is of the utmost importance. the present condition of affairs in cuba is a constant menace to our peace and entails upon this government an enormous expense. with such a conflict waged for years in an island so near us and with which our people have such trade and business relations; when the lives and liberty of our citizens are in constant danger and their property destroyed and themselves ruined; where our trading vessels are liable to seizure and are seized at our very door by war ships of a foreign nation; the expeditions of filibustering that we are powerless to prevent altogether, and the irritating questions and entanglements thus arising--all these and others that i need not mention, with the resulting strained relations, are a constant menace to our peace and compel us to keep on a semi war footing with a nation with which we are at peace. these elements of danger and disorder already pointed out have been strikingly illustrated by a tragic event which has deeply and justly moved the american people. i have already transmitted to congress the report of the naval court of inquiry on the destruction of the battle ship _maine_ in the harbor of havana during the night of the th of february.[ ] the destruction of that noble vessel has filled the national heart with inexpressible horror. two hundred and fifty-eight brave sailors and marines and two officers of our navy, reposing in the fancied security of a friendly harbor, have been hurled to death, grief and want brought to their homes and sorrow to the nation. the naval court of inquiry, which, it is needless to say, commands the unqualified confidence of the government, was unanimous in its conclusion that the destruction of the _maine_ was caused by an exterior explosion--that of a submarine mine. it did not assume to place the responsibility. that remains to be fixed. in any event, the destruction of the _maine_, by whatever exterior cause, is a patent and impressive proof of a state of things in cuba that is intolerable. that condition is thus shown to be such that the spanish government can not assure safety and security to a vessel of the american navy in the harbor of havana on a mission of peace, and rightfully there. further referring in this connection to recent diplomatic correspondence, a dispatch from our minister to spain of the th ultimo contained the statement that the spanish minister for foreign affairs assured him positively that spain will do all that the highest honor and justice require in the matter of the _maine_. the reply above referred to, of the st ultimo, also contained an expression of the readiness of spain to submit to an arbitration all the differences which can arise in this matter, which is subsequently explained by the note of the spanish minister at washington of the th instant, as follows: as to the question of fact which springs from the diversity of views between the reports of the american and spanish boards, spain proposes that the facts be ascertained by an impartial investigation by experts, whose decision spain accepts in advance. to this i have made no reply. president grant, in , after discussing the phases of the contest as it then appeared and its hopeless and apparent indefinite prolongation, said: in such event i am of opinion that other nations will be compelled to assume the responsibility which devolves upon them, and to seriously consider the only remaining measures possible--mediation and intervention. owing, perhaps, to the large expanse of water separating the island from the peninsula, * * * the contending parties appear to have within themselves no depository of common confidence to suggest wisdom when passion and excitement have their sway and to assume the part of peacemaker. in this view in the earlier days of the contest the good offices of the united states as a mediator were tendered in good faith, without any selfish purpose, in the interest of humanity and in sincere friendship for both parties, but were at the time declined by spain, with the declaration, nevertheless, that at a future time they would be indispensable. no intimation has been received that in the opinion of spain that time has been reached. and yet the strife continues, with all its dread horrors and all its injuries to the interests of the united states and of other nations. each party seems quite capable of working great injury and damage to the other, as well as to all the relations and interests dependent on the existence of peace in the island; but they seem incapable of reaching any adjustment, and both have thus far failed of achieving any success whereby one party shall possess and control the island to the exclusion of the other. under these circumstances the agency of others, either by mediation or by intervention, seems to be the only alternative which must, sooner or later, be invoked for the termination of the strife. in the last annual message of my immediate predecessor, during the pending struggle, it was said: when the inability of spain to deal successfully with the insurrection has become manifest and it is demonstrated that her sovereignty is extinct in cuba for all purposes of its rightful existence, and when a hopeless struggle for its reestablishment has degenerated into a strife which means nothing more than the useless sacrifice of human life and the utter destruction of the very subject-matter of the conflict, a situation will be presented in which our obligations to the sovereignty of spain will be superseded by higher obligations, which we can hardly hesitate to recognize and discharge. in my annual message to congress december last, speaking to this question, i said: the near future will demonstrate whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just alike to the cubans and to spain, as well as equitable to all our interests so intimately involved in the welfare of cuba, is likely to be attained. if not, the exigency of further and other action by the united states will remain to be taken. when that time conies, that action will be determined in the line of indisputable right and duty. it will be faced, without misgiving or hesitancy, in the light of the obligation this government owes to itself, to the people who have confided to it the protection of their interests and honor, and to humanity. sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passion nor selfishness, the government will continue its watchful care over the rights and property of american citizens and will abate none of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be honorable and enduring. if it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization, and humanity to intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part and only because the necessity for such action will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the civilized world. the long trial has proved that the object for which spain has waged the war can not be attained. the fire of insurrection may flame or may smolder with varying seasons, but it has not been and it is plain that it can not be extinguished by present methods. the only hope of relief and repose from a condition which can no longer be endured is the enforced pacification of cuba. in the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of endangered american interests which give us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in cuba must stop. in view of these facts and of these considerations i ask the congress to authorize and empower the president to take measures to secure a full and final termination of hostilities between the government of spain and the people of cuba, and to secure in the island the establishment of a stable government, capable of maintaining order and observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tranquillity and the security of its citizens as well as our own, and to use the military and naval forces of the united states as may be necessary for these purposes. and in the interest of humanity and to aid in preserving the lives of the starving people of the island i recommend that the distribution of food and supplies be continued and that an appropriation be made out of the public treasury to supplement the charity of our citizens. the issue is now with the congress. it is a solemn responsibility. i have exhausted every effort to relieve the intolerable condition of affairs which is at our doors. prepared to execute every obligation imposed upon me by the constitution and the law, i await your action. yesterday, and since the preparation of the foregoing message, official information was received by me that the latest decree of the queen regent of spain directs general blanco, in order to prepare and facilitate peace, to proclaim a suspension of hostilities, the duration and details of which have not yet been communicated to me. this fact, with every other pertinent consideration, will, i am sure, have your just and careful attention in the solemn deliberations upon which you are about to enter. if this measure attains a successful result, then our aspirations as a christian, peace-loving people will be realized. if it fails, it will be only another justification for our contemplated action. william mckinley. [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see p. .] [footnote : see pp. - .] executive mansion, _washington, april , _. _to the senate of the united states:_ i transmit herewith, in response to a resolution of the senate of the th of february last, calling for information and correspondence in regard to the condition of the island of cuba and to negotiations for commercial relations between the united states and that island, a report of the secretary of state, with its accompanying correspondence, covering the first inquiry of the resolution, together with a report of the special commissioner plenipotentiary charged with commercial negotiations under the provisions of the tariff act approved july , , in response to the second inquiry. william mckinley. department of state, _washington_, _april , _. the president: the secretary of state has had the honor to receive, by reference from the president, a resolution adopted in the senate of the united states on the th of february last, reading as follows: "_resolved,_ that the president is requested, if in his opinion it is not incompatible with the public service, to send to the senate copies of the reports of the consul-general and of the consuls of the united states in cuba written or received since march , , which relate to the state of war in that island and the condition of the people there, or that he will send such parts of said reports as will inform the senate as to these facts. "second. that the president inform the senate whether any agent of a government in cuba has been accredited to this government or the president of the united states with authority to negotiate a treaty of reciprocity with the united states, or any other diplomatic or commercial agreement with the united states, and whether such person has been recognized and received as the representative of such government in cuba." this resolution contemplates answer being made to two separable inquiries: first, in relation to the present condition of affairs in cuba, and, secondly, with regard to the action had in view of the overtures of the government of spain for a reciprocal commercial agreement covering particularly the trade between the united states and the island of cuba. the conduct of commercial negotiations under the authority and in accordance with the conditions found in sections , , and of the existing tariff act, approved july , , having been intrusted to a special commissioner plenipotentiary duly empowered by the president to that end, it has been deemed convenient to leave to the commissioner the preparation of a report in answer to the second part of the senate resolution, the undersigned reserving to himself the response to the first part thereof, which concerns the political and consular functions of the department of state. the separate report of the hon. john a. kasson, special commissioner plenipotentiary, is therefore herewith independently submitted to the president with a view to its transmission to the senate, should such a course be, in the president's judgment, not incompatible with the public service. the senate resolution, while in terms calling for the submission to that honorable body of all or of a practical selection of the reports of the consul-general and consuls of the united states in cuba written or received since march , , which relate to the state of war in that island and the condition of the people there, appears to leave it to the discretion of the president to direct the scope of the information to be so reported and the manner of its communication. the undersigned, having taken the president's direction on both these points, has the honor to lay before him a selection of the correspondence received by the department of state from the various consular representatives in cuba, aiming thereby to show the present situation in the island rather than to give a historical account of all the reported incidents since the date assigned by the resolution. respectfully submitted. john sherman. department of state, washington, _office of special commissioner plenipotentiary_. the president: in response to the following resolution of the senate, passed under date of february , , and which was referred to the undersigned for report, viz-- "second. that the president inform the senate whether any agent of a government in cuba has been accredited to this government or the president of the united states with authority to negotiate a treaty of reciprocity with the united states, or any other diplomatic or commercial agreement with the united states, and whether such person has been recognized and received as the representative of such government in cuba"-- i have the honor to submit the following report: in october, , the minister of spain at this capital verbally advised the undersigned that so soon as the new government in spain had leisure to take up the question he would probably be authorized to enter into negotiations with the undersigned for reciprocal trade arrangements with spain, and that a representative of cuba would probably be associated for the interests of that island. under date of december , , the minister of the united states at madrid was instructed to ascertain the disposition of the spanish government in respect to these negotiations. under date of january , , a dispatch from mr. woodford (referred to this office) advised the secretary of state that arrangements were made for the negotiation of a commercial treaty between spain and the united states; that separate provisions would be made for cuba, and that the cuban insular government would appoint a delegate to represent that island in the negotiations. this was accompanied by a memorandum from the spanish minister of colonies, stating that the same rules as for cuba might be applied to puerto rico, and suggesting a basis for the negotiations. this communication was referred to this office on the th of february. on the th of february the spanish minister, mr. dupuy de lôme, called on the undersigned and announced that he was authorized to represent spain in the pending negotiations and that a special representative would arrive from cuba, under appointment of the insular government, to act as far as the interests of that island were involved. he mentioned the name of señor angulo as the gentleman who had been suggested in cuba for that appointment; but the delegate was not officially notified to this office. on march a note from the spanish minister, señor polo y bernabé, addressed, under date of the th instant, to the secretary of state, was referred to this office. in that note his excellency advised this government of his appointment by her majesty the queen regent of spain to conduct these negotiations, assisted by señor manuel rafael angulo as special delegate of the insular government of cuba, who would be aided by two technical assistants, also appointed by the cuban government; and, further, that an officer from the treasury department would be added in the same character. his excellency announced his readiness to commence the labors of the commission so soon as the government of the united states should formulate the general plan for carrying on the work. respectfully submitted, march , . john a kasson, _special commissioner plenipotenitary_. executive mansion, _april , _. _to the senate of the united states:_ in response to a resolution of the senate of the th instant, i inclose herewith a letter from the secretary of the navy, inclosing a copy of a report from the chief of the bureau of navigation. william mckinley. navy department, _washington, april , _. the president of the united states senate. sir: i have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of senate resolution of april , directing that the senate be informed "of the total number of human lives that were lost by the sinking of the united states battle ship _maine_ in havana harbor, cuba, on the th day of february, , the total number of dead bodies rescued from said ship, the total number remaining unrescued, and what effort, if any, is being made to rescue them," and in reply thereto inclose a copy of a report from the chief of the bureau of navigation covering the above inquiry. i have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, john d. long, _secretary_. memorandum for the secretary. bureau of navigation, _washington, d.c., april , ._ number on board the u.s.s. _maine_ at the time of the disaster: officers sailors marines --- number saved: officers sailors marines --- number lost: officers sailors marines --- --- bodies recovered: officers sailors and marines died from injuries: sailors and marines --- of the number recovered there were buried-- in the cemetery at havana at key west at pittsburg, pa. (officer) --- number of bodies not recovered: officers enlisted men and marines --- the work of recovery was continued until april , when the wrecking tugs were withdrawn, and nothing is now being done in that direction so far as is known; and the last bodies reported as recovered were sent to key west on the th ultimo. no estimate has been made of the portions of bodies which were recovered and buried. the large percentage of bodies not recovered is due, no doubt, to the fact that the men were swinging in their hammocks immediately over that portion of the vessel which was totally destroyed. a.s. crowninshield, _chief of bureau_. executive mansion, _washington, april , _. _to the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america_: i transmit to the congress, for its consideration and appropriate action, copies of correspondence recently had with the representative of spain in the united states, with the united states minister at madrid, and through the latter with the government of spain, showing the action taken under the joint resolution approved april , , "for the recognition of the independence of the people of cuba, demanding that the government of spain relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba and to withdraw its land and naval forces from cuba and cuban waters, and directing the president of the united states to use the land and naval forces of the united states to carry these resolutions in to effect."[ ] upon communicating to the spanish minister in washington the demand which it became the duty of the executive to address to the government of spain in obedience to said resolution, the minister asked for his passports and withdrew. the united states minister at madrid was in turn notified by the spanish minister for foreign affairs that the withdrawal of the spanish representative from the united states had terminated diplomatic relations between the two countries, and that all official communications between their respective representatives ceased therewith. i commend to your especial attention the note addressed to the united states minister at madrid by the spanish minister for foreign affairs on the st instant, whereby the foregoing notification was conveyed. it will be perceived therefrom that the government of spain, having cognizance of the joint resolution of the united states congress, and in view of the things which the president is thereby required and authorized to do, responds by treating the reasonable demands of this government as measures of hostility, following with that instant and complete severance of relations by its action which by the usage of nations accompanies an existent state of war between sovereign powers. the position of spain being thus made known and the demands of the united states being denied, with a complete rupture of intercourse, by the act of spain, i have been constrained, in exercise of the power and authority conferred upon me by the joint resolution aforesaid, to proclaim, under date of april , ,[ ] a blockade of certain ports of the north coast of cuba lying between cardenas and bahia honda, and of the port of cienfuegos, on the south coast of cuba, and further in exercise of my constitutional powers and using the authority conferred upon me by the act of congress approved april , , to issue my proclamation dated april , ,[ ] calling forth volunteers in order to carry into effect the said resolution of april , . copies of these proclamations are hereto appended. in view of the measures so taken, and with a view to the adoption of such other measures as may be necessary to enable me to carry out the expressed will of the congress of the united states in the premises, i now recommend to your honorable body the adoption of a joint resolution declaring that a state of war exists between the united states of america and the kingdom of spain, and i urge speedy action thereon, to the end that the definition of the international status of the united states as a belligerent power may be made known and the assertion of all its rights and the maintenance of all its duties in the conduct of a public war may be assured.[ ] william mckinley. [footnote : see p. .] [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see p. .] joint resolution for the recognition of the independence of the people of cuba, demanding that the government of spain relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba and to withdraw its land and naval forces from cuba and cuban waters, and directing the president of the united states to use the land and naval forces of the united states to carry these resolutions into effect. whereas the abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than three years in the island of cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked the moral sense of the people of the united states, have been a disgrace to christian civilization, culminating, as they have, in the destruction of a united states battle ship, with of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbor of havana, and can not longer be endured, as has been set forth by the president of the united states in his message to congress of april , ,[ ] upon which the action of congress was invited: therefore, _resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled_, first. that the people of the island of cuba are and of right ought to be free and independent. second. that it is the duty of the united states to demand, and the government of the united states does hereby demand, that the government of spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from cuba and cuban waters. third. that the president of the united states be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the united states and to call into the actual service of the united states the militia of the several states to such extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. fourth. that the united states hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people. approved, april , . [footnote : see pp. - .] executive mansion, _may , _. _to the congress of the united states:_ on the th of april i directed the secretary of the navy to telegraph orders to commodore george dewey, of the united states navy, commanding the asiatic squadron, then lying in the port of hongkong, to proceed forthwith to the philippine islands, there-to commence operations and engage the assembled spanish fleet. promptly obeying that order, the united states squadron, consisting of the flagship _olympia_, _baltimore_, _raleigh_, _boston_, _concord_, and _petrel_, with the revenue cutter _mcculloch_ as an auxiliary dispatch boat, entered the harbor of manila at daybreak on the st of may and immediately engaged the entire spanish fleet of eleven ships, which were under the protection of the fire of the land forts. after a stubborn fight, in which the enemy suffered great loss, these vessels were destroyed or completely disabled and the water battery at cavite silenced. of our brave officers and men not one was lost and only eight injured, and those slightly. all of our ships escaped any serious damage. by the th of may commodore dewey had taken possession of the naval station at cavite, destroying the fortifications there and at the entrance of the bay and paroling their garrisons. the waters of the bay are under his complete control. he has established hospitals within the american lines, where of the spanish sick and wounded are assisted and protected. the magnitude of this victory can hardly be measured by the ordinary standard of naval warfare. outweighing any material advantage is the moral effect of this initial success. at this unsurpassed achievement the great heart of our nation throbs, not with boasting or with greed of conquest, but with deep gratitude that this triumph has come in a just cause and that by the grace of god an effective step has thus been taken toward the attainment of the wished-for peace. to those whose skill, courage, and devotion have won the fight, to the gallant commander and the brave officers and men who aided him, our country owes an incalculable debt. feeling as our people feel, and speaking in their name, i at once sent a message to commodore dewey thanking him and his officers and men for their splendid achievement and overwhelming victory and informing him that i had appointed him an acting rear-admiral. i now recommend that, following our national precedents and expressing the fervent gratitude of every patriotic heart, the thanks of congress be given acting rear-admiral george dewey, of the united states navy, for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the enemy, and to the officers and men under his command for their gallantry in the destruction of the enemy's fleet and the capture of the enemy's fortifications in the bay of manila. william mckinley. executive mansion, _june , _. _to the congress of the united states:_ the resolution of congress passed may , , tendering to commodore george dewey, united states navy, commander in chief of the united states naval force on the asiatic station, the thanks of congress and of the american people for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the enemy, as displayed by him in the destruction of the spanish fleet and batteries in the harbor of manila, philippine islands, may , , and through him extending the thanks of congress and of the american people to the officers and men under his command for gallantry and skill exhibited by them on that occasion, required the president to communicate the same to commodore dewey, and through him to the officers and men under his command. this having been done, through the secretary of the navy, on the th of may, , the following response has been received and is hereby transmitted to the congress: i desire to express to the department, and to request that it will be transmitted to the president and to congress, my most sincere thanks for the great compliment paid to me. william mckinley. joint resolution tendering the thanks of congress to commodore george dewey, united states navy, and to the officers and men of the squadron under his command. _resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled_, that, in pursuance of the recommendation of the president, made in accordance with the provisions of section of the revised statutes, the thanks of congress and of the american people are hereby tendered to commodore george dewey, united states navy, commander in chief of the united states naval force on the asiatic station, for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the enemy, as displayed by him in the destruction of the spanish fleet and batteries in the harbor of manila, philippine islands, may , . sec. . that the thanks of congress and the american people are hereby extended through commodore dewey to the officers and men under his command for the gallantry and skill exhibited by them on that occasion. sec. . _be it further resolved_, that the president of the united states be requested to cause this resolution to be communicated to commodore dewey, and through him to the officers and men under his command. approved, may , . joint resolution authorizing the secretary of the navy to present a sword of honor to commodore george dewey, and to cause to be struck bronze medals commemorating the battle of manila bay, and to distribute such medals to the officers and men of the ships of the asiatic squadron of the united states. _resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled_, that the secretary of the navy be, and he hereby is, authorized to present a sword of honor to commodore george dewey, and to cause to be struck bronze medals commemorating the battle of manila bay, and to distribute such medals to the officers and men of the ships of the asiatic squadron of the united states under command of commodore george dewey on may , ; and that to enable the secretary to carry out this resolution the sum of $ , , or so much thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated. approved, june , . executive mansion, _june , _. _to the congress of the united states:_ on the th of may, , there occurred a conflict in the bay of cardenas, cuba, in which the naval torpedo boat _winslow_ was disabled, her commander wounded, and one of her officers and a part of her crew killed by the enemy's fire. in the face of a most galling fire from the enemy's guns the revenue cutter _hudson_, commanded by first lieutenant frank h. newcomb, united states revenue-cutter service, rescued the disabled _winslow_, her wounded commander and remaining crew. the commander of the _hudson_ kept his vessel in the very hottest fire of the action, although in constant danger of going ashore on account of the shallow water, until he finally got a line made fast to the _winslow_ and towed that vessel out of range of the enemy's guns--a deed of special gallantry. i recommend that in recognition of the signal act of heroism of first lieutenant frank h. newcomb, united states revenue-cutter service, above set forth, the thanks of congress be extended to him and to his officers and men of the _hudson_, and that a gold medal of honor be presented to lieutenant newcomb, a silver medal of honor to each of his officers, and a bronze medal of honor to each member of his crew who served with him at cardenas. it will be remembered that congress by appropriate action recognized the several commanders of ships of war for their services in the battle of manila, may , . the commander of the revenue cutter _hugh mcculloch_, present and in active cooperation with the fleet under commodore dewey on that occasion (by executive order under the provisions of section , revised statutes), is the only commander of a national ship to whom promotion or advancement was not and could not be given, because he already held the highest rank known to the revenue-cutter service. i now recommend that in recognition of the efficient and meritorious services of captain daniel b. hodgsdon, united states revenue-cutter service, who commanded the _hugh mcculloch_ at the battle of manila (that officer being now in the sixty-third year of his age and having served continuously on active duty for thirty-seven years), he be placed upon the permanent waiting-orders or retired list of the revenue-cutter service on the full-duty pay of his grade. william mckinley. executive mansion, _june , _. _to the congress of the united states:_ on the morning of the d of june, , assistant naval constructor richmond p. hobson, united states navy, with a volunteer crew of seven men, in charge of the partially dismantled collier _merrimac_, entered the fortified harbor of santiago, cuba, for the purpose of sinking the collier in the narrowest portion of the channel, and thus interposing a serious obstacle to the egress of the spanish fleet which had recently entered that harbor. this enterprise, demanding coolness, judgment, and bravery amounting to heroism, was carried into successful execution in the face of a persistent fire from the hostile fleet as well as from the fortifications on shore. rear-admiral sampson, commander in chief of our naval force in cuban waters, in an official report dated "off santiago de cuba, june , ," and addressed to the secretary of the navy, referring to mr. hobson's gallant exploit, says: as stated in a recent telegram, before coming here i decided to make the harbor entrance secure against the possibility of egress of the spanish ships by obstructing the narrow part of the entrance by sinking a collier at that point. upon calling upon mr. hobson for his professional opinion as to a sure method of sinking the ship, he manifested a most lively interest in the problem. after several days' consideration he presented a solution which he considered would insure the immediate sinking of the ship when she had reached the desired point in the channel. * * * the plan contemplated a crew of only seven men and mr. hobson, who begged that it might be intrusted to him. as soon as i reached santiago and had the collier to work upon, the details were commenced and diligently prosecuted, hoping to complete them in one day, as the moon and tide served best the first night after our arrival. notwithstanding every effort, the hour of o'clock in the morning arrived and the preparations were scarcely completed. after a careful inspection of the final preparations i was forced to relinquish the plan for that morning, as dawn was breaking. mr. hobson begged to try it at all hazards. this morning proved more propitious, as a prompt start could be made. nothing could have been more gallantly executed. * * * a careful inspection of the harbor from this ship showed that the _merrimac_ had been sunk in the channel. i can not myself too earnestly express my appreciation of the conduct of mr. hobson and his gallant crew. i venture to say that a more brave and daring thing has not been done since cushing blew up the _albemarle_. the members of the crew who were with mr. hobson on this memorable occasion have already been rewarded for their services by advancement, which, under the provisions of law and regulations, the secretary of the navy was authorized to make; and the nomination to the senate of naval cadet powell, who in a steam launch followed the _merrimac_ on her perilous trip for the purpose of rescuing her force after the sinking of that vessel, to be advanced in rank to the grade of ensign has been prepared and will be submitted. cushing, with whose gallant act in blowing up the ram _albemarle_ during the civil war admiral sampson compares mr. hobson's sinking of the _merrimac_, received the thanks of congress, upon recommendation of the president, by name, and was in consequence, under the provisions of section of the revised statutes, advanced one grade, such advancement embracing numbers. the section cited applies, however, to line officers only, and mr. hobson, being a member of the staff of the navy, could not under its provisions be so advanced. in considering the question of suitably rewarding assistant naval constructor hobson for his valiant conduct on the occasion referred to, i have deemed it proper to address this message to you with the recommendation that he receive the thanks of congress and, further, that he be transferred to the line of the navy and promoted to such position therein as the president, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, may determine. mr. hobson's transfer from the construction corps to the line is fully warranted, he having received the necessary technical training as a graduate of the naval academy, where he stood no. in his class; and such action is recommended partly in deference to what is understood to be his own desire, although, he being now a prisoner in the hands of the enemy, no direct communication on the subject has been received from him, and partly for the reason that the abilities displayed by him at santiago are of such a character as to indicate especial fitness for the duties of the line. william mckinley. second annual message. executive mansion, _december , _. _to the senate and house of representatives:_ notwithstanding the added burdens rendered necessary by the war, our people rejoice in a very satisfactory and steadily increasing degree of prosperity, evidenced by the largest volume of business ever recorded. manufacture has been productive, agricultural pursuits have yielded abundant returns, labor in all fields of industry is better rewarded, revenue legislation passed by the present congress has increased the treasury's receipts to the amount estimated by its authors, the finances of the government have been successfully administered and its credit advanced to the first rank, while its currency has been maintained at the world's highest standard. military service under a common flag and for a righteous cause has strengthened the national spirit and served to cement more closely than ever the fraternal bonds between every section of the country. a review of the relation of the united states to other powers, always appropriate, is this year of primary importance in view of the momentous issues which have arisen, demanding in one instance the ultimate determination by arms and involving far-reaching consequences which will require the earnest attention of the congress. in my last annual message[ ] very full consideration was given to the question of the duty of the government of the united states toward spain and the cuban insurrection as being by far the most important problem with which we were then called upon to deal. the considerations then advanced and the exposition of the views therein expressed disclosed my sense of the extreme gravity of the situation. setting aside as logically unfounded or practically inadmissible the recognition of the cuban insurgents as belligerents, the recognition of the independence of cuba, neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants, intervention in favor of one or the other party, and forcible annexation of the island, i concluded it was honestly due to our friendly relations with spain that she should be given a reasonable chance to realize her expectations of reform to which she had become irrevocably committed. within a few weeks previously she had announced comprehensive plans which it was confidently asserted would be efficacious to remedy the evils so deeply affecting our own country, so injurious to the true interests of the mother country as well as to those of cuba, and so repugnant to the universal sentiment of humanity. the ensuing month brought little sign of real progress toward the pacification of cuba. the autonomous administrations set up in the capital and some of the principal cities appeared not to gain the favor of the inhabitants nor to be able to extend their influence to the large extent of territory held by the insurgents, while the military arm, obviously unable to cope with the still active rebellion, continued many of the most objectionable and offensive policies of the government that had preceded it. no tangible relief was afforded the vast numbers of unhappy reconcentrados, despite the reiterated professions made in that regard and the amount appropriated by spain to that end. the proffered expedient of zones of cultivation proved illusory. indeed no less practical nor more delusive promises of succor could well have been tendered to the exhausted and destitute people, stripped of all that made life and home dear and herded in a strange region among unsympathetic strangers hardly less necessitous than themselves. by the end of december the mortality among them had frightfully increased. conservative estimates from spanish sources placed the deaths among these distressed people at over per cent from the time general weyler's decree of reconcentration was enforced. with the acquiescence of the spanish authorities, a scheme was adopted for relief by charitable contributions raised in this country and distributed, under the direction of the consul-general and the several consuls, by noble and earnest individual effort through the organized agencies of the american red cross. thousands of lives were thus saved, but many thousands more were inaccessible to such forms of aid. the war continued on the old footing, without comprehensive plan, developing only the same spasmodic encounters, barren of strategic result, that had marked the course of the earlier ten years' rebellion as well as the present insurrection from its start. no alternative save physical exhaustion of either combatant, and therewithal the practical ruin of the island, lay in sight, but how far distant no one could venture to conjecture. at this juncture, on the th of february last, occurred the destruction of the battle ship _maine_ while rightfully lying in the harbor of havana on a mission of international courtesy and good will--a catastrophe the suspicious nature and horror of which stirred the nation's heart profoundly. it is a striking evidence of the poise and sturdy good sense distinguishing our national character that this shocking blow, falling upon a generous people already deeply touched by preceding events in cuba, did not move them to an instant desperate resolve to tolerate no longer the existence of a condition of danger and disorder at our doors that made possible such a deed, by whomsoever wrought. yet the instinct of justice prevailed, and the nation anxiously awaited the result of the searching investigation at once set on foot. the finding of the naval board of inquiry established that the origin of the explosion was external, by a submarine mine, and only halted through lack of positive testimony to fix the responsibility of its authorship. all these things carried conviction to the most thoughtful, even before the finding of the naval court, that a crisis in our relations with spain and toward cuba was at hand. so strong was this belief that it needed but a brief executive suggestion to the congress to receive immediate answer to the duty of making instant provision for the possible and perhaps speedily probable emergency of war, and the remarkable, almost unique, spectacle was presented of a unanimous vote of both houses, on the th of march, appropriating $ , , "for the national defense and for each and every purpose connected therewith, to be expended at the discretion of the president." that this act of prevision came none too soon was disclosed when the application of the fund was undertaken. our coasts were practically undefended. our navy needed large provision for increased ammunition and supplies, and even numbers to cope with any sudden attack from the navy of spain, which comprised modern vessels of the highest type of continental perfection. our army also required enlargement of men and munitions. the details of the hurried preparation for the dreaded contingency are told in the reports of the secretaries of war and of the navy, and need not be repeated here. it is sufficient to say that the outbreak of war when it did come found our nation not unprepared to meet the conflict. nor was the apprehension of coming strife confined to our own country. it was felt by the continental powers, which on april , through their ambassadors and envoys, addressed to the executive an expression of hope that humanity and moderation might mark the course of this government and people, and that further negotiations would lead to an agreement which, while securing the maintenance of peace, would afford all necessary guaranties for the reestablishment of order in cuba. in responding to that representation i said i shared the hope the envoys had expressed that peace might be preserved in a manner to terminate the chronic condition of disturbance in cuba, so injurious and menacing to our interests and tranquillity, as well as shocking to our sentiments of humanity; and while appreciating the humanitarian and disinterested character of the communication they had made on behalf of the powers, i stated the confidence of this government, for its part, that equal appreciation would be shown for its own earnest and unselfish endeavors to fulfill a duty to humanity by ending a situation the indefinite prolongation of which had become insufferable. still animated by the hope of a peaceful solution and obeying the dictates of duty, no effort was relaxed to bring about a speedy ending of the cuban struggle. negotiations to this object continued actively with the government of spain, looking to the immediate conclusion of a six months' armistice in cuba, with a view to effect the recognition of her people's right to independence. besides this, the instant revocation of the order of reconcentration was asked, so that the sufferers, returning to their homes and aided by united american and spanish effort, might be put in a way to support themselves and, by orderly resumption of the well-nigh destroyed productive energies of the island, contribute to the restoration of its tranquillity and well-being. negotiations continued for some little time at madrid, resulting in offers by the spanish government which could not but be regarded as inadequate. it was proposed to confide the preparation of peace to the insular parliament, yet to be convened under the autonomous decrees of november, , but without impairment in any wise of the constitutional powers of the madrid government, which to that end would grant an armistice, if solicited by the insurgents, for such time as the general in chief might see fit to fix. how and with what scope of discretionary powers the insular parliament was expected to set about the "preparation" of peace did not appear. if it were to be by negotiation with the insurgents, the issue seemed to rest on the one side with a body chosen by a fraction of the electors in the districts under spanish control, and on the other with the insurgent population holding the interior country, unrepresented in the so-called parliament and defiant at the suggestion of suing for peace. grieved and disappointed at this barren outcome of my sincere endeavors to reach a practicable solution, i felt it my duty to remit the whole question to the congress. in the message of april , ,[ ] i announced that with this last overture in the direction of immediate peace in cuba and its disappointing reception by spain the effort of the executive was brought to an end. i again reviewed the alternative courses of action which had been proposed, concluding that the only one consonant with international policy and compatible with our firm-set historical traditions was intervention as a neutral to stop the war and check the hopeless sacrifice of life, even though that resort involved "hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest, as well to enforce a truce as to guide the eventual settlement." the grounds justifying that step were the interests of humanity, the duty to protect the life and property of our citizens in cuba, the right to check injury to our commerce and people through the devastation of the island, and, most important, the need of removing at once and forever the constant menace and the burdens entailed upon our government by the uncertainties and perils of the situation caused by the unendurable disturbance in cuba. i said: the long trial has proved that the object for which spain has waged the war can not be attained. the fire of insurrection may flame or may smolder with varying seasons, but it has not been and it is plain that it can not be extinguished by present methods. the only hope of relief and repose from a condition which can no longer be endured is the enforced pacification of cuba. in the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of endangered american interests which give us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in cuba must stop. in view of all this the congress was asked to authorize and empower the president to take measures to secure a full and final termination of hostilities between spain and the people of cuba and to secure in the island the establishment of a stable government, capable of maintaining order and observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tranquillity and the security of its citizens as well as our own, and for the accomplishment of those ends to use the military and naval forces of the united states as might be necessary, with added authority to continue generous relief to the starving people of cuba. the response of the congress, after nine days of earnest deliberation, during which the almost unanimous sentiment of your body was developed on every point save as to the expediency of coupling the proposed action with a formal recognition of the republic of cuba as the true and lawful government of that island--a proposition which failed of adoption--the congress, after conference, on the th of april, by a vote of to in the senate and to in the house of representatives, passed the memorable joint resolution declaring-- first. that the people of the island of cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent. second. that it is the duty of the united states to demand, and the government of the united states does hereby demand, that the government of spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from cuba and cuban waters. third. that the president of the united states be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the united states and to call into the actual service of the united states the militia of the several states to such extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. fourth. that the united states hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its people. this resolution was approved by the executive on the next day, april . a copy was at once communicated to the spanish minister at this capital, who forthwith announced that his continuance in washington had thereby become impossible, and asked for his passports, which were given him. he thereupon withdrew from washington, leaving the protection of spanish interests in the united states to the french ambassador and the austro-hungarian minister. simultaneously with its communication to the spanish minister here, general woodford, the american minister at madrid, was telegraphed confirmation of the text of the joint resolution and directed to communicate it to the government of spain with the formal demand that it at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba and withdraw its forces therefrom, coupling this demand with announcement of the intentions of this government as to the future of the island, in conformity with the fourth clause of the resolution, and giving spain until noon of april to reply. that demand, although, as above shown, officially made known to the spanish envoy here, was not delivered at madrid. after the instruction reached general woodford on the morning of april , but before he could present it, the spanish minister of state notified him that upon the president's approval of the joint resolution the madrid government, regarding the act as "equivalent to an evident declaration of war," had ordered its minister in washington to withdraw, thereby breaking off diplomatic relations between the two countries and ceasing all official communication between their respective representatives. general woodford thereupon demanded his passports and quitted madrid the same day. spain having thus denied the demand of the united states and initiated that complete form of rupture of relations which attends a state of war, the executive powers authorized by the resolution were at once used by me to meet the enlarged contingency of actual war between sovereign states. on april i proclaimed a blockade of the north coast of cuba, including ports on said coast between cardenas and bahia honda, and the port of cienfuegos, on the south coast of cuba,[ ] and on the d i called for volunteers to execute the purpose of the resolution.[ ] by my message of april the congress was informed of the situation, and i recommended formal declaration of the existence of a state of war between the united states and spain. [ ] the congress accordingly voted on the same day the act approved april , , declaring the existence of such war from and including the st day of april,[ ] and reenacted the provision of the resolution of april directing the president to use all the armed forces of the nation to carry that act into effect.[ ] due notification of the existence of war as aforesaid was given april by telegraph to all the governments with which the united states maintain relations, in order that their neutrality might be assured during the war. the various governments responded with proclamations of neutrality, each after its own methods. it is not among the least gratifying incidents of the struggle that the obligations of neutrality were impartially discharged by all, often under delicate and difficult circumstances. in further fulfillment of international duty i issued, april , , a proclamation announcing the treatment proposed to be accorded to vessels and their cargoes as to blockade, contraband, the exercise of the right of search, and the immunity of neutral flags and neutral goods under enemy's flag.[ ] a similar proclamation was made by the spanish government. in the conduct of hostilities the rules of the declaration of paris, including abstention from resort to privateering, have accordingly been observed by both belligerents, although neither was a party to that declaration. our country thus, after an interval of half a century of peace with all nations, found itself engaged in deadly conflict with a foreign enemy. every nerve was strained to meet the emergency. the response to the initial call for , volunteers[ ] was instant and complete, as was also the result of the second call, of may , for , additional volunteers.[ ] the ranks of the regular army were increased to the limits provided by the act of april , . the enlisted force of the navy on the th day of august, when it reached its maximum, numbered , men and apprentices. one hundred and three vessels were added to the navy by purchase, was presented to the government, leased, and the vessels of the international navigation company--the _st. paul_, _st. louis_, _new york_, and _paris_--were chartered. in addition to these the revenue cutters and lighthouse tenders were turned over to the navy department and became temporarily a part of the auxiliary navy. the maximum effective fighting force of the navy during the war, separated into classes, was as follows: four battle ships of the first class, battle ship of the second class, armored cruisers, coast-defense monitors, armored ram, protected cruisers, unprotected cruisers, gunboats, dynamite cruiser, torpedo boats; vessels of the old navy, including monitors, . auxiliary navy: auxiliary cruisers, converted yachts, converted tugs, converted colliers, revenue cutters, light-house tenders, and miscellaneous vessels. much alarm was felt along our entire atlantic seaboard lest some attack might be made by the enemy. every precaution was taken to prevent possible injury to our great cities lying along the coast. temporary garrisons were provided, drawn from the state militia; infantry and light batteries were drawn from the volunteer force. about , troops were thus employed. the coast signal service was established for observing the approach of an enemy's ships to the coast of the united states, and the life-saving and light-house services cooperated, which enabled the navy department to have all portions of the atlantic coast, from maine to texas, under observation. the auxiliary navy was created under the authority of congress and was officered and manned by the naval militia of the several states. this organization patrolled the coast and performed the duty of a second line of defense. under the direction of the chief of engineers submarine mines were placed at the most exposed points. before the outbreak of the war permanent mining casemates and cable galleries had been constructed at nearly all important harbors. most of the torpedo material was not to be found in the market, and had to be specially manufactured. under date of april district officers were directed to take all preliminary measures short of the actual attaching of the loaded mines to the cables, and on april telegraphic orders were issued to place the loaded mines in position. the aggregate number of mines placed was , , at the principal harbors from maine to california. preparations were also made for the planting of mines at certain other harbors, but owing to the early destruction of the spanish fleet these mines were not placed. the signal corps was promptly organized, and performed service of the most difficult and important character. its operations during the war covered the electrical connection of all coast fortifications, the establishment of telephonic and telegraphic facilities for the camps at manila, santiago, and in puerto rico. there were constructed miles of line at ten great camps, thus facilitating military movements from those points in a manner heretofore unknown in military administration. field telegraph lines were established and maintained under the enemy's fire at manila, and later the manila-hongkong cable was reopened. in puerto rico cable communications were opened over a discontinued route, and on land the headquarters of the commanding officer was kept in telegraphic or telephonic communication with the division commanders on four different lines of operations. there was placed in cuban waters a completely outfitted cable ship, with war cables and cable gear, suitable both for the destruction of communications belonging to the enemy and the establishment of our own. two ocean cables were destroyed under the enemy's batteries at santiago. the day previous to the landing of general shafter's corps, at caimanera, within miles of the landing place, cable communications were established and a cable station opened giving direct communication with the government at washington. this service was invaluable to the executive in directing the operations of the army and navy. with a total force of over , , the loss was by disease in camp and field, officers and men included, only . the national-defense fund of $ , , was expended in large part by the army and navy, and the objects for which it was used are fully shown in the reports of the several secretaries. it was a most timely appropriation, enabling the government to strengthen its defenses and make preparations greatly needed in case of war. this fund being inadequate to the requirements of equipment and for the conduct of the war, the patriotism of the congress provided the means in the war-revenue act of june by authorizing a per cent popular loan not to exceed $ , , and by levying additional imposts and taxes. of the authorized loan $ , , were offered and promptly taken, the subscriptions so far exceeding the call as to cover it many times over, while, preference being given to the smaller bids, no single allotment exceeded $ , . this was a most encouraging and significant result, showing the vast resources of the nation and the determination of the people to uphold their country's honor. it is not within the province of this message to narrate the history of the extraordinary war that followed the spanish declaration of april , but a brief recital of its more salient features is appropriate. the first encounter of the war in point of date took place april , when a detachment of the blockading squadron made a reconnoissance in force at matanzas, shelled the harbor forts, and demolished several new works in construction. the next engagement was destined to mark a memorable epoch in maritime warfare. the pacific fleet, under commodore george dewey, had lain for some weeks at hongkong. upon the colonial proclamation of neutrality being issued and the customary twenty-four hours' notice being given, it repaired to mirs bay, near hongkong, whence it proceeded to the philippine islands under telegraphed orders to capture or destroy the formidable spanish fleet then assembled at manila. at daybreak on the st of may the american force entered manila bay, and after a few hours' engagement effected the total destruction of the spanish fleet, consisting of ten war ships and a transport, besides capturing the naval station and forts at cavite, thus annihilating the spanish naval power in the pacific ocean and completely controlling the bay of manila, with the ability to take the city at will. not a life was lost on our ships, the wounded only numbering seven, while not a vessel was materially injured. for this gallant achievement the congress, upon my recommendation, fitly bestowed upon the actors preferment and substantial reward. the effect of this remarkable victory upon the spirit of our people and upon the fortunes of the war was instant. a prestige of invincibility thereby attached to our arms which continued throughout the struggle. reenforcements were hurried to manila under the command of major-general merritt and firmly established within sight of the capital, which lay helpless before our guns. on the th day of may the government was advised officially of the victory at manila, and at once inquired of the commander of our fleet what troops would be required. the information was received on the th day of may, and the first army expedition sailed may and arrived off manila june . other expeditions soon followed, the total force consisting of officers and , enlisted men. only reluctance to cause needless loss of life and property prevented the early storming and capture of the city, and therewith the absolute military occupancy of the whole group. the insurgents meanwhile had resumed the active hostilities suspended by the uncompleted truce of december, . their forces invested manila from the northern and eastern sides, but were constrained by admiral dewey and general merritt from attempting an assault. it was fitting that whatever was to be done in the way of decisive operations in that quarter should be accomplished by the strong arm of the united states alone. obeying the stern precept of war which enjoins the overcoming of the adversary and the extinction of his power wherever assailable as the speedy and sure means to win a peace, divided victory was not permissible, for no partition of the rights and responsibilities attending the enforcement of a just and advantageous peace could be thought of. following the comprehensive scheme of general attack, powerful forces were assembled at various points on our coast to invade cuba and puerto rico. meanwhile naval demonstrations were made at several exposed points. on may the cruiser _wilmington_ and torpedo boat _winslow_ were unsuccessful in an attempt to silence the batteries at cardenas, a gallant ensign, worth bagley, and four seamen falling. these grievous fatalities were, strangely enough, among the very few which occurred during our naval operations in this extraordinary conflict. meanwhile the spanish naval preparations had been pushed with great vigor. a powerful squadron under admiral cervera, which had assembled at the cape verde islands before the outbreak of hostilities, had crossed the ocean, and by its erratic movements in the caribbean sea delayed our military plans while baffling the pursuit of our fleets. for a time fears were felt lest the _oregon_ and _marietta_, then nearing home after their long voyage from san francisco of over , miles, might be surprised by admiral cervera's fleet, but their fortunate arrival dispelled these apprehensions and lent much-needed reenforcement. not until admiral cervera took refuge in the harbor of santiago de cuba, about may , was it practicable to plan a systematic naval and military attack upon the antillean possessions of spain. several demonstrations occurred on the coasts of cuba and puerto rico in preparation for the larger event. on may the north atlantic squadron shelled san juan de puerto rico. on may commodore schley's squadron bombarded the forts guarding the mouth of santiago harbor. neither attack had any material result. it was evident that well-ordered land operations were indispensable to achieve a decisive advantage. the next act in the war thrilled not alone the hearts of our countrymen but the world by its exceptional heroism. on the night of june lieutenant hobson, aided by seven devoted volunteers, blocked the narrow outlet from santiago harbor by sinking the collier _merrimac_ in the channel, under a fierce fire from the shore batteries, escaping with their lives as by a miracle, but falling into the hands of the spaniards. it is a most gratifying incident of the war that the bravery of this little band of heroes was cordially appreciated by the spanish admiral, who sent a flag of truce to notify admiral sampson of their safety and to compliment them on their daring act. they were subsequently exchanged july . by june the cutting of the last cuban cable isolated the island. thereafter the invasion was vigorously prosecuted. on june , under a heavy protecting fire, a landing of marines from the _oregon_, _marblehead_, and _yankee_ was effected in guantanamo bay, where it had been determined to establish a naval station. this important and essential port was taken from the enemy, after severe fighting, by the marines, who were the first organized force of the united states to land in cuba. the position so won was held despite desperate attempts to dislodge our forces. by june additional forces were landed and strongly intrenched. on june the advance of the invading army under major-general shafter landed at daiquiri, about miles east of santiago. this was accomplished under great difficulties, but with marvelous dispatch. on june the movement against santiago was begun. on the th the first serious engagement took place, in which the first and tenth cavalry and the first united states volunteer cavalry, general young's brigade of general wheeler's division, participated, losing heavily. by nightfall, however, ground within miles of santiago was won. the advantage was steadily increased. on july a severe battle took place, our forces gaining the outworks of santiago; on the d el caney and san juan were taken after a desperate charge, and the investment of the city was completed. the navy cooperated by shelling the town and the coast forts. on the day following this brilliant achievement of our land forces, the d of july, occurred the decisive naval combat of the war. the spanish fleet, attempting to leave the harbor, was met by the american squadron under command of commodore sampson. in less than three hours all the spanish ships were destroyed, the two torpedo boats being sunk and the _maria teresa_, _almirante oquendo_, _vizcaya_, and _cristóbal colón_ driven ashore. the spanish admiral and over , men were taken prisoners. while the enemy's loss of life was deplorably large, some perishing, on our side but one man was killed, on the _brooklyn_, and one man seriously wounded. although our ships were repeatedly struck, not one was seriously injured. where all so conspicuously distinguished themselves, from the commanders to the gunners and the unnamed heroes in the boiler rooms, each and all contributing toward the achievement of this astounding victory, for which neither ancient nor modern history affords a parallel in the completeness of the event and the marvelous disproportion of casualties, it would be invidious to single out any for especial honor. deserved promotion has rewarded the more conspicuous actors. the nation's profoundest gratitude is due to all of these brave men who by their skill and devotion in a few short hours crushed the sea power of spain and wrought a triumph whose decisiveness and far-reaching consequences can scarcely be measured. nor can we be unmindful of the achievements of our builders, mechanics, and artisans for their skill in the construction of our war ships. with the catastrophe of santiago spain's effort upon the ocean virtually ceased. a spasmodic effort toward the end of june to send her mediterranean fleet, under admiral camara, to relieve manila was abandoned, the expedition being recalled after it had passed through the suez canal. the capitulation of santiago followed. the city was closely besieged by land, while the entrance of our ships into the harbor cut off all relief on that side. after a truce to allow of the removal of noncombatants protracted negotiations continued from july until july , when, under menace of immediate assault, the preliminaries of surrender were agreed upon. on the th general shafter occupied the city. the capitulation embraced the entire eastern end of cuba. the number of spanish soldiers surrendering was , , all of whom were subsequently conveyed to spain at the charge of the united states. the story of this successful campaign is told in the report of the secretary of war, which will be laid before you. the individual valor of officers and soldiers was never more strikingly shown than in the several engagements leading to the surrender of santiago, while the prompt movements and successive victories won instant and universal applause. to those who gained this complete triumph, which established the ascendency of the united states upon land as the fight off santiago had fixed our supremacy on the seas, the earnest and lasting gratitude of the nation is unsparingly due. nor should we alone remember the gallantry of the living; the dead claim our tears, and our losses by battle and disease must cloud any exultation at the result and teach us to weigh the awful cost of war, however rightful the cause or signal the victory. with the fall of santiago the occupation of puerto rico became the next strategic necessity. general miles had previously been assigned to organize an expedition for that purpose. fortunately he was already at santiago, where he had arrived on the th of july with reenforcements for general shafter's army. with these troops, consisting of , infantry and artillery, two companies of engineers, and one company of the signal corps, general miles left guantanamo on july , having nine transports convoyed by the fleet under captain higginson with the _massachusetts_ (flagship), _dixie_, _gloucester_, _columbia_, and _yale_, the two latter carrying troops. the expedition landed at guanica july , which port was entered with little opposition. here the fleet was joined by the _annapolis_ and the _wasp_, while the _puritan_ and _amphitrite_ went to san juan and joined the _new orleans_, which was engaged in blockading that port. the major-general commanding was subsequently reenforced by general schwan's brigade of the third army corps, by general wilson with a part of his division, and also by general brooke with a part of his corps, numbering in all , officers and men. on july he entered ponce, one of the most important ports in the island, from which he thereafter directed operations for the capture of the island. with the exception of encounters with the enemy at guayama, hormigueros, coarno, and yauco and an attack on a force landed at cape san juan, there was no serious resistance. the campaign was prosecuted with great vigor, and by the th of august much of the island was in our possession and the acquisition of the remainder was only a matter of a short time. at most of the points in the island our troops were enthusiastically welcomed. protestations of loyalty to the flag and gratitude for delivery from spanish rule met our commanders at every stage. as a potent influence toward peace the outcome of the puerto rican expedition was of great consequence, and generous commendation is due to those who participated in it. the last scene of the war was enacted at manila, its starting place. on august , after a brief assault upon the works by the land forces, in which the squadron assisted, the capital surrendered unconditionally. the casualties were comparatively few. by this the conquest of the philippine islands, virtually accomplished when the spanish capacity for resistance was destroyed by admiral dewey's victory of the st of may, was formally sealed. to general merritt, his officers and men, for their uncomplaining and devoted service and for their gallantry in action, the nation is sincerely grateful. their long voyage was made with singular success, and the soldierly conduct of the men, most of whom were without previous experience in the military service, deserves unmeasured praise. the total casualties in killed and wounded in the army during the war with spain were: officers killed, ; enlisted men killed, ; total, ; officers wounded, ; enlisted men wounded, , ; total, , . of the navy: killed, ; wounded, ; died as result of wounds, ; invalided from service, ; total, . it will be observed that while our navy was engaged in two great battles and in numerous perilous undertakings in blockade and bombardment, and more than , of our troops were transported to distant lands and were engaged in assault and siege and battle and many skirmishes in unfamiliar territory, we lost in both arms of the service a total of , killed and wounded; and in the entire campaign by land and sea we did not lose a gun or a flag or a transport or a ship, and, with the exception of the crew of the _merrimac_, not a soldier or sailor was taken prisoner. on august , forty-six days from the date of the landing of general shafter's army in cuba and twenty-one days from the surrender of santiago, the united states troops commenced embarkation for home, and our entire force was returned to the united states as early as august . they were absent from the united states only two months. it is fitting that i should bear testimony to the patriotism and devotion of that large portion of our army which, although eager to be ordered to the post of greatest exposure, fortunately was not required outside of the united states. they did their whole duty, and, like their comrades at the front, have earned the gratitude of the nation. in like manner, the officers and men of the army and of the navy who remained in their departments and stations faithfully performing most important duties connected with the war, and whose requests for assignment in the field and at sea i was compelled to refuse because their services were indispensable here, are entitled to the highest commendation. it is my regret that there seems to be no provision for their suitable recognition. in this connection it is a pleasure for me to mention in terms of cordial appreciation the timely and useful work of the american national red cross, both in relief measures preparatory to the campaigns, in sanitary assistance at several of the camps of assemblage, and later, under the able and experienced leadership of the president of the society, miss clara barton, on the fields of battle and in the hospitals at the front in cuba. working in conjunction with the governmental authorities and under their sanction and approval, and with the enthusiastic cooperation of many patriotic women and societies in the various states, the red cross has fully maintained its already high reputation for intense earnestness and ability to exercise the noble purposes of its international organization, thus justifying the confidence and support which it has received at the hands of the american people. to the members and officers of this society and all who aided them in their philanthropic work the sincere and lasting gratitude of the soldiers and the public is due and is freely accorded. in tracing these events we are constantly reminded of our obligations to the divine master for his watchful care over us and his safe guidance, for which the nation makes reverent acknowledgment and offers humble prayer for the continuance of his favor. the annihilation of admiral cervera's fleet, followed by the capitulation of santiago, having brought to the spanish government a realizing sense of the hopelessness of continuing a struggle now become wholly unequal, it made overtures of peace through the french ambassador, who, with the assent of his government, had acted as the friendly representative of spanish interests during the war. on the th of july m. cambon presented a communication signed by the duke of almodóvar, the spanish minister of state, inviting the united states to state the terms upon which it would be willing to make peace. on the th of july, by a communication addressed to the duke of almodóvar and handed to m. cambon, the terms of this government were announced substantially as in the protocol afterwards signed. on the th of august the spanish reply, dated august , was handed by m. cambon to the secretary of state. it accepted unconditionally the terms imposed as to cuba, puerto rico, and an island of the ladrones group, but appeared to seek to introduce inadmissible reservations in regard to our demand as to the philippine islands. conceiving that discussion on this point could neither be practical nor profitable, i directed that in order to avoid misunderstanding the matter should be forthwith closed by proposing the embodiment in a formal protocol of the terms upon which the negotiations for peace were to be undertaken. the vague and inexplicit suggestions of the spanish note could not be accepted, the only reply being to present as a virtual ultimatum a draft of protocol embodying the precise terms tendered to spain in our note of july , with added stipulations of detail as to the appointment of commissioners to arrange for the evacuation of the spanish antilles. on august m. cambon announced his receipt of full powers to sign the protocol so submitted. accordingly, on the afternoon of august , m. cambon, as the plenipotentiary of spain, and the secretary of state, as the plenipotentiary of the united states, signed a protocol providing-- article i. spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title to cuba. art. ii. spain will cede to the united states the island of puerto rico and other islands now under spanish sovereignty in the west indies, and also an island in the ladrones to be selected by the united states. art. iii. the united states will occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbor of manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the philippines. the fourth article provided for the appointment of joint commissions on the part of the united states and spain, to meet in havana and san juan, respectively, for the purpose of arranging and carrying out the details of the stipulated evacuation of cuba, puerto rico, and other spanish islands in the west indies. the fifth article provided for the appointment of not more than five commissioners on each side, to meet at paris not later than october and to proceed to the negotiation and conclusion of a treaty of peace, subject to ratification according to the respective constitutional forms of the two countries. the sixth and last article provided that upon the signature of the protocol hostilities between the two countries should be suspended and that notice to that effect should be given as soon as possible by each government to the commanders of its military and naval forces. immediately upon the conclusion of the protocol i issued a proclamation, of august ,[ ] suspending hostilities on the part of the united states. the necessary orders to that end were at once given by telegraph. the blockade of the ports of cuba and san juan de puerto rico was in like manner raised. on the th of august the muster out of , volunteers, or as near that number as was found to be practicable, was ordered. on the st of december , officers and men had been mustered out and discharged from the service, and , more will be mustered out by the th of this month; also a corresponding number of general and general staff officers have been honorably discharged the service. the military commissions to superintend the evacuation of cuba, puerto rico, and the adjacent islands were forthwith appointed--for cuba, major-general james f. wade, rear-admiral william t. sampson, major-general matthew c. butler; for puerto rico, major-general john r. brooke, rear-admiral winfield s. schley, brigadier-general william w. gordon--who soon afterwards met the spanish commissioners at havana and san juan, respectively. the puerto rican joint commission speedily accomplished its task, and by the th of october the evacuation of the island was completed. the united states flag was raised over the island at noon on that day. the administration of its affairs has been provisionally intrusted to a military governor until the congress shall otherwise provide. the cuban joint commission has not yet terminated its labors. owing to the difficulties in the way of removing the large numbers of spanish troops still in cuba, the evacuation can not be completed before the st of january next. pursuant to the fifth article of the protocol, i appointed william r. day, lately secretary of state; cushman k. davis, william p. frye, and george gray, senators of the united states, and whitelaw reid to be the peace commissioners on the part of the united states. proceeding in due season to paris, they there met on the st of october five commissioners similarly appointed on the part of spain. their negotiations have made hopeful progress, so that i trust soon to be able to lay a definitive treaty of peace before the senate, with a review of the steps leading to its signature. i do not discuss at this time the government or the future of the new possessions which will come to us as the result of the war with spain. such discussion will be appropriate after the treaty of peace shall be ratified. in the meantime and until the congress has legislated otherwise it will be my duty to continue the military governments which have existed since our occupation and give to the people security in life and property and encouragement under a just and beneficent rule. as soon as we are in possession of cuba and have pacified the island it will be necessary to give aid and direction to its people to form a government for themselves. this should be undertaken at the earliest moment consistent with safety and assured success. it is important that our relations with this people shall be of the most friendly character and our commercial relations close and reciprocal. it should be our duty to assist in every proper way to build up the waste places of the island, encourage the industry of the people, and assist them to form a government which shall be free and independent, thus realizing the best aspirations of the cuban people. spanish rule must be replaced by a just, benevolent, and humane government, created by the people of cuba, capable of performing all international obligations, and which shall encourage thrift, industry, and prosperity and promote peace and good will among all of the inhabitants, whatever may have been their relations in the past. neither revenge nor passion should have a place in the new government. until there is complete tranquillity in the island and a stable government inaugurated military occupation will be continued. with the one exception of the rupture with spain, the intercourse of the united states with the great family of nations has been marked with cordiality, and the close of the eventful year finds most of the issues that necessarily arise in the complex relations of sovereign states adjusted or presenting no serious obstacle to a just and honorable solution by amicable agreement. a long unsettled dispute as to the extended boundary between the argentine republic and chile, stretching along the andean crests from the southern border of the atacama desert to magellan straits, nearly a third of the length of the south american continent, assumed an acute stage in the early part of the year, and afforded to this government occasion to express the hope that the resort to arbitration, already contemplated by existing conventions between the parties, might prevail despite the grave difficulties arising in its application. i am happy to say that arrangements to this end have been perfected, the questions of fact upon which the respective commissioners were unable to agree being in course of reference to her britannic majesty for determination. a residual difference touching the northern boundary line across the atacama desert, for which existing treaties provided no adequate adjustment, bids fair to be settled in like manner by a joint commission, upon which the united states minister at buenos ayres has been invited to serve as umpire in the last resort. i have found occasion to approach the argentine government with a view to removing differences of rate charges imposed upon the cables of an american corporation in the transmission between buenos ayres and the cities of uruguay and brazil of through messages passing from and to the united states. although the matter is complicated by exclusive concessions by uruguay and brazil to foreign companies, there is strong hope that a good understanding will be reached and that the important channels of commercial communication between the united states and the atlantic cities of south america may be freed from an almost prohibitory discrimination. in this relation i may be permitted to express my sense of the fitness of an international agreement whereby the interchange of messages over connecting cables may be regulated on a fair basis of uniformity. the world has seen the postal system developed from a congeries of independent and exclusive services into a well-ordered union, of which all countries enjoy the manifold benefits. it would be strange were the nations not in time brought to realize that modern civilization, which owes so much of its progress to the annihilation of space by the electric force, demands that this all-important means of communication be a heritage of all peoples, to be administered and regulated in their common behoof. a step in this direction was taken when the international convention of for the protection of submarine cables was signed, and the day is, i trust, not far distant when this medium for the transmission of thought from land to land may be brought within the domain of international concert as completely as is the material carriage of commerce and correspondence upon the face of the waters that divide them. the claim of thomas jefferson page against argentina, which has been pending many years, has been adjusted. the sum awarded by the congress of argentina was $ , . . the sympathy of the american people has justly been offered to the ruler and the people of austria-hungary by reason of the affliction that has lately befallen them in the assassination of the empress-queen of that historic realm. on the th of september, , a conflict took place at lattimer, pa., between a body of striking miners and the sheriff of luzerne county and his deputies, in which miners were killed and wounded, of whom of the killed and of the wounded were austrian and hungarian subjects. this deplorable event naturally aroused the solicitude of the austro-hungarian government, which, on the assumption that the killing and wounding involved the unjustifiable misuse of authority, claimed reparation for the sufferers. apart from the searching investigation and peremptory action of the authorities of pennsylvania, the federal executive took appropriate steps to learn the merits of the case, in order to be in a position to meet the urgent complaint of a friendly power. the sheriff and his deputies, having been indicted for murder, were tried, and acquitted, after protracted proceedings and the hearing of hundreds of witnesses, on the ground that the killing was in the line of their official duty to uphold law and preserve public order in the state. a representative of the department of justice attended the trial and reported its course fully. with all the facts in its possession, this government expects to reach a harmonious understanding on the subject with that of austria-hungary, notwithstanding the renewed claim of the latter, after learning the result of the trial, for indemnity for its injured subjects. despite the brief time allotted for preparation, the exhibits of this country at the universal exposition at brussels in enjoyed the singular distinction of a larger proportion of awards, having regard to the number and classes of articles entered than those of other countries. the worth of such a result in making known our national capacity to supply the world's markets is obvious. exhibitions of this international character are becoming more frequent as the exchanges of commercial countries grow more intimate and varied. hardly a year passes that this government is not invited to national participation at some important foreign center, but often on too short notice to permit of recourse to congress for the power and means to do so. my predecessors have suggested the advisability of providing by a general enactment and a standing appropriation for accepting such invitations and for representation of this country by a commission. this plan has my cordial approval. i trust that the belgian restrictions on the importation of cattle from the united states, originally adopted as a sanitary precaution, will at an early day be relaxed as to their present features of hardship and discrimination, so as to admit live cattle under due regulation of their slaughter after landing. i am hopeful, too, of favorable change in the belgian treatment of our preserved and salted meats. the growth of direct trade between the two countries, not alone for belgian consumption and belgian products, but by way of transit from and to other continental states, has been both encouraging and beneficial. no effort will be spared to enlarge its advantages by seeking the removal of needless impediments and by arrangements for increased commercial exchanges. the year's events in central america deserve more than passing mention. a menacing rupture between costa rica and nicaragua was happily composed by the signature of a convention between the parties, with the concurrence of the guatemalan representative as a mediator, the act being negotiated and signed on board the united states steamer _alert_, then lying in central american waters. it is believed that the good offices of our envoy and of the commander of that vessel contributed toward this gratifying outcome. in my last annual message the situation was presented with respect to the diplomatic representation of this government in central america created by the association of nicaragua, honduras, and salvador under the title of the greater republic of central america, and the delegation of their international functions to the diet thereof. while the representative character of the diet was recognized by my predecessor and has been confirmed during my administration by receiving its accredited envoy and granting exequaturs to consuls commissioned under its authority, that recognition was qualified by the distinct understanding that the responsibility of each of the component sovereign republics toward the united states remained wholly unaffected. this proviso was needful inasmuch as the compact of the three republics was at the outset an association whereby certain representative functions were delegated to a tripartite commission rather than a federation possessing centralized powers of government and administration. in this view of their relation and of the relation of the united states to the several republics, a change in the representation of this country in central america was neither recommended by the executive nor initiated by congress, thus leaving one of our envoys accredited, as heretofore, separately to two states of the greater republic, nicaragua and salvador, and to a third state, costa rica, which was not a party to the compact, while our other envoy was similarly accredited to a union state, honduras, and a nonunion state, guatemala. the result has been that the one has presented credentials only to the president of costa rica, the other having been received only by the government of guatemala. subsequently the three associated republics entered into negotiations for taking the steps forecast in the original compact. a convention of their delegates framed for them a federal constitution under the name of the united states of central america, and provided for a central federal government and legislature. upon ratification by the constituent states, the st of november last was fixed for the new system to go into operation. within a few weeks thereafter the plan was severely tested by revolutionary movements arising, with a consequent demand for unity of action on the part of the military power of the federal states to suppress them. under this strain the new union seems to have been weakened through the withdrawal of its more important members. this government was not officially advised of the installation of the federation and has maintained an attitude of friendly expectancy, while in no wise relinquishing the position held from the outset that the responsibilities of the several states toward us remained unaltered by their tentative relations among themselves. the nicaragua canal commission, under the chairmanship of rear-admiral john g. walker, appointed july , , under the authority of a provision in the sundry civil act of june of that year, has nearly completed its labors, and the results of its exhaustive inquiry into the proper route, the feasibility, and the cost of construction of an interoceanic canal by a nicaraguan route will be laid before you. in the performance of its task the commission received all possible courtesy and assistance from the governments of nicaragua and costa rica, which thus testified their appreciation of the importance of giving a speedy and practical outcome to the great project that has for so many years engrossed the attention of the respective countries. as the scope of the recent inquiry embraced the whole subject, with the aim of making plans and surveys for a canal by the most convenient route, it necessarily included a review of the results of previous surveys and plans, and in particular those adopted by the maritime canal company under its existing concessions from nicaragua and costa rica, so that to this extent those grants necessarily hold as essential a part in the deliberations and conclusions of the canal commission as they have held and must needs hold in the discussion of the matter by the congress. under these circumstances and in view of overtures made to the governments of nicaragua and costa rica by other parties for a new canal concession predicated on the assumed approaching lapse of the contracts of the maritime canal company with those states, i have not hesitated to express my conviction that considerations of expediency and international policy as between the several governments interested in the construction and control of an interoceanic canal by this route require the maintenance of the _status quo_ until the canal commission shall have reported and the united states congress shall have had the opportunity to pass finally upon the whole matter during the present session, without prejudice by reason of any change in the existing conditions. nevertheless, it appears that the government of nicaragua, as one of its last sovereign acts before merging its powers in those of the newly formed united states of central america, has granted an optional concession to another association, to become effective on the expiration of the present grant. it does not appear what surveys have been made or what route is proposed under this contingent grant, so that an examination of the feasibility of its plans is necessarily not embraced in the report of the canal commission. all these circumstances suggest the urgency of some definite action by the congress at this session if the labors of the past are to be utilized and the linking of the atlantic and pacific oceans by a practical waterway is to be realized. that the construction of such a maritime highway is now more than ever indispensable to that intimate and ready intercommunication between our eastern and western seaboards demanded by the annexation of the hawaiian islands and the prospective expansion of our influence and commerce in the pacific, and that our national policy now more imperatively than ever calls for its control by this government, are propositions which i doubt not the congress will duly appreciate and wisely act upon. a convention providing for the revival of the late united states and chilean claims commission and the consideration of claims which were duly presented to the late commission, but not considered because of the expiration of the time limited for the duration of the commission, was signed may , , and has remained unacted upon by the senate. the term therein fixed for effecting the exchange of ratifications having elapsed, the convention falls unless the time be extended by amendment, which i am endeavoring to bring about, with the friendly concurrence of the chilean government. the united states has not been an indifferent spectator of the extraordinary events transpiring in the chinese empire, whereby portions of its maritime provinces are passing under the control of various european powers; but the prospect that the vast commerce which the energy of our citizens and the necessity of our staple productions for chinese uses has built up in those regions may not be prejudiced through any exclusive treatment by the new occupants has obviated the need of our country becoming an actor in the scene. our position among nations, having a large pacific coast and a constantly expanding direct trade with the farther orient, gives us the equitable claim to consideration and friendly treatment in this regard, and it will be my aim to subserve our large interests in that quarter by all means appropriate to the constant policy of our government. the territories of kiao-chow, of wei-hai-wei, and of port arthur and talienwan, leased to germany, great britain, and russia, respectively, for terms of years, will, it is announced, be open to international commerce during such alien occupation; and if no discriminating treatment of american citizens and their trade be found to exist or be hereafter developed, the desire of this government would appear to be realized. in this relation, as showing the volume and value of our exchanges with china and the peculiarly favorable conditions which exist for their expansion in the normal course of trade, i refer to the communication addressed to the speaker of the house of representatives by the secretary of the treasury on the th of last june, with its accompanying letter of the secretary of state, recommending an appropriation for a commission to study the commercial and industrial conditions in the chinese empire and report as to the opportunities for and obstacles to the enlargement of markets in china for the raw products and manufactures of the united states. action was not taken thereon during the late session. i cordially urge that the recommendation receive at your hands the consideration which its importance and timeliness merit. meanwhile there may be just ground for disquietude in view of the unrest and revival of the old sentiment of opposition and prejudice to alien people which pervades certain of the chinese provinces. as in the case of the attacks upon our citizens in szechuen and at kutien in , the united states minister has been instructed to secure the fullest measure of protection, both local and imperial, for any menaced american interests, and to demand, in case of lawless injury to person or property, instant reparation appropriate to the case. war ships have been stationed at tientsin for more ready observation of the disorders which have invaded even the chinese capital, so as to be in a position to act should need arise, while a guard of marines has been sent to peking to afford the minister the same measure of authoritative protection as the representatives of other nations have been constrained to employ. following close upon the rendition of the award of my predecessor as arbitrator of the claim of the italian subject cerruti against the republic of colombia, differences arose between the parties to the arbitration in regard to the scope and extension of the award, of which certain articles were contested by colombia, while italy claimed their literal fulfillment. the award having been made by the president of the united states, as an act of friendly consideration and with the sole view to an impartial composition of the matter in dispute, i could not but feel deep concern at such a miscarriage, and while unable to accept the colombian theory that i, in my official capacity, possessed continuing functions as arbitrator, with power to interpret or revise the terms of the award, my best efforts were lent to bring the parties to a harmonious agreement as to the execution of its provisions. a naval demonstration by italy resulted in an engagement to pay the liabilities claimed upon their ascertainment; but this apparent disposition of the controversy was followed by a rupture of diplomatic intercourse between colombia and italy, which still continues, although, fortunately, without acute symptoms having supervened. notwithstanding this, efforts are reported to be continuing for the ascertainment of colombia's contingent liability on account of cerruti's debts under the fifth article of the award. a claim of an american citizen against the dominican republic for a public bridge over the ozama river, which has been in diplomatic controversy for several years, has been settled by expert arbitration and an award in favor of the claimant amounting to about $ , . it, however, remains unpaid, despite urgent demands for its settlement according to the terms of the compact. there is now every prospect that the participation of the united states in the universal exposition to be held in paris in will be on a scale commensurate with the advanced position held by our products and industries in the world's chief marts. the preliminary report of mr. moses p. handy, who, under the act approved july , , was appointed special commissioner with a view to securing all attainable information necessary to a full and complete understanding by congress in regard to the participation of this government in the paris exposition, was laid before you by my message of december , , and showed the large opportunities opened to make known our national progress in arts, science, and manufactures, as well as the urgent need of immediate and adequate provision to enable due advantage thereof to be taken. mr. handy's death soon afterwards rendered it necessary for another to take up and complete his unfinished work, and on january last mr. thomas w. cridler, third assistant secretary of state, was designated to fulfill that task. his report was laid before you by my message of june , , with the gratifying result of awakening renewed interest in the projected display. by a provision in the sundry civil appropriation act of july , , a sum not to exceed $ , was allotted for the organization of a commission to care for the proper preparation and installation of american exhibits and for the display of suitable exhibits by the several executive departments, particularly by the department of agriculture, the fish commission, and the smithsonian institution, in representation of the government of the united states. pursuant to that enactment i appointed mr. ferdinand w. peck, of chicago, commissioner-general, with an assistant commissioner-general and a secretary. mr. peck at once proceeded to paris, where his success in enlarging the scope and variety of the united states exhibit has been most gratifying. notwithstanding the comparatively limited area of the exposition site--less than one-half that of the world's fair at chicago--the space assigned to the united states has been increased from the absolute allotment of , square feet reported by mr. handy to some , square feet, with corresponding augmentation of the field for a truly characteristic representation of the various important branches of our country's development. mr. peck's report will be laid before you. in my judgment its recommendations will call for your early consideration, especially as regards an increase of the appropriation to at least one million dollars in all, so that not only may the assigned space be fully taken up by the best possible exhibits in every class, but the preparation and installation be on so perfect a scale as to rank among the first in that unparalleled competition of artistic and inventive production, and thus counterbalance the disadvantage with which we start as compared with other countries whose appropriations are on a more generous scale and whose preparations are in a state of much greater forwardness than our own. where our artisans have the admitted capacity to excel, where our inventive genius has initiated many of the grandest discoveries of these later days of the century, and where the native resources of our land are as limitless as they are valuable to supply the world's needs, it is our province, as it should be our earnest care, to lead in the march of human progress, and not rest content with any secondary place. moreover, if this be due to ourselves, it is no less due to the great french nation whose guests we become, and which has in so many ways testified its wish and hope that our participation shall befit the place the two peoples have won in the field of universal development. the commercial arrangement made with france on the th of may, , under the provisions of section of the tariff act of , went into effect on the st day of june following. it has relieved a portion of our export trade from serious embarrassment. further negotiations are now pending under section of the same act with a view to the increase of trade between the two countries to their mutual advantage. negotiations with other governments, in part interrupted by the war with spain, are in progress under both sections of the tariff act. i hope to be able to announce some of the results of these negotiations during the present session of congress. negotiations to the same end with germany have been set on foot. meanwhile no effort has been relaxed to convince the imperial government of the thoroughness of our inspection of pork products for exportation, and it is trusted that the efficient administration of this measure by the department of agriculture will be recognized as a guaranty of the healthfulness of the food staples we send abroad to countries where their use is large and necessary. i transmitted to the senate on the th of february last information touching the prohibition against the importation of fresh fruits from this country, which had then recently been decreed by germany on the ground of danger of disseminating the san josé scale insect. this precautionary measure was justified by germany on the score of the drastic steps taken in several states of the union against the spread of the pest, the elaborate reports of the department of agriculture being put in evidence to show the danger to german fruit-growing interests should the scale obtain a lodgment in that country. temporary relief was afforded in the case of large consignments of fruit then on the way by inspection and admission when found noninfected. later the prohibition was extended to dried fruits of every kind, but was relaxed so as to apply only to unpeeled fruit and fruit waste. as was to be expected, the alarm reached to other countries, and switzerland has adopted a similar inhibition. efforts are in progress to induce the german and swiss governments to relax the prohibition in favor of dried fruits shown to have been cured under circumstances rendering the existence of animal life impossible. our relations with great britain have continued on the most friendly footing. assenting to our request, the protection of americans and their interests in spanish jurisdiction was assumed by the diplomatic and consular representatives of great britain, who fulfilled their delicate and arduous trust with tact and zeal, eliciting high commendation. i may be allowed to make fitting allusion to the instance of mr. ramsden, her majesty's consul at santiago de cuba, whose untimely death after distinguished service and untiring effort during the siege of that city was sincerely lamented. in the early part of april last, pursuant to a request made at the instance of the secretary of state by the british ambassador at this capital, the canadian government granted facilities for the passage of four united states revenue cutters from the great lakes to the atlantic coast by way of the canadian canals and the st. lawrence river. the vessels had reached lake ontario and were there awaiting the opening of navigation when war was declared between the united states and spain. her majesty's government thereupon, by a communication of the latter part of april, stated that the permission granted before the outbreak of hostilities would not be withdrawn provided the united states government gave assurance that the vessels in question would proceed direct to a united states port without engaging in any hostile operation. this government promptly agreed to the stipulated condition, it being understood that the vessels would not be prohibited from resisting any hostile attack. it will give me especial satisfaction if i shall be authorized to communicate to you a favorable conclusion of the pending negotiations with great britain in respect to the dominion of canada. it is the earnest wish of this government to remove all sources of discord and irritation in our relations with the neighboring dominion. the trade between the two countries is constantly increasing, and it is important to both countries that all reasonable facilities should be granted for its development. the government of greece strongly urges the onerousness of the duty here imposed upon the currants of that country, amounting to per cent or more of their market value. this fruit is stated to be exclusively a greek product, not coming into competition with any domestic product. the question of reciprocal commercial relations with greece, including the restoration of currants to the free list, is under consideration. the long-standing claim of bernard campbell for damages for injuries sustained from a violent assault committed against him by military authorities in the island of haiti has been settled by the agreement of that republic to pay him $ , in american gold. of this sum $ , has already been paid. it is hoped that other pending claims of american citizens against that republic may be amicably adjusted. pending the consideration by the senate of the treaty signed june , , by the plenipotentiaries of the united states and of the republic of hawaii, providing for the annexation of the islands, a joint resolution to accomplish the same purpose by accepting the offered cession and incorporating the ceded territory into the union was adopted by the congress and approved july , . i thereupon directed the united states steamship _philadelphia_ to convey rear-admiral miller to honolulu, and intrusted to his hands this important legislative act, to be delivered to the president of the republic of hawaii, with whom the admiral and the united states minister were authorized to make appropriate arrangements for transferring the sovereignty of the islands to the united states. this was simply but impressively accomplished on the th of august last by the delivery of a certified copy of the resolution to president dole, who thereupon yielded up to the representative of the government of the united states the sovereignty and public property of the hawaiian islands. pursuant to the terms of the joint resolution and in exercise of the authority thereby conferred upon me, i directed that the civil, judicial, and military powers theretofore exercised by the officers of the government of the republic of hawaii should continue to be exercised by those officers until congress shall provide a government for the incorporated territory, subject to my power to remove such officers and to fill vacancies. the president, officers, and troops of the republic thereupon took the oath of allegiance to the united states, thus providing for the uninterrupted continuance of all the administrative and municipal functions of the annexed territory until congress shall otherwise enact. following the further provision of the joint resolution, i appointed the hons. shelby m. cullom, of illinois, john t. morgan, of alabama, robert r. hitt, of illinois, sanford b. dole, of hawaii, and walter f. frear, of hawaii, as commissioners to confer and recommend to congress such legislation concerning the hawaiian islands as they should deem necessary or proper. the commissioners having fulfilled the mission confided to them, their report will be laid before you at an early day. it is believed that their recommendations will have the earnest consideration due to the magnitude of the responsibility resting upon you to give such shape to the relationship of those mid-pacific lands to our home union as will benefit both in the highest degree, realizing the aspirations of the community that has cast its lot with us and elected to share our political heritage, while at the same time justifying the foresight of those who for three-quarters of a century have looked to the assimilation of hawaii as a natural and inevitable consummation, in harmony with our needs and in fulfillment of our cherished traditions. the questions heretofore pending between hawaii and japan growing out of the alleged mistreatment of japanese treaty immigrants were, i am pleased to say, adjusted before the act of transfer by the payment of a reasonable indemnity to the government of japan. under the provisions of the joint resolution, the existing customs relations of the hawaiian islands with the united states and with other countries remain unchanged until legislation shall otherwise provide. the consuls of hawaii here and in foreign countries continue to fulfill their commercial agencies, while the united states consulate at honolulu is maintained for all appropriate services pertaining to trade and the revenue. it would be desirable that all foreign consuls in the hawaiian islands should receive new exequaturs from this government. the attention of congress is called to the fact that, our consular offices having ceased to exist in hawaii and being about to cease in other countries coming under the sovereignty of the united states, the provisions for the relief and transportation of destitute american seamen in these countries under our consular regulations will in consequence terminate. it is proper, therefore, that new legislation should be enacted upon this subject in order to meet the changed conditions. the interpretation of certain provisions of the extradition convention of december , , has been at various times the occasion of controversy with the government of mexico. an acute difference arose in the case of the mexican demand for the delivery of jesús guerra, who, having led a marauding expedition near the border with the proclaimed purpose of initiating an insurrection against president diaz, escaped into texas. extradition was refused on the ground that the alleged offense was political in its character, and therefore came within the treaty proviso of nonsurrender. the mexican contention was that the exception only related to purely political offenses, and that as guerra's acts were admixed with the common crime of murder, arson, kidnaping, and robbery, the option of nondelivery became void, a position which this government was unable to admit in view of the received international doctrine and practice in the matter. the mexican government, in view of this, gave notice january , , of the termination of the convention, to take effect twelve months from that date, at the same time inviting the conclusion of a new convention, toward which negotiations are on foot. in this relation i may refer to the necessity of some amendment of our existing extradition statute. it is a common stipulation of such treaties that neither party shall be bound to give up its own citizens, with the added proviso in one of our treaties, that with japan, that it may surrender if it see fit. it is held in this country by an almost uniform course of decisions that where a treaty negatives the obligation to surrender the president is not invested with legal authority to act. the conferment of such authority would be in the line of that sound morality which shrinks from affording secure asylum to the author of a heinous crime. again, statutory provision might well be made for what is styled extradition by way of transit, whereby a fugitive surrendered by one foreign government to another may be conveyed across the territory of the united states to the jurisdiction of the demanding state. a recommendation in this behalf made in the president's message of [ ] was not acted upon. the matter is presented for your consideration. the problem of the mexican free zone has been often discussed with regard to its inconvenience as a provocative of smuggling into the united states along an extensive and thinly guarded land border. the effort made by the joint resolution of march , , to remedy the abuse charged by suspending the privilege of free transportation in bond across the territory of the united states to mexico failed of good result, as is stated in report no. of the house of representatives, submitted in the last session, march , . as the question is one to be conveniently met by wise concurrent legislation of the two countries looking to the protection of the revenues by harmonious measures operating equally on either side of the boundary, rather than by conventional arrangements, i suggest that congress consider the advisability of authorizing and inviting a conference of representatives of the treasury departments of the united states and mexico to consider the subject in all its complex bearings, and make report with pertinent recommendations to the respective governments for the information and consideration of their congresses. the mexican water boundary commission has adjusted all matters submitted to it to the satisfaction of both governments save in three important cases--that of the "chamizal" at el paso, tex., where the two commissioners failed to agree, and wherein, for this case only, this government has proposed to mexico the addition of a third member; the proposed elimination of what are known as "bancos," small isolated islands formed by the cutting off of bends in the rio grande, from the operation of the treaties of and , recommended by the commissioners and approved by this government, but still under consideration by mexico; and the subject of the "equitable distribution of the waters of the rio grande," for which the commissioners recommended an international dam and reservoir, approved by mexico, but still under consideration by this government. pending these questions it is necessary to extend the life of the commission, which expires december next. the coronation of the young queen of the netherlands was made the occasion of fitting congratulations. the claim of victor h. mccord against peru, which for a number of years has been pressed by this government and has on several occasions attracted the attention of the congress, has been satisfactorily adjusted. a protocol was signed may , , whereby, the fact of liability being admitted, the question of the amount to be awarded was submitted to the chief justice of canada as sole arbitrator. his award sets the indemnity due the claimant at $ , . the government of peru has given the prescribed notification of its intention to abrogate the treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation concluded with this country august , . as that treaty contains many important provisions necessary to the maintenance of commerce and good relations, which could with difficulty be replaced by the negotiation of renewed provisions within the brief twelve months intervening before the treaty terminates, i have invited suggestions by peru as to the particular provisions it is desired to annul, in the hope of reaching an arrangement whereby the remaining articles may be provisionally saved. his majesty the czar having announced his purpose to raise the imperial russian mission at this capital to the rank of an embassy, i responded, under the authority conferred by the act of march , , by commissioning and accrediting the actual representative at st. petersburg in the capacity of ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary. the russian ambassador to this country has since presented his credentials. the proposal of the czar for a general reduction of the vast military establishments that weigh so heavily upon many peoples in time of peace was communicated to this government with an earnest invitation to be represented in the conference which it is contemplated to assemble with a view to discussing the means of accomplishing so desirable a result. his majesty was at once informed of the cordial sympathy of this government with the principle involved in his exalted proposal and of the readiness of the united states to take part in the conference. the active military force of the united states, as measured by our population, territorial area, and taxable wealth, is, and under any conceivable prospective conditions must continue to be, in time of peace so conspicuously less than that of the armed powers to whom the czar's appeal is especially addressed that the question can have for us no practical importance save as marking an auspicious step toward the betterment of the condition of the modern peoples and the cultivation of peace and good will among them; but in this view it behooves us as a nation to lend countenance and aid to the beneficent project. the claims of owners of american sealing vessels for seizure by russian cruisers in bering sea are being pressed to a settlement. the equities of the cases justify the expectation that a measure of reparation will eventually be accorded in harmony with precedent and in the light of the proven facts. the recommendation made in my special message of april last is renewed, that appropriation be made to reimburse the master and owners of the russian bark _hans_ for wrongful arrest of the master and detention of the vessel in february, , by officers of the united states district court for the southern district of mississippi. the papers accompanying my said message make out a most meritorious claim and justify the urgency with which it has been presented by the government of russia. malietoa laupepa, king of samoa, died on august last. according to article i of the general act of berlin, "his successor shall be duly elected according to the laws and customs of samoa." arrangements having been agreed upon between the signatories of the general act for the return of mataafa and the other exiled samoan chiefs, they were brought from jaluit by a german war vessel and landed at apia on september last. whether the death of malietoa and the return of his old-time rival mataafa will add to the undesirable complications which the execution of the tripartite general act has heretofore developed remains to be seen. the efforts of this government will, as heretofore, be addressed toward a harmonious and exact fulfillment of the terms of the international engagement to which the united states became a party in . the cheek claim against siam, after some five years of controversy, has been adjusted by arbitration under an agreement signed july , , an award of , ticals (about $ , . ), with release of the cheek estate from mortgage claims, having been rendered march , , in favor of the claimant by the arbitrator, sir nicholas john hannen, british chief justice for china and japan. an envoy from siam has been accredited to this government and has presented his credentials. immediately upon the outbreak of the war with spain the swiss government, fulfilling the high mission it has deservedly assumed as the patron of the international red cross, proposed to the united states and spain that they should severally recognize and carry into execution, as a _modus vivendi_, during the continuance of hostilities, the additional articles proposed by the international conference of geneva, october , , extending the effects of the existing red cross convention of to the conduct of naval war. following the example set by france and germany in in adopting such a _modus vivendi_, and in view of the accession of the united states to those additional articles in , although the exchange of ratifications thereof still remained uneffected, the swiss proposal was promptly and cordially accepted by us, and simultaneously by spain. this government feels a keen satisfaction in having thus been enabled to testify its adherence to the broadest principles of humanity even amidst the clash of war, and it is to be hoped that the extension of the red cross compact to hostilities by sea as well as on land may soon become an accomplished fact through the general promulgation of the additional naval red cross articles by the maritime powers now parties to the convention of . the important question of the claim of switzerland to the perpetual cantonal allegiance of american citizens of swiss origin has not made hopeful progress toward a solution, and controversies in this regard still continue. the newly accredited envoy of the united states to the ottoman porte carries instructions looking to the disposal of matters in controversy with turkey for a number of years. he is especially charged to press for a just settlement of our claims for indemnity by reason of the destruction of the property of american missionaries resident in that country during the armenian troubles of , as well as for the recognition of older claims of equal justness. he is also instructed to seek an adjustment of the dispute growing out of the refusal of turkey to recognize the acquired citizenship of ottoman-born persons naturalized in the united states since without prior imperial consent, and in the same general relation he is directed to endeavor to bring about a solution of the question which has more or less acutely existed since concerning the jurisdictional rights of the united states in matters of criminal procedure and punishment under article iv of the treaty of . this latter difficulty grows out of a verbal difference, claimed by turkey to be essential, between the original turkish text and the promulgated translation. after more than two years from the appointment of a consul of this country to erzerum, he has received his exequatur. the arbitral tribunal appointed under the treaty of february , , between great britain and venezuela, to determine the boundary line between the latter and the colony of british guiana, is to convene at paris during the present month. it is a source of much gratification to this government to see the friendly resort of arbitration applied to the settlement of this controversy, not alone because of the earnest part we have had in bringing about the result, but also because the two members named on behalf of venezuela, mr. chief justice fuller and mr. justice brewer, chosen from our highest court, appropriately testify the continuing interest we feel in the definitive adjustment of the question according to the strictest rules of justice. the british members, lord herschell and sir richard collins, are jurists of no less exalted repute, while the fifth member and president of the tribunal, m.f. de martens, has earned a world-wide reputation as an authority upon international law. the claim of felipe scandella against venezuela for arbitrary expulsion and injury to his business has been adjusted by the revocation of the order of expulsion and by the payment of the sum of $ , . i have the satisfaction of being able to state that the bureau of the american republics, created in as the organ for promoting commercial intercourse and fraternal relations among the countries of the western hemisphere, has become a more efficient instrument of the wise purposes of its founders, and is receiving the cordial support of the contributing members of the international union which are actually represented in its board of management. a commercial directory, in two volumes, containing a mass of statistical matter descriptive of the industrial and commercial interests of the various countries, has been printed in english, spanish, portuguese, and french, and a monthly bulletin published in these four languages and distributed in the latin-american countries as well as in the united states has proved to be a valuable medium for disseminating information and furthering the varied interests of the international union. during the past year the important work of collecting information of practical benefit to american industries and trade through the agency of the diplomatic and consular officers has been steadily advanced, and in order to lay such data before the public with the least delay the practice was begun in january, , of issuing the commercial reports from day to day as they are received by the department of state. it is believed that for promptitude as well as fullness of information the service thus supplied to our merchants and manufacturers will be found to show sensible improvement and to merit the liberal support of congress. the experiences of the last year bring forcibly home to us a sense of the burdens and the waste of war. we desire, in common with most civilized nations, to reduce to the lowest possible point the damage sustained in time of war-by peaceable trade and commerce. it is true we may suffer in such cases less than other communities, but all nations are damaged more or less by the state of uneasiness and apprehension into which an outbreak of hostilities throws the entire commercial world. it should be our object, therefore, to minimize, so far as practicable, this inevitable loss and disturbance. this purpose can probably best be accomplished by an international agreement to regard all private property at sea as exempt from capture or destruction by the forces of belligerent powers. the united states government has for many years advocated this humane and beneficent principle, and is now in position to recommend it to other powers without the imputation of selfish motives. i therefore suggest for your consideration that the executive be authorized to correspond with the governments of the principal maritime powers with a view of incorporating into the permanent law of civilized nations the principle of the exemption of all private property at sea, not contraband of war, from capture or destruction by belligerent powers. the secretary of the treasury reports that the receipts of the government from all sources during the fiscal year ended june , , including $ , , received from sale of pacific railroads, amounted to $ , , and its expenditures to $ , , . there was collected from customs $ , , and from internal revenue $ , , . our dutiable imports amounted to $ , , , a decrease of $ , , over the preceding year, and importations free of duty amounted to $ , , , a decrease from the preceding year of $ , , . internal-revenue receipts exceeded those of the preceding year by $ , , . the total tax collected on distilled spirits was $ , , ; on manufactured tobacco, $ , , , and on fermented liquors, $ , , . we exported merchandise during the year amounting to $ , , , , an increase of $ , , from the preceding year. it is estimated upon the basis of present revenue laws that the receipts of the government for the year ending june , , will be $ , , , and its expenditures $ , , , resulting in a deficiency of $ , , . on the st of december, , there was held in the treasury gold coin amounting to $ , , , gold bullion amounting to $ , , , silver bullion amounting to $ , , , and other forms of money amounting to $ , , . on the same date the amount of money of all kinds in circulation, or not included in treasury holdings, was $ , , , , an increase for the year of $ , , . estimating our population at , , at the time mentioned, the per capita circulation was $ . . on the same date there was in the treasury gold bullion amounting to $ , , . the provisions made for strengthening the resources of the treasury in connection with the war have given increased confidence in the purpose and power of the government to maintain the present standard, and have established more firmly than ever the national credit at home and abroad. a marked evidence of this is found in the inflow of gold to the treasury. its net gold holdings on november , , were $ , , as compared with $ , , on november , , and an increase of net cash of $ , , , november , , to $ , , , november , . the present ratio of net treasury gold to outstanding government liabilities, including united states notes, treasury notes of , silver certificates, currency certificates, standard silver dollars, and fractional silver coin, november , , was . per cent, as compared with . per cent, november , . i renew so much of my recommendation of december, , as follows: that when any of the united states notes are presented for redemption in gold and are redeemed in gold, such notes shall be kept and set apart and only paid out in exchange for gold. this is an obvious duty. if the holder of the united states note prefers the gold and gets it from the government, he should not receive back from the government a united states note without paying gold in exchange for it. the reason for this is made all the more apparent when the government issues an interest-bearing debt to provide gold for the redemption of united states notes--a non-interest-bearing debt. surely it should not pay them out again except on demand and for gold. if they are put out in any other way, they may return again, to be followed by another bond issue to redeem them--another interest-bearing debt to redeem a non-interest-bearing debt. this recommendation was made in the belief that such provisions of law would insure to a greater degree the safety of the present standard, and better protect our currency from the dangers to which it is subjected from a disturbance in the general business conditions of the country. in my judgment the present condition of the treasury amply justifies the immediate enactment of the legislation recommended one year ago, under which a portion of the gold holdings should be placed in a trust fund from which greenbacks should be redeemed upon presentation, but when once redeemed should not thereafter be paid out except for gold. it is not to be inferred that other legislation relating to our currency is not required; on the contrary, there is an obvious demand for it. the importance of adequate provision which will insure to our future a money standard related as our money standard now is to that of our commercial rivals is generally recognized. the companion proposition that our domestic paper currency shall be kept safe and yet be so related to the needs of our industries and internal commerce as to be adequate and responsive to such needs is a proposition scarcely less important. the subject, in all its parts, is commended to the wise consideration of the congress. the annexation of hawaii and the changed relations of the united states to cuba, puerto rico, and the philippines resulting from the war, compel the prompt adoption of a maritime policy by the united states. there should be established regular and frequent steamship communication, encouraged by the united states, under the american flag, with the newly acquired islands. spain furnished to its colonies, at an annual cost of about $ , , , steamship lines communicating with a portion of the world's markets, as well as with trade centers of the home government. the united states will not undertake to do less. it is our duty to furnish the people of hawaii with facilities, under national control, for their export and import trade. it will be conceded that the present situation calls for legislation which shall be prompt, durable, and liberal. the part which american merchant vessels and their seamen performed in the war with spain demonstrates that this service, furnishing both pickets and the second line of defense, is a national necessity, and should be encouraged in every constitutional way. details and methods for the accomplishment of this purpose are discussed in the report of the secretary of the treasury, to which the attention of congress is respectfully invited. in my last annual message i recommended that congress authorize the appointment of a commission for the purpose of making systematic investigations with reference to the cause and prevention of yellow fever. this matter has acquired an increased importance as a result of the military occupation of the island of cuba and the commercial intercourse between this island and the united states which we have every reason to expect. the sanitary problems connected with our new relations with the island of cuba and the acquisition of puerto rico are no less important than those relating to finance, commerce, and administration. it is my earnest desire that these problems may be considered by competent experts and that everything may be done which the most recent advances in sanitary science can offer for the protection of the health of our soldiers in those islands and of our citizens who are exposed to the dangers of infection from the importation of yellow fever. i therefore renew my recommendation that the authority of congress may be given and a suitable appropriation made to provide for a commission of experts to be appointed for the purpose indicated. under the act of congress approved april , , authorizing the president in his discretion, "upon a declaration of war by congress, or a declaration by congress that war exists," i directed the increase of the regular army to the maximum of , , authorized in said act. there are now in the regular army , officers and men. in said act it was provided-- that at the end of any war in which the united states may become involved the army shall be reduced to a peace basis by the transfer in the same arm of the service or absorption by promotion or honorable discharge, under such regulations as the secretary of war may establish, of supernumerary commissioned officers and the honorable discharge or transfer of supernumerary enlisted men; and nothing contained in this act shall be construed as authorizing the permanent increase of the commissioned or enlisted force of the regular army beyond that now provided by the law in force prior to the passage of this act, except as to the increase of twenty-five majors provided for in section i hereof. the importance of legislation for the permanent increase of the army is therefore manifest, and the recommendation of the secretary of war for that purpose has my unqualified approval. there can be no question that at this time, and probably for some time in the future, , men will be none too many to meet the necessities of the situation. at all events, whether that number shall be required permanently or not, the power should be given to the president to enlist that force if in his discretion it should be necessary; and the further discretion should be given him to recruit for the army within the above limit from the inhabitants of the islands with the government of which we are charged. it is my purpose to muster out the entire volunteer army as soon as the congress shall provide for the increase of the regular establishment. this will be only an act of justice and will be much appreciated by the brave men who left their homes and employments to help the country in its emergency. in my last annual message i stated: the union pacific railway, main line, was sold under the decree of the united states court for the district of nebraska on the st and d of november of this year. the amount due the government consisted of the principal of the subsidy bonds, $ , , , and the accrued interest thereon, $ , , . , making the total indebtedness $ , , . . the bid at the sale covered the first-mortgage lien and the entire mortgage claim of the government, principal and interest. this left the kansas pacific case unconcluded. by a decree of the court in that case an upset price for the property was fixed at a sum which would yield to the government only $ , , upon its lien. the sale, at the instance of the government, was postponed first to december , , and later, upon the application of the united states, was postponed to the th day of february, . having satisfied myself that the interests of the government required that an effort should be made to obtain a larger sum, i directed the secretary of the treasury, under the act passed march , , to pay out of the treasury to the persons entitled to receive the same the amounts due upon all prior mortgages upon the eastern and middle divisions of said railroad out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, whereupon the attorney-general prepared a petition to be presented to the court, offering to redeem said prior liens in such manner as the court might direct, and praying that thereupon the united states might be held to be subrogated to all the rights of said prior lien holders and that a receiver might be appointed to take possession of the mortgaged premises and maintain and operate the same until the court or congress otherwise directed. thereupon the reorganization committee agreed that if said petition was withdrawn and the sale allowed to proceed on the th of february, , they would bid a sum at the sale which would realize to the government the entire principal of its debt, $ , , . believing that no better price could be obtained and appreciating the difficulties under which the government would labor if it should become the purchaser of the road at the sale, in the absence of any authority by congress to take charge of and operate the road i directed that upon the guaranty of a minimum bid which should give the government the principal of its debt the sale should proceed. by this transaction the government secured an advance of $ , , over and above the sum which the court had fixed as the upset price, and which the reorganization committee had declared was the maximum which they would pay for the property. it is a gratifying fact that the result of these proceedings against the union pacific system and the kansas pacific line is that the government has received on account of its subsidy claim the sum of $ , , . , an increase of $ , , . over the sum which the reorganization committee originally agreed to bid for the joint property, the government receiving its whole claim, principal and interest, on the union pacific, and the principal of its debt on the kansas pacific railroad. steps had been taken to foreclose the government's lien upon the central pacific railroad company, but before action was commenced congress passed an act, approved july , , creating a commission consisting of the secretary of the treasury, the attorney-general, and the secretary of the interior, and their successors in office, with full power to settle the indebtedness to the government growing out of the issue of bonds in aid of the construction of the central pacific and western pacific bond-aided railroads, subject to the approval of the president. no report has yet been made to me by the commission thus created. whatever action is had looking to a settlement of the indebtedness in accordance with the act referred to will be duly submitted to the congress. i deem it my duty to call to the attention of congress the condition of the present building occupied by the department of justice. the business of that department has increased very greatly since it was established in its present quarters. the building now occupied by it is neither large enough nor of suitable arrangement for the proper accommodation of the business of the department. the supervising architect has pronounced it unsafe and unsuited for the use to which it is put. the attorney-general in his report states that the library of the department is upon the fourth floor, and that all the space allotted to it is so crowded with books as to dangerously overload the structure. the first floor is occupied by the court of claims. the building is of an old and dilapidated appearance, unsuited to the dignity which should attach to this important department. a proper regard for the safety, comfort, and convenience of the officers and employees would justify the expenditure of a liberal sum of money in the erection of, a new building of commodious proportions and handsome appearance upon the very advantageous site already secured for that purpose, including the ground occupied by the present structure and adjoining vacant lot, comprising in all a frontage of feet on pennsylvania avenue and a depth of feet. in this connection i may likewise refer to the inadequate accommodations provided for the supreme court in the capitol, and suggest the wisdom of making provision for the erection of a separate building for the court and its officers and library upon available ground near the capitol. the postal service of the country advances with extraordinary growth. within twenty years both the revenues and the expenditures of the post-office department have multiplied threefold. in the last ten years they have nearly doubled. our postal business grows much more rapidly than our population. it now involves an expenditure of $ , , a year, numbers , post-offices, and enrolls , employees. this remarkable extension of a service which is an accurate index of the public conditions presents gratifying evidence of the advancement of education, of the increase of communication and business activity, and of the improvement of mail facilities leading to their constantly augmenting use. the war with spain laid new and exceptional labors on the post-office department. the mustering of the military and naval forces of the united states required special mail arrangements for every camp and every campaign. the communication between home and camp was naturally eager and expectant. in some of the larger places of rendezvous as many as , letters a day required handling. this necessity was met by the prompt detail and dispatch of experienced men from the established force and by directing all the instrumentalities of the railway mail and post-office service, so far as necessary, to this new need. congress passed an act empowering the postmaster-general to establish offices or branches at every military camp or station, and under this authority the postal machinery was speedily put into effective operation. under the same authority, when our forces moved upon cuba, puerto rico, and the philippines they were attended and followed by the postal service. though the act of congress authorized the appointment of postmasters where necessary, it was early determined that the public interests would best be subserved, not by new designations, but by the detail of experienced men familiar with every branch of the service, and this policy was steadily followed. when the territory which was the theater of conflict came into our possession, it became necessary to reestablish mail facilities for the resident population as well as to provide them for our forces of occupation, and the former requirement was met through the extension and application of the latter obligation. i gave the requisite authority, and the same general principle was applied to this as to other branches of civil administration under military occupation. the details are more particularly given in the report of the postmaster-general, and, while the work is only just begun, it is pleasing to be able to say that the service in the territory which has come under our control is already materially improved. the following recommendations of the secretary of the navy relative to the increase of the navy have my earnest approval: . three seagoing sheathed and coppered battle ships of about , tons trial displacement, carrying the heaviest armor and most powerful ordnance for vessels of their class, and to have the highest practicable speed and great radius of action. estimated cost, exclusive of armor and armament, $ , , each. . three sheathed and coppered armored cruisers of about , tons trial displacement, carrying the heaviest armor and most powerful ordnance for vessels of their class, and to have the highest practicable speed and great radius of action. estimated cost, exclusive of armor and armament, $ , , each. . three sheathed and coppered protected cruisers of about , tons trial displacement, to have the highest practicable speed and great radius of action, and to carry the most powerful ordnance suitable for vessels of their class. estimated cost, exclusive of armor and armament, $ , , each. . six sheathed and coppered cruisers of about , tons trial displacement, to have the highest speed compatible with good cruising qualities, great radius of action, and to carry the most powerful ordnance suited to vessels of their class. estimated cost, exclusive of armament, $ , , each. i join with the secretary of the navy in recommending that the grades of admiral and vice-admiral be temporarily revived, to be filled by officers who have specially distinguished themselves in the war with spain. i earnestly urge upon congress the importance of early legislation providing for the taking of the twelfth census. this is necessary in view of the large amount of work which must be performed in the preparation of the schedules preparatory to the enumeration of the population. there were on the pension rolls on june , , , names, an increase of nearly , over the number on the rolls on the same day of the preceding year. the amount appropriated by the act of december , , for the payment of pensions for the fiscal year of was $ , , . eight million seventy thousand eight hundred and seventy-two dollars and forty-six cents was appropriated by the act of march , , to cover deficiencies in army pensions, and repayments in the sum of $ , . , making a total of $ , , . available for the payment of pensions during the fiscal year . the amount disbursed from that sum was $ , , . , leaving a balance of $ , , . unexpended on the th of june, , which was covered into the treasury. there were names added to the rolls during the year by special acts passed at the second session of the fifty-fifth congress, making a total of , pensioners by congressional enactments since . the total receipts of the patent office during the past year were $ , , . . the expenditures were $ , , . , leaving a surplus of $ , . . the public lands disposed of by the government during the year reached , , . acres, an increase of , . acres over the previous year. the total receipts from public lands during the fiscal year amounted to $ , , . , an increase of $ , . over the preceding year. the lands embraced in the eleven forest reservations which were suspended by the act of june , , again became subject to the operations of the proclamations of february , , creating them, which added an estimated amount of , , acres to the area embraced in the reserves previously created. in addition thereto two new reserves were created during the year--the pine mountain and zaca lake reserve, in california, embracing , , acres, and the prescott reserve, in arizona, embracing , acres--while the pecos river reserve, in new mexico, has been changed and enlarged to include , additional acres. at the close of the year thirty forest reservations, not including those of the afognak forest and the fish-culture reserve, in alaska, had been created by executive proclamations under section of the act of march , , embracing an estimated area of , , acres. the department of the interior has inaugurated a forest system, made possible by the act of july, , for a graded force of officers in control of the reserves. this system has only been in full operation since august, but good results have already been secured in many sections. the reports received indicate that the system of patrol has not only prevented destructive fires from gaining headway, but has diminished the number of fires. the special attention of the congress is called to that part of the report of the secretary of the interior in relation to the five civilized tribes. it is noteworthy that the general condition of the indians shows marked progress. but one outbreak of a serious character occurred during the year, and that among the chippewa indians of minnesota, which happily has been suppressed. while it has not yet been practicable to enforce all the provisions of the act of june , , "for the protection of the people of the indian territory, and for other purposes," it is having a salutary effect upon the nations composing the five tribes. the dawes commission reports that the most gratifying results and greater advance toward the attainment of the objects of the government have been secured in the past year than in any previous year. i can not too strongly indorse the recommendation of the commission and of the secretary of the interior for the necessity of providing for the education of the , white children resident in the indian territory. the department of agriculture has been active in the past year. explorers have been sent to many of the countries of the eastern and western hemispheres for seeds and plants that may be useful to the united states, and with the further view of opening up markets for our surplus products. the forestry division of the department is giving special attention to the treeless regions of our country and is introducing species specially adapted to semiarid regions. forest fires, which seriously interfere with production, especially in irrigated regions, are being studied, that losses from this cause may be avoided. the department is inquiring into the use and abuse of water in many states of the west, and collating information regarding the laws of the states, the decisions of the courts, and the customs of the people in this regard, so that uniformity may be secured. experiment stations are becoming more effective every year. the annual appropriation of $ , by congress is supplemented by $ , from the states. nation-wide experiments have been conducted to ascertain the suitableness as to soil and climate and states for growing sugar beets. the number of sugar factories has been doubled in the past two years, and the ability of the united states to produce its own sugar from this source has been clearly demonstrated. the weather bureau forecast and observation stations have been extended around the caribbean sea, to give early warning of the approach of hurricanes from the south seas to our fleets and merchant marine. in the year will occur the centennial anniversary of the founding of the city of washington for the permanent capital of the government of the united states by authority of an act of congress approved july , . in may, , the archives and general offices of the federal government were removed to this place. on the th of november, , the national congress met here for the first time and assumed exclusive control of the federal district and city. this interesting event assumes all the more significance when we recall the circumstances attending the choosing of the site, the naming of the capital in honor of the father of his country, and the interest taken by him in the adoption of plans for its future development on a magnificent scale. these original plans have been wrought out with a constant progress and a signal success even beyond anything their framers could have foreseen. the people of the country are justly proud of the distinctive beauty and government of the capital and of the rare instruments of science and education which here find their natural home. a movement lately inaugurated by the citizens to have the anniversary celebrated with fitting ceremonies, including, perhaps, the establishment of a handsome permanent memorial to mark so historical an occasion and to give it more than local recognition, has met with general favor on the part of the public. i recommend to the congress the granting of an appropriation for this purpose and the appointment of a committee from its respective bodies. it might also be advisable to authorize the president to appoint a committee from the country at large, which, acting with the congressional and district of columbia committees, can complete the plans for an appropriate national celebration. the alien contract law is shown by experience to need some amendment; a measure providing better protection for seamen is proposed; the rightful application of the eight-hour law for the benefit of labor and of the principle of arbitration are suggested for consideration; and i commend these subjects to the careful attention of the congress. the several departmental reports will be laid before you. they give in great detail the conduct of the affairs of the government during the past year and discuss many questions upon which the congress may feel called upon to act. william mckinley. [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : pp. - .] [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see p. .] [footnote : see p. .] [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see vol. viii, pp. - .] an act declaring that war exists between the united states of america and the kingdom of spain. _be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled_, first. that war be, and the same is hereby, declared to exist, and that war has existed since the st day of april, a.d. , including said day, between the united states of america and the kingdom of spain. second. that the president of the united states be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the united states and to call into the actual service of the united states the militia of the several states to such extent as may be necessary to carry this act into effect. approved, april , . executive mansion, _washington, february , _. _to the senate and house of representatives_: as a consequence of the ratification of the treaty of peace between the united states and spain and its expected ratification by the spanish government, the united states will come into possession of the philippine islands, on the farther shores of the pacific. the hawaiian islands and guam becoming united states territory and forming convenient stopping places on the way across the sea, the necessity for speedy cable communication between the united states and all these pacific islands has become imperative. such communication should be established in such a way as to be wholly under the control of the united states, whether in time of peace or of war. at present the philippines can be reached only by cables which pass through many foreign countries, and the hawaiian islands and guam can only be communicated with by steamers, involving delays in each instance of at least a week. the present conditions should not be allowed to continue for a moment longer than is absolutely necessary. so long ago as reference was made in an executive message to congress to the necessity for cable communication between the united states and hawaii. this necessity has greatly increased since then. the question has been discussed in the fifty-second, fifty-fourth, and fifty-fifth congresses, in each of which some effort has been made looking toward laying a cable at least as far as the hawaiian islands. the time has now arrived when a cable in the pacific must extend at least as far as manila, touching at the hawaiian islands and guam on the way. two methods of establishing this cable communication at once suggest themselves: first, construction and maintenance of such a cable by and at the expense of the united states government, and, second, construction and maintenance of such a cable by a private united states corporation, under such safeguards as congress shall impose. i do not make any recommendations to congress as to which of these methods would be the more desirable. a cable of the length of that proposed requires so much time for construction and laying that it is estimated that at least two years must elapse after giving the order for the cable before the entire system could be successfully laid and put in operation. further deep-sea soundings must be taken west of the hawaiian islands before the final route for the cable can be selected. under these circumstances it becomes a paramount necessity that measures should be taken before the close of the present congress to provide such means as may seem most suitable for the establishment of a cable system. i commend the whole subject to the careful consideration of the congress and to such prompt action as may seem advisable. william mckinley. proclamations. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas by a joint resolution passed by the congress and approved april , ,[ ] and communicated to the government of spain, it was demanded that said government at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from cuba and cuban waters, and the president of the united states was directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the united states and to call into the actual service of the united states the militia of the several states to such extent as might be necessary to carry said resolution into effect; and whereas in carrying into effect said resolution the president of the united states deems it necessary to set on foot and maintain a blockade of the north coast of cuba, including all ports on said coast between cardenas and bahia honda, and the port of cienfuegos, on the south coast of cuba: now, therefore, i, william mckinley, president of the united states, in order to enforce the said resolution, do hereby declare and proclaim that the united states of america have instituted and will maintain a blockade of the north coast of cuba, including ports on said coast between cardenas and bahia honda, and the port of cienfuegos, on the south coast of cuba, aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the united states and the law of nations applicable to such cases. an efficient force will be posted so as to prevent the entrance and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. any neutral vessel approaching any of said ports or attempting to leave the same without notice or knowledge of the establishment of such blockade will be duly warned by the commander of the blockading forces, who will indorse on her register the fact and the date of such warning, where such indorsement was made; and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter any blockaded port she will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port for such proceedings against her and her cargo as prize as may be deemed advisable. neutral vessels lying in any of said ports at the time of the establishment of such blockade will be allowed thirty days to issue therefrom. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, this d day of april, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-second. william mckinley. by the president: john sherman, _secretary of state_. [footnote : see p. .] by the president of the united states. a proclamation. whereas a joint resolution of congress was approved on the th day of april, ,[ ] entitled "joint resolution for the recognition of the independence of the people of cuba, demanding that the government of spain relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba and to withdraw its land and naval forces from cuba and cuban waters, and directing the president of the united states to use the land and naval forces of the united states to carry these resolutions into effect;" and whereas by an act of congress entitled "an act to provide for temporarily increasing the military establishment of the united states in time of war, and for other purposes," approved april , , the president is authorized, in order to raise a volunteer army, to issue his proclamation calling for volunteers to serve in the army of the united states: now, therefore, i, william mckinley, president of the united states, by virtue of the power vested in me by the constitution and the laws, and deeming sufficient occasion to exist, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, volunteers to the aggregate number of , in order to carry into effect the purpose of the said resolution, the same to be apportioned, as far as practicable, among the several states and territories and the district of columbia according to population and to serve for two years unless sooner discharged. the details for this object will be immediately communicated to the proper authorities through the war department. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, this d day of april, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-second. william mckinley. by the president: john sherman, _secretary of state_. [footnote : see p. .] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas by an act of congress approved april , ,[ ] it is declared that war exists and that war has existed since the st day of april, a.d. , including said day, between the united states of america and the kingdom of spain; and whereas, it being desirable that such war should be conducted upon principles in harmony with the present views of nations and sanctioned by their recent practice, it has already been announced that the policy of this government will be not to resort to privateering, but to adhere to the rules of the declaration of paris: now, therefore, i, william mckinley, president of the united states of america, by virtue of the power vested in me by the constitution and the laws, do hereby declare and proclaim: . the neutral flag covers enemy's goods with the exception of contraband of war. . neutral goods not contraband of war are not liable to confiscation under the enemy's flag. . blockades in order to be binding must be effective. . spanish merchant vessels in any ports or places within the united states shall be allowed till may , , inclusive, for loading their cargoes and departing from such ports or places; and such spanish merchant vessels, if met at sea by any united states ship, shall be permitted to continue their voyage if on examination of their papers it shall appear that their cargoes were taken on board before the expiration of the above term: _provided_, that nothing herein contained shall apply to spanish vessels having on board any officer in the military or naval service of the enemy, or any coal (except such as may be necessary for their voyage), or any other article prohibited or contraband of war, or any dispatch of or to the spanish government. . any spanish merchant vessel which prior to april , , shall have sailed from any foreign port bound for any port or place in the united states shall be permitted to enter such port or place and to discharge her cargo, and afterwards forthwith to depart without molestation; and any such vessel, if met at sea by any united states ship, shall be permitted to continue her voyage to any port not blockaded. . the right of search is to be exercised with strict regard for the rights of neutrals, and the voyages of mail steamers are not to be interfered with except on the clearest grounds of suspicion of a violation of law in respect of contraband or blockade. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington on the th day of april, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-second. william mckinley. by the president: alvey a. adee, _acting secretary of state_. [footnote : see p. .] by the president of the united states. a proclamation. whereas an act of congress was approved on the th day of april, ,[ ] entitled "an act declaring that war exists between the united states of america and the kingdom of spain;" and whereas by an act of congress entitled "an act to provide for temporarily increasing the military establishment of the united states in time of war and for other purposes," approved april , , the president is authorized, in order to raise a volunteer army, to issue his proclamation calling for volunteers to serve in the army of the united states: now, therefore, i, william mckinley, president of the united states, by virtue of the power vested in me by the constitution and the laws, and deeming sufficient occasion to exist, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, volunteers to the aggregate number of , in addition to the volunteers called forth by my proclamation of the d of april, in the present year,[ ] the same to be apportioned, as far as practicable, among the several states and territories and the district of columbia according to population and to serve for two years unless sooner discharged. the proportion of each arm and the details of enlistment and organization will be made known through the war department. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, this th day of may, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-second. william mckinley. by the president: william r. day, _secretary of state_. [footnote : see p. .] [footnote : see pp. - .] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, for the reasons set forth in my proclamation of april , ,[ ] a blockade of the ports on the northern coast of cuba from cardenas to bahia honda, inclusive, and of the port of cienfuegos, on the south coast of cuba, was declared to have been instituted; and whereas it has become desirable to extend the blockade to other spanish ports: now, therefore, i, william mckinley, president of the united states, do hereby declare and proclaim that in addition to the blockade of the ports specified in my proclamation of april , , the united states of america has instituted and will maintain an effective blockade of all the ports on the south coast of cuba from cape frances to cape cruz, inclusive, and also of the port of san juan, in the island of puerto rico. neutral vessels lying in any of the ports to which the blockade is by the present proclamation extended will be allowed thirty days to issue therefrom with cargo. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, this th day of june, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-second. william mckinley. by the president: j.b. moore, _acting secretary of state_. [footnote : see pp. - .] by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas by a protocol concluded and signed august , [ ] by william r. day, secretary of state of the united states, and his excellency jules cambon, ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the republic of france at washington, respectively representing for this purpose the government of the united states and the government of spain, the united states and spain have formally agreed upon the terms on which negotiations for the establishment of peace between the two countries shall be undertaken; and whereas it is in said protocol agreed that upon its conclusion and signature hostilities between the two countries shall be suspended and that notice to that effect shall be given as soon as possible by each government to the commanders of its military and naval forces: now, therefore, i, william mckinley, president of the united states, do, in accordance with the stipulations of the protocol, declare and proclaim on the part of the united states a suspension of hostilities and do hereby command that orders be immediately given through the proper channels to the commanders of the military and naval forces of the united states to abstain from all acts inconsistent with this proclamation. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, this th day of august, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-third. william mckinley. by the president: william r. day, _secretary of state_. [footnote : see p. .] by the president of the united states. a proclamation. the approaching november brings to mind the custom of our ancestors, hallowed by time and rooted in our most sacred traditions, of giving thanks to almighty god for all the blessings he has vouchsafed to us during the year. few years in our history have afforded such cause for thanksgiving as this. we have been blessed by abundant harvests; our trade and commerce have wonderfully increased; our public credit has been improved and strengthened; all sections of our common country have been brought together and knitted into closer bonds of national purpose and unity. the skies have been for a time darkened by the cloud of war, but as we were compelled to take up the sword in the cause of humanity we are permitted to rejoice that the conflict has been of brief duration and the losses we have had to mourn, though grievous and important, have been so few, considering the great results accomplished, as to inspire us with gratitude and praise to the lord of hosts. we may laud and magnify his holy name that the cessation of hostilities came so soon as to spare both sides the countless sorrows and disasters that attend protracted war. i do therefore invite all my fellow-citizens, as well those who may be at sea or sojourning in foreign lands as those at home, to set apart and observe thursday, the th day of november, as a day of national thanksgiving, to come together in their several places of worship for a service of praise and thanks to almighty god for all the blessings of the year, for the mildness of the seasons and the fruitfulness of the soil, for the continued prosperity of the people, for the devotion and valor of our countrymen, for the glory of our victory and the hope of a righteous peace, and to pray that the divine guidance which has brought us heretofore to safety and honor may be graciously continued in the years to come. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, this th day of october, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-third. william mckinley. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. executive orders. executive mansion, _washington, may , _. dewey, _care american consul, hongkong_: the president, in the name of the american people, thanks you and your officers and men for your splendid achievement and overwhelming victory. in recognition he has appointed you acting rear-admiral and will recommend a vote of thanks to you by congress as a foundation for further promotion. long. executive mansion, _washington, may , _. the secretary of war. sir: the destruction of the spanish fleet at manila, followed by the taking of the naval station at cavite, the paroling of the garrisons, and the acquisition of the control of the bay, has rendered it necessary, in the further prosecution of the measures adopted by this government for the purpose of bringing about an honorable and durable peace with spain, to send an army of occupation to the philippines for the twofold purpose of completing the reduction of the spanish power in that quarter and of giving order and security to the islands while in the possession of the united states. for the command of this expedition i have designated major-general wesley merritt, and it now becomes my duty to give instructions as to the manner in which the movement shall be conducted. the first effect of the military occupation of the enemy's territory is the severance of the former political relations of the inhabitants and the establishment of a new political power. under this changed condition of things the inhabitants, so long as they perform their duties, are entitled to security in their persons and property and in all their private rights and relations. it is my desire that the people of the philippines should be acquainted with the purpose of the united states to discharge to the fullest extent its obligations in this regard. it will therefore be the duty of the commander of the expedition, immediately upon his arrival in the islands, to publish a proclamation declaring that we come not to make war upon the people of the philippines, nor upon any party or faction among them, but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights. all persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, cooperate with the united states in its efforts to give effect to this beneficent purpose will receive the reward of its support and protection. our occupation should be as free from severity as possible. though the powers of the military occupant are absolute and supreme and immediately operate upon the political condition of the inhabitants, the municipal laws of the conquered territory, such as affect private rights of person and property and provide for the punishment of crime, are considered as continuing in force, so far as they are compatible with the new order of things, until they are suspended or superseded by the occupying belligerent; and in practice they are not usually abrogated, but are allowed to remain in force and to be administered by the ordinary tribunals substantially as they were before the occupation. this enlightened practice is, so far as possible, to be adhered to on the present occasion. the judges and the other officials connected with the administration of justice may, if they accept the authority of the united states, continue to administer the ordinary law of the land as between man and man under the supervision of the american commander in chief. the native constabulary will, so far as may be practicable, be preserved. the freedom of the people to pursue their accustomed occupations will be abridged only when it may be necessary to do so. while the rule of conduct of the american commander in chief will be such as has just been defined, it will be his duty to adopt measures of a different kind if, unfortunately, the course of the people should render such measures indispensable to the maintenance of law and order. he will then possess the power to replace or expel the native officials in part or altogether, to substitute new courts of his own constitution for those that now exist, or to create such new or supplementary tribunals as may be necessary. in the exercise of these high powers the commander must be guided by his judgment and his experience and a high sense of justice. one of the most important and most practical problems with which the commander of the expedition will have to deal is that of the treatment of property and the collection and administration of the revenues. it is conceded that all public funds and securities belonging to the government of the country in its own right and all arms and supplies and other movable property of such government may be seized by the military occupant and converted to the use of this government. the real property of the state he may hold and administer, at the same time enjoying the revenues thereof; but he is not to destroy it save in the case of military necessity. all public means of transportation, such as telegraph lines, cables, railways, and boats belonging to the state may be appropriated to his use, but unless in case of military necessity they are not to be destroyed. all churches and buildings devoted to religious worship and to the arts and sciences, all schoolhouses, are, so far as possible, to be protected, and all destruction or intentional defacement of such places, of historical monuments or archives, or of works of science or art is prohibited save when required by urgent military necessity. private property, whether belonging to individuals or corporations, is to be respected, and can be confiscated only as hereafter indicated. means of transportation, such as telegraph lines and cables, railways, and boats, may, although they belong to private individuals or corporations, be seized by the military occupant, but unless destroyed under military necessity are not to be retained. while it is held to be the right of a conqueror to levy contributions upon the enemy in their seaports, towns, or provinces which may be in his military possession by conquest, and to apply the proceeds to defray the expenses of the war, this right is to be exercised within such limitations that it may not savor of confiscation. as the result of military occupation the taxes and duties payable by the inhabitants to the former government become payable to the military occupant, unless he sees fit to substitute for them other rates or modes of contribution to the expenses of the government. the moneys so collected are to be used for the purpose of paying the expenses of government under the military occupation, such as the salaries of the judges and the police, and for the payment of the expenses of the army. private property taken for the use of the army is to be paid for when possible in cash at a fair valuation, and when payment in cash is not possible receipts are to be given. in order that there may be no conflict of authority between the army and the navy in the administration of affairs in the philippines, you are instructed to confer with the secretary of the navy so far as necessary for the purpose of devising measures to secure the harmonious action of those, two branches of the public service. i will give instructions to the secretary of the treasury to make a report to me upon the subject of the revenues of the philippines, with a view to the formulation of such revenue measures as may seem expedient. all ports and places in the philippines which may be in the actual possession of our land and naval forces will be opened, while our military occupation may continue, to the commerce of all neutral nations, as well as our own, in articles not contraband of war, and upon payment of the prescribed rates of duty which may be in force at the time of the importation. william mckinley. executive mansion, _washington, may , _. the secretary of the treasury. sir: the destruction of the spanish fleet at manila, followed by the taking of the naval station at cavite, the paroling of the garrisons, and the acquisition of the control of the bay, has rendered it necessary, in the further prosecution of the measures adopted by this government for the purpose of bringing about an honorable and durable peace with spain, to send an army of occupation to the philippines for the twofold purpose of completing the reduction of the spanish power in that quarter and of giving to the islands order and security while in the possession of the united states. for the command of this expedition i have designated major-general wesley merritt, and it now becomes my duty to give instructions as to the manner in which the movement shall be conducted. it is held to be the right to levy contributions upon the enemy in all places which may be in military possession by conquest, and to apply the proceeds to defray the cost of the war, including the expenses of government during the military occupation. it is desirable, however, and in accordance with the views of modern civilization, to confine the exercise of this power, so far as possible, to the collection of such contributions as are equivalent to the duties and taxes already established in the territory. i have determined to order that all ports or places in the philippines which may be in the actual possession of our land and naval forces by conquest shall be opened, while our military occupation may continue, to the commerce of all neutral nations, as well as our own, in articles not contraband of war, upon payment of the rates of duty which may be in force at the time when the goods are imported. in the execution of this policy it may be advisable to substitute new rates of duty and new taxes for those now levied in the philippines. you are therefore instructed to examine the existing spanish laws in relation to duties and taxes, and to report to me such recommendations as you may deem it proper to make with respect either to the rates of duties and taxes or to the regulations which should be adopted for their imposition and collection. as the levy of all contributions in territory occupied by a belligerent is a military right derived from the law of nations, the collection and distribution of duties and taxes in the philippines during the military occupation of the united states will be made, under the orders of the secretary of war and the secretary of the navy, by the military or naval commanders, as the case may be, of the ports or places which may be in the possession of our forces. your report is desired in order that i may be able to give the proper directions to the department of war and of the navy. william mckinley. executive mansion, _washington, may , _. the secretary of the navy. sir: the destruction of the spanish fleet at manila, followed by the taking of the naval station at cavite, the paroling of the garrisons, and the acquisition of the control of the bay, has rendered it necessary, in the further prosecution of the measures adopted by this government for the purpose of bringing about an honorable and durable peace with spain, to send an army of occupation to the philippines for the twofold purpose of completing the reduction of the spanish power in that quarter and of giving to the islands order and security while in the possession of the united states. for the command of this expedition i have designated major-general wesley merritt, and it now becomes my duty to give instructions as to the manner in which the movement shall be conducted. i inclose herewith a copy of an order which i have this day addressed to the secretary of war, setting forth the principles on which the occupation of the philippines is to be carried out.[ ] you are instructed to confer with the secretary of war in order that measures may be devised by which any conflict of authority between the officers of our army and navy in the philippines may be avoided. i have given instructions to the secretary of the treasury to examine the subject of the duties and taxes imposed by spain in the philippines and to report to me any recommendations which he may deem it proper to make in regard to the revenues of the islands.[ ] i have informed him, however, that the collection and disbursement of the duties and taxes collected there will, as a measure of military right derived from the law of nations, be made, under the orders of the secretary of war and the secretary of the navy, by our military or naval commanders, as the case may be, at the ports or places which may be in possession of our forces. william mckinley. [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see pp. - .] executive mansion, _washington, july , ._ admiral sampson, _playa del este, cuba_: you have the gratitude and congratulations of the whole american people. convey to your noble officers and crews, through whose valor new honors have been added to the american navy, the grateful thanks and appreciation of the nation. william mckinley. the president's address to the people for thanksgiving and prayer. executive mansion, _washington, july , ._ _to the people of the united states of america_: at this time, when to the yet fresh remembrance of the unprecedented success which attended the operations of the united states fleet in the bay of manila on the st day of may last are added the tidings of the no less glorious achievements of the naval and military arms of our beloved country at santiago de cuba, it is fitting that we should pause and, staying the feeling of exultation that too naturally attends great deeds wrought by our countrymen in our country's cause, should reverently bow before the throne of divine grace and give devout praise to god, who holdeth the nations in the hollow of his hands and worketh upon them the marvels of his high will, and who has thus far vouchsafed to us the light of his face and led our brave soldiers and seamen to victory. i therefore ask the people of the united states, upon next assembling for divine worship in their respective places of meeting, to offer thanksgiving to almighty god, who in his inscrutable ways, now leading our hosts upon the waters to unscathed triumph; now guiding them in a strange land, through the dread shadows of death, to success, even though at a fearful cost; now bearing them, without accident or loss, to far distant climes, has watched over our cause and brought nearer the success of the right and the attainment of just and honorable peace. with the nation's thanks let there be mingled the nation's prayers that our gallant sons may be shielded from harm alike on the battlefield and in the clash of fleets, and be spared the scourge of suffering and disease while they are striving to uphold their country's honor; and withal let the nation's heart be stilled with holy awe at the thought of the noble men who have perished as heroes die, and be filled with compassionate sympathy for all those who suffer bereavement or endure sickness, wounds, and bonds by reason of the awful struggle. and above all, let us pray with earnest fervor that he, the dispenser of all good, may speedily remove from us the untold afflictions of war and bring to our dear land the blessings of restored peace and to all the domain now ravaged by the cruel strife the priceless boon of security and tranquillity. william mckinley. washington, d.c., _july , _. general shafter, _playa, cuba_: telegram which it appears you did not receive read as follows: the president directs me to say you have the gratitude and thanks of the nation for the brilliant and effective work of your noble army in the fight of july . the sturdy valor and heroism of officers and men fill the american people with pride. the country mourns the brave men who fell in battle. they have added new names to our roll of heroes. r.a. alger, _secretary of war_. executive mansion, _washington, july , ._ the secretary of war. sir: the capitulation of the spanish forces in santiago de cuba and in the eastern part of the province of santiago, and the occupation of the territory by the forces of the united states, render it necessary to instruct the military commander of the united states as to the conduct which he is to observe during the military occupation. the first effect of the military occupation of the enemy's territory is the severance of the former political relations of the inhabitants and the establishment of a new political power. under this changed condition of things the inhabitants, so long as they perform their duties, are entitled to security in their persons and property and in all their private rights and relations. it is my desire that the inhabitants of cuba should be acquainted with the purpose of the united states to discharge to the fullest extent its obligations in this regard. it will therefore be the duty of the commander of the army of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come not to make war upon the inhabitants of cuba, nor upon any party or faction among them, but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights. all persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, cooperate with the united states in its efforts to give effect to this beneficent purpose will receive the reward of its support and protection. our occupation should be as free from severity as possible. though the powers of the military occupant are absolute and supreme and immediately operate upon the political condition of the inhabitants, the municipal laws of the conquered territory, such as affect private rights of person and property and provide for the punishment of crime, are considered as continuing in force, so far as they are compatible with the new order of things, until they are suspended or superseded by the occupying belligerent; and in practice they are not usually abrogated, but are allowed to remain in force and to be administered by the ordinary tribunals substantially as they were before the occupation. this enlightened practice is, so far as possible, to be adhered to on the present occasion. the judges and the other officials connected with the administration of justice may, if they accept the supremacy of the united states, continue to administer the ordinary law of the land as between man and man under the supervision of the american commander in chief. the native constabulary will, so far as may be practicable, be preserved. the freedom of the people to pursue their accustomed occupations will be abridged only when it may be necessary to do so. while the rule of conduct of the american commander in chief will be such as has just been defined, it will be his duty to adopt measures of a different kind if, unfortunately, the course of the people should render such measures indispensable to the maintenance of law and order. he will then possess the power to replace or expel the native officials in part or altogether, to substitute new courts of his own constitution for those that now exist, or to create such new or supplementary tribunals as may be necessary. in the exercise of these high powers the commander must be guided by his judgment and his experience and a high sense of justice. one of the most important and most practical problems with which it will be necessary to deal is that of the treatment of property and the collection and administration of the revenues. it is conceded that all public funds and securities belonging to the government of the country in its own right and all arms and supplies and other movable property of such government may be seized by the military occupant and converted to his own use. the real property of the state he may hold and administer, at the same time enjoying the revenues thereof; but he is not to destroy it save in the case of military necessity. all public means of transportation, such as telegraph lines, cables, railways, and boats, belonging to the state may be appropriated to his use, but unless in case of military necessity they are not to be destroyed. all churches and buildings devoted to religious worship and to the arts and sciences, all schoolhouses, are, so far as possible, to be protected, and all destruction or intentional defacement of such places, of historical monuments or archives, or of works of science or art is prohibited save when required by urgent military necessity. private property, whether belonging to individuals or corporations, is to be respected, and can be confiscated only for cause. means of transportation, such as telegraph lines and cables, railways, and boats, may, although they belong to private individuals or corporations, be seized by the military occupant, but unless destroyed under military necessity are not to be retained. while it is held to be the right of the conqueror to levy contributions upon the enemy in their seaports, towns, or provinces which may be in his military possession by conquest, and to apply the proceeds to defray the expenses of the war, this right is to be exercised within such limitations that it may not savor of confiscation. as the result of military occupation the taxes and duties payable by the inhabitants to the former government become payable to the military occupant, unless he sees fit to substitute for them other rates or modes of contribution to the expenses of the government. the moneys so collected are to be used for the purpose of paying the expenses of government under the military occupation, such as the salaries of the judges and the police, and for the payment of the expenses of the army. private property taken for the use of the army is to be paid for when possible in cash at a fair valuation, and when payment in cash is not possible receipts are to be given. all ports and places in cuba which may be in the actual possession of our land and naval forces will be opened to the commerce of all neutral nations, as well as our own, in articles not contraband of war, upon payment of the prescribed rates of duty which may be in force at the time of the importation. william mckinley. washington, d.c., _july , _. general shafter, _commanding united states forces, santiago, playa_: the president of the united states sends to you and your brave army the profound thanks of the american people for the brilliant achievements at santiago, resulting in the surrender of the city and all of the spanish troops and territory under general toral. your splendid command has endured not only the hardships and sacrifices incident to campaign and battle, but in stress of heat and weather has triumphed over obstacles which would have overcome men less brave and determined. one and all have displayed the most conspicuous gallantry and earned the gratitude of the nation. the hearts of the people turn with tender sympathy to the sick and wounded. may the father of mercies protect and comfort them. william mckinley. executive mansion, _washington, july , _. in view of the occupation of santiago de cuba by the forces of the united states, it is ordered that postal communication between the united states and that port, which has been suspended since the opening of hostilities with spain, may be resumed, subject to such military regulations as may be deemed necessary. as other portions of the enemy's territory come into the possession of the land and naval forces of the united states, postal communication may be opened under the same conditions. the domestic postal service within the territory thus occupied may be continued on the same principles already indicated for the continuance of the local municipal and judicial administration, and it maybe extended as the local requirements may justify, under the supervision of the military commander. the revenues derived from such service are to be applied to the expenses of conducting it, and the united states postage stamps are therefore to be used. the postmaster-general is charged with the execution of this order in cooperation with the military commander, to whom the secretary of war will issue the necessary directions. william mckinley. executive mansion, _washington, august , _. _ordered_, that the graves of our soldiers at santiago shall be permanently marked. the present marking will last but a short time, and before its effacement occurs suitable and permanent markers should be put up. the secretary of war is charged with the execution of this order. william mckinley. adjutant-general's office, _washington, august , ._ major-general merritt, _manila, philippines_: the president directs that there must be no joint occupation with the insurgents. the united states, in the possession of manila city, manila bay and harbor, must preserve the peace and protect persons and property within the territory occupied by their military and naval forces. the insurgents and all others must recognize the military occupation and authority of the united states and the cessation of hostilities proclaimed by the president. use whatever means in your judgment are necessary to this end. all law-abiding people must be treated alike. by order secretary war: h.c. corbin, _adjutant-general._ executive mansion, _washington, august , ._ major-general merritt, _united states army, manila_: in my own behalf and for the nation i extend to you and the officers and men of your command sincere thanks and congratulations for the conspicuously gallant conduct displayed in your campaign. william mckinley. executive mansion, _washington, august , _. admiral dewey, _manila_: receive for yourself and for the officers, sailors, and marines of your command my thanks and congratulations and those of the nation for the gallant conduct all have again so conspicuously displayed. william mckinley. adjutant-general's office, _washington, december , _. general otis, _manila, philippine islands_: by direction of the secretary of war, following from the president is sent you for your early consideration. corbin. the president desires that admiral dewey and general otis shall have an early conference and advise him what force and equipment will be necessary in the philippine islands. the president would be glad to have suggestions from these commanders as to the government of the islands, which of necessity must be by the army and the navy for some time to come. when these islands shall be ceded to us, it is his desire that peace and tranquillity shall be restored and as kind and beneficent a government as possible given to the people, that they may be encouraged in their industries and made secure in life and property. the fullest suggestions are invited. william mckinley. executive mansion, _december , _. by virtue of the authority vested in me as commander in chief of the army and navy of the united states, i hereby order and direct that during the occupancy by the military authorities of the united states of the island of cuba and all islands in the west indies west of the seventy-fourth degree, west longitude, evacuated by spain, said islands shall constitute a collection district for customs purposes. havana shall be the chief port of entry. an officer of the army shall be assigned to such port, who shall be the collector of customs of the islands and of the chief port and shall have general jurisdiction over the collection of customs in the islands. the ports of matanzas, cardenas, cienfuegos, sagua, caibarien, santiago, manzanillo, nuevitas, guantanamo, gibara, and baracoa, in said islands, are hereby declared to be subports of entry, and an officer of the army will be assigned to each of the subports, who will be the collector of customs of a subport and shall have general jurisdiction of the collection of customs at such port. he shall make weekly reports to the collector of customs of the islands at the chief port of all transactions at the subport over which he has jurisdiction, with copies of all entries of merchandise, duly certified. the secretary of war shall appoint such civilian deputy collectors, inspectors, and other employees as may be found necessary. the collectors of the subports shall deposit all moneys collected by them with the collector of the islands, and a receipt from the collector of the islands must be taken in duplicate for all such deposits. there shall be appointed an auditor, who shall be stationed at the chief port, whose duty it shall be to examine all entries of merchandise and if found correct to certify to them. such auditor shall on the first of each month make a full and complete report, duly certified, to the secretary of war of all duties collected at each port, with an itemized report of all expenditures made therefrom, which shall be referred to the auditor for the war department for audit. all questions arising in the administration of customs in the islands shall be referred to the collector of the islands at the chief port for decision, from which there shall be no appeal, except in such cases as may be referred by the collector of the islands to the secretary of war for his decision. william mckinley. executive mansion, _washington, december , _. the secretary of war. sir: the destruction of the spanish fleet in the harbor of manila by the united states naval squadron commanded by rear-admiral dewey, followed by the reduction of the city and the surrender of the spanish forces, practically effected the conquest of the philippine islands and the suspension of spanish sovereignty therein. with the signature of the treaty of peace between the united states and spain by their respective plenipotentiaries at paris, on the th instant, and as the result of the victories of american arms, the future control, disposition, and government of the philippine islands are ceded to the united states. in fulfillment of the rights of sovereignty thus acquired and the responsible obligations of government thus assumed, the actual occupation and administration of the entire group of the philippine islands become immediately necessary, and the military government heretofore maintained by the united states in the city, harbor, and bay of manila is to be extended with all possible dispatch to the whole of the ceded territory. in performing this duty the military commander of the united states is enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the philippine islands that in succeeding to the sovereignty of spain, in severing the former political relations of the inhabitants, and in establishing a new political power the authority of the united states is to be exerted for the security of the persons and property of the people of the islands and for the confirmation of all their private rights and relations. it will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights. all persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, cooperate with the government of the united states to give effect to these beneficent purposes will receive the reward of its support and protection. all others will be brought within the lawful rule we have assumed, with firmness if need be, but without severity so far as may be possible. within the absolute domain of military authority, which necessarily is and must remain supreme in the ceded territory until the legislation of the united states shall otherwise provide, the municipal laws of the territory in respect to private rights and property and the repression of crime are to be considered as continuing in force and to be administered by the ordinary tribunals so far as practicable. the operations of civil and municipal government are to be performed by such officers as may accept the supremacy of the united states by taking the oath of allegiance, or by officers chosen as far as may be practicable from the inhabitants of the islands. while the control of all the public property and the revenues of the state passes with the cession, and while the use and management of all public means of transportation are necessarily reserved to the authority of the united states, private property, whether belonging to individuals or corporations, is to be respected, except for cause duly established. the taxes and duties heretofore payable by the inhabitants to the late government become payable to the authorities of the united states, unless it be seen fit to substitute for them other reasonable rates or modes of contribution to the expenses of government, whether general or local. if private property be taken for military use, it shall be paid for when possible in cash at a fair valuation, and when payment in cash is not practicable receipts are to be given. all ports and places in the philippine islands in the actual possession of the land and naval forces of the united states will be opened to the commerce of all friendly nations. all goods and wares not prohibited for military reasons, by due announcement of the military authority, will be admitted upon payment of such duties and other charges as shall be in force at the time of their importation. finally, it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the military administration to win the confidence, respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the philippines by assuring to them in every possible way that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is the heritage of free peoples, and by proving to them that the mission of the united states is one of benevolent assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. in the fulfillment of this high mission, supporting the temperate administration of affairs for the greatest good of the governed, there must be sedulously maintained the strong arm of authority to repress disturbance and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable government upon the people of the philippine islands under the free flag of the united states. william mckinley. adjutant-general's office, _washington, december , _. general otis, _manila_: answering your message of december , the president directs that you send necessary troops to iloilo to preserve the peace and protect life and property. it is most important that there should be no conflict with the insurgents. be conciliatory, but firm. by order of the secretary war: corbin. executive mansion, _washington, december , _. until otherwise ordered no grants or concessions of public or corporate rights or franchises for the construction of public or _quasi_ public works, such as railroads, tramways, telegraph and telephone lines, water works, gas works, electric-light lines, etc., shall be made by any municipal or other local governmental authority or body in cuba, except upon the approval of the major-general commanding the military forces of the united states in cuba, who shall before approving any such grant or concession be so especially authorized by the secretary of war. william mckinley. [similar orders applying to puerto rico and to the philippines were issued.] executive mansion, _washington, december , _. the secretary of war: * * * * * the major-general commanding the united states forces in cuba and the senior naval officer of the american fleet in the port of havana are directed to observe such arrangements and ceremonies for the evacuation of havana, to take place on january , , as may be communicated to them by the united states commissioners on evacuation. they will aid in carrying out such arrangements. william mckinley. adjutant-general's office, _washington, january , -- . p.m._ general otis, _manila_: the president considers it of first importance that a conflict brought on by you be avoided at this time, if possible. can not miller get into communication with insurgents, giving them president's proclamation and informing them of the purposes of the government, assuring them that while it will assert its sovereignty its purpose is to give them a good government and security in their personal rights. by order secretary war: corbin. executive mansion, _washington, january , ._ the secretary of state: my communication to the secretary of war dated december , ,[ ] declares the necessity of extending the actual occupation and administration of the city, harbor, and bay of manila to the whole of the territory which by the treaty of paris, signed on december , , passed from the sovereignty of spain to the sovereignty of the united states and the consequent establishment of military government throughout the entire group of the philippine islands. while the treaty has not yet been ratified, it is believed that it will be by the time of the arrival at manila of the commissioners named below. in order to facilitate the most humane, specific, and effective extension of authority throughout these islands and to secure with the least possible delay the benefits of a wise and generous protection of life and property to the inhabitants, i have named jacob g. schurman, rear-admiral george dewey, major-general elwell s. otis, charles denby, and dean c. worcester to constitute a commission to aid in the accomplishment of these results. in the performance of this duty the commissioners are enjoined to meet at the earliest possible day in the city of manila and to announce by a public proclamation their presence and the mission intrusted to them, carefully setting forth that while the military government already proclaimed is to be maintained and continued so long as necessity may require, efforts will be made to alleviate the burdens of taxation, to establish industrial and commercial prosperity, and to provide for the safety of persons and of property by such means as may be found conducive to these ends. the commissioners will endeavor, without interference with the military authorities of the united states now in control of the philippines, to ascertain what amelioration in the condition of the inhabitants and what improvements in public order may be practicable, and for this purpose they will study attentively the existing social and political state of the various populations, particularly as regards the forms of local government, the administration of justice, the collection of customs and other taxes, the means of transportation, and the need of public improvements. they will report through the state department, according to the forms customary or hereafter prescribed for transmitting and preserving such communications, the results of their observations and reflections, and will recommend such executive action as may from time to time seem to them wise and useful. the commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritatively with any persons resident in the islands from whom they may believe themselves able to derive information or suggestions valuable for the purposes of their commission, or whom they may choose to employ as agents, as may be necessary for this purpose. the temporary government of the islands is intrusted to the military authorities, as already provided for by my instructions to the secretary of war of december , ,[ ] and will continue until congress shall determine otherwise. the commission may render valuable services by examining with special care the legislative needs of the various groups of inhabitants and by reporting, with recommendations, the measures which should be instituted for the maintenance of order, peace, and public welfare, either as temporary steps to be taken immediately for the perfection of present administration or as suggestions for future legislation. in so far as immediate personal changes in the civil administration may seem to be advisable, the commissioners are empowered to recommend suitable persons for appointment to these offices from among the inhabitants of the islands who have previously acknowledged their allegiance to this government. it is my desire that in all their relations with the inhabitants of the islands the commissioners exercise due respect for all the ideals, customs, and institutions of the tribes and races which compose the population, emphasizing upon all occasions the just and beneficent intentions of the government of the united states. it is also my wish and expectation that the commissioners may be received in a manner due to the honored and authorized representatives of the american republic, duly commissioned, on account of their knowledge, skill, and integrity, as bearers of the good will, the protection, and the richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering nation. william mckinley. [footnote : see pp. - .] [footnote : see pp. - .] none literature and life--spanish prisoners of war by william dean howells spanish prisoners of war certain summers ago our cruisers, the st. louis and the harvard, arrived at portsmouth, new hampshire, with sixteen or seventeen hundred spanish prisoners from santiago de cuba. they were partly soldiers of the land forces picked up by our troops in the fights before the city, but by far the greater part were sailors and marines from cervera's ill-fated fleet. i have not much stomach for war, but the poetry of the fact i have stated made a very potent appeal to me on my literary side, and i did not hold out against it longer than to let the st. louis get away with cervera to annapolis, when only her less dignified captives remained with those of the harvard to feed either the vainglory or the pensive curiosity of the spectator. then i went over from our summer colony to kittery point, and got a boat, and sailed out to have a look at these subordinate enemies in the first hours of their imprisonment. i. it was an afternoon of the brilliancy known only to an afternoon of the american summer, and the water of the swift piscataqua river glittered in the sun with a really incomparable brilliancy. but nothing could light up the great monster of a ship, painted the dismal lead-color which our white squadrons put on with the outbreak of the war, and she lay sullen in the stream with a look of ponderous repose, to which the activities of the coaling-barges at her side, and of the sailors washing her decks, seemed quite unrelated. a long gun forward and a long gun aft threatened the fleet of launches, tugs, dories, and cat-boats which fluttered about her, but the harvard looked tired and bored, and seemed as if asleep. she had, in fact, finished her mission. the captives whom death had released had been carried out and sunk in the sea; those who survived to a further imprisonment had all been taken to the pretty island a mile farther up in the river, where the tide rushes back and forth through the narrows like a torrent. its defiant rapidity has won it there the graphic name of pull-and-be-damned; and we could only hope to reach the island by a series of skilful tacks, which should humor both the wind and the tide, both dead against us. our boatman, one of those shore new englanders who are born with a knowledge of sailing, was easily master of the art of this, but it took time, and gave me more than the leisure i wanted for trying to see the shore with the strange eyes of the captives who had just looked upon it. it was beautiful, i had to own, even in my quality of exile and prisoner. the meadows and the orchards came down to the water, or, where the wandering line of the land was broken and lifted in black fronts of rock, they crept to the edge of the cliff and peered over it. a summer hotel stretched its verandas along a lovely level; everywhere in clovery hollows and on breezy knolls were gray old farmhouses and summer cottages-like weather-beaten birds' nests, and like freshly painted marten-boxes; but all of a cold new england neatness which made me homesick for my malodorous spanish fishing-village, shambling down in stony lanes to the warm tides of my native seas. here, every place looked as if it had been newly scrubbed with soap and water, and rubbed down with a coarse towel, and was of an antipathetic alertness. the sweet, keen breeze made me shiver, and the northern sky, from which my blinding southern sun was blazing, was as hard as sapphire. i tried to bewilder myself in the ignorance of a catalonian or asturian fisherman, and to wonder with his darkened mind why it should all or any of it have been, and why i should have escaped from the iron hell in which i had fought no quarrel of my own to fall into the hands of strangers, and to be haled over seas to these alien shores for a captivity of unknown term. but i need not have been at so much pains; the intelligence (i do not wish to boast) of an american author would have sufficed; for if there is anything more grotesque than another in war it is its monstrous inconsequence. if we had a grief with the spanish government, and if it was so mortal we must do murder for it, we might have sent a joint committee of the house and senate, and, with the improved means of assassination which modern science has put at our command, killed off the spanish cabinet, and even the queen--mother and the little king. this would have been consequent, logical, and in a sort reasonable; but to butcher and capture a lot of wretched spanish peasants and fishermen, hapless conscripts to whom personally and nationally we were as so many men in the moon, was that melancholy and humiliating necessity of war which makes it homicide in which there is not even the saving grace of hate, or the excuse of hot blood. i was able to console myself perhaps a little better for the captivity of the spaniards than if i had really been one of them, as we drew nearer and nearer their prison isle, and it opened its knotty points and little ravines, overrun with sweet-fern, blueberry-bushes, bay, and low blackberry-vines, and rigidly traversed with a high stockade of yellow pine boards. six or eight long, low, wooden barracks stretched side by side across the general slope, with the captive officers' quarters, sheathed in weather-proof black paper, at one end of them. about their doors swarmed the common prisoners, spilling out over the steps and on the grass, where some of them lounged smoking. one operatic figure in a long blanket stalked athwart an open space; but there was such poverty of drama in the spectacle at the distance we were keeping that we were glad of so much as a shirt-sleeved contractor driving out of the stockade in his buggy. on the heights overlooking the enclosure gatling guns were posted at three or four points, and every thirty or forty feet sentries met and parted, so indifferent to us, apparently, that we wondered if we might get nearer. we ventured, but at a certain moment a sentry called to us, "fifty yards off, please!" our young skipper answered, "all right," and as the sentry had a gun on his shoulder which we had every reason to believe was loaded, it was easily our pleasure to retreat to the specified limit. in fact, we came away altogether, after that, so little promise was there of our being able to satisfy our curiosity further. we came away care fully nursing such impression as we had got of a spec tacle whose historical quality we did our poor best to feel. it related us, after solicitation, to the wars against the moors, against the mexicans and peruvians, against the dutch; to the italian campaigns of the gran capitan, to the siege of florence, to the sack of rome, to the wars of the spanish succession, and what others. i do not deny that there was a certain aesthetic joy in having the spanish prisoners there for this effect; we came away duly grateful for what we had seen of them; and we had long duly resigned ourselves to seeing no more, when word was sent to us that our young skipper had got a permit to visit the island, and wished us to go with him. ii. it was just such another afternoon when we went again, but this time we took the joyous trolley-car, and bounded and pirouetted along as far as the navyyard of kittery, and there we dismounted and walked among the vast, ghostly ship-sheds, so long empty of ships. the grass grew in the kittery navy-yard, but it was all the pleasanter for the grass, and those pale, silent sheds were far more impressive in their silence than they would have been if resonant with saw and hammer. at several points, an unarmed marine left his leisure somewhere, and lunged across our path with a mute appeal for our permit; but we were nowhere delayed till we came to the office where it had to be countersigned, and after that we had presently crossed a bridge, by shady, rustic ways, and were on the prison island. here, if possible, the sense of something pastoral deepened; a man driving a file of cows passed before us under kindly trees, and the bell which the foremost of these milky mothers wore about her silken throat sent forth its clear, tender note as if from the depth of some grassy bosk, and instantly witched me away to the woods-pastures which my boyhood knew in southern ohio. even when we got to what seemed fortifications they turned out to be the walls of an old reservoir, and bore on their gate a paternal warning that children unaccompanied by adults were not allowed within. we mounted some stone steps over this portal and were met by a young marine, who left his gatling gun for a moment to ask for our permit, and then went back satisfied. then we found ourselves in the presence of a sentry with a rifle on his shoulder, who was rather more exacting. still, he only wished to be convinced, and when he had pointed out the headquarters where we were next to go, he let us over his beat. at the headquarters there was another sentry, equally serious, but equally civil, and with the intervention of an orderly our leader saw the officer of the day. he came out of the quarters looking rather blank, for he had learned that his pass admitted our party to the lines, but not to the stockade, which we might approach, at a certain point of vantage and look over into, but not penetrate. we resigned ourselves, as we must, and made what we could of the nearest prison barrack, whose door overflowed and whose windows swarmed with swarthy captives. here they were, at such close quarters that their black, eager eyes easily pierced the pockets full of cigarettes which we had brought for them. they looked mostly very young, and there was one smiling rogue at the first window who was obviously prepared to catch anything thrown to him. he caught, in fact, the first box of cigarettes shied over the stockade; the next box flew open, and spilled its precious contents outside the dead-line under the window, where i hope some compassionate guard gathered them up and gave them to the captives. our fellows looked capable of any kindness to their wards short of letting them go. they were a most friendly company, with an effect of picnicking there among the sweet-fern and blueberries, where they had pitched their wooden tents with as little disturbance to the shrubbery as possible. they were very polite to us, and when, after that misadventure with the cigarettes (i had put our young leader up to throwing the box, merely supplying the corpus delicti myself), i wandered vaguely towards a gatling gun planted on an earthen platform where the laurel and the dogroses had been cut away for it, the man in charge explained with a smile of apology that i must not pass a certain path i had already crossed. one always accepts the apologies of a man with a gatling gun to back them, and i retreated. that seemed the end; and we were going crestfallenly away when the officer of the day came out and allowed us to make his acquaintance. he permitted us, with laughing reluctance, to learn that he had been in the fight at santiago, and had come with the prisoners, and he was most obligingly sorry that our permit did not let us into the stockade. i said i had some cigarettes for the prisoners, and i supposed i might send them; in, but he said he could not allow this, for they had money to buy tobacco; and he answered another of our party, who had not a soul above buttons, and who asked if she could get one from the spaniards, that so far from promoting her wish, he would have been obliged to take away any buttons she might have got from them. "the fact is," he explained, "you've come to the wrong end for transactions in buttons and tobacco." but perhaps innocence so great as ours had wrought upon him. when we said we were going, and thanked him for his unavailing good-will, he looked at his watch and said they were just going to feed the prisoners; and after some parley he suddenly called out, "music of the guard!" instead of a regimental band, which i had supposed summoned, a single corporal ran out the barracks, touching his cap. "take this party round to the gate," the officer said, and he promised us that he would see us there, and hoped we would not mind a rough walk. we could have answered that to see his prisoners fed we would wade through fathoms of red-tape; but in fact we were arrested at the last point by nothing worse than the barbed wire which fortified the outer gate. here two marines were willing to tell us how well the prisoners lived, while we stared into the stockade through an inner gate of plank which was run back for us. they said the spaniards had a breakfast of coffee, and hash or stew and potatoes, and a dinner of soup and roast; and now at five o'clock they were to have bread and coffee, which indeed we saw the white-capped, whitejacketed cooks bringing out in huge tin wash-boilers. our marines were of opinion, and no doubt rightly, that these poor spaniards had never known in their lives before what it was to have full stomachs. but the marines said they never acknowledged it, and the one who had a german accent intimated that gratitude was not a virtue of any roman (i suppose he meant latin) people. but i do not know that if i were a prisoner, for no fault of my own, i should be very explicitly thankful for being unusually well fed. i thought (or i think now) that a fig or a bunch of grapes would have been more acceptable to me under my own vine and fig-tree than the stew and roast of captors who were indeed showing themselves less my enemies than my own government, but were still not quite my hosts. iii. how is it the great pieces of good luck fall to us? the clock strikes twelve as it strikes two, and with no more premonition. as we stood there expecting nothing better of it than three at the most, it suddenly struck twelve. our officer appeared at the inner gate and bade our marines slide away the gate of barbed wire and let us into the enclosure, where he welcomed us to seats on the grass against the stockade, with many polite regrets that the tough little knots of earth beside it were not chairs. the prisoners were already filing out of their quarters, at a rapid trot towards the benches where those great wash-boilers of coffee were set. each man had a soup-plate and bowl of enamelled tin, and each in his turn received quarter of a loaf of fresh bread and a big ladleful of steaming coffee, which he made off with to his place at one of the long tables under a shed at the side of the stockade. one young fellow tried to get a place not his own in the shade, and our officer when he came back explained that he was a guerrillero, and rather unruly. we heard that eight of the prisoners were in irons, by sentence of their own officers, for misconduct, but all save this guerrillero here were docile and obedient enough, and seemed only too glad to get peacefully at their bread and coffee. first among them came the men of the cristobal colon, and these were the best looking of all the captives. from their pretty fair average the others varied to worse and worse, till a very scrub lot, said to be ex-convicts, brought up the rear. they were nearly all little fellows, and very dark, though here and there a six-footer towered up, or a blond showed among them. they were joking and laughing together, harmlessly enough, but i must own that they looked a crew of rather sorry jail-birds; though whether any run of humanity clad in misfits of our navy blue and white, and other chance garments, with close-shaven heads, and sometimes bare feet, would have looked much less like jail-birds i am not sure. still, they were not prepossessing, and though some of them were pathetically young, they had none of the charm of boyhood. no doubt they did not do themselves justice, and to be herded there like cattle did not improve their chances of making a favorable impression on the observer. they were kindly used by our officer and his subordinates, who mixed among them, and straightened out the confusion they got into at times, and perhaps sometimes wilfully. their guards employed a few handy words of spanish with them; where these did not avail, they took them by the arm and directed them; but i did not hear a harsh tone, and i saw no violence, or even so much indignity offered them as the ordinary trolley- car passenger is subjected to in broadway. at a certain bugle-call they dispersed, when they had finished their bread and coffee, and scattered about over the grass, or returned to their barracks. we were told that these children of the sun dreaded its heat, and kept out of it whenever they could, even in its decline; but they seemed not so much to withdraw and hide themselves from that, as to vanish into the history of "old, unhappy, far-off" times, where prisoners of war, properly belong. i roused myself with a start as if i had lost them in the past. our officer came towards us and said gayly, "well, you have seen the animals fed," and let us take our grateful leave. i think we were rather a loss, in our going, to the marines, who seemed glad of a chance to talk. i am sure we were a loss to the man on guard at the inner gate, who walked his beat with reluctance when it took him from us, and eagerly when it brought him back. then he delayed for a rapid and comprehensive exchange of opinions and ideas, successfully blending military subordination with american equality in his manner. the whole thing was very american in the perfect decorum and the utter absence of ceremony. those good fellows were in the clothes they wore through the fights at santiago, and they could not have put on much splendor if they had wished, but apparently they did not wish. they were simple, straightforward, and adequate. there was some dry joking about the superiority of the prisoners' rations and lodgings, and our officer ironically professed his intention of messing with the spanish officers. but there was no grudge, and not a shadow of ill will, or of that stupid and atrocious hate towards the public enemy which abominable newspapers and politicians had tried to breed in the popular mind. there was nothing manifest but a sort of cheerful purpose to live up to that military ideal of duty which is so much nobler than the civil ideal of self-interest. perhaps duty will yet become the civil ideal, when the peoples shall have learned to live for the common good, and are united for the operation of the industries as they now are for the hostilities. iv. shall i say that a sense of something domestic, something homelike, imparted itself from what i had seen? or was this more properly an effect from our visit, on the way back to the hospital, where a hundred and fifty of the prisoners lay sick of wounds and fevers? i cannot say that a humaner spirit prevailed here than in the camp; it was only a more positive humanity which was at work. most of the sufferers were stretched on the clean cots of two long, airy, wooden shells, which received them, four days after the orders for their reception had come, with every equipment for their comfort. at five o'clock, when we passed down the aisles between their beds, many of them had a gay, nonchalant effect of having toothpicks or cigarettes in their mouths; but it was really the thermometers with which the nurses were taking their temperature. it suggested a possibility to me, however, and i asked if they were allowed to smoke, and being answered that they did smoke, anyway, whenever they could, i got rid at last of those boxes of cigarettes which had been burning my pockets, as it were, all afternoon. i gave them to such as i was told were the most deserving among the sick captives, but heaven knows i would as willingly have given them to the least. they took my largesse gravely, as became spaniards; one said, smiling sadly, "muchas gracias," but the others merely smiled sadly; and i looked in vain for the response which would have twinkled up in the faces of even moribund italians at our looks of pity. italians would have met our sympathy halfway; but these poor fellows were of another tradition, and in fact not all the latin peoples are the same, though we sometimes conveniently group them together for our detestation. perhaps there are even personal distinctions among their several nationalities, and there are some spaniards who are as true and kind as some americans. when we remember cortez let us not forget las casas. they lay in their beds there, these little spanish men, whose dark faces their sickness could not blanch to more than a sickly sallow, and as they turned their dull black eyes upon us i must own that i could not "support the government" so fiercely as i might have done elsewhere. but the truth is, i was demoralized by the looks of these poor little men, who, in spite of their character of public enemies, did look so much like somebody's brothers, and even somebody's children. i may have been infected by the air of compassion, of scientific compassion, which prevailed in the place. there it was as wholly business to be kind and to cure as in another branch of the service it was business to be cruel and to kill. how droll these things are! the surgeons had their favorites among the patients, to all of whom they were equally devoted; inarticulate friendships had sprung up between them and certain of their hapless foes, whom they spoke of as "a sort of pets." one of these was very useful in making the mutinous take their medicine; another was liked apparently because he was so likable. at a certain cot the chief surgeon stopped and said, "we did not expect this boy to live through the night." he took the boy's wrist between his thumb and finger, and asked tenderly as he leaned over him, "poco mejor?" the boy could not speak to say that he was a little better; he tried to smile--such things do move the witness; nor does the sight of a man whose bandaged cheek has been half chopped away by a machete tend to restore one's composure. [illustration: william mckinley.] history of negro soldiers in the spanish-american war, and other items of interest. by edward a. johnson, author of the famous school history of the negro race in america. by edward a. johnson, raleigh, n.c. contents. (see last page for index to illustrations.) chapter i the cause of the war with spain--the virginius affair--general fitzhugh lee--belligerent rights to insurgents--much money and time spent by united states--spain tries to appease public sentiment--weyler "the butcher"--resolutions by congress favoring insurgents--insurgents gain by--general antonio maceo--the spirit of insurgents at maceo's death--jose maceo--weyler's policy--miss cisneros' rescue--appeal for her--spain and havana stirred by american sentiment--battle ship maine--official investigation of destruction of--responsibility for--congress appropriates $ , , for national defence--president's message--congress declares war--resolution signed by president--copy of resolution sent minister woodford--fatal step for spain--american navy. chapter ii beginning of hostilities--colored hero in the navy. chapter iii sergeant major pullen of twenty-fifth infantry describes the conduct of negro soldiers around el caney--its station before the spanish american war and trip to tampa, florida--the part it took in the fight at el caney--buffalo troopers, the name by which negro soldiers are known--the charge of the "nigger ninth" on san juan hill. chapter iv colonel theodore b. roosevelt on the colored soldiers--colonel roosevelt's error--jacob a. riis compliments negro soldiers-general nelson a. miles compliments negro soldiers--cleveland moffitt compliments the negro soldiers--president mckinley promotes negro soldiers--general thomas j. morgan on negro officers. chapter v many testimonials in behalf of negro soldiers--a southerner's statement--reconciliation--charleston news and courier--good marksmanship at el caney--their splendid courage; fought like tigers-- never wavered--what army officers say--acme of bravery-around santiago--saved the life of his lieutenant, but lost his own--"black soldier boys," new york mail and express--they never faltered--the negro soldier; his good-heartedness--mrs. porter's ride--investment of santiago and surrender--killed and wounded. chapter vi no color line in cuba--a graphic description--american prejudice cannot exist there--a catholic priest vouches for it--colored belles--war began--facts about porto rico. chapter vii list of colored regiments that did active service in the spanish american war--a list of the volunteer regiments--full account of the troubles of the sixth virginia--comments on the third north carolina regiment. chapter viii general items of interest to the race--miss alberta scott--discovery of the games family--colored wonder on the bicycle--negro millionaire found at last--uncle sam's money sealer--paul lawrence dunbar, the negro poet--disfranchisement of colored voters. chapter ix some facts about the filipinos--who aguinaldo is--facts from felipe agoncillo's article. chapter x resume--why the american government does not protect its colored citizens-states rights--mobocracy supreme--the solution of the negro problem is mainly in the race's own hands--the south a good place for the negro, provided he can be protected. chapter i. the cause of the war with spain. many causes led up to the spanish-american war. cuba had been in a state of turmoil for a long time, and the continual reports of outrages on the people of the island by spain greatly aroused the americans. the "ten years war" had terminated, leaving the island much embarrassed in its material interests, and woefully scandalized by the methods of procedure adopted by spain and principally carried out by generals campos and weyler, the latter of whom was called the "butcher" on account of his alleged cruelty in attempting to suppress the former insurrection. there was no doubt much to complain of under his administration, for which the general himself was not personally responsible. he boasted that he only had three individuals put to death, and that in each of these cases he was highly justified by martial law. finally the attention of the united states was forcibly attracted to cuba by the virginius affair, which consisted in the wanton murder of fifty american sailors--officers and crew of the virginius, which was captured by the spanish off santiago bay, bearing arms and ammunition to the insurgents--captain fry, a west point graduate, in command. spain would, no doubt, have received a genuine american thrashing on this occasion had she not been a republic at that time, and president grant and others thought it unwise to crush out her republican principles, which then seemed just budding into existence. the horrors of this incident, however, were not out of the minds of the american people when the new insurrection of broke out. at once, as if by an electric flash, the sympathy of the american people was enlisted with the insurgents who were (as the americans believed) fighting spain for their _liberty_. public opinion was on the insurgents' side and against spain from the beginning. this feeling of sympathy for the fighting cubans knew no north nor south; and strange as it may seem the southerner who quails before the mob spirit that disfranchises, ostracises and lynches an american negro who seeks his liberty at home, became a loud champion of the insurgent cause in cuba, which was, in fact, the cause of cuban negroes and mulattoes. general fitzhugh lee, of virginia, possibly the most noted southerner of the day, was sent by president cleveland to havana as consul general, and seemed proud of the honor of representing his government there, judging from his reports of the insurgents, which were favorable. general lee was retained at his post by president mckinley until it became necessary to recall him, thus having the high honor paid him of not being changed by the new mckinley administration, which differed from him in politics; and as evidence of general fitzhugh lee's sympathy with the cubans it may be cited that he sent word to the spanish commander (blanco) on leaving havana that he would return to the island again and when he came he "would bring the stars and stripes in front of him." belligerent rights to the insurgents or neutrality became the topic of discussion during the close of president cleveland's administration. the president took the ground that the insurgents though deserving of proper sympathy, and such aid for humanity's sake as could be given them, yet they had not established on any part of the island such a form of government as could be recognized at washington, and accorded belligerent rights or rights of a nation at war with another nation; that the laws of neutrality should be strictly enforced, and america should keep "hands off" and let spain and the insurgents settle their own differences. [illustration: general fitzhugh lee.] much money and time was expended by the united states government in maintaining this neutral position. fillibustering expeditions were constantly being fitted up in america with arms and ammunition for the cuban patriots. as a neutral power it became the duty of the american government to suppress fillibustering, but it was both an unpleasant and an expensive duty, and one in which the people had little or no sympathy. spain tries to appease public sentiment in america by recalling marshal campos, who was considered unequal to the task of defeating the insurgents, because of reputed inaction. the flower of the spanish army was poured into cuba by the tens of thousands--estimated, all told, at three hundred thousand when the crisis between america and spain was reached. weyler the "butcher," was put in command and inaugurated the policy of establishing military zones inside of the spanish lines, into which the unarmed farmers, merchants, women and children were driven, penniless; and being without any visible means of subsistence were left to perish from hunger and disease. (the condition of these people greatly excited american sympathy with the insurgents.) general weyler hoped thus to weaken the insurgents who received considerable of supplies from this class of the population, either by consent or force. weyler's policy in reference to the reconcentrados (as these non-combatant people were called) rather increased than lessened the grievance as was natural to suppose, in view of the misery and suffering it entailed on a class of people who most of all were not the appropriate subjects for his persecution, and sentiment became so strong in the united states against this policy (especially in view of the fact that general weyler had promised to end the "insurrection" in three months after he took command) that in february, , the united states congress took up the discussion of the matter. several senators and congressmen returned from visits to the island pending this discussion, in which they took an active and effective part, depicting a most shocking and revolting situation in cuba, for which spain was considered responsible; and on april th following this joint resolution was adopted by congress: "_be it resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america_, that in the opinion of congress a public war exists between the government of spain and the government proclaimed and for some time maintained by force of arms by the people of cuba; and that the united states of america should maintain a strict neutrality between the contending powers, according to each all the rights of belligerents in the ports and territory of the united states." "_resolved further_, that the friendly offices of the united states should be offered by the president to the spanish government for the recognition of the independence of cuba." the insurgents gained by this resolution an important point. it dignified their so-called insurrection into an organized army, with a government at its back which was so recognized and treated with. they could buy and sell in american ports. [illustration: general antonio maceo.] general antonio maceo about this time was doing great havoc along the spanish lines. he darted from place to place, back and forth across the supposed impassable line of spanish fortifications stretching north and south across the island some distance from havana, and known as the _trocha_. thousands of spaniards fell as the result of his daring and finesse in military execution. his deeds became known in america, and though a man of negro descent, with dark skin and crisp hair, his fame was heralded far and wide in the american newspapers. at a public gathering in new york, where his picture was exhibited, the audience went wild with applause--the waving of handkerchiefs and the wild hurrahs were long and continued. the career of this hero was suddenly terminated by death, due to the treachery of his physician zertucha, who, under the guise of a proposed treaty of peace, induced him to meet a company of spanish officers, at which meeting, according to a pre-arranged plot, a mob of spanish infantry rushed in on general maceo and shot him down unarmed. it is said that his friends recovered his body and buried it in a secret place unknown to the spaniards, who were anxious to obtain it for exhibition as a trophy of war in havana. maceo was equal to toussaint l'overture of san domingo. his public life was consecrated to liberty; he knew no vice nor mean action; he would not permit any around him. when he landed in cuba from porto rico he was told there were no arms. he replied, "i will get them with my machete," and he left five thousand to the cubans, conquered by his arm. every time the spanish attacked him they were beaten and left thousands of arms and much ammunition in his possession. he was born in santiago de cuba july , . the spirit of the insurgents did not break with general maceo's death. others rose up to fill his place, the women even taking arms in the defence of home and liberty. "at first no one believed, who had not seen them, that there were women in the cuban army; but there is no doubt about it. they are not all miscalled amazons, for they are warlike women and do not shun fighting. the difficulty in employing them being that they are insanely brave. when they ride into battle they become exalted and are dangerous creatures. those who first joined the forces on the field were the wives of men belonging in the army, and their purpose was rather to be protected than to become heroines and avengers. it shows the state of the island, that the women found the army the safest place for them. with the men saved from the plantations and the murderous bandits infesting the roads and committing every lamentable outrage upon the helpless, some of the high spirited cuban women followed their husbands, and the example has been followed, and some, instead of consenting to be protected, have taken up the fashion of fighting."--_murat halsted_. jose maceo, brother of antonio, was also a troublesome character to the spaniards, who were constantly being set upon by him and his men. weyler's policy and the brave struggle of the people both appealed very strongly for american sympathy with the insurgent cause. the american people were indignant at weyler and were inspired by the conduct of the insurgents. public sentiment grew stronger with every fresh report of an insurgent victory, or a weyler persecution. miss evangelina cosio y cisnero's rescue helped to arouse sentiment. this young and beautiful girl of aristocratic cuban parentage alleged that a spanish officer had, on the occasion of a _raid_ made on her home, in which her father was captured and imprisoned as a cuban sympathizer, proposed her release on certain illicit conditions, and on her refusal she was incarcerated with her aged father in the renowned but filthy and dreaded morro castle at havana. [illustration: miss evangelina cosio y cisneros.] _appeal after appeal_ by large numbers of the most prominent women in america was made to general weyler, and even to the queen regent of spain, for her release, but without avail, when finally the news was flashed to america that she had escaped. this proved to be true--her release being effected by carl decker, a reporter on the new york journal--a most daring fete. miss cisneros was brought to america and became the greatest sensation of the day. her beauty, her affection for her aged father, her innocence, and the thrilling events of her rescue, made her the public idol, and gave _cuba libre_ a new impetus in american sympathy. spain and havana felt the touch of these ever spreading waves of public sentiment, and began to resent them. at havana public demonstrations were made against america. the life of consul general lee was threatened. the spanish minister at washington, señor de lome, was exposed for having written to a friend a most insulting letter, describing president mckinley as a low politician and a weakling. for this he was recalled by spain at the request of the american government. protection to american citizens and property in havana became necessary, and accordingly the battle ship maine was sent there for this purpose, the united states government disclaiming any other motives save those of protection to americans and their interests. the maine was, to all outward appearances, friendly received by the spaniards at havana by the usual salutes and courtesies of the navy, and was anchored at a point in the bay near a certain buoy _designated_ by the spanish commander. this was on january , , and on february th this noble vessel was blown to pieces, and of its crew perished--two colored men being in the number. this event added fuel to the already burning fire of american feeling against spain. public sentiment urged an immediate declaration of war. president mckinley counseled moderation. captain siggsbee, who survived the wreck of the maine, published an open address in which he advised that adverse criticism be delayed until an official investigation could be made of the affair. the official investigation was had by a court of inquiry, composed of captain w.t. sampson of the iowa, captain f.c. chadwick of the new york, lieutenant-commander w.p. potter of the new york, and lieutenant-commander adolph marix of the vermont, appointed by the president. divers were employed; many witnesses were examined, and the court, by a unanimous decision, rendered march , , after a four weeks session, reported as follows: "that the loss of the maine was not in any respect due to the fault or negligence on the part of any of the officers or members of her crew; that the ship was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine which caused the partial explosion of two or more of her forward magazines; and that no evidence has been obtainable fixing the responsibility for the destruction of the maine upon any person or persons." responsibility in this report is not fixed on any "person or persons." it reads something like the usual verdict of a coroner's jury after investigating the death of some colored man who has been lynched,--"he came to his death by the hands of parties unknown." this report on the maine's destruction, _unlike_ the usual coroner's jury verdict, however, in one respect, was not accepted by the people who claimed that spain was responsible, either directly or indirectly, for the explosion, and the public still clamored for war to avenge the outrage. [illustration: u.s.s. maine] congress also catches the war fever and appropriated $ , , "for the national defence" by a unanimous vote of both houses. the war and navy departments became very active; agents were sent abroad to buy war ships, but the president still hesitated to state his position until he had succeeded in getting the american consuls out of cuba who were in danger from the spaniards there. consul hyatt embarked from santiago april , and consul general lee, who was delayed in getting off american refugees, left on april , and on that day the president sent his message to congress. he pictured the deplorable condition of the people of cuba, due to general weyler's policy; he recommended that the insurgent government be not recognized, as such recognition might involve this government in "embarrassing international complications," but referred the whole subject to congress for action. congress declares war on april by a joint resolution of the foreign affairs committee of both houses, which was adopted, after a conference of the two committees, april , in the following form: whereas, the abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than three years in the island of cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked the moral sense of the people of the united states, have been a disgrace to christian civilization, culminating as they have in the destruction of a united states battle ship, with of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbor of havana, and cannot longer be endured, as has been set forth by the president of the united states in his message to congress of april , , upon which the action of congress was invited: therefore, _resolved_, by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled-- first, that the people of the island of cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent. second, that it is the duty of the united states to demand, and the government of the united states does hereby demand, that the government of spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba, and withdraw its land and naval forces from cuba and cuban waters. third, that the president of the united states be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the united states, and to call into the actual service of the united states the militia of the several states to such extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. fourth, that the united states hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that is completed to leave the government and control of the island to its people. the president signed this resolution at : a.m. on the th of april, . the spanish minister, señor luis polo y bernarbe, was served with a copy, upon which he asked for his passports, and "immediately left washington." "this is a picture of edward savoy, who accomplished one of the most signal diplomatic triumphs in connection with recent relations with spain. it was he who outwitted the whole spanish legation and delivered the ultimatum to minister polo." "edward savoy has been a messenger in the department of state for nearly thirty years. he was appointed by hamilton fish in , and held in high esteem by james g. blaine." "he was a short, squat, colored man, with a highly intelligent face, hair slightly tinged with gray and an air of alertness which makes him stand out in sharp contrast with the other messengers whom one meets in the halls of the big building." [illustration: eddie savoy.] "of all the men under whom 'eddie,' as he is universally called, has served he has become most attached to judge day, whom he says is the finest man he ever saw." "minister polo was determined not to receive the ultimatum. he was confident he would receive a private tip from the white house, which would enable him to demand his passports before the ultimatum was served upon him. then he could refuse to receive it, saying that he was no longer minister. it will be remembered that spain handed minister woodford his passports before the american representative could present the ultimatum to the spanish government." "judge day's training as a country lawyer stood him in good stead. he had learned the value of being the first to get in an attachment." "the ultimatum was placed in a large, square envelope, that might have contained an invitation to dinner. it was natural that it should be given to 'eddie' savoy. he had gained the sobriquet of the nation's 'bouncer,' from the fact that he had handed lord sackville-west and minister de lome their passports." "it was : o'clock on wednesday morning when 'eddie' savoy pushed the electric button at the front door of the spanish legation, in massachusetts avenue. the old spanish soldier who acted as doorkeeper responded." "'have something here for the minister,' said eddie." "the porter looked at him suspiciously, but he permitted the messenger to pass into the vestibule, which is perhaps six feet square. beyond the vestibule is a passage that leads to the large central hall. the minister stood in the hall. in one hand he held an envelope. it was addressed to the secretary of state. it contained a request for the passports of the minister and his suite. señor polo had personally brought the document from the chancellory above." "when the porter presented the letter just brought by the department of state's messenger, señor polo grasped it in his quick, nervous way. he opened the envelope and realized instantly that he had been outwitted. a cynical smile passed over the minister's face as he handed his request for passports to 'eddie,' who bowed and smiled on the minister." "señor polo stepped back into the hall and started to read the ultimatum carefully. but he stopped and turned his head toward the door." "'this is indeed jeffersonian simplicity,' he said." "'eddie' savoy felt very badly over the incident, because he had learned to like minister polo personally." "'he was so pleasant that i felt like asking him to stay a little longer,' said 'eddie,' 'but i didn't, for that wouldn't have been diplomatic. when you have been in this department twenty-five or thirty years you learn never to say what you want to say and never to speak unless you think twice.'" "wherefore it will be seen that 'eddie' savoy has mastered the first principles of diplomacy."--_n.y. world._ a copy of the resolution by congress was also cabled to minister woodford, at madrid, to be officially transmitted to the spanish government, fixing the d as the limit for its reply, but the spanish minister of foreign affairs had already learned of the action of congress, and did not permit minister woodford to ask for his passports, but sent them to him on the evening of the st, and this was the formal beginning of the war. [illustration: jose maceo.] a fatal step was this for spain, who evidently, as her newspapers declared, did not think the "american pigs" would fight. she was unaware of the temper of the people, who seemed to those who knew the facts, actually thirsting for spanish blood--a feeling due more or less to thirty years of peace, in which the nation had become restless, and to the fact also that america had some new boats, fine specimens of workmanship, which had been at target practice for a long time and now yearned for the reality, like the boy who has a gun and wants to try it on the real game. the proof of the superiority of american gunnery was demonstrated in every naval battle. the accurate aim of dewey's gunners at manilla, and sampson and schley's at santiago, was nothing less than wonderful. no less wonderful, however, was the accuracy of the americans than the inaccuracy of the spaniards, who seemed almost unable to hit anything. while accrediting the american navy with its full share of praise for its wonderful accomplishments, let us remember that there is scarcely a boat in the navy flying the american flag but what has a number of colored sailors on it, who, along with others, help to make up its greatness and superiority. chapter ii. the beginning of hostilities. a colored hero in the navy. history records the negro as the first man to fall in three wars of america--crispus attacks in the boston massacre, march , ; an unknown negro in baltimore when the federal troops were mobbed in that city _en route_ to the front, and elijah b. tunnell, of accomac county, virginia, who fell simultaneously with or a second before ensign bagley, of the torpedo boat _winslow_, in the harbor of cardenas may , , in the spanish-american war. elijah b. tunnell was employed as cabin cook on the _winslow_. the boat, under a severe fire from masked batteries of the spanish on shore, was disabled. the wilmington came to her rescue, the enemy meanwhile still pouring on a heavy fire. it was difficult to get the "line" fastened so that the _winslow_ could be towed off out of range of the spanish guns. realizing the danger the boat and crew were in, and anxious to be of service, tunnell left his regular work and went on deck to assist in "making fast" the two boats, and while thus engaged a shell came, which, bursting over the group of workers, killed him and three others. it has been stated in newspaper reports of this incident that it was an ill-aimed shell of one of the american boats that killed tunnell and bagley. tunnell was taken on board the wilmington with both legs blown off, and fearfully mutilated. turning to those about him he asked, "did we win in the fight boys?" the reply was, "yes." he said, "then i die happy." while others fell at the post of duty it may be said of this brave negro that he fell while doing _more_ than his duty. he might have kept out of harm's way if he had desired, but seeing the situation he rushed forward to relieve it as best he could, and died a "volunteer" in service, doing what others ought to have done. all honor to the memory of elijah b. tunnell, who, if not the first, certainly simultaneous with the first, martyr of the spanish-american war. while our white fellow-citizens justly herald the fame of ensign bagley, who was known to the author from his youth, let our colored patriots proclaim the heroism of tunnell of accomac. while not ranking as an official in the navy, yet he was brave, he was faithful and we may inscribe over his grave that "he died doing what he could for his country." war between the united states and spain began april , . actual hostilities ended august , , by the signing of the protocol by the secretary of state of the united states for the united states and m. cambon, the french ambassador at washington, acting for spain. the war lasted days. the americans were victorious in every regular engagement. in the three-days battle around santiago, the americans lost officers and men killed, and officers and , men wounded, and missing. the spanish loss as best estimated was near , officers and men killed and wounded. santiago was surrendered july , , with something over , troops. general shatter estimates in his report the american forces as numbering , with officers. chapter iii. sergeant-major pullen of the th infantry describes the conduct of the negro soldiers around el caney. the twenty-fifth u.s. infantry--its station before the spanish american war and trip to tampa, florida--the part it took in the fight at el caney. when our magnificent battleship maine was sunk in havana harbor, february , , the th u.s. infantry was scattered in western montana, doing garrison duty, with headquarters at fort missoula. this regiment had been stationed in the west since , when it came up from texas where it had been from its consolidation in , fighting indians, building roads, etc., for the pioneers of that state and new mexico. in consequence of the regiment's constant frontier service, very little was known of it outside of army circles. as a matter of course it was known that it was a colored regiment, but its praises had never been sung. strange to say, although the record of this regiment was equal to any in the service, it had always occupied remote stations, except a short period, from about may, , to about august, , when headquarters, band and a few companies were stationed at fort snelling, near st. paul, minnesota. [illustration: sergeant frank w. pullen, who was in the charge on el caney, as a member of the twenty-fifth u.s. infantry.] since the days of reconstruction, when a great part of the country (the south especially) saw the regular soldier in a low state of discipline, and when the possession of a sound physique was the only requirement necessary for the recruit to enter the service of the united states, people in general had formed an opinion that the regular soldier, generally, and the negro soldier in particular, was a most undesirable element to have in a community. therefore, the secretary of war, in ordering changes in stations of troops from time to time (as is customary to change troops from severe climates to mild ones and _vice versa_, that equal justice might be done all) had repeatedly overlooked the th infantry; or had only ordered it from minnesota to the dakotas and montana, in the same military department, and in a climate more severe for troops to serve in than any in the united states. this gallant regiment of colored soldiers served eighteen years in that climate, where, in winter, which lasts five months or more, the temperature falls as low as degrees below zero, and in summer rises to over degrees in the shade and where mosquitos rival the jersey breed. before congress had reached a conclusion as to what should be done in the maine disaster, an order had been issued at headquarters of the army directing the removal of the regiment to the department of the south, one of the then recently organized departments. at the time when the press of the country was urging a declaration of war, and when minister woodford, at madrid, was exhausting all the arts of peace, in order that the united states might get prepared for war, the men of the th infantry were sitting around red-hot stoves, in their comfortable quarters in montana, discussing the doings of congress, impatient for a move against spain. after great excitement and what we looked upon as a long delay, a telegraphic order came. not for us to leave for the department of the south, but to go to that lonely sun-parched sandy island dry tortugas. in the face of the fact that the order was for us to go to that isolated spot, where rebel prisoners were carried and turned lose during the war of the rebellion, being left there without guard, there being absolutely no means of escape, and where it would have been necessary for our safety to have kept sampson's fleet in sight, the men received the news with gladness and cheered as the order was read to them. the destination was changed to key west, florida, then to chickamauga park, georgia. it seemed that the war department did not know what to do with the soldiers at first. early sunday morning, april , , easter sunday, amidst tears of lovers and others endeared by long acquaintance and kindness, and the enthusiastic cheers of friends and well-wishers, the start was made for cuba. it is a fact worthy of note that easter services in all the churches in missoula, montana, a town of over ten thousand inhabitants, was postponed the morning of the departure of the th infantry, and the whole town turned out to bid us farewell. never before were soldiers more encouraged to go to war than we. being the first regiment to move, from the west, the papers had informed the people of our route. at every station there was a throng of people who cheered as we passed. everywhere the stars and stripes could be seen. everybody had caught the war fever. we arrived at chickamauga park about april , , being the first regiment to arrive at that place. we were a curiosity. thousands of people, both white and colored, from chattanooga, tenn., visited us daily. many of them had never seen a colored soldier. the behavior of the men was such that even the most prejudiced could find no fault. we underwent a short period of acclimation at this place, then moved on to tampa, fla., where we spent a month more of acclimation. all along the route from missoula, montana, with the exception of one or two places in georgia, we had been received most cordially. but in georgia, outside of the park, it mattered not if we were soldiers of the united states, and going to fight for the honor of our country and the freedom of an oppressed and starving people, we were "niggers," as they called us, and treated us with contempt. there was no enthusiasm nor stars and stripes in georgia. that is the kind of "united country" we saw in the south. i must pass over the events and incidents of camp life at chickamauga and tampa. up to this time our trip had seemed more like a sunday-school excursion than anything else. but when, on june th, we were ordered to divest ourselves of all clothing and equipage, except such as was necessary to campaigning in a tropical climate, for the first time the ghost of real warfare arose before us. on board the transport. the regiment went aboard the government transport, no. --concho--june , . on the same vessel were the th u.s. infantry, a battalion of the d massachusetts volunteers and brigade headquarters, aggregating about , soldiers, exclusive of the officers. this was the beginning of real hardship. the transport had either been a common freighter or a cattle ship. whatever had been its employment before being converted into a transport, i am sure of one thing, it was neither fit for man nor beast when soldiers were transported in it to cuba. the actual carrying capacity of the vessel as a transport was, in my opinion, about soldiers, exclusive of the officers, who, as a rule, surround themselves with every possible comfort, even in actual warfare. a good many times, as on this occasion, the desire and demand of the officers for comfort worked serious hardships for the enlisted men. the lower decks had been filled with bunks. alas! the very thought of those things of torture makes me shudder even now. they were arranged in rows, lengthwise the ship, of course, with aisles only two feet wide between each row. the dimensions of a man's bunk was feet long, feet wide and feet high, and they were arranged in tiers of four, with a four inch board on either side to keep one from rolling out. the government had furnished no bedding at all. our bedding consisted of one blanket as mattress and haversack for pillow. the th infantry was assigned to the bottom deck, where there was no light, except the small port holes when the gang-plank was closed. so dark was it that candles were burned all day. there was no air except what came down the canvass air shafts when they were turned to the breeze. the heat of that place was almost unendurable. still our brigade commander issued orders that no one would be allowed to sleep on the main deck. that order was the only one to my knowledge during the whole campaign that was not obeyed by the colored soldiers. it is an unreported fact that a portion of the deck upon which the th infantry took passage to cuba was flooded with water during the entire journey. before leaving port tampa the chief surgeon of the expedition came aboard and made an inspection, the result of which was the taking off of the ship the volunteer battalion, leaving still on board about a thousand men. another noteworthy fact is that for seven days the boat was tied to the wharf at port tampa, and we were not allowed to go ashore, unless an officer would take a whole company off to bathe and exercise. this was done, too, in plain sight of other vessels, the commander of which gave their men the privilege of going ashore at will for any purpose whatever. it is very easy to imagine the hardship that was imposed upon us by withholding the privilege of going ashore, when it is understood that there were no seats on the vessel for a poor soldier. on the main deck there were a large number of seats, but they were all reserved for the officers. a sentinel was posted on either side of the ship near the middle hatch-way, and no soldier was allowed to go abaft for any purpose, except to report to his superior officer or on some other official duty. finally the th of june came. while bells were ringing, whistles blowing and bands playing cheering strains of music the transports formed "in fleet in column of twos," and under convoy of some of the best war craft of our navy, and while the thousands on shore waved us godspeed, moved slowly down the bay on its mission to avenge the death of the heroes of our gallant maine and to free suffering cuba. the transports were scarcely out of sight of land when an order was issued by our brigade commander directing that the two regiments on board should not intermingle, and actually drawing the "color line" by assigning the white regiment to the port and the th infantry to the starboard side of the vessel. the men of the two regiments were on the best of terms, both having served together during mining troubles in montana. still greater was the surprise of everyone when another order was issued from the same source directing that the white regiment should make coffee first, all the time, and detailing a guard to see that the order was carried out. all of these things were done seemingly to humiliate us and without a word of protest from our officers. we suffered without complaint. god only knows how it was we lived through those fourteen days on that miserable vessel. we lived through those days and were fortunate enough not to have a burial at sea. operations against santiago. we landed in cuba june , . our past hardships were soon forgotten. it was enough to stir the heart of any lover of liberty to witness that portion of gomez's ragged army, under command of general castillo, lined up to welcome us to their beautiful island, and to guide and guard our way to the spanish strongholds. to call it a ragged army is by no means a misnomer. the greater portion of those poor fellows were both coatless and shoeless, many of them being almost nude. they were by no means careful about their uniform. the thing every one seemed careful about was his munitions of war, for each man had his gun, ammunition and machete. be it remembered that this portion of the cuban army was almost entirely composed of black cubans. after landing we halted long enough to ascertain that all the men of the regiment were "present or accounted for," then marched into the jungle of cuba, following an old unused trail. general shafter's orders were to push forward without delay. and the th infantry has the honor of leading the march from the landing at baiquiri or daiquiri (both names being used in official reports) the first day the army of invasion entered the island. i do not believe any newspaper has ever published this fact. there was no time to be lost, and the advance of the american army of invasion in the direction of santiago, the objective point, was rapid. each day, as one regiment would halt for a rest or reach a suitable camping ground, another would pass. in this manner several regiments had succeeded in passing the th infantry by the morning of june th. at that time the st volunteer cavalry (rough riders) was leading the march. the first battle. [illustration: charge on el caney--twenty-fifth infantry.] on the morning of june th the rough riders struck camp early, and was marching along the trail at a rapid gait, at "route step," in any order suitable to the size of the road. having marched several miles through a well-wooded country, they came to an opening near where the road forked. they turned into the left fork; at that moment, without the least warning, the cubans leading the march having passed on unmolested, a volley from the spanish behind a stone fort on top of the hill on both sides of the road was fired into their ranks. they were at first disconcerted, but rallied at once and began firing in the direction from whence came the volleys. they could not advance, and dared not retreat, having been caught in a sunken place in the road, with a barbed-wire fence on one side and a precipitous hill on the other. they held their ground, but could do no more. the spanish poured volley after volley into their ranks. at the moment when it looked as if the whole regiment would be swept down by the steel-jacketed bullets from the mausers, four troops of the th u.s. cavalry (colored) came up on "double time." little thought the spaniards that these "smoked yankees" were so formidable. perhaps they thought to stop those black boys by their relentless fire, but those boys knew no stop. they halted for a second, and having with them a hotchkiss gun soon knocked down the spanish improvised fort, cut the barb-wire, making an opening for the rough riders, started the charge, and, with the rough riders, routed the spaniards, causing them to retreat in disorder, leaving their dead and some wounded behind. the spaniards made a stubborn resistance. so hot was their fire directed at the men at the hotchkiss gun that a head could not be raise, and men crawled on their stomachs like snakes loading and firing. it is an admitted fact that the rough riders could not have dislodged the spanish by themselves without great loss, if at all. the names of captain a.m. capron, jr., and sergeant hamilton fish, jr., of the rough riders, who were killed in this battle, have been immortalized, while that of corporal brown, th cavalry, who manned the hotchkiss gun in this fight, without which the american loss in killed and wounded would no doubt have been counted by hundreds, and who was killed by the side of his gun, is unknown by the public. at the time the battle of the rough riders was fought the th infantry was within hearing distance of the battle and received orders to reinforce them, which they could have done in less than two hours, but our brigade commander in marching to the scene of battle took the wrong trail, seemingly on purpose, and when we arrived at the place of battle twilight was fading into darkness. the march in the direction of santiago continued, until the evening of june th found us bivouacked in the road less than two miles from el caney. at the first glimpse of day on the first day of july word was passed along the line for the companies to "fall in." no bugle call was sounded, no coffee was made, no noise allowed. we were nearing the enemy, and every effort was made to surprise him. we had been told that el caney was well fortified, and so we found it. the first warning the people had of a foe being near was the roar of our field artillery and the bursting of a shell in their midst. the battle was on. in many cases an invading army serves notice of a bombardment, but in this case it was incompatible with military strategy. non-combatants, women and children all suffered, for to have warned them so they might have escaped would also have given warning to the spanish forces of our approach. the battle opened at dawn and lasted until dark. when our troops reached the point from which they were to make the attack, the spanish lines of entrenched soldiers could not be seen. [illustration: corporal brown. (who was killed at a hotchkiss gun while shelling the spanish block-house to save the rough riders.)] the only thing indicating their position was the block-house situated on the highest point of a very steep hill. the undergrowth was so dense that one could not see, on a line, more than fifty yards ahead. the spaniards, from their advantageous position in the block-house and trenches on the hill top, had located the american forces in the bushes and opened a fusillade upon them. the americans replied with great vigor, being ordered to fire at the block-house and to the right and left of it, steadily advancing as they fired. all of the regiments engaged in the battle of el caney had not reached their positions when the battle was precipitated by the artillery firing on the block-house. the th infantry was among that number. in marching to its position some companies of the d massachusetts volunteers were met retreating; they were completely whipped, and took occasion to warn us, saying: "boys, there is no use to go up there, you cannot see a thing; they are slaughtering our men!" such news made us feel "shaky," not having, at the time, been initiated. we marched up, however, in order and were under fire for nine hours. many barbed-wire obstructions were encountered, but the men never faltered. finally, late in the afternoon, our brave lieutenant kinnison said to another officer: "we cannot take the trenches without charging them." just as he was about to give the order for the bugler to sound "the charge" he was wounded and carried to the rear. the men were then fighting like demons. without a word of command, though led by that gallant and intrepid second lieutenant j.a. moss, th infantry, some one gave a yell and the th infantry was off, alone, to the charge. the th u.s. infantry, fighting on the left, halted when those dusky heroes made the dash with a yell which would have done credit to a comanche indian. no one knows who started the charge; one thing is certain, at the time it was made excitement was running high; each man was a captain for himself and fighting accordingly. brigadier generals, colonels, lieutenant-colonels, majors, etc., were not needed at the time the th infantry made the charge on el caney, and those officers simply watched the battle from convenient points, as lieutenants and enlisted men made the charge alone. it has been reported that the th u.s. infantry made the charge, assisted by the th infantry, but it is a recorded fact that the th infantry fought the battle alone, the th infantry coming up after the firing had nearly ceased. private t.c. butler, company h, th infantry, was the first man to enter the block-house at el caney, and took possession of the spanish flag for his regiment. an officer of the th infantry came up while butler was in the house and ordered him to give up the flag, which he was compelled to do, but not until he had torn a piece off the flag to substantiate his report to his colonel of the injustice which had been done to him. thus, by using the authority given him by his shoulder-straps, this officer took for his regiment that which had been won by the hearts' blood of some of the bravest, though black, soldiers of shafter's army. the charge of el caney has been little spoken of, but it was quite as great a show of bravery as the famous taking of san juan hill. a word more in regard to the charge. it was not the glorious run from the edge of some nearby thicket to the top of a small hill, as many may imagine. this particular charge was a tough, hard climb, over sharp, rising ground, which, were a man in perfect physical strength he would climb slowly. part of the charge was made over soft, plowed ground, a part through a lot of prickly pineapple plants and barbed-wire entanglements. it was slow, hard work, under a blazing july sun and a perfect hail-storm of bullets, which, thanks to the poor marksmanship of the spaniards, "went high." it has been generally admitted, by all fair-minded writers, that the colored soldiers saved the day both at el caney and san juan hill. notwithstanding their heroic services, they were still to be subjected, in many cases, to more hardships than their white brother in arms. when the flag of truce was, in the afternoon of july d, seen, each man breathed a sigh of relief, for the strain had been very great upon us. during the next eleven days men worked like ants, digging trenches, for they had learned a lesson of fighting in the open field. the work went on night and day. the th infantry worked harder than any other regiment, for as soon as they would finish a trench they were ordered to move; in this manner they were kept moving and digging new trenches for eleven days. the trenches left were each time occupied by a white regiment. on july th it was decided to make a demonstration in front of santiago, to draw the fire of the enemy and locate his position. two companies of colored soldiers ( th infantry) were selected for this purpose, actually deployed as skirmishers and started in advance. general shafter, watching the movement from a distant hill, saw that such a movement meant to sacrifice those men, without any or much good resulting, therefore had them recalled. had the movement been completed it is probable that not a man would have escaped death or serious wounds. when the news came that general toral had decided to surrender, the th infantry was a thousand yards or more nearer the city of santiago than any regiment in the army, having entrenched themselves along the railroad leading into the city. the following enlisted men of the th infantry were commissioned for their bravery at el caney: first sergeant andrew j. smith, first sergeant macon russell, first sergeant wyatt huffman and sergeant wm. mcbryar. many more were recommended, but failed to receive commissions. it is a strange incident that all the above-named men are native north carolinians, but first sergeant huffman, who is from tennessee. the negro played a most important part in the spanish-american war. he was the first to move from the west; first at camp thomas chickamauga park, ga.; first in the jungle of cuba; among the first killed in battle; first in the block-house at el caney, and nearest to the enemy when he surrendered. frank w. pullen, jr., _ex-sergeant-major th u.s. infantry_. enfield, n.c., march , . buffalo troopers, the name by which negro soldiers are known. they comprise several of the crack regiments in our army-the indians stand in abject terror of them-their awful yells won a battle with the redskins. "it is not necessary to revert to the civil war to prove that american negroes are faithful, devoted wearers of uniforms," says a washington man, who has seen service in both the army and the navy. "there are at the present time four regiments of negro soldiers in the regular army of the united states-two outfits of cavalry and two of infantry. all four of these regiments have been under fire in important indian campaigns, and there is yet to be recorded a single instance of a man in any of the four layouts showing the white feather, and the two cavalry regiments of negroes have, on several occasions, found themselves in very serious situations. while the fact is well known out on the frontier, i don't remember ever having seen it mentioned back here that an american indian has a deadly fear of an american negro. the most utterly reckless, dare-devil savage of the copper hue stands literally in awe of a negro, and the blacker the negro the more the indian quails. i can't understand why this should be, for the indians decline to give their reasons for fearing the black men, but the fact remains that even a very bad indian will give the mildest-mannered negro imaginable all the room he wants, and to spare, as any old regular army soldier who has frontiered will tell you. the indians, i fancy, attribute uncanny and eerie qualities to the blacks." "the cavalry troop to which i belonged soldiered alongside a couple of troops of the th cavalry, a black regiment, up in the sioux country eight or nine years ago. we were performing chain guard, hemming-in duty, and it was our chief business to prevent the savages from straying from the reservation. we weren't under instructions to riddle them if they attempted to pass our guard posts, but were authorized to tickle them up to any reasonable extent, short of maiming them, with our bayonets, if any of them attempted to bluff past us. well, the men of my troop had all colors of trouble while on guard in holding the savages in. the ogalallas would hardly pay any attention to the white sentries of the chain guard, and when they wanted to pass beyond the guard limits they would invariably pick out a spot for passage that was patrolled by a white 'post-humper.' but the guards of the two black troops didn't have a single run-in with the savages. the indians made it a point to remain strictly away from the negro soldiers' guard posts. moreover, the black soldiers got ten times as much obedience from the indians loafing around the tepees and wickleups as did we of the white outfit. the indians would fairly jump to obey the uniformed negroes. i remember seeing a black sergeant make a minor chief go down to a creek to get a pail of water--an unheard of thing, for the chiefs, and even the ordinary bucks among the sioux, always make their squaws perform this sort of work. this chief was sunning himself, reclining, beside his tepee, when his squaw started with the bucket for the creek some distance away. the negro sergeant saw the move. he walked up to the lazy, grunting savage." "'look a-yeah, yo' spraddle-nosed, yalluh voodoo nigguh,' said the black sergeant--he was as black as a stovepipe--to the blinking chief, 'jes' shake yo' no-count bones an' tote dat wattuh yo'se'f. yo' ain' no bettuh to pack wattuh dan ah am, yo' heah me.'" "the heap-much indian chief didn't understand a word of what the negro sergeant said to him, but he understands pantomime all right, and when the black man in uniform grabbed the pail out of the squaw's hand and thrust it into the dirty paw of the chief the chief went after that bucket of water, and he went a-loping, too." [illustration.] "the sioux will hand down to their children's children the story of a charge that a couple of negro cavalry troops made during the pine ridge troubles. it was of the height of the fracas, and the bad indians were regularly lined up for battle. those two black troops were ordered to make the initial swoop upon them. you know the noise one black man can make when he gets right down to the business of yelling. well, these two troops of blacks started their terrific whoop in unison when they were a mile away from the waiting sioux, and they got warmed up and in better practice with every jump their horses made. i give you my solemn word that in the ears of us of the white outfit, stationed three miles away, the yelps those two negro troops of cavalry gave sounded like the carnival whooping of ten thousand devils. the sioux weren't scared a little bit by the approaching clouds of alkali dust, but, all the same, when the two black troops were more than a quarter of a mile away the indians broke and ran as if the old boy himself were after them, and it was then an easy matter to round them up and disarm them. the chiefs afterward confessed that they were scared out by the awful howling of the black soldiers." "ever since the war the united states navy has had a fair representation of negro bluejackets, and they make first-class naval tars. there is not a ship in the navy to-day that hasn't from six to a dozen, anyhow, of negroes on its muster rolls. the negro sailors' names very rarely get enrolled on the bad conduct lists. they are obedient, sober men and good seamen. there are many petty officers among them."--_the planet._ the charge of the "nigger ninth" on san juan hill. by george e. powell hark! o'er the drowsy trooper's dream, there comes a martial metal's scream, that startles one and all! it is the word, to wake, to die! to hear the foeman's fierce defy! to fling the column's battle-cry! the "boots and saddles" call. the shimmering steel, the glow or morn, the rally-call of battle-horn, proclaim a day of carnage, born for better or for ill. above the pictured tentage white, above the weapons glinting bright, the day god casts a golden light across the san juan hill. "forward!" "forward!" comes the cry, as stalwart columns, ambling by, stride over graves that, waiting, lie undug in mother earth! their goal, the flag of fierce castile above her serried ranks of steel, insensate to the cannon's peal that gives the battle birth! as brawn as black--a fearless foe; grave, grim and grand, they onward go, to conquer or to die! the rule of right; the march of might; a dusky host from darker night, responsive to the morning light, to work the martial will! and o'er the trench and trembling earth, the morn that gives the battle birth is on the san juan hill! hark! sounds again the bugle call! let ring the rifles over all, to shriek above the battle-pall the war-god's jubilee! their's, were bondmen, low, and long; their's, once weak against the strong; their's, to strike and stay the wrong, that strangers might be free! and on, and on, for weal or woe, the tawny faces grimmer go, that bade no mercy to a foe that pitties but to kill. "close up!" "close up!" is heard, and said, and yet the rain of steel and lead still leaves a livid trail of red upon the san juan hill! "charge!" "charge!" the bugle peals again; 'tis life or death for roosevelt's men!-- the mausers make reply! aye! speechless are those swarthy sons, save for the clamor of the guns-- their only battle-cry! the lowly stain upon each face, the taunt still fresh of prouder race, but speeds the step that springs a pace, to succor or to die! with rifles hot--to waist-band nude; the brawn beside the pampered dude; the cowboy king--one grave--and rude-- to shelter him who falls! one breast--and bare,--howe'er begot, the low, the high--one common lot: the world's distinction all forgot when freedom's bugle calls! no faltering step, no fitful start; none seeking less than all his part; one watchward springing from each heart,-- yet on, and onward still! the sullen sound of tramp and tread; abe lincoln's flag still overhead; they followed where the angels led the way, up san juan hill! and where the life stream ebbs and flows, and stains the track of trenchant blows that met no meaner steel, the bated breath--the battle yell-- the turf in slippery crimson, tell where castile's proudest colors fell with wounds that never heal! where every trooper found a wreath of glory for his sabre sheath; and earned the laurels well; with feet to field and face to foe, in lines of battle lying low, the sable soldiers fell! and where the black and brawny breast gave up its all--life's richest, best, to find the tomb's eternal rest a dream of freedom still! a groundless creed was swept away, with brand of "coward "--a time-worn say-- and he blazed the path a better way up the side of san juan hill! for black or white, on the scroll of fame, the blood of the hero dyes the same; and ever, ever will! sleep, trooper, sleep; thy sable brow, amid the living laurel now, is wound in wreaths of fame! nor need the graven granite stone, to tell of garlands all thine own-- to hold a soldier's name! [in the city of new orleans, in , two thousand two hundred and sixty-six ex-slaves were recruited for the service. none but the largest and blackest negroes were accepted. from these were formed the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth infantry, and the ninth and tenth cavalry. all four are famous fighting regiments, yet the two cavalry commands have earned the proudest distinction. while the record of the ninth cavalry, better known as the "nigger ninth," in its thirty-two years of service in the indian wars, in the military history of the border, stands without a peer; and is, without exception, the most famous fighting regiment in the united states service.]--author. [illustration: colonel theodore b. roosevelt.] chapter iv. colonel theodore b. roosevelt, now governor of new york, who led the rough riders, tells of the bravery of negro soldiers. when colonel theodore roosevelt returned from the command of the famous rough riders, he delivered a farewell address to his men, in which he made the following kind reference to the gallant negro soldiers: "now, i want to say just a word more to some of the men i see standing around not of your number. i refer to the colored regiments, who occupied the right and left flanks of us at guásimas, the ninth and tenth cavalry regiments. the spaniards called them 'smoked yankees,' but we found them to be an excellent breed of yankees. i am sure that i speak the sentiments of officers and men in the assemblage when i say that between you and the other cavalry regiments there exists a tie which we trust will never be broken."--_colored american_. * * * * * the foregoing compliments to the negro soldiers by colonel roosevelt started up an avalanche of additional praise for them, out of which the fact came, that but for the ninth and tenth cavalry (colored) coming up at las guásimas, destroying the spanish block house and driving the spaniards off, when roosevelt and his men had been caught in a trap, with a barbed-wire fence on one side and a precipice on the other, not only the brave capron and fish, but the whole of his command would have been annihilated by the spanish sharp-shooters, who were firing with smokeless powder under cover, and picking off the rough riders one by one, who could not see the spaniards. to break the force of this unfavorable comment on the rough riders, it is claimed that colonel roosevelt made the following criticism of the colored soldiers in general and of a few of them in particular, in an article written by him for the april scribner; and a letter replying to the colonel's strictures, follows by sergeant holliday, who was an "eye-witness" to the incident: colonel roosevelt's criticism was, in substance, that colored soldiers were of no avail without white officers; that when the white commissioned officers are killed or disabled, colored non-commissioned officers could not be depended upon to keep up a charge already begun; that about a score of colored infantrymen, who had drifted into his command, weakened on the hill at san juan under the galling spanish fire, and started to the rear, stating that they intended finding their regiments, or to assist the wounded; whereupon he drew his revolver and ordered them to return to ranks and there remain, and that he would shoot the first man who didn't obey him; and that after that he had no further trouble. colonel roosevelt is sufficiently answered in the following letter of sergeant holliday, and the point especially made by many eye-witnesses (white) who were engaged in that fight is, as related in chapter v, of this book, that the negro troops made the charges both at san juan and el caney after nearly all their officers had been killed or wounded. upon what facts, therefore, does colonel roosevelt base his conclusions that negro soldiers will not fight without commissioned officers, when the only real test of this question happened around santiago and showed just the contrary of what he states? we prefer to take the results at el caney and san juan as against colonel roosevelt's imagination. colonel roosevelt's error. true story of the incident he magnified to our hurt--the white officers' humbug skinned of its hide by sergeant holliday--unwritten history. _to the editor of the new york age_: having read in _the age_ of april an editorial entitled "our troops in cuba," which brings to my notice for the first time a statement made by colonel roosevelt, which, though in some parts true, if read by those who do not know the exact facts and circumstances surrounding the case, will certainly give rise to the wrong impression of colored men as soldiers, and hurt them for many a day to come, and as i was an eye-witness to the most important incidents mentioned in that statement, i deem it a duty i owe, not only to the fathers, mothers, sisters and brothers of those soldiers, and to the soldiers themselves, but to their posterity and the race in general, to be always ready to make an unprejudiced refutation of such charges, and to do all in my power to place the colored soldier where he properly belongs--among the bravest and most trustworthy of this land. in the beginning, i wish to say that from what i saw of colonel roosevelt in cuba, and the impression his frank countenance made upon me, i cannot believe that he made that statement maliciously. i believe the colonel thought he spoke the exact truth. but did he know, that of the four officers connected with two certain troops of the tenth cavalry one was killed and three were so seriously wounded as to cause them to be carried from the field, and the command of these two troops fell to the first sergeants, who led them triumphantly to the front? does he know that both at las guasima and san juan hill the greater part of troop b, of the tenth cavalry, was separated from its commanding officer by accidents of battle and was led to the front by its first sergeant? when we reached the enemy's works on san juan hill our organizations were very badly mixed, few company commanders having their whole companies or none of some body else's company. as it was, capt. watson, my troop commander, reached the crest of the hill with about eight or ten men of his troop, all the rest having been accidentally separated from him by the thick underbrush during the advance, and being at that time, as was subsequently shown to be the firing line under some one else pushing to the front. we kept up the forward movement, and finally halted on the heights overlooking santiago, where colonel roosevelt, with a very thin line had preceded us, and was holding the hill. here captain watson told us to remain while he went to another part of the line to look for the rest of his troop. he did not come to that part of the field again. the colonel made a slight error when he said his mixed command contained some colored infantry. all the colored troops in that command were cavalry men. his command consisted mostly of rough riders, with an aggregate of about one troop of the tenth cavalry, a few of the ninth and a few of the first regular cavalry, with a half dozen officers. every few minutes brought men from the rear, everybody seeming to be anxious to get to the firing line. for a while we kept up a desultory fire, but as we could not locate the enemy (he all the time keeping up a hot fire on our position), we became disgusted, and lay down and kept silent. private marshall was here seriously wounded while standing in plain view of the enemy, trying to point them out to his comrades. there were frequent calls for men to carry the wounded to the rear, to go for ammunition, and as night came on, to go for rations and entrenching tools. a few colored soldiers volunteered, as did some from the rough riders. it then happened that two men of the tenth were ordered to the rear by lieutenant fleming, tenth cavalry, who was then present with part of his troop, for the purpose of bringing either rations or entrenching tools, and colonel roosevelt seeing so many men going to the rear, shouted to them to come back, jumped up and drew his revolver, and told the men of the tenth that he would shoot the first man who attempted to shirk duty by going to the rear, that he had orders to hold that line and he would do so if he had to shoot every man there to do it. his own men immediately informed him that "you won't have to shoot those men, colonel. we know those boys." he was also assured by lieutenant fleming, of the tenth, that he would have no trouble keeping them there, and some of our men shouted, in which i joined, that "we will stay with you, colonel." everyone who saw the incident knew the colonel was mistaken about our men trying to shirk duty, but well knew that he could not admit of any heavy detail from his command, so no one thought ill of the matter. inasmuch as the colonel came to the line of the tenth the next day and told the men of his threat to shoot some of their members and, as he expressed it, he had seen his mistake and found them to be far different men from what he supposed. i thought he was sufficiently conscious of his error not to make a so ungrateful statement about us at a time when the nation is about to forget our past service. had the colonel desired to note the fact, he would have seen that when orders came the next day to relieve the detachment of the tenth from that part of the field, he commanded just as many colored men at that time as he commanded at any other time during the twenty-four hours we were under his command, although colored as well as white soldiers were going and coming all day, and they knew perfectly well where the tenth cavalry was posted, and that it was on a line about four hundred yards further from the enemy than colonel roosevelt's line. still when they obtained permission to go to the rear, they almost invariably came back to the same position. two men of my troop were wounded while at the rear for water and taken to the hospital and, of course, could not come back. our men always made it a rule to join the nearest command when separated from our own, and those who had been so unfortunate as to lose their way altogether were, both colored and white, straggling up from the time the line was established until far into the night, showing their determination to reach the front. in explaining the desire of our men in going back to look for their comrades, it should be stated that, from the contour of the ground, the rough riders were so much in advance of the tenth cavalry that, to reach the latter regiment from the former, one had really to go straight to the rear and then turn sharply to the right; and further, it is a well known fact, that in this country most persons of color feel out of place when they are by force compelled to mingle with white persons, especially strangers, and although we knew we were doing our duty, and would be treated well as long as we stood to the front and fought, unfortunately some of our men (and these were all recruits with less than six months' service) felt so much out of place that when the firing lulled, often showed their desire to be with their commands. none of our older men did this. we knew perfectly well that we could give as much assistance there as anywhere else, and that it was our duty to remain until relieved. and we did. white soldiers do not, as a rule, share this feeling with colored soldiers. the fact that a white man knows how well he can make a place for himself among colored people need not be discussed here. i remember an incident of a recruit of my troop, with less than two months' service, who had come up to our position during the evening of the st, having been separated from the troop during the attack on san juan hill. the next morning, before the firing began, having seen an officer of the tenth, who had been sent to colonel roosevelt with a message, returning to the regiment, he signified his intention of going back with him, saying he could thus find the regiment. i remonstrated with him without avail and was only able to keep him from going by informing him of the colonel's threat of the day before. there was no desire on the part of this soldier to shirk duty. he simply didn't know that he should not leave any part of the firing line without orders. later, while lying in reserve behind the firing line, i had to use as much persuasion to keep him from firing over the heads of his enemies as i had to keep him with us. he remained with us until he was shot in the shoulder and had to be sent to the rear. i could give many other incidents of our men's devotion to duty, of their determination to stay until the death, but what's the use? colonel roosevelt has said they shirked, and the reading public will take the colonel at his word and go on thinking they shirked. his statement was uncalled for and uncharitable, and considering the moral and physical effect the advance of the tenth cavalry had in weakening the forces opposed to the colonel's regiment, both at la guasima and san juan hill, altogether ungrateful, and has done us an immeasurable lot of harm. and further, as to lack of qualifications for command, i will say that when our soldiers, who can and will write history, sever their connections with the regular army, and thus release themselves from their voluntary status of military lockjaw, and tell what they saw, those who now preach that the negro is not fit to exercise command over troops, and will go no further than he is led by white officers, will see in print held up for public gaze, much to their chagrin, tales of those cuban battles that have never been told outside the tent and barrack room, tales that it will not be agreeable for some of them to hear. the public will then learn that not every troop or company of colored soldiers who took part in the assaults on san juan hill or el caney was led or urged forward by its white officer. it is unfortunate that we had no colored officers in that campaign, and this thing of white officers for colored troops is exasperating, and i join with _the age_ in saying our motto for the future must be: "no officers, no soldiers." presley holliday, sergeant troop b, tenth cavalry. fort ringgold, texas, april , . * * * * * jacob a. riis in _the outlook_ gives the following interesting reading concerning the colored troopers in an article entitled "roosevelt and his men": [illustration: general nelson a. miles.] "it was one of the unexpected things in this campaign that seems destined to set so many things right that out of it should come the appreciation of the colored soldier as man and brother by those even who so lately fought to keep him a chattel. it fell to the lot of general 'joe' wheeler, the old confederate warrior, to command the two regiments of colored troops, the ninth and tenth cavalry, and no one will bear readier testimony than he to the splendid record they made. of their patience under the manifold hardships of roughing it in the tropics, their helpfulness in the camp and their prowess in battle, their uncomplaining suffering when lying wounded and helpless. stories enough are told to win for them fairly the real brotherhood with their white-skinned fellows which they crave. the most touching of the many i heard was that of a negro trooper, who, struck by a bullet that cut an artery in his neck, was lying helpless, in danger of bleeding to death, when a rough rider came to his assistance. there was only one thing to be done--to stop the bleeding till a surgeon came. a tourniquet could not be applied where the wound was. the rough rider put his thumb on the artery and held it there while he waited. the fighting drifted away over the hill. he followed his comrades with longing eyes till the last was lost to sight. his place was there, but if he abandoned the wounded cavalryman it was to let him die. he dropped his gun and stayed. not until the battle was won did the surgeon come that way, but the trooper's life was saved. he told of it in the hospital with tears in his voice: 'he done that to me, he did; stayed by me an hour and a half, and me only a nigger.'" * * * * * general nelson a. miles pays a tribute to the negro soldiers. major-general nelson a. miles, commander-in-chief of the army of the united states spoke at the peace jubilee at chicago, october th, and said: "while the chivalry of the south and the yeomanry of the north vied with their devotion to the cause of their country and in their pride in its flag which floated over all, it's a glorious fact that patriotism was not confined to any one section or race for the sacrifice, bravery and fortitude. the white race was accompanied by the gallantry of the black as they swept over entrenched lines and later volunteered to succor the sick, nurse the dying and bury the dead in the hospitals and the cuban camps." "this was grandly spoken, and we feel gratified at this recognition of the valor of one of the best races of people the world has ever seen." "we are coming, boys; it's a little slow and tiresome, but we are coming."--_colored american._ at a social reunion of the medal of honor legion held a few evenings since to welcome home two of their members, general nelson a. miles, commanding the army of the united states, and colonel m. emmett urell, of the first district columbia volunteers, in the course of his remarks, general miles paid the finest possible tribute to the splendid heroism and soldierly qualities evidenced by the men of the th and th cavalry, and th and th united states infantry in the late santiago campaign, which he epitomized as "without a parallel in the history of the world." at the close of his remarks, major c.a. fleetwood, the only representative of the race present, in behalf of the race extended their heartfelt and warmest thanks for such a magnificent tribute from such a magnificent soldier and man.--_colored american_. * * * * * cleveland moffitt, in leslie's weekly, describes the heroism of a "black color bearer." "having praised our war leaders sufficiently, in some cases more than sufficiently (witness hobson), let us give honor to some of the humbler ones, who fought obscurely, but did fine things nevertheless." [illustration: sergeant berry, the first soldier who reached the block house on san juan hill and hoisted the american flag in a hail of spanish bullets.] "there was sergeant berry, for instance, of the tenth cavalry, who might have boasted his meed of kisses, too, had he been a white man. at any rate, he rescued the colors of a white regiment from unseemly trampling and bore them safely through the bullets to the top of san juan hill. now, every one knows that the standard of a troop is guarded like a man's own soul, or should be, and how it came that this third cavalry banner was lying on the ground that day is something that may never be rightly known. some white man had left it there, many white men had let it stay there, but berry, a black man, saw it fluttering in shame and paused in his running long enough to catch it up and lift it high overhead beside his own banner--for he was a color-bearer of the tenth." "then, with two flags flying above him, and two heavy staves to bear, this powerful negro (he is literally a giant in strength and stature) charged the heights, while white men and black men cheered him as they pressed behind. who shall say what temporary demoralization there may have been in this troop of the third at that critical moment, or what fresh courage may have been fired in them by that black man's act! they say berry yelled like a demon as he rushed against the spaniards, and i, for one, am willing to believe that his battle-cry brought fighting energy to his own side as well as terror to the enemy." "after the fight one of the officers of the third cavalry sought berry out and asked him to give back the trophy fairly won by him, and his to keep, according to the usages of war. and the big negro handed back the banner with a smile and light word. he had saved the colors and rallied the troop, but it didn't matter much. they could have the flag if they wanted it." "there are some hundreds of little things like this that we might as well bear in mind, we white men, the next time we start out to decry the negro!" * * * * * president mckinley recognizes the worth of negro soldiers by promotion. promotions for colored soldiers. washington, july .--six colored non-commissioned officers who rendered particularly gallant service in the actions around santiago on july st and d have been appointed second lieutenants in the two colored immune regiments recently organized under special act of congress. these men are sergeants william washington, troop f, and john c. proctor, troop i, of the th cavalry, and sergeants william mcbryar, company h; wyatt hoffman, company g; macon russell, company h, and andrew j. smith, company b, of the th infantry, commanded by colonel daggett. jacob c. smith, sergeant pendergrass, lieutenant ray, sergeant horace w. bivins, lieutenant e.l. baker, lieutenant j.h. hill, lieutenant buck.--_n.y. world._ these promotions were made into the volunteer regiments, which were mustered out after the war, thus leaving the men promoted in the same rank they were before promotion if they chose to re-enlist in the regular army. they got no permanent advancement by this act of the president, but the future may develop better things for them. * * * * * competent to be officers--the verdict of general thomas j. morgan, after a study of the negro's quality as a soldier. color line in the army--difficulty in making afro-american commissioned officers--heroism on the field sure to reap reward--morgan prefers negro troop to the whites. general thomas j. morgan belongs to that class of caucasian observers who are able to think clearly upon the negro problem in all of its phases, and who have not only the breadth of intelligence to form just and generous opinions, but who possess that rarer quality, the courage to give them out openly to the country. general morgan contributes the following article to the _new york independent_, analyzing the motives which underlie the color line in the army. [illustration: general, thomas j. morgan, ll.d., who says negroes are competent to be officers in the army.] he has had wide experience in military affairs, and his close contact with negro soldiers during the civil war entitles him to speak with authority. general morgan says: "the question of the color line has assumed an acute stage, and has called forth a good deal of feeling. the various negro papers in the country are very generally insisting that if the negro soldiers are to be enlisted, negro officers should be appointed to command them. one zealous paper is clamoring for the appointment, immediately, by the president, of a negro major-general. the readers of _the independent_ know very well that during the civil war there were enlisted in the united states army , negro soldiers under white officers, the highest position assigned to a black man being that of first sergeant, or of regimental sergeant-major. the negroes were allowed to wear chevrons, but not shoulder straps or epaulets. although four negro regiments have been incorporated in the regular army, and have rendered exceptionally effective service on the plains and elsewhere for a whole generation, there are to-day no negro officers in the service. a number of young men have been appointed as cadets at west point, but the life has not been by any means an easy one. the only caste or class with caste distinctions that exists in the republic is found in the army; army officers are, par excellence, the aristocrats; nowhere is class feeling so much cultivated as among them; nowhere is it so difficult to break down the established lines. singularly enough, though entrance to west point is made very broad, and a large number of those who go there to be educated at the expense of the government have no social position to begin with, and no claims to special merit, and yet, after having been educated at the public expense, and appointed to life positions, they seem to cherish the feeling that they are a select few, entitled to special consideration, and that they are called upon to guard their class against any insidious invasions. of course there are honorable exceptions. there are many who have been educated at west point who are broad in their sympathies, democratic in their ideas, and responsive to every appeal of philanthropy and humanity; but the spirit of west point has been opposed to the admission of negroes into the ranks of commissioned officers, and the opposition to the commissioning of black men emanating from the army will go very far toward the defeat of any project of that kind." "to make the question of the admission of negroes into the higher ranks of commissioned officers more difficult is the fact that the organization of negro troops under the call of the president for volunteers to carry on the war with spain, has been left chiefly to the governors of states. very naturally the strong public sentiment against the negro, which obtains almost universally in the south, has thus far prevented the recognition of his right to be treated precisely as the white man is treated. it would be, indeed, almost revolutionary for any southern governor to commission a negro as a colonel of a regiment, or even a captain of a company. (since this was written two negro colonels have been appointed--in the third north carolina and eighth illinois.) even where there are exceptions to this rule, they are notable exceptions. everywhere through the south negro volunteers are made to feel that they are not upon the same plane as white volunteers." "in a recent conversation with the adjutant general of the army, i was assured by him that in the organization of the ten regiments of immunes which congress has authorized, the president had decided that five of them should be composed of negroes, and that while the field and staff officers and captains are to be white, the lieutenants may be negroes. if this is done it will mark a distinct step in advance of any taken hitherto. it will recognize partially, at least, the manhood of the negro, and break down that unnatural bar of separation now existing. if a negro is a lieutenant, he will command his company in the absence of the captain. he can wear epaulets, and be entitled to all the rights and privileges 'of an officer and a gentleman;' he is no longer doomed to inferiority. in case of battle, where bullets have no respect of persons, and do not draw the line at color, it may easily happen that a regiment or battalion will do its best work in the face of the enemy under the command of a negro chief. thus far the government has been swift to recognize heroism and efficiency, whether performed by commodore dewey at manila or lieutenant hobson at santiago, and it can hardly be otherwise than that it will be ready to recognize exceptional prowess and skill when performed by a negro officer." "all, perhaps, which the negroes themselves, or their friends, have a right to ask in their behalf is, that they shall have a chance to show the stuff they are made of. the immortal lincoln gave them this chance when he admitted them to wear the blue and carry a musket; and right manfully did they justify his confidence. there was not better fighting done during the civil war than was done by some of the negro troops. with my experience, in command of , negro soldiers, i would, on the whole, prefer, i think, the command of a corps of negro troops to that of a corps of white troops. with the magnificent record of their fighting qualities on many a hard-contested field, it is not unreasonable to ask that a still further opportunity shall be extended to them in commissioning them as officers, as well as enlisting them as soldiers." "naturally and necessarily the question of fitness for official responsibility is the prime test and ought to be applied, and if negroes cannot be found of sufficient intelligence or preparation for the duties incumbent on army officers, nobody should object to the places being given to qualified white men. but so long as we draw no race line of distinction as against germans or irishmen, and institute no test of religion, politics or culture, we ought not to erect an artificial barrier of color. if the negroes are competent they should be commissioned. if they are incompetent they should not be trusted with the grave responsibilities attached to official position. i believe they are competent." [illustration: general maximo gomez, of the cuban army.] chapter v. many testimonials in behalf of the negro soldiers. a southerner's statement, that the negro cavalry saved the "rough riders." some of the officers who accompanied the wounded soldiers on the trip north give interesting accounts of the fighting around santiago. "i was standing near captain capron and hamilton fish, jr.," said a corporal to the associated press correspondent to-night, "and saw them shot down. they were with the rough riders and ran into an ambuscade, though they had been warned of the danger. if it had not been for the negro calvary the rough riders would have been exterminated. i am not a negro lover. my father fought with mosby's rangers, and i was born in the south, but the negroes saved that fight, and the day will come when general shafter will give them credit for their bravery."--_asso. press_. * * * * * reconciliation. "members of our regiment kicked somewhat when the colored troops were sent forward with them, but when they saw how the negroes fought they became reconciled to the situation and some of them now say the colored brother can have half of their blankets whenever they want them." the above is an extract from a communication to the daily afternoon journal, of beaumont, tex., written by a southern white soldier: "straws tell the way the wind blows," is a hackneyed expression, but an apt illustration of the subject in hand. it has been hinted by a portion of the negro press that when the war ended, that if there is to be the millennium of north and south, the negroes will suffer in the contraction. there is no reason to encourage this pessimistic view, since it is so disturbing in its nature, and since it is in the province of the individuals composing the race to create a future to more or less extent. the wedge has entered; it remains for the race to live up to its opportunities. the south already is making concessions. while concessions are apt to be looked upon as too patronizing, and not included in the classification of rights in common, yet in time they amount to the same. the mere statement that "the colored brother can have half of their blankets whenever they want them," while doubtless a figure of speech, yet it signifies that under this very extreme of speech an appreciable advance of the race. it does not mean that there is to be a storming of the social barriers, for even in the more favored races definite lines are drawn. sets and circles adjust such matters. but what is desired is the toleration of the negroes in those pursuits that the people engage in or enjoy in general and in common. it is all that the american negro may expect, and it is safe to say that his ambitions do not run higher, and ought not to run higher. money and birth in themselves have created some unwritten laws that are much stronger than those decreed and promulgated by governments. it would be the height of presumption to strike at these, to some extent privileged classes. it is to be hoped that the good fortunes of war will produce sanity and stability in the race, contending for abstract justice.--_freeman._ the testimony continues: private smith of the seventy-first volunteers, speaking about the impression his experience at santiago had made upon him, said: "i am a southerner by birth, and i never thought much of the colored man. but, somewhat, now i feel very differently toward them, for i met them in camp, on the battle field and that's where a man gets to know a man. i never saw such fighting as those tenth cavalry men did. they didn't seem to know what fear was, and their battle hymn was, 'there'll be a hot time in the old town to-night. that's not a thrilling hymn to hear on the concert stage, but when you are lying in a trench with the smell of powder in your nose and the crack of rifles almost deafening you and bullets tearing up the ground around you like huge hailstones beating down the dirt, and you see before you a blockhouse from which there belches fourth the machine gun, pouring a torrent of leaden missiles, while from holes in the ground you see the leveled rifles of thousands of enemies that crack out death in ever-increasing succession and then you see a body of men go up that hill as if it were in drill, so solid do they keep their formation, and those men are yelling, 'there'll be a hot time in the old town to-night,' singing as if they liked their work, why, there's an appropriateness in the tune that kind of makes your blood creep and your nerves to thrill and you want to get up and go ahead if you lose a limb in the attempt and that's what those 'niggers' did. you just heard the lieutenant say, 'men, will you follow me?' and you hear a tremendous shout answer him, 'you bet we will,' and right up through that death-dealing storm you see men charge, that is, you see them until the darned springfield rifle powder blinds you and hides them." "and there is another thing, too, that teaches a man a lesson. the action of the officers on the field is what i speak of. somehow when you watch these men with their gold braid in armories on a dance night or dress parade it strikes you that they are a little more handsome and ornamental than they are practical and useful. to tell the truth, i didn't think much of those dandy officers on parade or dancing round a ball room. i did not really think they were worth the money that was spent upon them. but i just found it was different on the battlefield, and they just knew their business and bullets were a part of the show to them." * * * * * negro soldiers. the charleston news and courier says: it is not known what proportion of the insurgent army is colored, but the indications are that the proportion of the same element in the volunteer army of occupation will be small. on the basis of population, of course one-third of the south's quota should be made up of colored, and it is to be remembered that they made good soldiers and constitute a large part of the regular army. there were nearly , of them in service in the last war. * * * * * the negro as a soldier--his good marksmanship--the fight at el caney--"woe to spanish in range." there has been hitherto among the officers of the army a certain prejudice against serving in the negro regiments. but the other day a lieutenant in the ninth infantry said enthusiastically: "do you know, i shouldn't want anything better than to have a company in a negro regiment? i am from virginia, and have always had the usual feeling about commanding colored troops. but after seeing that charge of the twenty-fourth up the san juan hill, i should like the best in the world to have a negro company. they went up that incline yelling and shouting just as i used to hear when they were hunting rabbits in virginia. the spanish bullets only made them wilder to reach the trenches." [illustration: first pay-day in cuba for the ninth and tenth cavalry.] officers of other regiments which were near the twenty-fourth on july are equally strong in their praise of the negroes. their yells were an inspiration to their white comrades and spread dismay among the spaniards. a captain in a volunteer regiment declares that the twenty-fourth did more than any other to win the day at san juan. as they charged up through the white soldiers their enthusiasm was spread, and the entire line fought the better for their cheers and their wild rush. spanish evidence to the effectiveness of the colored soldiers is not lacking. thus an officer who was with the troops that lay in wait for the americans at la quasina on june th, said: "what especially terrified our men was the huge american negroes. we saw their big, black faces through the underbrush, and they looked like devils. they came forward under our fire as if they didn't the least care about it." the charge at el caney. it was the tenth cavalry that had this effect on the spaniards. at san juan the ninth cavalry distinguished itself, its commander, lieutenant-colonel hamilton, being killed. the fourth of the negro regiments, the twenty-fifth infantry, played an especially brilliant part in the battle of el caney on july st. it was held in reserve with the rest of colonel miles' brigade, but was ordered to support general lawton's brigade toward the middle of the day. at that hour marching was an ordeal, but the men went on at a fast pace. with almost no rest they kept it up until they got into action. the other troops had been fighting hard for hours, and the arrival of the twenty-fifth was a blessing. the negroes went right ahead through the tired ranks of their comrades. their charge up the hill, which was surmounted by spanish rifle pits and a stone fort, has been told. it was the work of only a part of the regiment, the men coming chiefly from three companies. colonel milts had intended having his whole brigade make the final charge, but the twenty-fifth didn't wait for orders. it was there to take that hill, and take the hill it did. one of the spanish officers captured there seemed to think that the americans were taking an unfair advantage of them in having colored men who fought like that. he had been accustomed to the negroes in the insurgent army, and a different lot they are from those in the united states army. "why," he said ruefully, "even your negroes fight better than any other troops i ever saw." the way the negroes charged up the el caney and san juan hills suggested inevitably that their african nature has not been entirely eliminated by generations of civilization, but was bursting forth in savage yells and in that wild rush some of them were fairly frantic with the delight of the battle. and it was no mere craziness. they are excellent marksmen, and they aim carefully and well. woe to the spaniards who showed themselves above the trenches when a colored regiment was in good range. magnificent showing made by the negroes--their splendid courage at santiago the admiration of all officers. they were led by southern men--black men from the south fought like tigers and end a question often debated--in only one or two actions of the civil war was there such a loss of officers as at san juan. [telegram to commercial.] washington, july , . veterans who are comparing the losses at the battle of san juan, near santiago, last friday, with those at big bethel and the first bull run say that in only one or two actions of the late war was there such a loss in officers as occurred at san juan hill. the companies of the twenty-fourth infantry are without officers. the regiment had four captains knocked down within a minute of each other. capt. a.c. ducat was the first officer hit in the action, and was killed instantly. his second lieutenant, john a. gurney, a michigan man, was struck dead at the same time as the captain, and lieutenant henry g. lyon was left in command of company d, but only for a few minutes, for he, too, went down. liscum, commanding the regiment, was killed. negroes fight like tigers. company f, twenty-fourth infantry, lost lieutenant augustin, of louisiana, killed, and captain crane was left without a commissioned officer. the magnificent courage of the mississippi, louisiana, arkansas and texas negroes, which make up the rank and file of this regiment, is the admiration of every officer who has written here since the fight. the regiment has a large proportion of southern-born officers, who led their men with more than usual exposure. these men had always said the southern negro would fight as staunchly as any white man, if he was led by those in whom he had confidence. the question has often been debated in every mess of the army. san juan hill offered the first occasion in which this theory could be tested practically, and tested it was in a manner and with a result that makes its believers proud of the men they commanded. it has helped the morale of the four negro regiments beyond words. the men of the twenty-fourth infantry, particularly, and their comrades of the ninth and tenth cavalry as well, are proud of the record they made. they never wavered. the twenty-fourth took the brunt of the fight, and all through it, even when whole companies were left without an officer, not for a moment were these colored soldiers shaken or wavering in the face of the fierce attack made upon them. wounded spanish officers declare that the attack was thus directed because they did not believe the negro would stand up against them and they believed there was the faulty place in the american line. never were men more amazed than were the spanish officers to see the steadiness and cool courage with which the twenty-fourth charged front forward on its tenth company (a difficult thing to do at any time), under the hottest fire. the value of the negro as a soldier is no longer a debatable question. it has been proven fully in one of the sharpest fights of the past three years. * * * * * "our boys," the soldiers. "what army officers and others have to say of the negroes conduct in war"--"give honor to whom honor is due"--"acme of bravery." it has been said, "give honor to whom honor is due," and while it is just and right that it should be so, there are times, however, when the "honor" due is withheld. ever since the battle of san juan hill at santiago de cuba nearly every paper in the land has had nothing but praise for the bravery shown by the "rough riders," and to the extent that, not knowing the truth, one would naturally arrive at the conclusion that the "rough riders" were "the whole thing." although sometimes delayed, the truth, like murder, "will out." it is well enough to praise the "rough riders" for all they did, but why not divide honors with the other fellows who made it possible for them, the "rough riders," to receive praise, and be honored by a generous and valorous loving nation? after the battles of el caney and san juan hill, many wounded american soldiers who were able to travel were given furloughs to their respective homes in the united states, and lieutenant thomas roberts, of this city, was one of them. shortly after lieutenant roberts arrived in the city he was interviewed by a representative of the _illinois state register_, to whom he gave a description of the battle of july st. he said: "on the night of june th the second squadron of the tenth cavalry did outpost duty. daylight opened on the soon-to-be blood-sodden field on july st, and the tenth was ordered to the front. first went the first squadron, followed soon after by the second, composed of troops g, i, b and a. the tenth cavalry is composed of negroes, commanded by white officers, and i have naught but the highest praise for the swarthy warriors on the field of carnage. led by brave men, they will go into the thickest of the fight, even to the wicked mouths of deadly cannon, unflinchingly." lieutenant roberts says further that "at o'clock on the morning of july st the order came to move. forward we went, until we struck a road between two groves, which road was swept by a hail of shot and shell from spanish guns. the men stood their ground as if on dress parade. single file, every man ready to obey any command, they bade defiance to the fiercest storm of leaden hail that ever hurtled over a troop of united states cavalry. the order came, 'get under cover,' and the seventy-first new york and the tenth cavalry took opposite sides of the road and lay down in the bushes. for a short time no orders came, and feeling a misapprehension of the issue, i hastened forward to consult with the first lieutenant of the company. we found that through a misinterpreted order the captain of the troop and eight men had gone forward. hastening back to my post i consulted with the captain in the rear of troop g, and the quartermaster appeared upon the scene asking the whereabouts of the tenth cavalry. they made known their presence, and the quartermaster told them to go on, showing the path, the quartermaster led them forward until the bend in the san juan river was reached. here the first bloodshed in the tenth occurred, a young-volunteer named baldwin fell, pierced by a spanish ball." an aide hastened up and gave the colonel of the regiment orders to move forward. the summit of the hill was crowned by two block-houses, and from these came an unceasing fire. lieutenant roberts said he had been lying on the ground but rose to his knees to repeat an order, "move forward," when a mauser ball struck him in the abdomen and passed entirely through his body. being wounded, he was carried off of the field, but after all was over, lieutenant roberts says it was said (on the quiet, of course) that "the heroic charge of the tenth cavalry saved the 'rough riders' from destruction." lieutenant roberts says he left cuba on the th of july for fort monroe, and that a wounded rough rider told him while coming over that "had it not been for the tenth cavalry the rough riders would never passed through the seething cauldron of spanish missiles." such is the statement of one of springfield's best citizens, a member of the tenth cavalry, united states regulars. [illustration: first president of the cuban republic.] some days later, lieutenant roberts had occasion to visit chicago and fort sheridan, and while there he was interviewed by a representative of the chicago chronicle, to whom he related practically the same story as above stated, "you probably know my regiment is made up exclusively of negroes except for the commissioned officers, and i want to say right here that those men performed deeds of heroism on that day which have no parallel in the history of warfare. they were under fire from six in the morning until : in the afternoon, with strict orders not to return the hail of lead, and not a man in those dusky ranks flinched. our brigade was instructed to move forward soon after o'clock to assault the series of blockhouses which was regarded as impregnable by the foreign attaches. as the aide dashed down our lines with orders from headquarters the boys realized the prayed-for charge was about to take place and cheered lustily. such a charge! will i ever forget that sublime spectacle? there was a river called san juan, from the hill hard by, but which historians will term the pool of blood. our brigade had to follow the course of that creek fully half a mile to reach the point selected for the grand attack. with what cheering did the boys go up that hill! their naked bodies seemed to present a perfect target to the fire of the dons, but they never flinched. when the command reached the famous stone blockhouse it was commanded by a second sergeant, who was promoted on the field of battle for extraordinary bravery. san juan fell many minutes before el caney, which was attacked first, and i think the negro soldiers can be thanked for the greater part of that glorious work. all honor to the negro soldiers! no white man, no matter what his ancestry may be, should be ashamed to greet any of those negro cavalrymen with out-stretched hand. the swellest of the rough riders counted our troopers among their best friends and asked them to their places in new york when they returned, and i believe the wealthy fellows will prove their admiration had a true inspiration." thus we see that while the various newspapers of the country are striving to give the rough riders first honors, an honest, straightforward army officer who was there and took an active part in the fight, does not hesitate to give honor to whom honor is due, for he says, "all honor to the negro soldiers," and that it was they who "saved the rough riders from destruction." and right here i wish to call the reader's attention to another very important matter and that is, while it has been said heretofore that the negro soldier was not competent to command, does not the facts in the case prove, beyond a doubt, that there is no truth in the statement whatever? if a white colonel was "competent" to lead his command into the fight, it seems that a colored sergeant was competent extraordinary, for he not only went into the fight, but he, and his command, "done something," done the enemy out of the trenches, "saved the rough riders from destruction," and planted the stars and stripes on the blockhouse. just before the charge, one of the foreign attaches, an englishman, was heard to say that he did not see how the blockhouse was to be reached without the aid of cannon; but after the feat had been accomplished, a colored soldier said, "we showed him how." now that the colored soldier has proven to this nation, and the representatives of others, that he can, and does fight, as well as the "other fellow," and that he is also "competent" to command, it remains to be seen if the national government will give honor to whom honor is due, by honoring those deserving, with commissions. under the second call for volunteers by the president, the state of illinois raised a regiment of colored soldiers, and governor tanner officered that regiment with colored officers from colonel down; and that, as you might say, before they had earned their "rank." now the question is, can the national government afford to do less by those, who have earned, and are justly entitled to, a place in the higher ranks? we shall see. c.f. anderson. springfield, ill. * * * * * colored fighters at santiago. testimony is multiplying of the bravery of the colored troops at santiago de cuba july st and d, . testimony is adduced to show that these "marvels of warfare" actually fought without officers and executed movements under a galling fire which would have puzzled a recruit on parade ground. the boston journal of the st, in its account, gives the following interview-mason mitchell (white) said: "we were in a valley when we started, but made at once for a trail running near the top of a ridge called la quasina, several hundred feet high, which, with several others parallel to it, extended in the direction of santiago. by a similar trail near the top of the ridge to our right several companies of negro troopers of the ninth and tenth united states cavalry marched in scout formation, as we did. we had an idea about where the spaniards were and depended upon cuban scouts to warn us but they did not do it. at about : o'clock in the morning we met a volley from the enemy, who were ambushed, not only on our ridge, but on the one to the right, beyond the negro troops, and the negro soldiers were under a cross fire. that is how capt. capron and hamilton fish were killed." it says: "handsome young sergt. stewart, the rough rider protege of henry w. maxwell, when he was telling of the fight in the ambush, gave it as his opinion that the rough riders would have been whipped out if the tenth cavalry (colored) had not come up just in time to drive the spaniards back. 'i'm a southerner, from new mexico, and i never thought much of the 'nigger' before. now i know what they are made of. i respect them. they certainly can fight like the devil and they don't care for bullets any more than they do for the leaves that shower down on them. i've changed my opinion of the colored folks, for all of the men that i saw fighting, there were none to beat the tenth cavalry and the colored infantry at santiago, and i don't mind saying so.'" the description which follows is interesting: "it was simply grand to see how those young fellows, and old fellows, too, men who were rich and had been the petted of society in the city, walk up and down the lines while their clothes were powdered by the dust from exploding shells and torn by broken fragments cool as could be and yelling to the men to lay low and take good aim, or directing some squad to take care of a poor devil who was wounded. why, at times there when the bullets were so thick they mowed the grass down like grass cutters in places, the officers stood looking at the enemy through glasses as if they were enjoying the scene, and now and then you'd see a captain or a lieutenant pick up a gun from a wounded or dead man and blaze away himself at some good shot that he had caught sight of from his advantage point. those sights kind of bring men together and make them think more of each other. and when a white man strayed from his regiment and falls wounded it rather affects him to have a negro, shot himself a couple of times, take his carbine and make a splint of it to keep a torn limb together for the white soldier, and then, after lifting him to one side, pick up the wounded man's rifle and go back to the fight with as much vigor as ever. yes, sir, we boys have learned something down there, even if some of us were pretty badly torn for it." another witness testifies: "trooper lewis bowman, another of the brave tenth cavalry, had two ribs broken by a spanish shell while before san juan. he told of the battle as follows:" "'the rough riders had gone off in great glee, bantering up and good-naturedly boasting that they were going ahead to lick the spaniards without any trouble, and advising us to remain where we were until they returned, and they would bring back some spanish heads as trophies. when we heard firing in the distance, our captain remarked that some one ahead was doing good work. the firing became so heavy and regular that our officers, without orders, decided to move forward and reconnoitre when we got where we could see what was going on we found that the rough riders had marched down a sort of canon between the mountains. the spaniards had men posted at the entrance, and as soon as the rough riders had gone in had about closed up the rear and were firing upon the rough riders from both the front and rear. immediately the spaniards in the rear received a volley from our men of the tenth cavalry (colored) without command. the spaniards were afraid we were going to flank them, and rushed out of ambush, in front of the rough riders, throwing up their hands and shouting, 'don't shoot; we are cubans.'" "the rough riders thus let them escape, and gave them a chance to take a better position ahead. during all this time the men were in all the tall grass and could not see even each other and i feared the rough riders in the rear shot many of their men in the front, mistaking them for spanish soldiers. by this time the tenth cavalry had fully taken in the situation, and, adopting the method employed in fighting the indians, were able to turn the tide of battle and repulse the spaniards." he speaks plainly when he says: "i don't think it an exaggeration to say that if it had not been for the timely aid of the tenth cavalry (colored) the rough riders would have been exterminated. this is the unanimous opinion, at least, of the men of the tenth cavalry. i was in the fight of july , and it was in that fight that i received my wound. we were under fire in that fight about forty-eight hours, and were without food and with but little water. we had been cut off from our pack train, as the spanish sharpshooters shot our mules as soon as they came anywhere near the lines, and it was impossible to move supplies. very soon after the firing began our colonel was killed, and the most of our other officers were killed or wounded, so that the greater part of that desperate battle was fought by some of the ninth and tenth cavalry without officers; or, at least, if there were any officers around, we neither saw them nor heard their commands. the last command i heard our captain give was:" "'boys, when you hear my whistle, lie flat down on the ground.'" "whether he ever whistled or not i do not know. the next move we made was when, with a terrific yell, we charged up to the spanish trenches and bayoneted and clubbed them out of their places in a jiffy. some of the men of our regiment say that the last command they heard was: 'to the rear!' but this command they utterly disregarded and charged to the front until the day was won, and the spaniards, those not dead in the trenches, fled back to the city." [illustration: cubans fighting from tree tops.] but a colored man, wm. h. brown, a member of the tenth cavalry, said: "a foreign officer, standing near our position when we started out to make that charge, was heard to say; 'men, for heaven's sake, don't go up that hill! it will be impossible for human beings to take that position! you can't stand the fire!' notwithstanding this, with a terrific yell we rushed up the enemy's works, and you know the result. men who saw him say that when this officer saw us make the charge he turned his back upon us and wept." "and the odd thing about it all is that these wounded heroes never will admit that they did anything out of the common. they will talk all right about those 'other fellows,' but they don't about themselves, and were immensely surprised when such a fuss was made over them on their arrival and since. they simply believed they had a duty to perform and performed it."--planet. * * * * * our colored soldiers. a few of the interesting comments on the deeds performed by the brave boys of the regular army--saved the life of his lieutenant but lost his own. "the ninth and tenth cavalry are composed of the bravest lot of soldiers i ever saw. they held the ground that roosevelt retreated from and saved them from annihilation." to a massachusetts soldier in another group of interviewers, the same question was put: "how about the colored soldiers?" "they fought like demons," came the answer. "before el caney was taken the spaniards were on the heights of san juan with heavy guns. all along our line an assault was made and the enemy was holding us off with terrible effect. from their blockhouse on the hill came a magazine of shot. shrapnell shells fell in our ranks, doing great damage. something had to be done or the day would have been lost. the ninth and part of the tenth cavalry moved across into a thicket near by. the spaniards rained shot upon them. they collected and like a flash swept across the plains and charged up the hill. the enemy's guns were used with deadly effect. on and on they went, charging with the fury of madness. the blockhouse was captured, the enemy fled and we went into el caney." in another group a trooper from an illinois regiment was explaining the character of the country and the effect of the daily rains upon the troops. said he: "very few colored troops are sick. they stood the climate better and even thrived on the severity of army life." said he: "i never had much use for a 'nigger' and didn't want him in the fight. he is all right, though. he makes a good soldier and deserves great credit." another comrade near by related the story as told by a cavalry lieutenant, who with a party reconnoitered a distance from camp. the thick growth of grass and vines made ambuscading a favorite pastime with the spaniards. with smokeless powder they lay concealed in the grass. as the party rode along the sharp eye of a colored cavalryman noticed the movement of grass ahead. leaning over his horse with sword in hand he plucked up an enemy whose gun was levelled at the officer. the spaniard was killed by the negro who himself fell dead, shot by another. he had saved the life of his lieutenant and lost his own. a comrade of the seventeenth infantry gave his testimony. said he: "i shall never forget the st of july. at one time in the engagement of that day the twenty-first infantry had faced a superior force of spaniards and were almost completely surrounded. the twenty-fourth infantry, of colored troops, seeing the perilous position of the twenty-first, rushed to the rescue, charged and routed the enemy, thereby saving the ill-fated regiment." col. joseph haskett, of the seventeenth regular infantry, testifies to the meritorious conduct of the negro troops. said he: "our colored soldiers are percent superior to the cuban. he is a good scout, brave soldier, and not only that, but is everywhere to be seen building roads for the movement of heavy guns." among the trophies of war brought to old point were a machete, the captured property of a colored trooper, a fine spanish sword, taken from an officer and a little cuban lad about nine years old, whose parents had bled for cuba. his language and appearance made him the cynosure of all eyes. he was dressed in a little united states uniform and had pinned to his clothing a tag which read: "santiago buck, care of col. c.l. wilson, manhattan club, new york." his name is vairrames y pillero. he seemed to enjoy the shower of small coin that fell upon him from the hotels. his first and only english words were "moocha moona." these fragments were gathered while visiting at old point comfort recently. they serve to show the true feeling of the whites for their brave black brother. a.e. meyzeek, in the freeman. louisville, ky. black soldier boys. the following is what the new york mail and express says respecting the good services being rendered by our black soldier boys: "all honors to the black troopers of the gallant tenth! no more striking example of bravery and coolness has been shown since the destruction of the maine than by the colored veterans of the tenth cavalry during the attack upon caney on saturday. by the side of the intrepid rough riders they followed their leader up the terrible hill from whose crest the desperate spaniards poured down a deadly fire of shell and musketry. they never faltered. the tents in their ranks were filled as soon as made. firing as they marched, their aim was splendid, their coolness was superb, and their courage aroused the admiration of their comrades. their advance was greeted with wild cheers from the white regiment's, and with an answering shout they pressed onward over the trenches they had taken close in the pursuit of the retreating enemy. the war has not shown greater heroism. the men whose own freedom was baptized with blood have proved themselves capable of giving up their lives that others may be free. to-day is a glorious fourth for all races 'of people in this great land." * * * * * they never faltered. the test of the negro soldier has been applied and today the whole world stands amazed at the valor and distinctive bravery shown by the men, who, in the face of a most galling fire, rushed onward while shot and shell tore fearful gaps in their ranks. these men, the tenth cavalry, did not stop to ask was it worth while for them to lay down their lives for the honor of a country that has silently allowed her citizens to be killed and maltreated in almost every conceivable way; they did not stop to ask would their death bring deliverance to their race from mob violence and lynching. they saw their duty and did it! the new york journal catches inspiration from the wonderful courage of the tenth cavalry and writes these words: "the two most picturesque and most characteristically american commands in general shafter's army bore off the great honors of a day in which all won honor." "no man can read the story in to-day's journal of the 'rough riders' charge on the blockhouse at el caney of theodore roosevelt's mad daring in the face of what seemed certain death without having his pulses beat faster and some reflected light of the fire of battle gleam from his eyes." "and over against this scene of the cowboy and the college graduate, the new york man about town and the arizona bad man united in one coherent war machine, set the picture of the tenth united states cavalry-the famous colored regiment. side by side with roosevelt's men they fought-these black men. scarce used to freedom themselves, they are dying that cuba may be free. their marksmanship was magnificent, say the eye witnesses. their courage was superb. they bore themselves like veterans, and gave proof positive that out of nature's naturally peaceful, careless and playful military discipline and an inspiring cause can make soldiers worthy to rank with caesar's legions or cromwell's army." "the rough riders and the black regiment. in those two commands is an epitome of almost our whole national character." the negro as a soldier. his good nature--his kindheartedness--equally available in infantry or cavalry. the good nature of the negro soldier is remarkable. he is always fond of a joke and never too tired to enjoy one. officers have wondered to see a whole company of them, at the close of a long practice march, made with heavy baggage, chasing a rabbit which some one may have started. they will run for several hundred yards whooping and yelling and laughing, and come back to camp feeling as if they had had lots of fun, the white soldier, even if not tired, would never see any joke in rushing after a rabbit. to the colored man the diversion is a delight. in caring for the sick, the negro's tenderheartedness is conspicuous. on one of the transports loaded with sick men a white soldier asked to be helped to his bunk below. no one of his color stirred, but two negro convalescents at once went to his assistance. when volunteers were called for to cook for the sick, only negroes responded. they were pleased to be of service to their officers. if the captain's child is ill, every man in the company is solicitous; half of them want to act as nurse. they feel honored to be hired to look after an officer's horse and clothing. the "striker" as he is called, soon gets to look on himself as a part of his master; it is no "captain has been ordered away," but "we have been ordered away." every concern of his employer about which he knows interests him, and a slight to his superior is vastly more of an offence than if offered to himself. indeed, if the army knew how well officers of the colored regiments are looked after by their men, there would be less disinclination to serve in such commands. after years with a negro company, officers find it difficult to get along with white soldiers. they must be much more careful to avoid hurting sensibilities, and must do without many little services to which they have been accustomed. * * * * * mrs. porter's ride to the front. for many years she has known and admired miss barton and against the advice of her friends had resolved to help miss barton in her task of succoring the sufferers in cuba. during the second day's fighting mrs. porter, escorted by a general whom she has known for many years, rode almost to the firing line. bullets whistled about her head, but she rode bravely on until her curiosity was satisfied. then she rode leisurely back to safety. she came back filled with admiration of the colored troops. she described them as being "brave in battle, obedient under orders and philosophical under privations." thanks to mrs. porter, the wife of the president's private secretary. mrs. porter is one of heaven's blessings, sent as a messenger of "the ship" earth, to testify in america what she saw of the negro troops in cuba. * * * * * the investment of santiago and surrender. (as presented in the n.y. world.) general shafter put a human rope of , men around santiago, with its , spanish soldiers, and then spain succumbed in despair. in a semi-circle extending around santiago, from daliquiri on the east clear around to cobre on the west, our troops were stretched a cordon of almost impenetrable thickness and strength. first came general bates, with the ninth, tenth, third, thirteenth, twenty-first and twenty-fourth u.s. infantry. on his right crouched general sumner, commanding the third, sixth and ninth u.s. cavalry. next along the arc were the seventh, twelfth and seventeenth u.s. infantry under general chaffee. then, advantageously posted, there were six batteries of artillery prepared to sweep the horizon under direction of general randolph. general jacob kent, with the seventy-first new york volunteers and the sixth and sixteenth u.s. infantry, held the centre. they were flanked by general wheeler and the rough riders, dismounted; eight troops of the first u.s. volunteers, four troops of the second u.s. cavalry, four light batteries, two heavy batteries and then four more troops of the second u.s. cavalry. santiago's killed and wounded compared with historic battles. battle; men engaged.; killed and wounded.; per ct. lost. agincourt; , ; , ; . alma; , ; , ; . bannockburn; , ; , ; . borodino; , ; , ; . cannae; , ; , ; . cressy; , ; , ; . gravelotte; , ; , ; . sadowa; , ; , ; . waterloo; , ; , ; . antietam; , ; , ; . austerlitz; , ; , ; . gettysburg; , ; , ; . sedan; , ; , ; . santiago; , ; , ; . el caney; , ; ; . san juan; , ; ; . aguadores; , ; ; . [illustration: investment of santiago by u.s. army.] general lawton, with the second massachusetts and the eighth and twenty-second u.s. infantry, came next. then general duffield's command, comprising the volunteers from michigan (thirty-third and third regiments), and the ninth massachusetts, stretched along until gen. ludlow's men were reached. these comprised the first illinois, first district of columbia, eighth ohio, running up to the eighth and twenty-second regulars and the bay state men. down by the shore across from morro and a little way inland generals henry and garretson had posted the sixth illinois and the crack sixth massachusetts, flanking the railroad line to cobre. scenes of the final surrender. when reveille sounded sunday morning half the great semi-lunar camp was awake and eager for the triumphal entrance into the city. speculation ran rife as to which detachment would accompany the general and his staff into santiago. the choice fell upon the ninth infantry. shortly before o'clock general shafter left his headquarters, accompanied by generals lawton and wheeler, colonels ludlow, ames and kent, and eighty other officers. the party walked slowly down the hill to the road leading to santiago, along which they advanced until they reached the now famous tree outside the walls, under which all negotiations for the surrender of the city had taken place. as they reached this spot the cannon on every hillside and in the city itself boomed forth a salute of twenty-one guns, which was echoed at siboney and aserradero. the soldiers knew what the salute meant, and cheer upon cheer arose and ran from end to end of the eight miles of the american lines. a troop of colored cavalry and the twenty-fifth colored infantry then started to join general shafter and his party. the americans waited under the tree as usual, when general shafter sent word to general toral that he was ready to take possession of the town. general toral, in full uniform, accompanied by his whole staff, fully caparisoned, shortly afterward left the city and walked to where the american officers were waiting their coming. when they reached the tree general shafter and general toral saluted each other gravely and courteously. salutes were also exchanged by other american and spanish officers. the officers were then introduced to each other. after this little ceremony the two commanding generals faced each other and general toral, speaking in spanish, said: "through fate i am forced to surrender to general shafter, of the american army, the city and the strongholds of santiago." general toral's voice grew husky as he spoke, giving up the town and the surrounding country to his victorious enemy. as he finished speaking the spanish officers presented arms. general shafter, in reply, said: "i receive the city in the name of the government of the united states." general toral addressed an order to his officers in spanish and they wheeled about, still presenting arms, and general shafter and the other american officers with the cavalry and infantry followed them, walked by the spaniards and proceeded into the city proper. the soldiers on the american line could see quite plainly all the proceedings. as their commander entered the city they gave voice to cheer after cheer. although no attempt was made to humiliate them the spanish soldiers seemed at first to feel downcast and scarcely glanced at their conquerors as they passed by, but this apparent depth of feeling was not displayed very long. without being sullen they appeared to be utterly indifferent to the reverses of the spanish arms, but it was not long ere the prospect of regulation rations and a chance to go to their homes made them almost cheerful. all about the filthy streets of the city the starving refugees: could be seen, gaunt, hollow-eyed, weak and trembling. the squalor in the streets was dreadful. the bones of dead horses and other animals were bleaching in the streets and buzzards almost as tame as sparrows hopped aside as passers-by disturbed them. there was a fetid smell everywhere and evidences of a pitiless siege and starvation on every hand. the palace was reached soon after o'clock. then, general toral introduced general shafter and the other officials to various local dignitaries and a scanty luncheon, was brought. coffee, rice, wine and toasted cake were the main condiments. then came the stirring scene in the balcony which every one felt was destined to become notably historic in our annals of warfare, and the ceremony over, general shafter withdrew to our own lines and left the city to general mckibbin and his police force of guards and sentries. the end had come. spain's haughty ensign trailed in the dust; old glory, typifying liberty and the pursuit of happiness untrammelled floated over the official buildings from fort morro to the plaza de armas--the investment of santiago de cuba was accomplished. chapter vi. no color line drawn in cuba. a graphic description-condition in the pearl of the antilles-american prejudice cannot exist there-a catholic priest vouches for the accuracy of statement. the article we reprint from the new york sun touching the status of the colored man in cuba was shown to rev. father walter r. yates, assistant pastor of st. joseph's colored church. a planet reporter was informed that father yates had resided in that climate for several years and wished his views. "the sun correspondent is substantially correct," said the reverend gentleman. "of course, the article is very incomplete, there are many omissions, but that is to be expected in a newspaper article." it would take volumes to describe the achievements of men of the negro, or as i prefer to call it, the aethiopic race, not only in cuba, but in all the west indies, central and south america, and in europe especially in sicily, spain and france. "by achievements i mean success in military, political, social, religious and literary walks of life. the only thing i see to correct in the sun's article, continued the father, is in regard to population. 'a spanish official told me that the census figures were notoriously misleading. the census shows less than one-third colored. that is said not to be true. as soon as a man with african blood, whether light or dark, acquires property and education, he returns himself in the census as white. the officials humor them in this petty vanity. in fact it's the most difficult thing in the world to distinguish between races in cuba. many spaniards from murcia, for instance, of undoubted noble lineage are darker than richmond mulattoes.'" [illustration: general russell a. alger, secretary of war.] may i ask you, father yates, to what do you ascribe the absence of race prejudice in cuba? "certainly. in my humble opinion it is due to church influence. we all know the effect on our social life of our churches. among catholics all men have always been on equal footing at the communion rail. catholics would be unworthy of their name, i.e. catholic or universal were it not so." "even in the days when slavery was practised this religious equality and fellowship was fully recognized among catholics." did you know there is an american negro saint? he was born in colon, central america, and is called blessed martin de porres. his name is much honored in cuba, peru, mexico and elsewhere. he wore the white habit of a dominican brother. the dominicans are called the order of preachers. christ died for all. father donovan has those words painted in large letters over the sanctuary in st. joseph's church. it is simply horrible to think that some self-styled christian sectarians act as if christ died for white men only. matanzas, cuba, jan. .--not least among the problems of reconstruction in cuba is the social and political status of the colored "man and brother." in cuba the shade of a man's complexion has never been greatly considered, and one finds dusky othellos in every walk of life. the present dispute arose when a restaurant keeper from alabama refused a seat at his public table to the mulatto colonel of a cuban regiment. the southerner was perfectly sincere in the declaration that he would see himself in a warmer climate than cuba before he would insult his american guests "by seating a 'nigger' among them!" to the colonel it was a novel and astonishing experience, and is of course deeply resented by all his kind in cuba, where african blood may be found, in greater or less degree, in some of the richest and most influential families of the island. colored belles there. in havana you need not be surprised to see creole belles on the fashionable prado--perhaps cuban-spanish. cuban-english or cuban-german blondes--promenading with negro officers in gorgeous uniforms; or octoroon beauties with hair in natural crimp, riding in carriages beside white husbands or lighting up an opera box with the splendor of their diamonds. there was a wedding in the old cathedral the other day, attended by the elite of the city, the bride being the lovely young daughter of a cuban planter, the groom a burly negro. nobody to the manor born has ever dreamed of objecting to this mingling of colors; therefore when some newly arrived foreigner declares that nobody but those of his own complexion shall eat in a public dining room, there is likely to be trouble. the war began. when the war began the population of cuba was a little more than one-third black; now the proportion is officially reckoned as , colored, against , , white. in two negroes were serving as secretaries in the autonomist cabinet. the last regiment that blanco formed was of negro volunteers, to whom he paid--or, rather, promised to pay, which is quite another matter, considering blanco's habit--the unusual hire of $ a month, showing his appreciation of the colored man as a soldier. if general weyler evinced any partiality in cuba, it was for the black creole. during the ten years' war, his cavalry escort was composed entirely of colored men. throughout his latest reign in the island he kept black soldiers constantly on guard at the gates of the government palace. while the illustrated papers of spain were caricaturing: the insurgents as coal-black demons with horns and forked toe nails, burning canefields and butchering innocent spaniards, the spanish general chose them for his bodyguards. [illustration: cuban woman cavalry.] one of the greatest generals. one of the greatest generals of the day, considering the environment, was antonio maceo, the cuban mulatto hero, who, for two years, kept the spanish army at bay or led them a lively quickstep through the western provinces to the very gates of havana. as swift on the march as sheridan or stonewall jackson, as wary and prudent as grant himself, he had inspirations of military genius whenever a crisis arose. it is not generally known that martinez campos, who owed his final defeat at colisea to maceo, was a second cousin of this black man. maceo's mother, whose family name was grinan, came from the town of mayari where all the people have indian blood in their veins. col. martinez del campos, father of general martinez campos, was once military governor of mayari. while there he loved a beautiful girl of indian and negro blood, who belonged to the grinan family, and was first cousin to maceo's mother. martinez campos, jr., the future general and child of the indian girl was born in mayari. the governor could not marry his sweetheart, having a wife and children in spain, but when he returned to the mother country he took the boy along. according to spanish law, the town in which one is baptized is recognized as his legal birthplace, so it was easy enough to legitimatize the infant campos. he grew up in spain, and when sent to cuba as captain-general, to his everlasting credit be it said, that one of his first acts was to hunt up his mother. having found her, old and poor, he bought a fine house in campo florida, the aristocratic suburb of havana, established her there and cared for her tenderly till she died. the cousins, though on opposite sides of the war, befriended each other in many instances, and it is said that more than once captain-general campos owed his life to his unacknowledged relative. his brother captured. the latter's half brother, jose maceo, was captured early in the war and sent to the african prison, centa; whence he escaped later on with quintín bandera and others of his staff. the last named negro colonel is to-day a prominent figure. "quintin bandera" means "fifteen flags," and the appellation was bestowed upon him by his grateful countrymen after he had captured fifteen spanish ensigns. everybody seems to have forgotten his real name, and quintin bandera he will remain in history. while in the african penal settlement the daughter of a spanish officer fell in love with him. she assisted in his escape and fled with him to gibraltar. there he married his rescuer. she is of spanish and moorish descent, and is said to be a lady of education and refinement. she taught her husband to read and write and feels unbounded pride in his achievements. the noted general jesus rabi, of the cuban army, is of the same mixed blood as the maceos. another well-known negro commander is general flor crombet, whose patriotic deeds have been dimmed by his atrocious cruelties. among all the officers now swarming havana none attracts more admiring attention than general ducasse, a tall, fine-looking mulatto, who was educated at the fine military school of st. cyr. he is of extremely polished manners and undeniable force of character, can make a brilliant address and has great influence among the masses. to eject such a man as he from a third rate foreign restaurant in his own land would be ridiculous. his equally celebrated brother, col. juan ducasse, was killed last year in the pinar del rio insurrection. colored men's achievements. besides these sons of mars, cuba has considered her history enriched by the achievements of colored men in peaceful walks of life. the memory of gabriel concepcion de la valdez the mulatto poet, is cherished as that of a saint. he was accused by the spanish government of complicity in the slave insurrection of and condemned to be shot in his native town, matanzas. one bright morning in may he stood by the old statue of ferdinand vii. in the plaza d'armas, calmly facing a row of muskets, along whose shining barrels the sun glinted. the first volley failed to touch a vital spot. bleeding from several wounds, he still stood erect, and, pointing to his heart, said in a clear voice, "aim here!" another mulatto author, educator and profound thinker was antonio medina, a priest and professor of san basilio the greater. he acquired wide reputation as a poet, novelist and ecclesiastic, both in spain and cuba, and was selected by the spanish academy to deliver the oration on the anniversary of cerantes' death in madrid. his favorite cuban pupil was juan gaulberto gomez, the mulatto journalist, who has been imprisoned time and again for offences against the spanish press laws. señor gomez, whose home is in matanzas, is now on the shady side of , a spectacled and scholarly looking man. after the peace of zanjon he collaborated in the periodicals published by the marquis of sterling. in ' he founded in havana, the newspaper la fraternidad, devoted to the interest of the colored race. for a certain fiery editorial he was deported to centa and kept there two years. then he went to madrid and assumed the management of la tribuna and in returned to havana and resumed the publication of la fraternidad. another exile. another beloved exile from the land of his birth is señor jose white. his mother was a colored woman of matanzas. at the age of jose wrote a mass for the matanzas orchestra and gave his first concert. with the proceeds he entered the conservatory of paris, and in the following year won the first prize as violinist among thirty-nine contestants. he soon gained an enviable reputation among the most celebrated european violinists, and, covered with honors, returned to havana in january of ' . but his songs were sometimes of liberty, and in june of the same year the spanish government drove him out of the country. then he went to brazil, and is now president of the conservatory of music of rio janeiro. one might go on multiplying similar incidents. some of the most eminent doctors, lawyers and college professors in cuba are more or less darkly "colored." in the humble walks of life one finds them everywhere, as carpenters, masons, shoemakers and plumbers. in the few manufacturies of cuba a large proportion of the workmen are negroes especially in the cigar factories. in the tanneries of pinar del rio most of the workmen are colored, also in the saddle factories of havana, guanabacoa, cardenas and other places. although the insurgent army is not yet disbanded, the sugar-planters get plenty of help from their ranks by offering fair wages.--new york sun. facts about porto rico told in short paragraphs. porto rico, the beautiful island which general miles is taking under the american flag, has an area of , square miles. it is miles in length and miles across. it has a good telegraph line and a railroad only partially completed. the population, which is not made up of so many negroes and mulattoes as that of the neighboring islands, is about , . almost all of the inhabitants are roman catholics. it is a mountainous island, and contains forty seven navigable streams. the roads are merely paths beaten down by cattle. exports in were valued at $ , , ; imports, $ , , . gold, copper, salt, coal and iron abound. the poorer classes live almost entirely on a variety of highland rice, which is easily cultivated, as it requires no flooding. one of the principal industries is grazing. st. thomas is the market for fresh meat. corn, tobacco, sugar, coffee, cotton and potatoes constitute the principal crops. there are no snakes, no beasts of prey, no noxious birds nor insects in the island. the trees and grass are always green. rats are the great foe of the crops. the natives often live to be one hundred years old. the most beautiful flower on the island is the ortegon, which has purple blossoms a yard long. hurricanes are frequent on the north coast and very destructive. mosquitoes art the pest of the island. spanish is the language spoken, and education is but little esteemed. every man, no matter how poor, owns a horse and three or four gamecocks. the small planter is called "xivaro." he is the proud possessor of a sweet-heart, a gamecock, a horse, a hammock, a guitar and a large supply of tobacco. he is quick tempered but not revengeful, and he is proverbially lazy. hospitality is the rule of the island. the peasants are astonished and hurt when offered money by travellers. san juan harbor is one of the best in the west indies, and is said to be the third most strongly fortified town in the world, halifax being the strongest and cartagena, spain, the second. ponce de leon, between and killed off the natives. the de leon palace, built in , is of great interest to tourists. the climate is warm but pleasant. at night thick clothing is found comfortable. all visiting and shopping are done after sundown. slavery was abolished in . the women are rather small and delicately formed. many of them are pretty and they are all given to flirtation. men and women ride horseback alike. wicker baskets to carry clothes or provisions, are hung on either side of the horse's shoulders. back of these baskets the rider sits. it is the custom of travellers on horseback to carry a basket handled sword a yard and a quarter long, more as an ornament than as a means of defense. the observance of birthdays is an island fashion that is followed by every one. a governor, appointed by the crown, manages affairs. his palace is at san juan, the capital, a town that has , inhabitants. upon the rio grande are prehistoric monuments that have attracted the attention of archaeologists. following the spanish custom, men are imprisoned for debt. in the towns houses are built with flat roofs, both to catch water and to afford the family a small roof garden. all planters have town houses where they bring their families during the carnival season. san juan is filled with adventurers, gamblers, speculators and fugitives from justice.--new york world. chapter vii. list of colored regiments that did active service in the spanish-american war,--and volunteer regiments. regulars.--section of the revised statutes of the united states congress provides that "the enlisted men of two regiments of cavalry shall be colored men," and in compliance with this section the war department maintains the organization of the ninth and tenth cavalry, both composed of colored men with white officers. section of the revised statutes of congress provides that "the enlisted men of two regiments of infantry shall be colored men;" and in compliance with this section the war department maintains the organization of the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth infantry, both composed of colored men with white officers. the above regiments were the only colored troops that were engaged in active service in cuba. there is no statute requiring colored artillery regiments to be organized, and there are therefore none in the regular army. * * * * * a list of the volunteer regiments. third north carolina--all colored officers. sixth virginia--white officers, finally, the colored officers resigned "under pressure," after which there was much trouble with the men, as they claimed to have enlisted with the understanding that they were to have colored officers. [illustration: officers of the ninth ohio--lieutenant young in the center.] blank page ninth ohio--all colored officers; col. chas. young, graduate of west point. twenty-third kansas--colored officers. eighth illinois--under colored officers, and did police duty at san luis, cuba. seventh u.s. volunteers. tenth u.s. volunteers. eighth u.s. volunteers. ninth u.s. volunteers. the conduct of the colored volunteers has been harshly criticised, and it is thought by some that the conduct of the volunteers has had some influence in derrogation of the good record made by the regulars around santiago. this view, however, we think unjust, and ill-founded. there was considerable shooting of pistols and drunkenness among some regiments of volunteers, and it was not confined by any means to those of the colored race. the white volunteers were as drunk and noisy as the colored, and shot as many pistols. the charlotte observer has the following editorial concerning some white troops that passed through charlotte, n.c.: "mustered-out west virginia and new york volunteer soldiers who passed through this city saturday night, behaved on the train and here like barbarians, disgracing their uniforms, their states and themselves. they were drunk and disorderly, and their firing of pistols, destruction of property and theft of edibles was not as bad as their outrageous profanity and obscenity on the cars in the hearing of ladies. clearly they are brutes when sober and whiskey only developed the vileness already in them." by a careful comparison of the reports in the newspapers, we see a slight excess of rowdyism on the part of the whites, but much less fuss made about it. in traveling from place to place if a white volunteer company fired a few shots in the air, robbed a fruit stand, or fussed with the by standers at railroad stations or drank whiskey at the car windows, the fact was simply mentioned in the morning papers, but if a negro company fired a pistol a telegram was sent ahead to have mobs in readiness to "do up the niggers" at the next station, and at one place in georgia the militia was called out by a telegram sent ahead, and discharged a volley into the car containing white officers and their families, so eager were they to "do up the nigger." at nashville the city police are reported to have charged through the train clubbing the colored volunteers who were returning home, and taking anything in the shape of a weapon away from them by force. in texarcana or thereabouts it was reported that a train of colored troopers was blown up by dynamite. the southern mobs seemed to pride themselves in assaulting the colored soldiers. while the colored volunteers were not engaged in active warfare, yet they attained a high degree of discipline and the cleanest and most orderly camp among any of the volunteers was reported by the chief sanitary officer of the government to be that of one of the colored volunteer regiments stationed in virginia. it is to be regretted that the colored volunteers, especially those under negro officers, did not have an opportunity to show their powers on the battlefield, and thus demonstrate their ability as soldiers, and so refreshing the memory of the nation as to what negro soldiers once did at ft. wagner and milikin's bend. the volunteer boys were ready and willing and only needed a chance to show what they could do. policed by negroes. white immunes ordered out of santiago, and a colored regiment placed in charge. washington, d.c., august , . editor colored american: the star of this city published the following dispatch in its issue of the th inst. the washington post next morning published the same dispatch, omitting the last paragraph; and yet the post claims to publish the news, whether pleasing or otherwise. the selection of the th illinois colored regiment for this important duty, to replace a disorderly white regiment, is a sufficient refutation of a recent editorial in the post, discrediting colored troops with colored officers. the eighth illinois is a colored regiment from colonel down. the generals at the front know the value of negro troops, whether the quill-drivers in the rear do or not. charles r. douglass. the following is the dispatch referred to by major douglass. the headlines of the star are retained. immunes made trouble--general shafter orders the second regiment outside the city of santiago--colored troops from illinois assigned to the duty of preserving order and property. santiago de cuba, aug. .--general shafter to-day ordered the second volunteer regiment of immunes to leave the city and go into camp outside. the regiment had been placed here as a garrison, to preserve order and protect property. there has been firing of arms inside of the town by members of this regiment, without orders, so far as known. some of the men have indulged in liquor until they have verged upon acts of license and disorder. the inhabitants in some quarters have alleged loss of property by force and intimidation, and there has grown up a feeling of uneasiness, if not alarm, concerning them. general shafter has, therefore, ordered this regiment into the hills, where discipline can be more severely maintained. in place of the second volunteer immune regiment, general shafter has ordered into the city the eighth illinois volunteer regiment of colored troops, in whose sobriety and discipline he has confidence, and of whose sturdy enforcement of order no doubt is felt by those in command. * * * * * sketch of sixth virginia volunteers. the sixth virginia volunteer infantry, u.s.v., consisted of two battalions, first and second battalion infantry virginia volunteers (state militia), commanded respectively by maj. j.b. johnson and maj. w.h. johnson. in april, , the war cloud was hanging over the land. governor j. hoge tyler, of virginia, under instructions from the war department, sent to all virginia volunteers inquiring how many men in the respective commands were willing to enlist in the united states volunteer service in the war against spain. how many would go in or out of the united states. * * * * * commonwealth of virginia, adjutant-general's office, richmond, va., april th, . general order no. . i. commanding officers of companies of virginia volunteers will, immediately, upon the receipt by them of this order, assemble their respective companies and proceed to ascertain and report direct to this office, upon the form herewith sent and by letter, what officers and enlisted men of their companies will volunteer for service in and with the volunteer forces of the united states (not in the regular army) with the distinct understanding that such volunteer forces, or any portion thereof, may be ordered and required to perform service either in or out of the united states, and that such officer or enlisted man, so volunteering, agrees and binds himself to, without question, promptly obey all orders emanating from the proper officers, and to render such service as he may be required to perform, either within or beyond the limits of the united states. [illustration: major john r. lynch, paymaster in u.s. army] ii. the brigade commander and the regimental and battalion commanders will, without delay, obtain like information and make, direct to this office, similar reports, to those above required, with regard to their respective field, staff and non-commissioned staff officers and regimental or battalion bands, adopting the form herewith sent to the regiments. iii. by reason of the necessity in this matter, this order is sent direct, with copies to intermediate commanders. by order of the governor and commander-in-chief. wm. nalle, adjutant-general. * * * * * the companies of the first battalion of richmond and second battalion of petersburg and norfolk were the first to respond to the call and express a readiness to go anywhere in or out of the states with their own officers, upon these conditions they were immediately accepted, and the following order was issued: commonwealth of virginia, adjutant-general's office, richmond, va., april , . general orders no. . the commanding officers of such companies as will volunteer for service in the volunteer army of the united states will at once proceed to recruit their respective companies to at least eighty-four enlisted men. any company volunteering as a body, for such service, will be mustered in with its own officers. by order of the governor and commander-in-chief. (signed) w. nalle, adjutant-general. * * * * * under date of june , , s.o. , a.g.o., richmond, va., was issued directly to the commanding officers of the first and second battalion (colored), who had been specially designated by the president in his call, ordering them to take the necessary steps to recruit the companies of the respective battalions to eighty-three men per company, directing that care be taken, to accept only men of good repute and able-bodied, and that as soon as recruited the fact should be reported by telegraph to the adjutant-general of the state. july th, , company "a," attucks guard, was the first company to arrive at camp corbin, va., ten miles below richmond. the company had three officers; capt. w.a. hawkins, first lieutenant j.c. smith, lieutenant john parham. the other companies followed in rapid succession. company "b" (carney guard), capt. c.b. nicholas; first lieutenant l.j. wyche, second lieutenant j.w. gilpin. company "c" (state guard), capt. b.a. graves; first lieutenant s.b. randolph, second lieutenant w.h. anderson. company "d" (langston guard), capt. e.w. gould; first lieutenant chas. h. robinson, second lieutenant geo. w. foreman. company "e" (petersburg guard), capt. j.e. hill; first lieutenant j.h. hill, second lieutenant fred. e. manggrum. company "f" (petersburg), capt. pleasant webb; first lieutenant jno. k. rice, second lieutenant richard hill. company "g," capt. j.a. stevens; first lieutenant e. thomas walker, second lieutenant david worrell. company "h," capt. peter shepperd, jr.; first lieutenant jas. m. collins, second lieutenant geo. t. wright. the regiment consisted of only eight companies, two battalions, commanded respectively by major j.b. johnson and maj. w.h. johnson, commanded by lieutenant colonel rich'd c. croxton, of the first united states infantry. first lieutenant chas. r. alexander was surgeon. second lieutenant allen j. black, assist subsistence. lieutenant w.h. anderson, company "c," was detailed as adjutant, ordinance officer and mustering officer. lieutenant j.h. gilpin, company "b," was detailed as quartermaster and commissary of subsistance. on monday, september , , the command left camp corbin, va., and embarked for knoxville, tenn., about o'clock, the men traveling in day coaches and the officers in pullman sleepers. the train was in two sections. upon arrival at knoxville the command was sent to camp poland, near the fourteenth michigan regiment, who were soon mustered out. a few days after the arrival of the sixth virginia the third north carolina arrived, a full regiment with every officer a negro. while here in order to get to the city our officers, wagons and men had to pass the camp of the first georgia regiment, and it was quite annoying to have to suffer from unnecessary delays in stores and other things to which the men were subject. after the review by general alger, secretary of war, the colonel of the sixth virginia received permission from headquarters of third brigade, second division, first army corps, general rosser commanding, to move the camp to a point nearer the city, which was granted. soon after the arrival of the third north carolina regiment the first georgia seemed disposed to attack the colored soldiers, so on a beautiful september evening some shots were fired into their camp by the first georgia men and received quick response. after the little affair four georgians were missing. the matter was investigated, the first georgia was placed under arrest. after the removal to a new portion of camp poland orders were received from the headquarters first army corps, lexington, ky., ordering a board of examiners for the following officers of the sixth virginia: maj. w.h. johnson; second battalion, capt. c.b. nicholas, capt. j.e. hill, capt. j.a.c. stevens, capt. e.w. gould, capt. peter shepperd, jr., lieutenants s.b. randolph, geo. t. wright and david worrell for examination september , , each officer immediately tendered his resignation, which was at once accepted by the secretary of war. [illustration: major r.r. wright, paymaster in u.s. army.] under the rules governing the volunteer army, when vacancies occurred by death, removal, resignation or otherwise, the colonel of a regiment had the power to recommend suitable officers or men to fill the vacancies by promotions, and the governor would make the appointment with the approval of the secretary of war. many of the men had high hopes of gaining a commission; many of the most worthy young men of the state, who left their peaceful vocations for the rough service of war, for they were, students, bookkeepers, real estate men, merchants, clerks and artists who responded to their country's call--all looking to a much desired promotion. but after many conflicting stories as to what would be done and much parleying on the part of the recommending power, who said that there was none in the regiment qualified for the promotion. and thereupon the governor appointed white officers to fill the vacancies created. a copy of the following was sent to the governor of virginia through "military channels" but never reached him; also to the adjutant general of the army through military channels: sixth virginia volunteer infantry, second battalion, colored, camp poland, tenn., october th, . to the adjutant general, u.s. army, washington, d.c. sir--we, the undersigned officers of the sixth virginia volunteer infantry, stationed at camp poland, knoxville, tenn., have the honor to respectfully submit to you the following: nine officers of this command who had served the state militia for a period ranging from five to twenty years were ordered examined. they resigned for reasons best known to themselves. we the remaining officers were sanguine that negro officers would be appointed to fill these vacancies, and believe they can be had from the rank and file, as the men in the various companies enlisted with the distinct understanding that they would be commanded by negro officers. we now understand through various sources that white officers have been, or are to be, appointed to fill these vacancies, to which we seriously and respectfully protest, because our men are dissatisfied. the men feel that the policy inaugurated as to this command should remain, and we fear if there is a change it will result disastrously to one of the best disciplined commands in the volunteer service. they are unwilling to be commanded by white officers and object to do what they did not agree to at first. that is to be commanded by any other than officers of the same color. we furthermore believe that should the appointments be confirmed there will be a continual friction between the officers and men of the two races as has been foretold by our present commanding officer. we express the unanimous and sincere desire of seven hundred and ninety-one men in the command to be mustered out rather than submit to the change. we therefore pray that the existing vacancies be filled from the rank and file of the command or by men of color. to all of which we most humbly pray. (signed) j.b. johnson, major th va. vol. inf. pleasant webb, capt. th va. vol inf. benj. a. graves, capt. th va. vol. inf. jas. c. smith, th va. vol. inf., st lt. l.j. wyche, st lt. th va. vol. inf. chas. h. robinson, st lt. th va. vol. john h. hill, st lt. th va. vol. inf. jno. k. rice, st lt. th va. vol. inf. edwin t. walker, st lt. th va. vol.. c.r. alexander, st. lt. and sarg. th va. vol. inf. john parham, nd lt. th. va. vol. inf. jas. st. gilpin, nd lt. th va. vol. inf. w.h. anderson, nd lt. th va. vol. inf. george w. foreman. nd lt. th va. vol. inf. frederick e. manggrum, nd lt. th va. vol. inf. richard hill, nd lt. th va. vol. inf. james m. collin, nd lt. th va. vol. inf. first endorsement. headquarters th va. vol. inf. second battalion, colored, camp poland, tenn., oct. , if respectfully forwarded. i have explained to the officers who signed this paper that their application is absurd, but they seem unable to see the points involved. the statement within that men prefer to be mustered out rather than serve under white officers is based upon the alleged reports that each first sergeant stated to his captain that all the men of the company were of that opinion. the statement that the men "enlisted with the understanding that they would be commanded entirely by negro officers," seems to be based upon the fact that when these companies were called upon by the state authorities they volunteered for service, etc., "with our present officers." these officers ( of them) have since resigned and their places filled by the governor of virginia with white officers. these latter have not yet reported for duty. further comment seems as unnecessary as the application itself is useless. (signed) r.c. croxton, lt. col. th va. vol. inf. com'd'g. * * * * * second endorsement. headquarters third brigade, second division, first army corps, camp poland, tenn., oct. , . respectfully forwarded. disapproved as under the law creating the present volunteer forces the governor of virginia is the only authority who can appoint the officers of the th va. vol. inf. (signed) james h. young. col. third n.c. vol. inf. com'd'g. brigade. third endorsement. headquarters second division, first army corps, camp poland, knoxville, tenn., oct. , . respectfully returned to the commanding general, third brigade. the enclosed communication is in form and substance so contrary to all military practice and traditions that it is returned for file at regimental headquarters, th va. vol. infantry. by command of colonel kuert. (signed) louis v. caziarc, assistant adjutant-general. * * * * * fourth endorsement. headquarters third brigade, second division, first army corps. respectfully transmitted to c.o., th virginia, inviting attention to preceding inst. by order of colonel young. (signed) a.b. collier, captain assistant adjutant-general. * * * * * a new lieutenant for the th virginia. october st, , the monthly muster was in progress. there appeared in the camp a new lieutenant--lieut. jno. w. healey--formerly sergeant-major in the regular army. this was the first positive evidence that white officers would be assigned to this regiment. this was about o'clock in the morning, and at knoxville later in the day, there were more arrivals. then it was published that the following changes and appointments were made: company "d," first battalion, was transferred to the second battalion; company "f," of the second battalion, transferred to the first battalion. major e.e. cobell, commanding second battalion. captain r.l.e. masurier, commanding company "d." captain w. s. faulkner, commanding company "e." captain j. w. bentley, commanding company "g." captain s.t. moore, commanding company "h." first lieutenant jno. w. healey to company "h." first lieutenant a.l. moncure to company "g." second lieutenant geo. w. richardson, company "g." first lieutenant edwin t. walker transferred to company "c." november st officers attempted to take charge of the men who offered no violence at all, but by their manner and conduct it appeared too unpleasant and unsafe for these officers to remain, so tendered their resignations, but they were withheld for a day. the next day, november , , it was thought best that the colored captains and lieutenants would drill the companies at the o'clock drill. while on the field "recall" was sounded and the companies were brought to the headquarters and formed a street column. general bates, commanding the corps and his staff; col. kuert, commanding the brigade and brigade staff; maj. louis v. caziarc, assistant adjutant-general: lieut. col. croxton and maj. johnson were all there and spoke to the men. colonel kuert said: "gentlemen, as commanding officer of the brigade, i appear before you to-day asking you to do your duty; to be good soldiers, to remember your oath of enlistment, and to be careful as to the step you take, for it might cost you your life; that there are enough soldiers at my command to force you into submission should you resist. no, if you intend to accept the situation and submit to these officers placed over you, at my command, you come to a right shoulder, and if you have any grievance imaginary or otherwise present through proper military channels, and if they are proper, your wrongs will be adjusted." "right shoulder, arms." did not a man move. he then ordered them to be taken back to their company street and to "stack arms." before going to the company streets major caziarc spoke to the men as follows: "forty years ago no negro could bear arms or wear the blue. you cannot disgrace the blue, but can make yourselves unworthy to wear it." then maj. j.b. johnson spoke to the men and urged upon them to keep in mind the oath of enlistment (which he read to them), in which they swore that they would "obey all officers placed over them;" that since the appointments had been made there was nothing for them to do but to accept the situation. at the conclusion of maj. johnson's talk to the men, private badger, regimental tailor, stepped to the front and gave the "rifle salute" and asked permission to say a word. it was granted. he said: "when we enlisted we understood that we would go with our colored officers anywhere in or out of this country, and when vacancies occurred we expected and looked for promotion as was the policy of the governor of virginia toward other virginia regiments." he was told that if the men had any grievance they could present it through military channels and it would be looked into. they never accepted maj. johnson's advice--returned to their company streets and were allowed to keep their guns. the ordnance officer was ordered to take all ammunition to the camp of the thirty-first michigan and place it in the guard-house. the men had the freedom and pass privilege to and from the city. [illustration: major j.b. johnson, of the sixth virginia colored volunteers.] november th the command was ordered to macon, ga., arriving at camp haskell next day, with men and officers. near the camp of the sixth virginia was that of the tenth immune regiment, in which were many virginia boys, some of whom had been members of some of the companies of the sixth. some irresponsible persons cut down a tree upon which several men had been lynched. the blame naturally fell upon the sixth virginia. the regiment was placed under arrest and remained so for nineteen days. the first day the third engineers guarded the camp, but general wilson, the corps commander, removed them and put colored soldiers to guard them. on the night of november th, at a late hour, the camp was surrounded by all the troops available while the men were asleep and the regiment was disarmed. while all this was going on the thirty-first michigan regiment had been deployed into line behind a hill on the north and the fourth tennessee had been drawn up in line on the east side of the camp ready to fire should any resistance be offered. the men quietly submitted to this strange procedure, and did not know that gatling guns had been conveniently placed at hand to mow them down had they shown any resistance. the southern papers called them the mutinous sixth, and said and did every thing to place discredit upon them. they were reviewed by general breckinridge, general alger, secretary of war, and president mckinley, who applauded them for their fine and soldierly appearance. comments on the third north carolina regiment. of all the volunteer regiments the third north carolina seemed to be picked out as the target for attack by the georgia newspapers. the atlanta journal, under large headlines, "a happy riddance," has the following to say when the third north carolina left macon. but the journal's article was evidently written in a somewhat of a wish-it-was-so-manner, and while reading this article we ask our readers to withhold judgment until they read prof. c.f. meserve on the third north carolina, who wrote after investigation. the journal made no investigation to see what the facts were, but dwells largely on rumors and imagination. it will be noted that president meserve took the pains to investigate the subject before writing about it. the atlanta journal says: a happy riddance. the army and the country are to be congratulated on the mustering out of the third north carolina regiment. a tougher and more turbulent set of negroes were probably never gotten together before. wherever this regiment went it caused trouble. while stationed in macon several of its members were killed, either by their own comrades in drunken brawls or by citizens in self-defense. last night the mustered-out regiment passed through atlanta on its way home and during its brief stay here exhibited the same ruffianism and brutality that characterized it while in the service. but for the promptness and pluck of several atlanta policemen these negro ex-soldiers would have done serious mischief at the depot. those who undertook to make trouble were very promptly clubbed into submission, and one fellow more obstreperous than the rest, was lodged in the station house. with the exception of two or three regiments the negro volunteers in the recent war were worse than useless. the negro regulars, on the contrary, made a fine record, both for fighting and conduct in camp. [illustration: third north carolina volunteers and officers.] the mustering out of the negro volunteers should have begun sooner and have been completed long ago. * * * * * what president charles francis meserve says. president charles francis meserve, of shaw university, says: "i spent a part of two days the latter part of december at camp haskell, near macon, ga., inspecting the third north carolina colored regiment and its camp and surroundings. the fact that this regiment has colored officers and the knowledge that the colonel and quite a number of officers, as well as many of the rank and file, were graduates or former students of shaw university, led me to make a visit to this regiment, unheralded and unannounced. i was just crossing the line into the camp when i was stopped by a guard, who wanted to know who i was and what i wanted. i told him i was a very small piece of shaw university, and that i wanted to see col. young. after that sentence was uttered, and he had directed me to the headquarters of the colonel, the regiment and the camp might have been called mine, for the freedom of everything was granted me." the camp is admirably located on a sandy hillside, near pine woods, and is dry and well-drained. it is well laid out, with a broad avenue in the centre intersected by a number of side streets. on one side of the avenue are the tents and quarters of the men and the canteen, and on the opposite side the officers' quarters, the hospital, the quartermasters stores, the y.m.c.a. tent, etc. although the weather was unfavorable, the camp was in the best condition, and from the standpoint of sanitation was well-nigh perfect. i went everywhere and saw everything, even to the sinks and corral. part of the time i was alone and part of the time an officer attended me. there was an abundant supply of water from the macon water works distributed in pipes throughout the camp. the clothing was of good quality and well cared for. the food was excellent, abundant in quantity and well prepared. the beef was fresh and sweet, for it had not been "embalmed." the men were not obliged to get their fresh meat by picking maggots out of dried apples and dried peaches as has been the case sometimes in the past on our "wild west frontier." there were potatoes, irish and sweet, navy beans, onions, meat, stacks of light bread, canned salmon, canned tomatoes, etc. these were not all served at one meal, but all these articles and others go to make up the army ration list. the spirit and discipline of officers and men was admirable, and reflected great credit upon the old north state. there was an enthusiastic spirit and buoyancy that made their discipline and evolutions well nigh perfect. the secret of it all was confidence in their leader. they believe in their colonel, and the colonel in turn believes in his men. col. james h. young possesses in a marked degree a quality of leadership as important as it is rare. he probably knows by name at least three-quarters of his regiment, and is on pleasant terms with his staff and the men in the ranks, and yet maintains a proper dignity, such as befits his official rank. [illustration: prof. charles f. meserve, of shaw university, raleigh, n.c. (who investigated and made report on the third n.c. volunteers.)] on the last afternoon of my visit of inspection col. young ordered the regiment drawn up in front of his headquarters, and invited me to address them. the colonel and his staff were mounted, and i was given a position of honor on a dry goods box near the head of the beautiful horse upon which the colonel was mounted. besides colonel james h. young, of raleigh, were near me lieutenant colonel taylor, of charlotte; major walker, of wilmington; major hayward, of raleigh; chief surgeon dellinger, of greensboro; assistant surgeons pope, of charlotte, and alston, of asheville; capt. durham, of winston; capt. hamlin, of raleigh; capt. hargraves, of maxton; capt. mebane, of elizabeth city; capt. carpenter, of rutherfordton; capt. alexander, of statesville; capt. smith, of durham; capt. mason, of kinston; who served under colonel shaw at fort wagner; capt. leatherwood, asheville; capt. stitt, of charlotte; capt. york, of newbern; and quartermaster lane, of raleigh. that highly respected citizen of fayetteville, adjutant smith, was in the hospital suffering from a broken leg. i told them they were on trial, and the success or failure of the experiment must be determined by themselves alone; that godliness, moral character, prompt and implicit obedience, as well as bravery and unflinching courage, were necessary attributes of the true soldier. the y.m.c.a. tent is a great blessing to the regiment, and is very popular, and aids in every possible way the work of chaplain durham. the way col. young manages the canteen cannot be too highly recommended. ordinarily the term canteen is another name for a drinking saloon, though a great variety of articles, such as soldiers need, are on sale and the profits go to the soldiers. but the canteen of the third north carolina is a dry one. by that i mean that spiritous or malt liquors are not sold. col. young puts into practice the principles that have always characterized his personal habits, and with the best results to his regiment. i had the pleasure of meeting capt. s. babcock, assistant adjutant general of the brigade, who has known this regiment since it was mustered into the service. he speaks of it in the highest terms. i also met major john a. logan, the provost marshal, and had a long interview with him. he said the third north carolina was a well-behaved regiment and that he had not arrested a larger per cent of men from this regiment than from any other regiment, and that i was at liberty to publicly use this statement. while in the sleeper on my way home i fell in with capt. j.c. gresham, of the seventh cavalry. capt. gresham is a native of virginia, a graduate of richmond college and west point, and has served many years in the regular army. he was with colonel forsyth in the battle with the sioux at wounded knee, south dakota. i had met him previously, when i was in the united states indian service in kansas. he informed me that he mustered in the first four companies of the third north carolina, and the colonel and his staff, and that he had never met a more capable man than colonel young. the third north carolina has never seen active service at the front, and, as the hispano-american war is practically a closed chapter, it will probably be mustered out of the service without any knowledge of actual warfare. i thought, however, as i stood on the dry goods box and gave them kindly advice, and looked down along the line, that if i was a soldier in a white regiment and was pitted against them, my regiment would have to do some mighty lively work to "clean them out." charles francis meserve. shaw university, raleigh, n.c., jan. , . [illustration: mr. judson w. lyons, register of the treasury, and signs u.s. "greenbacks" to make them good.] chapter viii. general items of interest to the race, john c. dancy, re-appointed collector of port wilmington, n.c. salary $ , . the appointment of prof. richard t. greener, of new york, as consul to vladivistock. hon. h.p. cheatham, appointed as register of deeds of the district of columbia. salary $ , . hon. george h. white elected to congress from the second congressional district of north carolina, the only colored representative in that body. the cotton factory at concord, n.c., built and operated by colored people, capitalized at $ , , and established a new line of industry for colored labor, is one of the interesting items showing the progress of the colored race in america. b.k. bruce re-appointed register of the treasury, and on his death mr. judson w. lyons, of augusta, georgia, became his successor, and now has the honor of making genuine uncle sam's greenback by affixing thereto his signature. salary $ , . bishop h.m. turner visits africa and ordains an african bishop, j.h. dwane, vicar of south africa, with a conference composed of a membership of , persons. this act of the bishop is criticised by some of the bishops and members of the a.m.e. church in america on the grounds that bishop turner was acting without authority in making this appointment. mr. james deveaux, collector of port, brunswick, ga.; h.a. rucker, collector of internal revenue for georgia, $ , (the best office in the state); morton, postmaster at athens, ga., $ , ; demas, naval officer at new orleans, $ , ; lee, collector of port at jacksonville, $ , (the best office in that state); hill, register of the land office in mississippi, $ , ; leftwich, register of the land office in alabama, $ , ; casline, receiver of public moneys in alabama, $ , ; jackson, consul at calais, $ , ; van horn, consul in the west indies, $ , ; green, chief stamp division, postoffice department, $ , . miss alberta scott and others, miss alberta scott is the first negro girl to be graduated from the harvard annex. her classmates and the professors of the institution have congratulated her in the warmest terms and in the literary and the language club of boston her achievement of the m.a. degree has been spoken of with high praise. miss scott is but the fifth student of the negro race to obtain this honor at the colleges for women in massachusetts. two received diplomas from wellsley, one from smith college and one from vassar. miss scott is years old. she was born in richmond, va., having graduated from the common schools in boston. miss scott's teachers spoke so encouragingly of her work that the girl was determined to have a college education. she paid particular attention to the study of language and literature, and she is now a fluent linguist and a member of the idier and german clubs. she has contributed considerably to college and new england journals. [illustration: the garnes family.] the discovery of the garnes family. a picture of which is herein placed, will do much to confound those bumptious sociologists who make haste to rush into print with statistics purporting to show that the negro race in america is "fast dying out." the aim of this class of people seems to be to show that the negro race withers under the influence of freedom, which is by no means true. it is possibly true that filth and disease does its fatal work in the negro race, the same as in other races among the filthy and corrupt, but the filthy and corrupt in the negro race, as a class, are growing fewer every year--for which we can thank the philanthropy of the american people who are doing something to better the condition of the negro rather than hurling at him enernating criticisms and complaints. "their home is at brodie, in the country, about twenty miles from henderson, n.c. the father's name is gillis garnes. he is about fifty years of age, and the mother says she is about forty-eight. the oldest child is a daughter, aged twenty-eight, and the youngest is also a daughter, three years of age; that you see seated in her mother's arms. they are all baptists and thirteen of the family are members of the church. i had this photograph taken at henderson, on april th. there are seventeen children, all living, of the same father and mother. a.j. garnes spends quite a part of the time in teaching in his native county. when he is not teaching he is at home, and every evening has a school made up of children of the family. a.j. garnes is the tall young man in the background at the right, who is a former student of shaw university, as well as one of the sisters represented in the picture."--_prof. charles f. meserve, in the baptist home mission monthly._ "a colored wonder" on the bicycle. new york, august .--major taylor, the colored cyclist, met and defeated "jimmy" michael, the little welshman, in a special match race, best two out of three, one mile pace heats, from a standing start at manhattan beach cycle track this afternoon. michael won the first heat easily, as taylor's pacing quint broke down in the final lap, but on the next two heats michael was so badly beaten and distanced that he quit each time in the last lap. marvelous work. taylor's work was wonderful, both from a racing and time standpoint, and he established a new world's record which was absolutely phenomenal, covering the third heat in : - . michael was hissed by the spectators as he passed the stand, dispirited and dejected by taylor's overwhelming victory. immediately after the third heat was finished, and before the time was announced, william a. bradley, who championed the colored boy during the entire season, issued a challenge to race taylor against michael for $ , or $ , a side at any distance up to one hundred miles. the colored youth lionized. this declaration was received with tumultuous shouts by the assemblage, and the colored victor was lionized when the time was made known. edouard taylore, the french rider, held the world's record of : - for the distance in a contest paced from a standing start. [illustration: coleman cotton mill.] the world's record lowered. the world's record against time from a standing start, made by platt betts, of england, was : - . michael beat taylore's record by - seconds in the first heat, but major taylor wiped this out and tied betts' record against time in the second heat. as taylor was on the outside for nearly two and a half laps, it was easily seen that he rode more than a mile in the time, and shrewd judges who watched the race said that he would surely do better on the third attempt. pale as a corpse. that he fully justified this belief goes without saying. the welsh rider was pale as a corpse when he jumped off his wheel and had no excuse to make for his defeat. taylor's performance undoubtedly stamps him as the premier 'cycle sprinter of the world, and, judging from the staying qualities he exhibited in his six days' ride in the madison square garden, the middle distance championship may be his before the end of the present season. a negro millionaire found at last. after a search of many years, at last a negro millionaire, yes, a multi-millionaire has been found. he resides in the city of guatemala, and is known as don juan knight. it is said he is to that country what huntington and other monied men are to this country. he was born a slave in the state of alabama. he owns gold mines, large coffee and banana farms, is the second largest dealer in mahogany in the world, owns a bank and pays his employees $ , a year. his wealth is estimated at $ , , . he was the property of the uptons, of dadeville, ala. he contributes largely to educational institutions, has erected hospitals, etc. he is sought for his advice by the government whenever a bond issue, etc., is to be made. he lives in a palace and has hosts of servants to wait on his family. he married a native and has seven children. they have all been educated in this country. two of his sons are in a military academy in mississippi and one of his daughters is an accomplished portrait painter in boston. he visited the old plantation where he was born recently and employed the son of his former master as foreman of his mines. finding that the wife of his former master was sick and without money, he gave her enough money to live on the balance of her life. he employs more men than any other man in guatemala and is the wealthiest one there.--maxton blade. uncle sam's money sealer who could steal millions if he would. there is only one man in the united states who could steal $ , , and not have the theft discovered for six months. this man has a salary of $ , a year. he is a negro and his name is john r. brown. mr. brown's interesting duty is to be the packer of currency under james f. meline, the assistant treasurer of the united states, who, says that his is a place where automatic safeguards and checks fail, and where the government must trust to the honesty of the official. all the currency printed at the bureau of engraving and printing is completed in the treasury building by having the red seal printed on it there. it comes to the treasury building in sheets of four notes each, and when the seal has been imprinted on the notes they are cut apart and put into packages to dry. john brown's duty is to put up the packages of notes and seal them. [illustration: mr. brown, the colored man who packs and seals the money of the united states.] brown does his work in a cage at the end of the room in which the completion of the notes is accomplished--the room of the division of issues. the notes are arranged in packages of one hundred before they are brought into the cage. each package has its paper strap, on which the number and denomination is given in printed characters. forty are put together in two piles of twenty each and placed an a power press. this press is worked by a lever, something like an old-style cotton press. there are openings above and below through which strings can be slipped after brown has pulled the lever and compressed the package. these strings hold the package together while stout manila paper is drawn around it. this paper is folded as though about a pound of tea and sealed with wax. then a label is pasted on it, showing in plain characters what is within. the packages are of uniform size and any variation from the standard would be noticed. but a dishonest man in brown's position could slip a wad of prepared paper into one of the packages and put the notes into his pocket. if he did this the crime might not be known for six months or a year, or even longer. some day there would come from the treasurer a requisition for a package of notes of a certain denomination. the doctored package would be opened and the shortage would be found. however, the government has never had to meet this situation. there have been only two men engaged in packing and sealing currency since the treasury department was organized. john t. barnes began the work. he was a delegate to the chicago convention which nominated lincoln and he received his appointment on the recommendation of montgomery blair in . in he was assigned to making up the currency packages and fulfilled that duty until his death, in . no mistake was ever discovered in his work, though he handled every cent of currency issued by the government for thirty-two years--so many millions of dollars that it would take a week to figure them up. mr. barnes' duties were filled temporarily until november , when john r. brown was appointed to the place. barnes at the time of his death was receiving only $ , a year and brown draws only $ , . ordinarily the bureau of engraving and printing delivers to the issue division about fifty-six packages of paper money of , sheets each, four notes on a sheet, making, when separated, , notes. these notes range in value from $ to $ , and their aggregate is usually about $ , , . the government, however, issues currency in denominations of $ , $ , $ , $ , . the largest are not printed often, because the amount issued is small. if it could happen that , notes of $ , each were received from the bureau in one day, the aggregate of value in the fifty-six packages would be $ , , . as it is, a little more than per cent, of this sum represents the largest amount handled in one day. that is, the packer has handled $ , , in a single day, and not one dollar has gone astray. john r. brown is a hereditary office-holder. his father was a trusted employee of the treasurer's office for ten year prior to his death, in . the son was appointed assistant messenger in . he became a clerk through competitive examination and was gradually promoted. [illustration: gen. pio pilar, in charge of the insurgent forces which attacked the american troops.] the man who has the largest interest in john brown's integrity and care probably does not know brown's name. yet, if a thousand dollars was missing from one of the packages in the storage vault, ellis h. roberts, treasurer of the united states, would have to make it good. mr. roberts has given a bond to the government in the sum of $ , . twenty years hence the sureties on that bond could be held for a shortage in the treasurer's office, if it could be traced back to mr. roberts' term. not one of the employees under mr. roberts gives a bond, though they handle millions every day. but the treasurer's office is one which every responsible employee has been weighed carefully. its clerks have been in service many years and have proved worthy of confidence. howells discovers a negro poet. mr. paul lawrence dunbar has been until recently an elevator-boy in dayton, ohio. while engaged in the ups and downs of life in that capacity he has cultivated his poetical talents so successfully that his verse has found frequent admission into leading magazines. at last a little collection of these verses reached william dean howells, and mr. dunbar's star at once became ascendant. he is said to be a full-blooded negro, the son of slave-parents, and his best work is in the dialect of his race. a volume of his poems is soon to be published by dodd, mead & co. and in an introduction to it mr. howells writes as follows: "what struck me in reading mr. dunbar's poetry was what had already struck his friends in ohio and indiana, in kentucky and illinois. they had felt as i felt, that however gifted his race had proven itself in music, in oratory, in several other arts, here was the first instance of an american negro who had evinced innate literature. in my criticism of his book i had alleged dumas in france, and had forgotten to allege the far greater pushkin in russia; but these were both mulattoes who might have been supposed to derive their qualities from white blood vastly more artistic than ours, and who were the creatures of an environment more favorable to their literary development. so far as i could remember, paul dunbar was the only man of pure african blood and american civilization to feel the negro life esthetically and express it lyrically. it seemed to me that this had come to its most modern consciousness in him, and that his brilliant and unique achievement was to have studied the american negro objectively, and to have represented him as he found him to be, with humor, with sympathy, and yet with what the reader must instinctively feel to be entire truthfulness. i said that a race which had come to this effect in any member of it had attained civilization in him, and i permitted myself the imaginative prophecy that the hostilities and the prejudices which had so long constrained his race were destined to vanish in the arts; that these were to be the final proof that god had made of one blood all nations of men. i thought his merits positive and not comparative; and i held that if his black poems had been written by a white man i should not have found them less admirable. i accepted them as an evidence of the essential unity of the human race, which does not think or feel black in one and white in another, but humanly in all." the bookman says of mr. dunbar: "it is safe to assert that accepted as an anglo-saxon poet, he would have received little or no consideration in a hurried weighing of the mass of contemporary verse." "but mr. dunbar, as his pleasing, manly, and not unrefined face shows, is a poet of the african race; and this novel and suggestive fact at once placed his work upon a peculiar footing of interest, of study, and of appreciative welcome. so regarded, it is a most remarkable and hopeful production." [illustration: paul lawrence dunbar, the negro poet.] we reproduce here one of dunbar's dialect poems entitled when de co'n pone's hot. dey is times in life when nature seems to slip a cog an' go jes' a-rattlin' down creation, lak an ocean's overflow; when de worl' jes' stahts a-spinnin' lak a picaninny's top, an' you' cup o' joy is brimmin' 'twel it seems about to slop. an' you feel jes' lak a racah dat is trainin' fu' to trot-- when you' mammy ses de blessin' an' de co'n pone's hot. when you set down at de table, kin' o' weary lak an' sad, 'an' you'se jest a little tiahed, an' purhaps a little mad-- how you' gloom tu'ns into gladness, how you' joy drives out de doubt when de oven do' is opened an' de smell comes po'in' out; why, de 'lectric light o' heaven seems to settle on de spot, when yo' mammy ses de blessin' an' de co'n pone's hot. when de cabbage pot is steamin' an' de bacon good an' fat, when de chittlin's is a-sputter'n' so's to show yo' whah dey's at; take away you sody biscuit, take away yo' cake an' pie. fu' de glory time is comin', an' it's proachin' very nigh, an' you' want to jump an' hollah, do you know you'd bettah not, when you mammy ses de blessin' an' de co'n pone's hot? i have heerd o' lots o' sermons, an' i've heerd o' lots o' prayers; an' i've listened to some singin' dat has tuck me up de stairs of de glory lan' an' set me jes' below de mahster's th'one, an' have lef my haht a singin' in a happy aftah-tone. but dem wu's so sweetly murmured seem to tech de softes' spot, when my mammy ses de blessin'. an de co'n pone's hot. --taken from the literary digest. disfranchisement of colored voters. while the northern and western portions of the united states were paying tributes to the valor of the negro soldiers who fought for the flag in cuba, the most intense feeling ever witnessed, was brewing in some sections of the south-notably in the north carolina legislature against the rights and privileges of negro citizenship, which culminated in the passage of a "jim crow" car law, and an act to amend the constitution so as to disfranchise the colored voters. it was noticeable, however, that although the "jim crow car" law got through that body in triumph, yet the "jim crow bed" law, which made it a felony for whites and colored to cohabit together did not pass. [illustration: filipino lady of manila.] the washington post, which cannot be rated as generally partial to the colored citizens of the union, and which is especially vicious in its attacks on the colored soldiers, has the following to say as to the proposed north carolina amendment, which is so well said that we insert the same in full as an indication to our people that justice is not yet dead--though seemingly tardy: suffrage in north carolina. (washington post, feb. , .) the amendment to the constitution of north carolina, which has for its object the limitation of the suffrage in the state, appears to have been modeled on the new louisiana laws and operate a gross oppression and injustice. it is easy to see that the amendment is not intended to disfranchise the ignorant, but to stop short with the negro; to deny to the illiterate black man the right of access to the ballot box and yet to leave the way wide open to the equally illiterate whites. in our opinion the policy thus indicated is both dangerous and unjust. we expressed the same opinion in connection with the louisiana laws, and we see no reason to amend our views in the case of north carolina. the proposed arrangement is wicked. it will not bear the test of intelligent and impartial examination. we believe in this case, as in that of louisiana, that the federal constitution has been violated, and we hope that the people of north carolina will repudiate the blunder at the polls. we realize with sorrow and apprehension that there are elements at the south enlisted in the work of disfranchising the negro for purposes of mere party profit. it has been so in louisiana, where laws were enacted under which penniless and illiterate negroes cannot vote, while the ignorant and vicious classes of whites are enabled to retain and exercise the franchise. so far as we are concerned--and we believe that the best element of the south in every state will sustain our proposition-we hold that, as between the ignorant of the two races, the negroes are preferable. they are conservative; they are good citizens; they take no stock in social schisms and vagaries; they do not consort with anarchists; they cannot be made the tools and agents of incendiaries; they constitute the solid, worthy, estimable yeomanry of the south. their influence in government would be infinitely more wholesome than the influence of the white sansculotte, the riff-raff, the idlers, the rowdies, and the outlaws. as between the negro, no matter how illiterate he may be, and the "poor white," the property-holders of the south prefer the former. excepting a few impudent, half-educated, and pestiferous pretenders, the negro masses of the south are honest, well-meaning, industrious, and safe citizens. they are in sympathy with the superior race; they find protection and encouragement with the old slave-holding class; if left alone, they would furnish the bone and sinew of a secure and progressive civilization. to disfranchise this class and leave the degraded whites in possession of the ballot would, as we see the matter, be a blunder, if not a crime. the question has yet to be submitted to a popular vote. we hope it will be decided in the negative. both the louisiana senators are on record as proclaiming the unconstitutionality of the law. both are eminent lawyers, and both devoted absolutely to the welfare of the south. we can only hope, for the sake of a people whom we admire and love, that this iniquitous legislation may be overruled in north carolina as in louisiana. chapter ix. some facts about the philippinos. who aguinaldo is. emilio aguinaldo was born march , , at cavite, viejo. when twenty-five years old he was elected mayor of cavite. on august , , aguinaldo became leader of the insurgents. the revolution started on that day. he fought four battles with the spaniards and was victorious in all. he lost but ten men, to the spaniards . on december , , a peace was established between aguinaldo and the spanish. aguinaldo received $ , , but the rest of the conditions of peace were never carried out. in june last aguinaldo issued a proclamation, expressing a desire for the establishment of a native administration in the philippines under an american protectorate. in an interview with a world correspondent at that time he expressed himself as grateful to americans. in july he issued a proclamation fixing the th day of that month for the declaration of the independence of the philippines. in november aguinaldo defied general otis, refusing to release his spanish prisoners. the cabinet on december cabled general otis to demand the release of the prisoners. [illustration: emilio aguinaldo, military dictator of the filipinos.] aguinaldo the man. in his features, face and skull aguinaldo looks more like a european than a malay. he is what would be called a handsome man, and might be compared with many young men in the province of andalusia, spain. if there be truth in phrenology he is a man above the common. friends and enemies agree that he is intelligent, ambitious, far-sighted, brave, self-controlled, honest, moral, vindictive, and at times cruel. he possesses the quality which friends call wisdom and enemies call craft. according to those who like him he is courteous, polished, thoughtful and dignified; according to those who dislike him he is insincere, pretentious, vain and arrogant. both admit him to be genial, generous, self-sacrificing, popular and capable in the administration of affairs. if the opinion of his foes be accepted he is one of the greatest malays on the page of history. if the opinion of his friends be taken as the criterion he is one of the great men of history irrespective of race.--the review of reviews. facts from felipe agoncillo's letter in leslie's magazine. sixty per cent, of the inhabitants can read and write. the women in education are on a plane with the men. each town of , inhabitants has two schools for children of both sexes. the towns of , inhabitants have three schools. there are technical training schools in manila, iloilo, and bacoler. "in these schools are taught cabinet work, silversmithing, lock-smithing, lithography, carpentering, machinery, decorating, sculpture, political economy, commercial law, book-keeping, and commercial correspondence, french and english; and there is one superior college for painting, sculpture and engraving. there is also a college of commercial exports in manila, and a nautical school, as well as a superior school of agriculture. ten model farms and a meteorological observatory are conducted in other provinces, together with a service of geological studies, a botanical garden and a museum, a laboratory and military academy and a school of telegraphy." manila has a girl's school (la ascuncion) of elementary and superior branches, directed by french, english and spanish mothers, which teaches french, english literature, arithmetic, algebra, trigonometry, topography, physics, geology, universal history, geography, designing, music, dress-making and needle-work. the capital has besides a municipal school of primary instruction and the following colleges: santa ysabel, santa catolina, la concordia, santa rosa de la looban, a hospital of san jose, and an asylum of st. vincent de paul, all of which are places of instruction for children. there are other elementary schools in the state of camannis, in pasig, in vigan and jaro. the entire conduct of the civilization of the philippines as well as local authorities are in the hands of the philipinos themselves. they also had charge of the public offices of the government during the last century. there is a medical school and a school for mid-wives. "all the young people and especially the boys, belonging to well-to-do families residing in the other islands go to manila to study the arts and learn a profession. among the natives to be ignorant and uneducated, is a shameful condition of degradation." "the sons of the rich families began to go to spain in " to be educated. [illustration: felipe agoncillo emissary of the filipinos to the united states.] when the spaniards first went to the islands "they found the philipinos enlightened and advanced in civilization." "they had foundries for casting iron and brass, for making guns and powder. they had their special writing with two alphabets, and used paper imported from china and japan." this was in the early part of the sixteenth century. the spanish government took the part of the natives against the imposition of exhorbitant taxes, and the tortures of the inquisition by the early settlers. the highest civilization exists in the island of luzon but in some of the remote islands the people are not more than "enlightened." the population embraced in anguinaldo's dominion is , , , scattered over a territory in area approaching , square miles. the americans up to this time have conquered only about square miles of this territory. what takes place in the south concerning the treatment of negroes is known in the philippines. the philipino government on the th of february, , issued from hong kong the following decree warning the philipino people as follows: "manila has witnessed the most horrible outrages, the confiscation of the properties and savings of the people at the point of the bayonet, the shooting of the defenseless, accompanied by odious acts of abomination repugnant barbarism and social hatred, worse than the doings in the carolinas." they are told of america's treatment of the black population, and are made to feel that it is better to die fighting than become subject to a nation where, as they are made to believe, the colored man is lynched and burned alive indiscriminately. the outrages in this country is giving america a bad name among the savage people of the world, and they seem to prefer savagery to american civilization, such as is meted out to her dark-skinned people. chapter x. resume. should the question be asked "how did the american negroes act in the spanish-american war?" the foregoing brief account of their conduct would furnish a satisfactory answer to any fair mind. in testimony of their valiant conduct we have the evidence first, of competent eye witnesses; second, of men of the white race; and third, not only white race, but men of the southern white race, in america, whose antipathy to the negro "with a gun" is well known, it being related of the great george washington, who, withal, was a slave owner, but mild in his views as to the harshness of that system--that on his dying bed he called out to his good wife: "martha, martha, let me charge you, dear, never to trust a 'nigger' with a gun." again we have the testimony of men high in authority, competent to judge, and whose evidence ought to be received. such men as general joseph wheeler, colonel roosevelt, general miles, president mckinley. if on the testimony of such witnesses as these we have not "established our case," there must be something wrong with the jury. a good case has been established, however, for the colored soldier, out of the mouth of many witnesses. the colored troopers just did so well that praise could not be withheld from them even by those whose education and training had bred in them prejudice against negroes. it can no longer be doubted that the negro soldier will fight. in fact such has been their record in past wars that no scruples should have been entertained on this point, but the (late) war was a fresh test, the result of which should be enough to convince the most incredulous "doubting thomases." [illustration: convent at cavitË, where aguinaldo was proclaimed president of the philippine republic (june, ).] the greater portion of the american people have confidence in the negro soldier. this confidence is not misplaced--the american government can, in the south, organize an army of negro soldiers that will defy the combined forces of any nation of europe. the negro can fight in any climate, and does not succumb to the hardships of camp life. he makes a model soldier and is well nigh invincible. the negro race has a right to be proud of the achievements of the colored troopers in the late spanish-american war. they were the representatives of the whole race in that conflict; had they failed it would have been a calamity charged up to the whole race. the race's enemies would have used it with great effect. they did not fail, but did their duty nobly--a thousand hurrahs for the colored troopers of the spanish-american war!! in considering their successful achievements, however, it is well to remember that there were some things the negro had to forget while facing spanish bullets. the negro soldier in bracing himself for that conflict must needs forget the cruelties that daily go on against his brethren under that same flag he faces death to defend; he must forget that when he returns to his own land he will be met not as a citizen, but as a serf in that part of it, at least, where the majority of his people live; he must forget that if he wishes to visit his aged parents who may perhaps live in some of the southern states, he must go in a "jim crow" car; and if he wants a meal on the way, he could only get it in the kitchen, as to insist on having it in the dining room with other travelers, would subject him to mob violence; he must forget that the flag he fought to defend in cuba does not protect him nor his family at home; he must forget the murder of frazier b. baker, who was shot down in cold blood, together with his infant babe in its mother's arms, and the mother and another child wounded, at lake city, s.c., for no other offense than attempting to perform the duties of postmaster at that place--a position given him by president mckinley; he must forget also the shooting of loftin, the colored postmaster at hagansville, ga., who was guilty of no crime, but being a negro and holding, at that place, the postoffice, a position given him by the government; he must forget the wilmington massacre in which some forty or fifty colored people were shot down by men who had organized to take the government of the city in charge by force of the winchester--where two lawyers and a half dozen or more colored men of business, together with such of their white friends as were thought necessary to get rid of, were banished from the city by a mob, and their lives threatened in the event of their return--all because they were in the way as republican voters-"talked too much" or did not halt when so ordered by some members of the mob; they must forget the three hundred negroes who were the victims of mob violence in the united states during the year ; they must forget that the government they fought for in cuba is powerless to correct these evils, and does not correct them. why the american government does not protect its colored citizens. is due to the peculiar and complicated construction of the laws relating to states rights. the power to punish for crimes against citizens of the different states is given by construction of the constitution of the united states to the courts of the several states. the federal authorities have no jurisdiction unless the state has passed some law abridging the rights of citizens, or the state government through its authorized agents is unable to protect its citizens, and has called on the national government for aid to that end, or some united states official is molested in the discharge of his duty. under this subtle construction of the constitution a citizen who lives in a state whose public opinion is hostile becomes a victim of whatever prejudice prevails, and, although the laws may in the letter, afford ample protection, yet those who are to execute them rarely do so in the face of a hostile public sentiment; and thus the negroes who live in hostile communities become the victims of public sentiment. juries may be drawn, and trials may be had, but the juries are usually white, and are also influenced in their verdicts by that sentiment which declares that "this is a white man's government," and a mistrial follows. in many instances the juries are willing to do justice, but they can feel the pressure from the outside, and in some instance the jurors chosen to try the cases were members of the mob, as in the case of the coroner's jury at lake city. it is the duty of a state governor, when he finds public sentiment dominating the courts and obstructing justice, to interfere, and in case he cannot succeed with the sheriff and posse comitatus, then to invoke national aid. but this step has never yet been taken by any governor of the states in the interest of negro citizenship. some of the state governors have made some demonstration by way of threats of enforcing the law against those who organize mobs and take the law into their own hands; and some of the mob murderers have been brought to trial, which in most cases, has resulted in an acquittal for the reason that juries have as aforestated, chosen to obey public sentiment, which is not in favor of punishing white men for lynching negroes, rather than obey the law; and cases against the election laws and for molesting united states officials have to be tried in the district where these offences occur, and the juries being in sympathy with the criminals, usually acquit, or there is a mistrial because they cannot all agree. that mobocracy is supreme in many parts of the union is no longer a mooted question. it is a fact; and one that forebodes serious consequences, not only to the negro but to any class of citizens who may happen to come into disfavor with some other class. [illustration: church of san sebastiano, manilla.] what the negro should do under such circumstances must be left to the discretion of the individuals concerned. some advise emigration, but that is impracticable, en masse, unless some suitable place could be found where any considerable number might go, and not fare worse. the colored people will eventually leave those places where they are maltreated, but "whether it is better to suffer the ills we now bear than flee to those we know not of," is the question. the prevailing sentiment among the masses seems to be to remain for the present, where they are, and through wise action, and appeals to the court of enlightened christian sentiment, try to disarm the mob. there is no doubt a class of white citizens who regret such occurrences, and from their natural horror of bloodshed, and looking to the welfare and reputation of the communities in which such outrages occur, and feeling that withal the negro makes a good domestic and farm hand, will, and do counsel against mob violence. in many places where mobs have occurred such white citizens have been invaluable aids in saving the lives of negroes from mob violence; and trusting that these friends will increase and keep up their good work the negro has seldom ever left the scene of mob violence in any considerable numbers, the home ties being strong, and he instinctively loves the scene of his birth. he loves the white men who were boys with him, whose faces he has smiled in from infancy, and he would rather not sever those friendly ties. a touching incident is related in reference to a colored man in a certain town where a mob was murdering negroes right and left, who came to the door of his place of business, and seeing the face of a young white man whom he had known from his youth, asked protection home to his wife and five children; the reply came with an oath, "get back into that house or i will put a bullet into you." the day before this these two men had been "good friends," had "exchanged cigars"-but the orders of the mob were stronger in this instance than the ties of long years of close friendship. another instance, though, will show how the mob could not control the ties of friendship of the white for the black. it was the case of a colored man who was blacklisted by a mob in a certain city, and fled to the home of a neighboring white friend who kept him in his own house for several days until escape was possible, and in the meantime, summoned his white neighbors to guard the black man's family-threatening to shoot down the first member of the mob who should enter the gate, because, as he said, "you have no right to frighten that woman and her children to death." such acts as this assures to the negroes in places where feeling runs against them that perhaps they may be fortunate enough to escape the violence of this terrible race hatred that is now running riot in this country. in this connection it is well to remark that kindness will win in the long run with the negro race, and make them the white man's friend. georgia and those states where negroes are being burned are sowing to the wind and will ere long reap the whirlwind in the matter of race hatred. criminal assaults were not characteristic of the negro in the days of slavery, because as a rule there was friendship between master and slave-the slave was too fond of his master's family but to do otherwise than protect it; but the situation is changed-instead of kindness the negro sees nothing but rebuff on every hand; he feels himself a hated and despised race without country or protection anywhere, and the brute-spirit rises in those, who, by their make-up and training, cannot keep it down-then follows murder, outrage, rape. it is true that only a few do these things, but those few are the natural products of the southern system of oppression and the wonder is, when the question is viewed philosophically, that there are so few. the conclusion here reached is that georgia will not get rid of her brutes by burning them and taking the charred embers home as relics, but rather by treating her negro population with more kindness and showing them that there is some hope for negro citizenship in that state. the negroes know that white men have been known to rape colored girls, but that never has there been a suggestion of lynching or burning for that, and they feel despondent, for they know the courts are useless in such cases, and this jug-handle enforcement of lynch law is breeding its own bad fruits on the negro race as well as making more brutal the whites. my advice, then, to our white friends is to try kindness as a remedy for rape in the south, and i am convinced of the force of this remedy from what i know of the occurrence of assaults and murders in those states where the negroes are made to feel that they are citizens and are at home. what courage! what an example of faithfulness to duty did the colored troopers exhibit in forgetting all these shortcomings to themselves and race of their own government when they made those daring charges on san juan and el caney!! they were possessed with large hearts and sublime courage. how they fought under such circumstances, none but a divine tongue can answer. it was a miracle, and was performed, no doubt, that good might come to the race in the shape of the testimonials given them as appears heretofore in this book. their deeds must live in history as an honor to the negro race. let them be taught to the children. let it be said that the negro soldier did his duty under the flag, whether that flag protects him or not. the white soldier fought under no such sad reflections--he did not, after a hard-fought battle, lie in the trenches at night and dream of his aged mother and father being run out of their little home into the wintry blasts by a mob who sought to "string them up" for circulating literature relating to the party of wm. mckinley--the president of the united states--this was the colored soldiers' dream, but he swore to protect the flag and he did it. the colored soldier has been faithful to his trust; let others be the same. if negroes who have other trusts to perform, do their duty as well as the colored soldiers, there will be many revisions in the scale of public sentiment regarding the negro race in america--many arguments will be overthrown and the heyday towards negro citizenship will begin to dawn--there are other battles than those of the militia. the solution of the problem is mainly in the race's own hands they must climb up themselves with such assistance as they can get. the race has done well in thirty years of freedom, but it could have done better; banking on the progress already made the next thirty years will no doubt show greater improvement than the past--time, time, time, which some people seem to take so little into account, will be the great adjuster of all such problems in the future as it has been in the past. many children of the white fathers of the present day will read the writing of their parents and wonder at their short-sightedness in attempting to fix the metes and bounds of the american negro's status. we feel reluctant to prophesy, but this much we do say, that fifty years from now will show a great change in the negro's condition in america, and many of those who now predict his calamity will be classed with the fools who said before the negro was emancipated that they would all perish within ten years for lack of ability to feed and clothe themselves. the complaint now with many of those who oppose the negro is not because he lacks ability, but rather because he uses too much and sometimes gets the situation that they want. this is pre-eminently so from a political standpoint and the reported arguments used to stir the poorer class of whites to rally against the negroes in wilmington during the campaign just before the late massacre there in the fall of , was a recital by impassioned orators of the fact that negroes had pianos and servants in their houses, and lace curtains to their windows-this outburst being followed by the question, "how many of you white men can afford to have them?" so as to the problem of the negro's imbibing the traits of civilization, that point is settled by what he has already done, and the untold obstacles which are being constantly put in his way by those who fear his competition. the question then turns not so much on what shall be done with the negro as upon what shall be done with the white men who are so filled with prejudice that neither law nor religion restrains their bloody hands when the negro refuses to get into what he calls "his place," which place is that of a menial; and often there seems no effort even to put the negro in any particular place save the grave, as many of the lynchings and murders appear to be done either for the fun of shooting someone, or else with extermination in view. there is no attempt at a show of reason or right. the mob spirit is growing--prejudice is more intense. formerly it was confined to the rabble, now it has taken hold of those of education, and standing. red shirts have entered the pulpits, and it is a matter boasted of rather than condemned--the south is not the only scene of such outrages. prejudice is not confined to one section, but is no doubt more intense in the southern state, and more far-reaching in its effects, because it is there that the negroes, by reason of the large numbers in proportion to the other inhabitants, come into political competition with the whites who revolt at the idea of negro officers, whether they are elected by a majority of citizens or not. the whites seem bent on revolution to prevent the force and effect of negro majorities. whether public sentiment will continue to endorse these local revolutions is the question that can be answered only by time. just so long as the negro's citizenship is written in the constitution and he believes himself entitled to it, just so long will he seek to exercise it. the white man's revolution will be needed every now and then to beat back the negro's aspirations with the winchester. the negro race loves progress, it is fond of seeing itself elevated, it loves office for the honor it brings and the emoluments thereof, just as other progressive races do. it is not effete, looking back to confucius; it is looking forward; it does not think its best days have been in the past, but that they are yet to come in the future; it is a hopeful race, teachable race; a race that absorbs readily the arts and accomplishments of civilization; a race that has made progress in spite of mountains of obstacles; a race whose temperament defied the worst evils of slavery, both african and american; a race of great vitality, a race of the future, a race of destiny. in closing this resume of this little work it is proper that i should warn the younger members of the race against despondency, and against the looseness of character and habits that is singularly consequential of a despondent spirit. do not be discouraged, give up, and throw away brilliant intellects, because of seeming obstacles, but rather resolve to be something and do something in spite of obstacles. "it was not by tossing feather balls into the air that the great hercules gained his strength, but by hurling huge bowlders from mountain tops 'that his name became the synonymn of manly strength.' so the harder the struggle the greater the discipline and fitness. if we cannot reach success in one way, let us try another. 'if the mountain will not come to mahomet let mahomet go to the mountain.'" [illustration: uncle sam and his new acquisitions.--(n.y. world.)] the south is a good place for the negro to live, provided, however, the better class of citizens will rise up and demand that lynchings and mobs shall cease, and that the officers of the law shall do their duty without prejudice. the only way to suppress mob violence is to make punishment for the leaders in it, sure and certain. the reason we have mobs is because the leaders of them know they will not be punished. the enforcement of the law against lynchers will break it up. the white ministers should take up the cause of justice rather than endorse the red shirts, or carry a winchester themselves. they should be the counselors of peace and not the advocates of bloodshed. most of them, no doubt, do regret the terrible deeds committed by mobs on helpless and innocent people, but it is a question as to whether or not they would be suffered by public sentiment to "cry aloud" against them. it takes moral courage to face any evil, but it must be faced or dire consequences will follow of its own breeding. our last word then, is an appeal to our brothers in white, in the pulpit, that they should rally the people together for justice and; condemn mob violence. the negroes do not ask social equality, but civil equality; let the false notions that confound civil rights with social rights be dispelled, and advocate the civil equality of all men, and the problem will be solved. edmund burke says that "war never leaves where it found a nation." applying this to the american nation with respect to the negro it is to be hoped that the late war will leave a better feeling toward him, especially in view of the glorious record of the negro soldiers who participated in that conflict. list of illustrations. william mckinley.......................................frontispiece general fitzhugh lee............................................. general antonio maceo............................................ miss evangelina cosio y cisneros ............................... u.s.s. maine.................................................... eddie savoy..................................................... jose maceo...................................................... sergeant frank w. pullen........................................ charge on el caney.............................................. corporal brown ................................................. george e. powell................................................ col. theodore b. roosevelt...................................... gen. nelson a. miles.......... ................................. sergeant berry.................................................. general thomas j. morgan........................................ general maximo gomez............................................ first pay-day in cuba for the ninth and tenth cavalry........... first president of the cuban republic........................... cubans fighting from tree tops.................................. investment of santiago by u.s. army............................. general russell a. alger, secretary of war...................... cuban women cavalry............................................. officers of the ninth ohio...................................... major john r. lynch............................................. major r.r. wright.............................................. major j.b. johnson............................................. third north carolina volunteers and officers................... president charles f. meserve................................... mr. judson w. lyons............................................ the games family............................................... coleman cotton factory......................................... john r. brown, uncle sam's money sealer........................ gen. pio pilar................................................. paul lawrence dunbar, negro poet............................... a philipino lady............................................... emilio aguinaldo, military dictator of the filipinos........... felipe agoncillo............................................... convent at cavite, aguinaldo's headquarters.................... church at san sebastiano, manila............................... uncle sam and his new acquisitions............................. appendix. the twenty-fourth united states infantry. by sergeant e.d. gibson. the twenty-fourth united states infantry was organized by act of congress july , . reorganized by consolidation of the th and st regiments of infantry, by act of congress, approved march , . organization of regiment completed in september, , with headquarters at fort mckavett, texas. since taking station at fort mckavett, headquarters of the regiment have been at the following places: - , fort mckavett, tex.; , forts mckavett and brown, texas; - , forts brown and duncan, tex.; - , fort brown, tex.; - , fort clark, tex.; , fort duncan, tex.; , forts duncan and davis, tex.; - , fort supply, ind. terr.; , forts supply and sill, ind. terr., and bayard, n.m.; to , forts bayard, n.m., and douglas, utah; , fort douglas, utah; , fort douglas, utah, till april , when ordered into the field, incident to the breaking out of the spanish-american war. at chickamauga park, ga., april to ; tampa, fla., may to june ; on board transport _s.s. city of washington_, en route with expedition (fifth army corps) to cuba, from june to ; at siboney and las guasimas, cuba, from june to ; occupied the immediate block-house hill at fort san juan, cuba, july to , from which position the regiment changed to a place on the san juan ridge about one-fourth of a mile to the left of the block-house, where it remained until july , when it took station at yellow fever camp, siboney, cuba, remaining until august , ; returned to the united states august , arriving at montauk pt., l.i., september , , where it remained until september , when ordered to its original station, fort douglas, utah, rejoining october , . field and staff officers. colonel.--henry b. freeman, under orders to join. lieutenant-colonel.--emerson h. liscum, brig.-gen. vols. on sick leave from wounds received in action at fort san juan, cuba, july , . majors.--j. milton thompson, commanding regiment and post of fort douglas, utah. alfred c. markley, with regiment, commanding post of fort d.a. russell, wyoming. chaplain.--allen allenworth, post treasurer and in charge of schools. adjutant.--joseph d. leitch, recruiting officer at post. quartermaster.--albert laws. on july , , our regiment was not a part of the firing line, and was not ordered on that line until the fire got so hot that the white troops positively refused to go forward. when our commander, lieutenant-colonel e.h. liscum, was ordered to go in he gave the command "forward, march," and we moved forward singing "hold the fort, for we are coming," and on the eastern bank of the san juan river we walked over the seventy-first new york volunteer infantry. after wading the river we marched through the ranks of the thirteenth (regular) infantry and formed about fifty yards in their front. we were then about six hundred yards from and in plain view of the block-house and spanish trenches. as soon as the spaniards saw this they concentrated all of their fire on us, and, while changing from column to line of battle (which took about eight minutes). illustration: a large size photo of above picture can be had on application to p.h. bauer, photographer, leavenworth, kansas. we lost one hundred and two men, and that place on the river to-day is called "bloody bend." we had only one advantage of the enemy-that was our superior marksmanship. i was right of the battalion that led the charge and i directed my line against the center of the trench, which was on a precipice about two hundred feet high. illustration: a large size photo of above picture can be had on application to p.h. bauer, photographer, leavenworth, kansas. i was born december , , in wythe county, virginia, and joined the army in cincinnati, ohio, november , , and have been in the army continuously since. i served my first ten years in the tenth cavalry, where i experienced many hard fights with the indians. i was assigned to the twenty-fourth infantry by request in . e.d. gibson, _sergeant co. g, th u.s. infantry_, presidio, california. young peoples' history of the war with spain by prescott holmes with eighty-six illustrations altemus' young people's library copyright by henry altemus company philadelphia henry altemus company [illustration: (decorative frame)] [illustration: battle of manila from the deck of the petrel.] introductory. [illustration: (battle at sea)] the brief war between the united states and spain was the outgrowth of the humanity of the american people and their love of fair play. they did not stand idly by when spain was literally starving the people of cuba into subjection to her will, but freely and generously sent food, medicine and clothing to the sufferers. when spain's cruelty to the cubans became intolerable to the civilized world, the united states intervened in the name of humanity and right, and demanded that the oppression should cease. spain resented this, and the war followed. much has been said and written regarding our conduct of the war, and the grave scandals that arose from it; but it is not the purpose of this volume to discuss these other than to say that, the work of the navy was clean and beyond question, while it is clear to every one that there was gross mismanagement on the part of army officials. the army performed as splendid achievements as the navy, but did it under much greater difficulties. regulars and volunteers fought side by side, and equally deserve our praise; but they were corralled in filthy camps, stowed between the dirty decks of crowded transports, and despatched to cuba in a manner of which a cattle shipper would be ashamed. they were flung against the ingenious defences of the spaniards, cold, wet and hungry, and to their indomitable spirit alone we owe the victories in cuba. the boys and girls of america cannot fail to be deeply interested in the story of the splendid deeds of our army and navy in the year of our lord , and it is for them that this history has been prepared. [illustration: (soldiers encampment)] young peoples' history of the war with spain. chapter i. the cause of the war. [illustration: (battle at sea)] on april st, , a war began between the united states and spain. all the other countries of the world felt an interest in it, but did not take any part in it. they were what we call "neutral"--that is, they did not help either side. as soon as the war was proclaimed a great wave of excitement swept through the united states, from shore to shore. flags were hung out in every city and town; thousands of men offered to serve in the army--volunteers they were called; and many persons offered to help in other ways. the people were not glad that war had begun, but they felt that their country was doing right, and that they ought to support her efforts. and what was the cause of the war? spain, a large country across the atlantic ocean, in the southwestern part of europe, owned some of the islands, called "west indies," near the united states. spain had been unjust and cruel to the people living in one of these islands, for many years. several times the unhappy islanders tried to drive the spanish from the island, and set up a government of their own, but spain sent so many soldiers there that they could not get their freedom. they fought bravely, however, but matters kept getting worse and worse, and at last spain sent a very cruel general to take charge of affairs in the island. his name was weyler, and he determined to conquer the islanders. after a while he found he could not do it by fighting them, so he sent his soldiers to drive those who were not fighting away from their homes and farms and make them live in or near the large cities. when he had done this, the people had no way to earn money to buy food for themselves and their families, and soon they began to get sick and to die of starvation. the cruel weyler would not give them anything to eat, and so they died by thousands. [illustration: cuban flag.] when this dreadful state of affairs became known in the united states, kind people sent several ship-loads of food and medicines and clothing to the sufferers. this did a great deal of good, but all the poor people could not be reached and they continued to die. finally, the united states told spain that she ought not to have such a cruel man at the head of affairs, and after a while spain sent another general to take his place. this new governor's name was blanco, and he really tried to help the poor people, but spain had very little money to send him to buy food for them, and so they went on dying. the soldiers, too, were in a very bad condition; they had not been paid for a great many months; they did not have enough to eat, and so they too sickened and died by thousands. you can see that unless something was done to help the poor people, they would all die and their beautiful island would become a wilderness. besides being very proud, spain was very poor. she had spent millions of dollars trying to conquer the islanders, and had no money to buy food for the sufferers that she had driven from their homes and huddled like cattle in yards and gloomy inclosures. so she asked the united states to help feed them, and the red cross society, of which i will tell you later, sent hundreds of tons of food, medicines and clothing to them. these supplies were distributed by competent persons, and the relief was very great, but very soon some of the spaniards began to say that the united states had no business to interfere in the affairs of the island, and to stir up the people. the feeling became so strong that our representative, consul-general lee, notified the authorities in the united states that, the lives and property of american citizens living in the island were not safe. it was for this reason that the battleship maine was sent to havana, the chief city of the island. i will tell you about this ship later. [illustration: president mckinley.] well, in spite of all that the united states had done to help spain, matters grew worse, and finally the united states was obliged to tell spain that, unless she took her soldiers away from the island and let the people govern themselves, she would help them to become a free and independent nation. when spain received this message, she regarded it as a declaration of war, and both sides prepared for the conflict. but before telling you about the war, shall i tell you something about the island and the group to which it belongs? [illustration: map of the west indies.] the island is called cuba. it belongs to a large group of islands known as the west indies; a changed form of the old name, west indias, given by christopher columbus, who thought that by sailing westward he had reached islands off the shore of india. if you look on a map of the western hemisphere, you will find the west indies between the caribbean sea and the atlantic ocean. most of these islands are high and rocky, seeming like a chain of mountains in the ocean, with their tops above the waves. they are in the tropical regions, and the climate is very hot in the lowlands and on the coasts, but is delightful in the high parts all the year round. there are only two seasons--wet and dry. the rainy season begins in the spring or early summer, and lasts about six months. what grows in these islands? delicious fruits: mangoes, oranges, cocoanuts, limes, pineapples, and bananas; many other valuable crops: coffee, tobacco, maize, rice, sugar-cane, and cotton; immense forests of mahogany and other valuable trees. this beautiful vegetation makes these lands fair to look upon. then, too, there are many birds with gorgeous plumage. the islands have gold, silver, copper, and iron mines; there are quarries of marble; and some kinds of precious stones are found. but this region is not a paradise. snakes and other horrid things crawl among the beautiful trees and foliage, and poisonous insects swarm in every place. earthquake shocks are often felt, and fearful hurricanes sweep over the islands nearly every year, doing much damage. a gentle race of indians dwelt in these islands at the time of their discovery, but the spanish settlers treated the natives so cruelly that after a few years they had ceased to exist. many of the indians were sent to spain and other countries and sold as slaves; the rest were made to work in the mines, and as the indians had never been used to such work, they died from the hard labor. in later times some of the islands were bought from spain, others were captured, others were gained by treaty, by the nations to whom they now belong. at the beginning of the war between the united states and spain, in , cuba, as i have already said, belonged to spain. spain owned another large island, puerto rico, which we call porto rico, a name meaning "rich port." but i need not say anything more about porto rico at present. [illustration: king alfonso.] cuba is the largest and most valuable of the west india islands. it was discovered by columbus about two weeks after his first landing at san salvador. according to his custom, he gave it a spanish name, but somehow the old name clung to it, and to-day the whole world knows the island by its native indian name, cuba. on account of its position, it is often called the "key to the gulf of mexico;" and havana, the capital, has a key upon its coat of arms. cuba looks very small upon our maps, yet it contains nearly as much land as the state of pennsylvania. [illustration: queen regent of spain.] perhaps i should tell you just here that spain is a kingdom. its ruler, king alfonso xii., died in . his widow, queen christina, has ruled since then, but her son will be crowned king as soon as he is old enough. the "little king," as he is often called, was twelve years old when this war began. christina is a good and noble woman, and it is not her fault that the people in distant islands have been badly treated. chapter ii. the "maine." before the united states joined in the war, the cubans had succeeded in driving the spaniards out of many places in the eastern part of the island, but could not get possession of the western part and the chief harbors. we have seen that the war between the united states and spain began in april, . but, two months before that time something happened in the harbor of havana, the capital of cuba, which caused terrible excitement in our country. you must understand that many persons belonging to the united states have business in cuba, own property there, and even live there. though these americans did not take part with the cubans against spain, yet it seemed sometimes as if they were in danger on account of the disturbance in the island. so our country decided to send one of our battleships--a man-of-war--to stay awhile in the chief harbor of cuba, so that the americans might feel safer by having such a ship to help them if they should need help, as i have told you. spain made no objections to this plan, and said she would send a ship in return to visit new york. the ship chosen from our navy was the maine, commanded by captain sigsbee. on january th, early in the morning of a bright warm day, the maine, with all her colors flying, and with all her men dressed in their best clothes, drew near the harbor of havana. a spanish pilot went out to meet her, took her carefully through the narrow entrance to the fine harbor, and anchored her near some other ships. though the entrance is narrow, yet the harbor itself is large enough to accommodate a thousand ships. the entrance is guarded by several fortresses, one of which, called "morro castle," is nearly three hundred years old. it stands on a high point of land, and for this reason is called "morro," a name that means in spanish, headland, or promontory. [illustration: u.s. battleship "maine."] [illustration: morro castle, havana.] no doubt the place seemed very attractive to the men on board the maine that bright sunny morning. the new part of havana is pretty, the old part is quaint and interesting. there are a number of famous buildings, one of which is the cathedral, where the remains of columbus were treasured at that time, but they have since been removed to spain. all the buildings are low, for low buildings are the fashion in countries that are subject to earthquakes; they are built of stone, and generally adorned with bright colors. there are wide avenues, and large parks and gardens. if you should visit havana, you would see many curious sights. all the houses, hotels and stores have iron-barred windows, which gives one the impression that the inmates are confined there. many houses have large gates which open into beautiful gardens and court yards. some of the streets have very funny names, such as "ladies' delight," and "fat stick," when the spanish names are translated into our language; and they have bright-colored awnings stretched across, from side to side. the fish market is one of the most noted buildings in the city. it has one long marble table running the entire length of the building, which has one end open to the harbor. poultry and fruits are brought to the doors of the houses in baskets which are carried on donkeys or the little horses of the country. often you can see what looks like a large bunch of grass, slowly moving over the pavements, but as it gets nearer you will see the head of a donkey sticking out of one side, while his tail alone is visible on the other side. this is the way that food for horses and mules is brought into the city; no hay is used, only green feed. the milkman does not call at the house, as with us, but instead drives his cow up to the door and supplies you direct from her with as much milk as you wish to buy. charcoal is almost the only fuel used in cooking, and the ranges look like benches placed against the walls with holes in the tops of them. but we must return to the battleship maine. [illustration: columbus chapel, havana.] there was no special work for the maine to do; she was simply to stay in the harbor till further orders. the spanish officers called on captain sigsbee, and he returned their visits, according to the rules that naval officers of all countries are bound to observe. yet it was easy for the men of the maine to see that they were not welcome guests. the maine had twenty-six officers, and a crew of three hundred and twenty-eight men. with her guns, ammunition, and other valuable stores, she was worth $ , , . she had been three years in service, having left the brooklyn navy-yard in november, . the evening of february th, , was dark and sultry. at eight o'clock captain sigsbee received the reports from the different officers of the ship that every thing was secure for the night. at ten minutes after nine the bugler sounded "taps," the signal for "turning in," and soon the ship was quiet. at forty minutes after nine a sharp explosion was heard, then a loud, long, roaring sound, mingled with the noise of falling timbers; the electric lights went out, the ship was lifted up, and then she began to sink. the captain and some of the other officers groped their way to the deck, hardly knowing what had happened. they could do nothing; the ship was sinking fast, and was on fire in several places. the force of the explosion was so great that it threw captain sigsbee out of his cabin, where he sat writing a letter, and against william anthony, a marine who was on duty as a sentry. as coolly as though nothing had happened, anthony saluted the captain and then said: "sir, i have the honor to inform you that the ship has been blown up and is sinking." [illustration: captain charles d. sigsbee.] small boats came out from the other ships, and rescued many men from the maine. the spaniards helped the sufferers in every possible way, taking them to the hospitals in havana, where they received the best care that the hospitals could give. in that awful destruction of the maine, two officers and two hundred and fifty-four of the crew were lost. several of those who were rescued, died afterward. the next day divers went down into the water to see what they could find in the wreck, and nineteen dead bodies were brought up. the spanish officers of havana asked captain sigsbee to permit the city to give the a public funeral; and a plot of ground in colón cemetery, outside the city, was given to the united states free of expense forever. the day of the funeral all the flags were put at "half mast," as a sign of mourning, and the stores were closed. crowds of people joined the long funeral procession. in the latter part of the year , however, the maine dead were brought from havana by the battleship texas, then commanded by captain sigsbee, formerly of the maine. they were laid away in arlington cemetery, near washington, on december th, with simple religious services and the honors of war, in the presence of the president of the united states and his cabinet, officers of the army and navy, and many other spectators. besides captain sigsbee and father chidwick, who was chaplain of the maine at the time she was blown up, three others who lived through that awful night were present. they were lieutenant commander wainwright, who was the executive officer of the maine and who afterwards sank the furor and pluton at santiago; lieutenant f.c. bowers, formerly assistant engineer of the maine; and jeremiah shea, a fireman of the maine, who was blown out of the stoke-hole of the ship through the wreckage. [illustration: wreck of the "maine."] after three volleys had been fired over the dead, and the bugles had rung out the soldiers' and sailors' last good night, captain sigsbee introduced shea to president mckinley. being asked for an explanation of his escape, he responded, as he had done to father chidwick when he visited him in the hospital in havana, where he lay covered with wounds and bruises, and with nearly every bone in his body broken: "i don't know how i got through. i was blown out. i guess i must have been an armor-piercing projectile!" the work of saving the guns and other valuable things on the maine was carried on for some time. among other things that the divers recovered was a splendid silver service that had been presented to the ship by the state of maine. the keys to the magazines were found in their proper places in the captain's cabin, and his money and papers were also recovered. finally, it was found that the hull of the great ship could not be raised, and in april the united states flag, that had been kept flying above the wreck since the night of the fatal explosion, was hauled down and the ship formally declared out of commission. of course, the awful disaster caused deep sorrow in the united states. there was great excitement also, for many persons thought that some of the spaniards had wrecked the maine on purpose. the harbor was full of "mines" or immense iron shells filled with stuff that will explode. all countries at war protect their harbors in this way. president mckinley appointed men to examine the wreck and find out all they could about the explosion. they found that the ship was destroyed by a "mine," but could not prove that the spaniards had purposely caused the "mine" to explode. [illustration: captain-general's palace, havana.] so there will always be a mystery connected with the horrible destruction of the maine. on april th, consul-general lee and such americans as wished to do so, left havana and returned to the united states. from that time on, it seemed to the people of the united states that war with spain was inevitable, and preparations for it were carried on rapidly. on april th--which, by the way, was the anniversary of the first battle of the war of the revolution and also of the civil war--congress declared that the united states must interfere in the affairs of cuba and help the cubans to become a free and prosperous people. this declaration was signed by president mckinley on the following day, and then our minister to spain, mr. woodford, was instructed to tell the spanish government what had been done, and also what would be done, if spain did not promise before the d to withdraw her soldiers from cuba and give up the island to the cubans. the message was sent by one of the submarine cables which connects america with europe, and the operator who received it told the spanish officials about it before sending it to its destination. so, before mr. woodford could deliver his message, the spanish government sent him his passports, which was a polite hint to leave the country, and he did so, at once. this action on the part of spain was virtually a declaration of war, and was so regarded by the president and the people of this country. on the d, a blockade of cuban ports was established by the navy, and a spanish ship was captured. chapter iii. the blockade. i have already told you that the cubans, in their rebellion, had driven the spaniards out of many places in cuba, but had not been able to get possession of the chief harbors. so now it was thought best that our ships should blockade the large harbors of cuba. do you know what blockade means? it means to surround a place held by the enemy, and stay there, doing any damage that can be done, cutting the enemy off from outside help, and so, in time, if he is not strong enough to break the blockade, he must surrender, as his supply of food will give out. [illustration: rear-admiral sampson.] on the morning of april d, a squadron under the command of acting rear-admiral sampson sailed from key west to establish a blockade of the most important cuban ports. the ships which were to be stationed off havana reached that port on the same day; others were sent to different ports along the coast, and so the blockade was begun. all kinds of vessels were employed in this blockading service. there were huge battleships, splendid cruisers, and gunboats that could go into shallower waters than the large ships. there were also monitors--immense fighting machines with decks but a little height above the water and big guns in circular turrets. then there were torpedo boats--very swift vessels armed with deadly torpedoes, any one of which could sink the largest ship afloat. some of our large passenger steamships had been appropriated by the government for war service, and did good work for the blockade, as they can move very fast. they flew about from place to place as "scouts" or "spies"; they carried messages; they cut the spanish cables under water, and were useful in other ways. the gunboat nashville sailed from key west with the squadron, and before the sun had fairly risen she saw the smoke of a steamer away off to the westward. she gave chase at once, and, as the vessels drew near, the stranger was flying the flag of spain. the nashville fired a shot across her bows, and this was the first shot in the war between the united states and spain. the spaniard was not inclined to stop, and it required another shot before she would stop her engines. the nashville sent an officer in a boat to inform the steamer that she was a prize to the united states. she was found to be a spanish merchantman, the buena ventura, and was sent in charge of a prize-crew to key west. during the next thirty days, many other spanish ships, with cargoes worth millions of dollars, were captured by different vessels of the navy. a few were released, but the larger part were condemned by a prize-court and sold. the first action of the war was a small affair, but i shall mention it, as it was much talked about at the time. it took place on april th, a few days after our ships had begun the blockade. the spaniards were building new forts at matanzas, a port about sixty miles east of havana. with the exception of havana, matanzas has the finest harbor on the northern coast of cuba. the city itself lies between two small rivers and contains many beautiful homes. the houses are often decorated with colored tiles, and with their luxuriant gardens make a charming picture against the background of hills that rise beyond the beautiful valley of the yumurri, which is one of the loveliest spots in cuba. in times of peace the exports of sugar and molasses from matanzas have been very large, but the cuban army burned many of the finest plantations in the district. the ships that engaged the new forts that the spaniards were adding to the castle of san severino and other defences of matanzas, were the flagship new york, the monitor puritan, and the cruiser cincinnati. the spaniards fired the first gun, and then the new york took up a position between two batteries and delivered broadsides right and left. then the puritan's big guns came into play, and then the cincinnati poured a stream of shells into the forts. it did not take long to knock the spanish defences into sand-heaps--only about half an hour--and then the american ships stood out to sea. as they were doing so, the spaniards fired one more shot. the puritan had the range and sent a twelve-inch shell in reply. it was one of the best shots of the war. it struck the spanish gun fairly, dismounted it, and then burst, throwing the sand high in the air. the spanish account of the engagement stated that no damage whatever was done, except the killing of one mule! great excitement and great anxiety were caused by the news that a large and powerful fleet was coming from spain. our government could not tell whether these ships would come to a spanish port in the west indies, or whether they would attack one of our large cities on the atlantic coast. we had not ships enough to protect all our ports as well as to blockade cuba, so much care was needed to make good plans, and our naval officers were kept busy. it was most important to watch for the spanish ships. [illustration: the "cape verde" fleet.] the "cape verde" fleet, as the spanish ships were called, troubled the navy department of the united states day and night. they knew that it sailed from the cape verde islands in the latter part of april, but that was about all they did know regarding it. at last it was seen off the island of martinique and then it was lost again. it was next heard from at curacoa, an island in the caribbean sea, off the north coast of venezuela, but before the american ships could reach it, the spanish admiral had coaled and provisioned his ships at willemstad, the chief city on the island, and was off again to sea. [illustration: u.s. battleship "oregon."] there was some reason to think that the spanish fleet might catch our great battleship oregon, coming as fast as it could to the eastern coast. i must take time to tell you about the oregon. shortly before the war began, the oregon was in the pacific ocean; but when she received a message to come to an atlantic port, to be ready for war with spain, she took coal at san francisco and started--march th--on her long voyage. she went south through the pacific ocean, east through the strait of magellan, and then turned northward into the atlantic ocean. then the closest watch was kept for the enemy; the guns were always ready, the lights were covered every night. though captain clark did not know that war had really begun before that time, still he knew that there was danger. on may th the oregon arrived at a port in florida, having come , miles, through all kinds of weather, in two months' time, without breaking anything about the ship. so the spaniards did not catch the oregon, but later in the year she helped to catch them. [illustration: captain charles e. clark.] when the oregon arrived at. jupiter inlet, florida, she was as able to fight or to run as on the day she was put into commission. when she left san francisco she had nine hundred tons of coal on board. during the voyage she consumed almost four thousand tons. callao was the first port where the oregon stopped. from there she ran down the pacific coast, and after passing through the straits sailed up the eastern coast of south america to rio janeiro, where she was notified by the american consul that the united states and spain were really at war. there were now two other american warships at rio. the gunboat marietta had joined the oregon near the straits, and the buffalo, which the united states had bought from brazil, was waiting for them at rio. i will let captain clark tell you the story of the remainder of the voyage, in his own way: "several long cablegrams were exchanged between the government and myself. nothing whatever in the way of instructions was issued that would hamper me or in any way abridge my responsibility for bringing the oregon home. we sailed from rio on may . i decided, when we had been at sea a little while, to leave the buffalo and the marietta to shift for themselves. they were so slow that i feared the oregon might be late in arriving where she was most needed. i left these ships off cape frio, one hundred miles above rio, after signaling them, 'come to bahia, or run ashore if attacked by overwhelming force.' i reached bahia on the th, but we were told to 'come on.' we sailed next morning, and this run to barbadoes was the most thrilling of the entire voyage. we steamed absolutely without a light. "indeed, the entire trip from sandy point to jupiter inlet was a lightless voyage. in pitchlike darkness we drove along at our highest speed--seeing lights many times, but always avoiding the ships that bore them. we were out of court. we had no right of way without a light. even if we met a vessel on our port, we gave way. "night and day the men stood at the guns. not for a single moment was vigilance relaxed. the strain on the men was terrible. for four days at a time hammocks were never strung. watch and watch about, the men lay beside the guns, sound asleep, while the men on duty stood silently above them. all the lookouts were doubled and changed with unusual frequency. "barbadoes was reached just before daylight, may , and after rushing two hundred and fifty tons of coal aboard, we sailed the same evening. still the orders read, 'come on.' from our consul i learned that cervera's fleet was at martinique, just to the north of us. this fleet had been extolled for speed and fighting qualities. i am not a rash man. i was not looking for that fleet. the situation seemed critical. sailing just before dark, i headed northwest, apparently into the heart of the caribbean sea. this information, i have no doubt, was promptly communicated to admiral cervera. but as soon as the darkness of a moonless night had thoroughly set in, i changed the course to due south; and ran below barbadoes and thence far to the eastward before i took the oregon to the northward. we thus passed far to sea east of martinique, and eventually turned into the north atlantic beyond st. thomas. i carefully avoided the windward channel and the shallow waters of the bahamas. "i didn't know where the department wanted to use me. i was in the dark as to the location of the two fleets. i knew one had been at hampton roads and another at key west, and the charts told me that jupiter inlet was in telegraphic reach of all points on the coast. from that place i had coal enough to make the run to either of the two fleets." with scarcely a day's delay, the oregon joined the north atlantic squadron, in cuban waters, and was one of the vessels under commodore schley when that officer trapped the spanish fleet in the harbor of santiago. when we think of the officers and men on the decks of a warship, we must not forget the force of men below the decks. the engineers, firemen and stokers do as good work, and are entitled to as much praise, as the fighting force above. in battle they are kept under the hatches, and, as a rule, never know of the progress or the result of a fight until it closes. they work in a temperature of from one hundred to one hundred and fifty degrees, by half-hour stretches. the roaring furnaces make the fire-rooms almost beyond a man's power to endure, and we should give a great deal of our praise to the brave fellows who make the power that moves the ship. [illustration: the men who make the power.] you know that we saw in the first chapter, that spain owned another large island some miles east of cuba--an island called porto rico. this island was sighted by columbus on november , , and, three days later, he anchored in one of its bays. in , and again a year later, ponce de leon visited the island and established a settlement, to which he gave the name of san juan bautista. spain did not always hold it peaceably, however, for at different times the dutch and the english tried to take it from her. the people of the island used to be terribly annoyed by pirates and buccaneers, but that was a long time ago. the spanish used to call san juan the "rich port of john the baptist," and it was a great source of profit to them for nearly four hundred years. ponce is the largest city in the island, but san juan has the advantage of a large, protected harbor. like havana and santiago, san juan has its morro castle, and within its walls are the buildings of a small military town,--houses for troops, a chapel, bake-house, and guard-room, with dungeons down by the sea, and underneath it. [illustration: palace and sea-wall, san juan, porto rico.] the city of san juan lies upon an island connected with the mainland by a bridge and a causeway. the streets are narrow, the houses are low, mostly of a single story, and are built in the old-fashioned spanish style, with thick walls around the courtyard. the fronts are ugly and are painted all sorts of brilliant colors--pink, blue, purple and yellow. there are heavy shutters in the windows for protection, but there are no panes of glass in the town. behind the gloomy walls are splendid gardens and courtyards, with splashing fountains, shaded by palms. the city contains a cathedral, a theatre, a city hall, the governor-general's palace, and several fine churches, and in the center is quite a large park, with concrete walks and seats, as with us. there is no turf, however. all around this park the market women gather every morning, selling poultry, eggs, vegetables and flowers, and in the evening there is music by a military band. it was thought that the spanish fleet, which had caused our government so much anxiety, might go to san juan, the capital of the island, and so, before the oregon arrived, and before any of the spanish ships had been seen, admiral sampson took some of his vessels from cuba to porto rico in hope of meeting admiral cervera, the spanish commander, and his fleet. our ships reached san juan in the evening of may th, but could see nothing of the spanish ships. next morning our ships fired upon the forts guarding the harbor, to try the strength of the enemy. but finding the forts stronger than he thought they were, admiral sampson drew off his fleet. he could not spare the time, or spend his powder and shells, upon san juan then. the important thing to do was to find the spanish fleet. so admiral sampson again sailed toward havana. the two ports on the northern coast of cuba that seemed most likely to attract the spanish fleet were havana and matanzas. there was one port on the southern coast that seemed to be a good one for the spanish fleet--the port of cienfuegos. so our ships continued the blockade of havana and matanzas, and now commodore schley was sent with several vessels to watch cienfuegos. the city of cienfuegos is situated some distance back from the sea, in a harbor which winds and twists about between high hills, completely obscuring it from ships a little distance from the shore. the word cienfuegos means "a hundred fires." close by the water's edge there stood a cable-house, where one end of a submarine cable, which reached to santiago, some three hundred miles to the eastward, was secured. on one side of the cable-house was an old fort or lookout, such as the spaniards used to have all along the coast. on the other side was a light-house. the americans wished to destroy communication between cienfuegos and santiago, so they sent an expedition to cut the cable and destroy anything that would be of use to the spaniards. the ships that were sent to do this work were the marblehead, the nashville and the windom. you will remember that the nashville fired the first gun in the war with spain. she is not a pretty boat at all. she is built differently from other vessels of her class, and her two tall funnels, or smokestacks, give her an ungainly appearance. her commander was a splendid officer, though, and her crew were the bravest of the brave. i must tell you a little of her work after she captured the first prize of the war. one day, while in company with the marblehead and the eagle, she saw a big spanish mail steamer leave the harbor of cienfuegos and put to sea, followed by nine spanish gunboats. the nashville started in pursuit of the big steamer, leaving the other american ships to attend to the gunboats. she soon overhauled the steamer, which proved to be the argonata, and took possession of her. her cargo was a very rich one, and among the passengers were twenty-nine spanish soldiers and officers. these were taken on board the nashville. meanwhile, the marblehead and the eagle had disposed of the gunboats. it only took them half an hour to drive them back into the harbor, with their smokestacks shot off, and several of them in a sinking condition. the nashville then turned over her prize to the marblehead and started for havana. on her way she discovered a big gunboat, and, as the two ships drew near, the spanish officers, who had been allowed on deck, saw that she was not an american vessel, and danced for joy. an instant later they were shoved down a hatchway and placed in the hold. as the stranger came closer it was plainly seen that she was nearly twice as large as the nashville and more heavily armed, but the commander of the american vessel did not hesitate an instant. he cleared his ship for action and trained his guns on her. just then she hoisted english colors and dipped them in salute to the stars and stripes that were floating above the nashville. she proved to be the talbot, an english ship cruising in those waters. the whole affair was a splendid display of courage on the part of the nashville in clearing ship and showing fight to the big english gunboat. every man on the american ship knew that if the stranger proved to be a spanish war vessel the chances were ten to one against the nashville; but none of them stopped to think of that, but made ready to fight her. now we will return to cienfuegos and see how our splendid seamen cut the spanish cables in the very face of death. volunteers from the marblehead and the nashville manned the boats that were sent into the shallow waters to grapple for the cable. each ship furnished a cutter and a launch, under the command of a lieutenant. the men who were to do the work were in the cutters, and each of the launches carried a small rapid-fire gun to protect the workers as much as possible. the nashville shelled the shore and then the boats were ordered in. they went within one hundred yards of the shore and then began to grapple for the cable. as calmly as though they were fishing, the men worked with their hooks. at last the cable was caught, and soon it was brought to view. it proved not to be the santiago cable, but about a hundred feet of its length were cut out of it, and the brave fellows grappled for another. they found it, hauled it up, and, with what tools they had, hacked it in two. they were not unmolested, however, for spaniards began to show themselves on the shore, and a perfect hail of bullets dimpled the water around the americans as they worked. when a man in the boats was hit, another took his place. sturdy arms at the oars held the boats against the strong current, while others hacked away the tough wires. then the guns of the ships sent an iron storm among the rocks and trees and the soft sands. they drove the spaniards to shelter, and then they knocked the cable-house, the fort and the light-house to bits. it was not intended at first to destroy the light-house, but when it was discovered that the spaniards used it for a shelter while firing upon the americans, the gunners were ordered to cut it down, and in a short time nothing remained of it but a heap of ruins. the personal bravery of the men in the boats was wonderful. although untried in warfare, they conducted themselves like veterans in the hour of trial. cable cutting is one of the new features of modern warfare, but that made no difference to the brave jackies and marines that volunteered for the work. one of their number was killed and several were wounded, but officers and men performed their work with the utmost coolness and bravery. [illustration: cutting the cables under fire.] before we leave the subject of cutting an enemy's cables, and thus destroying one of their best means of communication, i will tell you of another exploit. the st. louis, which was one of the big ocean steamships that the government hired during the war, was the vessel that performed it. a few days after the cables were cut at cienfuegos, the st. louis was ordered to santiago to cut the cables at that point. one very dark night the boats left the big ship and began to grapple for the cables. about three o'clock in the morning they returned with a long piece which they had cut out of one of the cables. about eight o'clock the st. louis went to work to find the other cable, and after working for three hours, the batteries on shore opened fire on her. they kept up a furious fire for three-quarters of an hour, but the st. louis replied so vigorously that the batteries were silenced and the garrisons sent running in all directions. then they found the cable, hauled it on board and cut it. afterwards the st. louis cut another cable at san juan, the capital of porto rico. do you wonder why these three ports were thought to be the best for the spanish fleet to enter? you know that havana is the capital of cuba; most of the citizens were spaniards; thousands of spanish soldiers were there; all the chief officers also. so it was thought that the spanish navy would try to unite with the spanish army. from matanzas and from cienfuegos the troops from the spanish ships could go easily by railroad to havana, through a part of the country still in the hands of the spaniards. i may have told you more than you care to hear about the coming of the enemy's fleet, but i want to give you an idea of the great anxiety felt by our government at this time, and to help you to understand what follows. you must remember that we had not vessels enough to blockade every port, so we blockaded the ports that seemed most dangerous. where was the spanish fleet all this time, while our navy was so troubled? if you look at a map of cuba you will find that the eastern end of the island--the eastern province--is called santiago de cuba. the chief city of the province is on the southern coast, and bears the same name. the city of santiago is next in importance to havana, and is said to be the oldest city in the western hemisphere. santiago is a picturesque city, five miles from the coast. it was founded by don diego de velasquez, who named it for the patron saint of spain. santiago, san diego and st. jago are really one name, which is translated st. james in our language. the city is built along a sloping hillside, and its massive buildings are tinted pink, blue, green and purple. there are plenty of red-tiled roofs, among which rise towers, steeples and palms. the houses are low and built around courtyards, where flowers and palms grow in profusion. the floors are of brick or marble. there is a plaza, or central square, and a great cathedral. the streets are narrow and dirty, and in the quarters where the poorer class live, babies and pigs roll together in the gutters, and boys and girls without a rag of clothing on them hold out their hands for alms. the first impression of santiago is one of filth and poverty, dilapidated buildings and general decay; but if you climb the hills that encircle the city and look over the red-topped buildings to the glistening bay, the prospect is lovely. as you approach the mouth of the harbor from the coast, you can at first see nothing but a break in the hills; but soon you discover, perhaps, the most picturesque fort in the western hemisphere. it is the morro castle, one hundred years older than its namesake at havana, perched on a rock at the entrance to the channel. this channel is very narrow, but it winds and twists about until it opens into a broad, land-locked bay--the famous harbor of santiago--with houses running down to the water's edge. into this beautiful harbor, while our ships were watching other ports and looking in other directions, admiral cervera and his fine spanish ships quietly sailed at daybreak on the th of may. it was a strange port for the spaniards to seek, and it was a fatal one. [illustration: morro castle, santiago.] while sampson was looking in one direction for admiral cervera's ships, commodore schley, with another squadron, was close upon their track. for awhile he thought they were in cienfuegos, but when he found they were not there, he kept on up the coast. his flagship was the splendid cruiser brooklyn, and among his ships were the massachusetts, the texas and the iowa--all immense battleships. he also had a number of smaller vessels, and the swift st. paul, another of the famous ships hired by the government. the st. paul was commanded by captain sigsbee, who, you will remember, was in command of the maine when she was blown up in havana harbor. at last commodore schley became satisfied that the long-looked-for fleet was in the harbor of santiago. on the morning of may , captain sigsbee, in the st. paul, ran close enough to the mouth of the harbor to see some of the spanish ships inside, and the long game of hide-and-seek was over. commodore schley at once established a strict blockade, and then sent word to admiral sampson that the spanish ships had been found and that he had them safe. he very shrewdly said: "we have bottled them up, and they will never get home!" a few days later, the two squadrons were consolidated, with commodore schley the second in command. i want to tell you a little about commodore schley--one of the finest officers of the navy. he graduated from the naval academy at annapolis, at the head of his class, and from that time entered upon a career in which he served his country in nearly every quarter of the globe. when the civil war broke out, he staid by the old flag when many of his brother officers went with the confederacy, and during the war performed many gallant and meritorious services. he had seen all kinds of naval service, and was at home among conditions that required dash and courage, zeal and persistency, before he was given the command of the "flying squadron," and sent to find the spanish ships. he had done such things as to rescue seven men who were starving to death in the arctic regions. he had been sent by the government to do this, and, realizing that it must be done quickly, he pushed on so fast that he found the seven men alive. if he had been slower in his movements they would have been dead, for they were in the last stages of starvation and exhaustion. at another time, some of his sailors were stoned in the city of valparaiso, and one of them was killed. schley trained his guns upon the city and kept them there until the murderers were given up to justice. he was the right kind of a man to have around the coasts of cuba, wasn't he? [illustration: rear-admiral w.s. schley.] now i am going to tell you the names of the spanish vessels, and give you an idea of the blockade. within the harbor were four large spanish ships and two new, fast torpedo-boat destroyers, all commanded by admiral cervera. the ships were the infanta maria teresa, named for a spanish princess; the vizcaya, named for a province in spain; the cristóbol colón, which is the spanish name for christopher columbus; and the almirante oquendo. many years ago spain had a famous admiral whose name was oquendo, and in recognition of his services the spanish government made a law that there should always be a ship in their navy bearing his name. that is how they had the almirante oquendo, which means admiral oquendo. the names of the torpedo-boat destroyers were the furor and the pluton. all these warships were splendid vessels, and were commanded by brave men. we shall hear about them later. our ships were outside the harbor--a few miles from its mouth, in a line like a half-circle. our big ships were the new york, the brooklyn, the texas, the iowa, the oregon, the indiana, and the massachusetts. there were a number of smaller vessels, and one of them, the gloucester, afterwards gained great fame. our ships could not anchor, as the water was too deep, so they were always moving back and forth. as i have told you, between the sea and the harbor, or bay, is a long, narrow channel with high cliffs on each side, and on these cliffs are forts, which guard the entrance to the harbor. our men could not see the spanish ships in the harbor, but could see only the narrow channel and the hills and forts above it. our men watched carefully, to see that no spanish ship came out. for the first few nights of the blockade a bright moon lighted up the channel, but after the moon failed, the place was wonderfully lighted by the great "search-lights" of our ships. four battleships took turns of two hours each in standing at the entrance of the channel and moving the "searchlights." the ships were always headed toward the shore, and steam was kept up. and so our great gray vessels, grim monsters of the sea, waited and watched near the harbor of santiago de cuba. blockading work is very hard upon officers and men. it requires ceaseless vigilance at all hours of the day and night. besides preventing an enemy's ships from coming out of a blockaded port, it is very important to prevent vessels with supplies from running in. during the cuban blockade our vessels captured at least one large ship loaded with coal that was intended for admiral cervera's fleet. when nations are at war, they do not allow other nations to supply their enemies with anything that will help them. there are international laws about this, and if a warship belonging to a nation which is at war with another, puts into a neutral port for coal or provisions, it is only allowed to buy enough to last it to its nearest home port. it is not allowed to remain in a neutral port more than twenty-four hours, either. the purpose of a blockade is to cut off supplies and stop all communication with the enemy by sea. when this is done, merchant vessels of all nations are therefore forbidden to pass or even to approach the line, and the penalty for disobedience is the confiscation of both ship and cargo, whether the latter is contraband or not. if a ship does not stop when hailed, she may be fired upon, and if she is sunk while endeavoring to escape, it is her own fault. blockade running is perilous business, and is usually attempted under cover of night, or in stormy weather, and it is as full of excitement and adventure as war itself. the motive is usually either to take advantage of famine prices, or to aid the enemy by bringing supplies or carrying despatches. neutral ships are entitled to some sort of warning that a blockade exists, and in the case of cuba, the united states notified neutral governments, announcing the fact, and stating exactly the extent of coast covered. before we were at war with spain, the government restrained and punished those who organized expeditions to help the cubans. we were obliged to do this because we were a neutral nation. but after our war with spain began, we sent all kinds of war material to the cubans, so as to help them to fight spain. i will tell you about one of these expeditions. about the middle of may, the steamer florida sailed from a port in the state for which she was named, with supplies for the cuban army. in addition to a great quantity of provisions, clothing, shoes and medicines, she carried several thousand rifles and an immense amount of ammunition. down in the hold were a hundred horses and mules, and among the passengers were several hundred recruits for the cuban army. the florida reached the cuban coast in safety, and was met at the appointed place by more than a thousand cubans. it required three days and one night to unload the cargo. small boats conveyed the stores to the eager hands that hurried them inland. the mules and horses swam ashore. women and children flocked to the scene, bringing fruit and vegetables to exchange for coffee and meat--the first they had tasted for a long time. [illustration: searching for contraband.] when the cargo was all ashore, the florida prepared to return to the united states. then the cuban soldiers ranged themselves along the shore; women and children grouped behind the ranks, and a cuban marching song burst from happy hearts as the florida steamed away. a great deal of blockading duty was done by the small vessels of the fleets, the torpedo-boats and the armed tugboats. many strange encounters took place during those nights when these little craft rolled about in the caribbean swells, or moved along in hostile waters without a light visible on board. the tug-boat leyden had one of these. with her two or three small guns she held up a big ship one night, firing across her bow, and demanding, "what ship is that?" it was the same vessel that had the encounter with the nashville, the story of which i have told you; and so the answer came back: "this is her majesty's ship, talbot." the idea of a tug-boat like the leyden halting a warship in this fashion was not particularly pleasing to the british captain. neither was he better pleased when some one on the tug-boat called out, "good night, talbot!" but he took it as a new experience, and solemnly replied: "you may go, leyden." the spirit that animated the officers of our navy in these trying times was well expressed by lieutenant fremont, who commanded the torpedo-boat porter. fremont was the son of john c. fremont, whom you may possibly remember as a noted explorer and pioneer in the western part of the united states, and a general during the civil war; and he possessed the bravery and daring of his father. some one said to him: "those spanish destroyers have heavier batteries than yours. what would you do if you ran across one of them out here?" "well," replied fremont, "it's my business to keep them from getting in among the fleet. i'd try to do it. i'd engage a destroyer, and if i found his battery was too heavy for me i'd close in. if a chance offered, i'd torpedo him. if not--well, this boat has made twenty-six knots. i'd go at him full speed. i think the porter would go half way through him before we stopped." "and then?" "and then, i think, there would be a swimming match. it saves time to have your mind made up in advance in such matters." [illustration: lieutenant john c. fremont.] chapter iv. the battle of manila bay. the greatest event of the war between the united states and spain took place in a strange part of the world, far from both of those countries. if you look on a map of asia, you will find a large group of islands in the pacific ocean, east of the china sea. they are called the philippine islands. the largest of them is called luzon, and its chief city is manila, on a large bay of the same name. these islands were discovered nearly four hundred years ago, by magellan, as we call him in english, a famous sailor and explorer. he was the first to sail through the strait that is south of south america; and so that strait is still called by his name. after passing through that strait he led his fleet on, farther west, northwest, over the pacific ocean, till he came to the islands east of the china sea. magellan took possession of them in the name of the king of spain; for, though not a spaniard, he was working in the interests of spain. he gave the islands a name, but the name did not cling to them; and some time after, they were named islas filipinas--or, as we say in english, philippine islands in honor of king philip ii., of spain. but the savage tribes dwelling in the islands did not submit tamely to magellan's conquest, and in a fight with them he was killed. still, the spaniards held the islands, and established towns there, some of which have become very important. it is said that there are people from all parts of the world living in manila. have you ever heard any one speak of the filipinos? they are natives of the islands, descendants of the spanish settlers; besides these there are the native savage tribes, still living in many places. the filipinos had often tried to gain their independence, but had not been successful. when they heard of the rebellion in cuba, they thought they would make another attempt against spain, and so began a new rebellion. and this is just how matters stood when the war began between the united states and spain. the united states, having some ships in one of the ports of china, sent word to their commander, commodore dewey, to turn his attention to the philippine islands. so commodore dewey prepared his fleet in the best way possible and started for manila. the ships sailed wednesday afternoon, april th. you must not think that commodore dewey had big battleships in his fleet. he had only what we call "cruisers," not big battleships. the ship on which the commander of a whole fleet sails is always the "flagship." then, of course, each ship has its own captain and other officers. would you like to know the names of the ships that won such fame in manila bay? the "flagship" was the olympia; then there were five other cruisers: the baltimore, the boston, the raleigh, the concord, the petrel; and a small vessel called the hugh mcculloch. there were also two steamers carrying coal and provisions. all the fleet had been newly painted gray, to match our other vessels in this war. during the voyage, the men were very busy getting ready for a battle, for they knew that the spaniards had ships in manila bay, and that they would fire upon the new comers. everything made of wood that might be shot and splintered, was thrown overboard; for flying splinters are very dangerous on shipboard. tables, benches, chests, and rails were thrown into the sea. the men were told what to do in time of battle, and how to help the wounded, and the doctors arranged the rooms to be used as hospitals, so that every thing would be handy. we have seen that the fleet sailed wednesday afternoon, and the next saturday morning land was sighted--the island of luzon. on, on, the ships sped, and that evening they reached the entrance to manila bay. then they stole along in the darkness, with their lights covered, so that the spaniards might not see them. our men were doing a daring deed. they were entering a strange bay, by night, where not one of them had ever been before; they did not know the soundings, they had no harbor pilot. the entrance to the bay was guarded by fortresses containing big krupp guns, and there was good reason to think that there were "mines" in the water, which might blow the ships to pieces. still, every man was ready to do his duty. [illustration: the "olympia," admiral dewey's flagship.] some of the forts did discover our ships, and fired a few shots; but no harm was done, and our ships steamed on. at daybreak they drew near the city of manila. the spaniards were expecting them, having had notice of their approach. the spanish ships, under admiral montojo, were waiting at a place called cavité, seven miles from manila. they were protected by batteries on the shore. having steady guns on the shore should have been a great help to the spaniards, as it is easier to fire a steady gun than to fire a gun on a ship that is riding up and down on the waves. [illustration: battle of manila bay.] the battle began a little after five o'clock, sunday morning, may st, . the spaniards fired the first shot. all the vessels of our fleet were out in the bay, but, as soon as the spaniards began to fire, our fighting ships started forward. they did not answer the spanish fire at first, but steamed up the bay, in a wide circle, toward the city of manila, then turned and came back toward cavité. the olympia led the way. after her came the baltimore, raleigh, concord, petrel, and boston. all had their battle-flags flying. [illustration: admiral montojo.] uninjured by the enemy's shots, the olympia and her train drew near the spanish forts and ships. at a distance of a little more than four thousand yards, the olympia fired, and the roar of her first gun was the signal to her companions to open fire. then the firing from both sides became fast and furious. our ships moved rapidly about, up and down, past cavité five times. admiral montojo came out in his flagship, the reina christina, to attack the olympia. the olympia poured such a storm of shot at her that she was compelled to turn back toward the harbor. but the reina christina had met her doom. as she turned, a huge shell from the olympia struck her, set her on fire, and killed her captain and many of her men. admiral montojo changed his flag to another ship and came forward again, but soon had to turn back. but a moment of great peril came to the olympia. two fierce little torpedo-boats came toward her, ready to hurl her to destruction. the gunners of the olympia instantly opened such a shower of shells from the smaller guns that the surface of the water was covered with foam. the little boats, without having had time to send forth a torpedo, were overcome. one of them blew up, then sank, with her crew, beneath the waves. the other, pierced with shots, turned toward the shore and ran upon the beach, a wreck. [illustration: the "olympia" leading the way.] after more than two hours of fierce fighting, commodore dewey led his ships out into the center of the bay, and the battle ceased for a time. the true reason for this movement was known only to some of the officers. the men were told that they were to haul off to get a little rest and some breakfast. the men believed that they had done great damage to the spaniards, and were eager to finish the battle at once. in fact, no one really knew then how much damage had been done to the spanish fleet. the results were not known till afterward. though the men were hopeful and in good spirits, commodore dewey and his staff thought the situation serious. three of the spanish ships were on fire, and the boston had also broken out in flames. the olympia had not enough ammunition to continue the fight two hours longer. our ships were far from home, and could not get a supply of ammunition in less than a month's time. there was good reason to think that the spanish forts were well supplied. the spaniards thought, when our ships drew away from the shore, that the americans had been overcome and were leaving in order to bury their dead. they found themselves sadly mistaken. our men, strengthened by the rest and a breakfast of bread and cold meat, started again to battle a little before eleven o'clock. soon several of the spanish ships were on fire, and some of them sank. after the spanish fleet had been destroyed, some of our ships attacked the forts on the shore and made them surrender. at five minutes after one o'clock the spaniards hauled down their flag. the spaniards did many brave things that day, and fought desperately, but they were not good marksmen. they did not aim their guns well. they lost eleven ships, and had many men killed and wounded. our ships were not much injured, only seven of our men were wounded, and none were killed. when our ships drew together after the battle, and our men found that they had suffered so little, and that no one had been killed, they knew not how to control their feelings. some of them cried like little children. but such tears are not childish. it is said that when the spanish forts gave the signal of surrender, commodore dewey turned to his officers near him, and said: "i've the prettiest lot of men that ever stepped on shipboard, and their hearts are as stout as the ships." [illustration: the destroyed spanish fleet.] you must notice that the city of manila had not been taken in this battle. we shall see later about its surrender. but the battle of manila bay was one of the most remarkable naval battles ever fought. when commodore dewey received his orders to "capture or destroy" the spanish fleet, that was known to be somewhere about the philippine islands, the asiatic squadron, as his ships were called, was lying in the harbor of hong kong, which is an english port. after the blowing up of the maine, which occurred in february, you will remember, he began to put his ships in the very best possible condition for a war with spain, which he and his officers now thought inevitable. every emergency was provided for; all the vessels were in complete fighting trim. because of the neutrality laws, of which i have told you, after war was declared dewey's ships could not stay at hong kong more than twenty-four hours, so he moved them to mirs bay, a chinese port, and from there set out to find the spanish fleet. a naval officer, now retired from the service, told me not long ago, the words "capture or destroy" have been used in instructions to naval officers for three hundred years. he also spoke of his acquaintance with dewey during the civil war, and upon long cruises when they were shipmates; and particularly dwelt upon the ability and good judgment that characterized him as a naval officer. when dewey received his orders to "capture or destroy" the spanish fleet, he is said to have remarked: "thank the lord! at last i've got the chance, and i'll wipe them off the pacific ocean." he did not know what he was to meet in the way of resistance, but there was not a man in the fleet that doubted the outcome of the encounter. he found the spanish fleet, fought it until not a ship was left to fly the flag of spain, and then sent word to the spanish governor-general that if another shot was fired at his ships he would lay the city of manila in ashes. [illustration: admiral george dewey.] the island of corregidor guards the entrance to manila bay, but it seemed to be asleep as dewey's gray ships stole silently by. once a shell screamed over the raleigh, followed by another; but the raleigh, the concord and the boston answered the challenge and soon all was silent. at daybreak the fleet was about five miles from manila, the american flag flying from each ship. [illustration: church of the friars, manila.] day breaks quickly in the tropics, and as the sun flashed his beams above the horizon, a beautiful picture revealed itself to the men of dewey's fleet. before them lay the metropolis of the philippines, walled in part like a mediæval town; the jangle of church bells came from lofty towers. to the right, and below the city, lay the spanish fleet for which they had been searching. [illustration: dewey on the bridge.] the spaniards fired the first gun from a powerful battery in front of the city, and the concord sent two shells in reply, as the american fleet swept grandly past. before them were the spanish ships-of-war and the fortifications at cavité; between, were shallow waters where they dared not go. still they swept on, preserving their distances as though performing evolutions in time of peace, the olympia in the van, drawing nearer and nearer to the ships that flew the red and yellow flag of spain. the shore batteries again roared defiance to the invaders, but dewey stood quietly on the bridge of the olympia, surrounded by the members of his staff. he wore the usual white uniform of the service, and a gray cap such as travelers and bicyclers wear. a huge jet of water now sprang from the peaceful sea, showing that the spaniards had fired a submarine mine, but no harm was done. then dewey gave the quiet order to captain gridley, who was in the conning tower: "gridley, you may fire when you are ready." then the guns of the olympia spoke, and those of the other ships followed her example. during the five times they passed and repassed the spanish ships and forts, their courses resembled a gigantic figure . between the entrance to the bay and the city of manila is an arm of land or promontory, pointing upwards and towards the city. it is on the right hand side of the bay and is called cavité. the word means a fishhook, and the promontory looks something like one. behind cavité and in the bay of the same name, the spanish ships were stationed, and at the little town of cavité was an arsenal and quite a respectable navy-yard. [illustration: landing the marines at cavité.] when dewey withdrew his ships to ascertain what damage the spaniards had inflicted upon them, the spaniards thought they had driven them off, and so they sent a dispatch from manila to spain saying that they had won a great victory over the americans; but when dewey made the second attack, after breakfast, there was not much more for him to do, for the spaniards were well whipped. dewey had met a foreign foe in its own waters, and added another victory to the glorious record of the navy of the united states. [illustration: signaling.] after the battle, one of the signal boys on the flagship wrote a very interesting letter to his friends at home: "... we are all nearly wild with the effects of victory. the pride of spain is here under our feet. no doubt before this letter reaches you, you will read full accounts of the battle--a battle that was hard fought and bloodless for the victorious. not a man in our fleet was killed. six men were slightly wounded on the baltimore. "say, it was grand! we left mirs bay, in china, at two a.m., wednesday, april th. saturday afternoon we sighted subig bay. the boston and the concord were sent ahead of the fleet as scouts. we expected to find the spanish fleet and have our first engagement. we could not find them there, so the commodore and captains held a council of war and decided to run past the forts at night. "it was nine-thirty that night when we sighted the entrance. we went quietly to quarters, loaded our guns, shook hands with each other and trusted to luck. i was on signal watch on the aft bridge and could see everything. not a sound was heard. at twelve o'clock we were under the guns of the first fort. it was an island called corregidor. i tell you i felt uneasy. the moon was well up, but not a light could be seen. "there were two signal officers and three other boys with me. we were laughing and joking with one another to steady our nerves. when we were well under the guns a rocket was fired, and every man braced himself. then you could hear the breech blocks closing and the officers telling the men to aim steady and to kill. "well, all the ships passed that fort, but there were twenty-six miles to go yet, and god and the spaniards alone knew how many batteries, mines and torpedoes were ready to send us all to eternity. "the olympia passed two more forts the baltimore was next to us. she passed all right, but when the raleigh came under the guns of the second fort, there was a flash and i heard the shriek of the first shell. then almost before the shell struck, there was a spout of flame from the raleigh, and her shell killed forty men, as we learned yesterday. two more shells were fired at us, but we were well past them. then the men were told to lie down. [illustration: rapid-fire gun.] "now, commenced the signal corps work. soon our signal lights were flashing the order to close up. at four o'clock i was told by the signal officer to lie down and catch a nap. "at four, coffee was given to all the men and at fifteen minutes to five, the shore batteries had shells dropping all around, but we did not fire until sixteen minutes past five. the spanish fleet was in sight off the navy yard. then the fight started in earnest. for a while i thought my time had come. after we made the signal 'commence firing,' we had nothing to do but watch the fight. the shells flew over our heads so quick i paid no attention to them. [illustration: the olympiads military mast.] "after an hour and fifteen minutes, the spanish admiral had two ships sunk under turn. we withdrew for a short time, not knowing we had them whipped. as we were leaving, three ships were burning. at nine-twenty-five, we started again. in a short time the arsenal went up and the government buildings were in flames. "the battle lasted altogether three hours and some minutes. at eleven-fifteen the white flag was shown, and you might hear us cheer. the ship was hit about six times. the spaniards lost terribly. the rebels attacked the enemy. it is something wonderful when you consider the advantage they had over us. they had eleven ships to our six. their ships could run behind a neck of land near the navy yard. the shore batteries were firing on us from three points. but our marksmanship was too much for them; our fire was so rapid they could not stand it. they lost about two thousand men, so the rumor says. we sank four ships and burned seven. it was a grand, beautiful sight to see those ships burn. "i was ashore yesterday, and we destroyed all the guns. i managed to get a few souvenirs. two torpedo boats attempted to blow us up, but one was sunk and one was beached. i saw her. she was full of holes and blood was all over her bow ... "i hope the ships at home have as good luck as us. i wrote this on captured paper with a spanish officer's pen." like many other vessels in the navy, the olympia has a complete printing outfit on board, and issues, at intervals, a very creditable sheet called the "bounding billow." this is its account of a spanish shot: "one shot struck the baltimore in the starboard waist, just abaft one of the six-inch guns. it passed through the hammock nettings, exploded a couple of three-pounder shells, wounding six men, then across the deck, striking the cylinder of a gun, making it temporarily useless, then running around the shield it spent itself between two ventilators, just forward of the engine-room hatch. the shell is in possession of the captain." [illustration: strange course of a spanish shell.] when the news of the glorious victory in manila bay reached the united states, the people went wild with joy. commodore dewey was thanked by congress, and afterwards was made a rear-admiral. in december, congress revived the grade and rank of admiral and conferred it upon rear-admiral dewey, and he and all of his men were presented with medals of honor made expressly for the purpose. the raising of admiral dewey's new flag on the olympia was an interesting ceremony. as the blue bunting with its four white stars fluttered to the peak of the flagship, the crews of all the vessels in the fleet were at quarters; the officers in full dress for the occasion. the marines paraded; the drums gave four "ruffles" as the admiral stepped upon the deck; the olympiads band struck up "hail to the chief," and an admiral's salute of seventeen guns echoed across manila bay from every american ship; followed by salutes of the same number of guns from each foreign war vessel in the harbor. [illustration: the dewey medal of honor.] chapter v. the merrimac. while admiral sampson had been fixing the blockade he had also been forming plans to close the channel, and so keep any large ship from stealing out of the bay. for, although our men watched closely, there was always a chance that in a fog or storm the spanish ships might slip out without being seen. admiral sampson knew that the spaniards could remove anything that might be sunk to close the channel, but the work would take time, and meanwhile our army might arrive on the land back of santiago, and then our army and navy could help each other. time was what was needed in order to have all things ready for forcing the spaniards out of santiago and taking possession of the city. [illustration: lieut. richmond p. hobson.] so, plans were made for sinking a coal steamer across the narrowest part of the channel, and thus blocking the way. now you shall hear of one of the bravest deeds ever done in war. the work of closing the channel was put into the hands of lieutenant hobson. the collier merrimac was chosen as the vessel to be sunk. you have no idea how much had to be done before the merrimac was ready. there were hours and hours of work. the crew had to take off all the things that were not to be sunk, the machinery had to be fixed in certain ways, the heavy anchors had to be placed in the right parts, and the torpedoes, which lieutenant hobson made for blowing holes in the vessel at the right moment, had to be fitted into their places. more than two thousand tons of coal had to be shoveled away from certain places in the hold to make room for the torpedoes and to leave spaces for the water to rush in and sink the vessel. so, much hard work was done before the good collier was ready to be forced under the waves. there was only a small chance that the men who took the merrimac into the channel would ever see their friends again. death in the waves, or death in the hands of the spaniards, was the prospect. lieutenant hobson said that he would not take one man more than was needed. a signal was put up on all the ships, to find out the men who were willing to go in the merrimac. hundreds of brave fellows sent in their names, begged to go, gave good reasons why they thought they ought to go, and were grieved to be refused. lieutenant hobson chose only six, but at the last minute a seventh man got his chance; so, counting lieutenant hobson, there were eight men going to almost certain death. after the passing away of the old wooden ships of the navy, and before our war with spain, it was often said that opportunities for individual bravery and daring had departed from the navy; but this was disproved in the case of lieutenant hobson and his men, and in many other instances. every man in the fleet was ready to go on the merrimac and do what he was told to do; and so long as such men man our ships our navy can never be conquered. they will fight to the uttermost and go down with their colors rather than strike them. thursday evening, the second of june, arrives, and the merrimac is all ready for her last voyage. the men are on board, waiting for the time to start. quietly and fearlessly they pass the night, but they do not sleep, they cannot sleep. behind the merrimac, farther out at sea, stand the faithful vessels of our fleet, huge, pale shadows in the night. the full moon lights up the channel that the merrimac will enter after awhile when the moon is low. on both sides of the channel rise the high cliffs with their forts. morro castle frowns upon the scene. beyond--far beyond, are the mountain tops. a basket of food and a kettle of coffee had been sent on board by the flagship, and after midnight the men sit down on deck to eat their last meal on board the merrimac. a little before two o'clock, friday morning, june d, the merrimac starts for the channel. each man is at his post; each knows his duty and intends to do it. the men are not wearing their naval uniforms, but are clad only in woolen underclothes, woolen stockings, with no shoes. each man wears a life-preserver, and a belt with a revolver fastened to it. on, on goes the vessel, swiftly, surely, heading for the channel. suddenly shots begin to pour upon the merrimac; the spaniards in the forts have seen her approach. still she plunges on, not heeding the fire from the forts. lieutenant hobson gives the signal to stop the engine, to turn the vessel in the right way across the channel, to fire the torpedoes, to drop the anchors. shells from the forts are exploding all around, and the noise is terrible. but hard luck meets the merrimac. a shot has broken her rudder, so she cannot be steered; a shot has broken the chain of one of her anchors, so the anchor is gone; some of the torpedoes will not go off, so not enough holes can be made to sink the merrimac quickly; the tide is sweeping her into the channel farther than she ought to go. [illustration: the "merrimac."] the men, having done their work, lie flat on deck to avoid the shots, and wait anxiously for the moment when the vessel shall go down. in a few minutes the merrimac tosses low to one side, then to the other, then plunges, bow foremost, into the waves. now the men are thrown into the whirling water. but see! they manage to swim to the life-raft, which had been fastened by a long rope to the merrimac and is now floating on the waves. they cling to the raft, only heads and hands above water. they keep quiet, for the spaniards are out in small boats now, looking to see what damage has been done. the spaniards do not see our men clinging to the flat raft. so lieutenant hobson and his crew stay in the water, which is very chilly in the early morning; their teeth chatter, their limbs ache. meanwhile day dawns beautifully over the hills of santiago. an hour passes in this way. now a steam-launch is seen coming toward the raft. lieutenant hobson hails the launch, asks for the officer in charge, and surrenders himself and his men. they are helped into the launch, prisoners in the hands of the spaniards. the officer is admiral cervera. naval cadet powell, of the new york, performed a feat in many respects as heroic as that of hobson and his men. he volunteered to take the launch of the flagship and a small crew, patrol the mouth of the harbor and attempt to rescue hobson and his plucky crew should any of them survive after the merrimac had been blown up. this is his story: "lieutenant hobson took a short sleep for a few hours, which was often interrupted. a quarter to two o'clock he came on deck and made a final inspection, giving his last instructions. then we had a little lunch. "hobson was just as cool as a cucumber. about two-twenty i took the men who were not going on the trip into the launch and started for the texas, which was the nearest ship, but had to go back for one of the assistant engineers, whom hobson finally compelled to leave. i shook hands with hobson the last of all. he said: 'powell, watch the boat's crew when we pull out of the harbor. we will be cracks, rowing thirty strokes to the minute.' [illustration: naval cadet jos. w. powell.] "after leaving the texas, i saw the merrimac steaming slowly in. it was only fairly dark then, and the shore was quite visible. we followed about three-quarters of a mile astern. the merrimac stood about a mile to the westward of the harbor, and seemed a bit mixed, turning completely around; finally, heading to the east, she ran down, then turned in. we were then chasing him, because i thought hobson had lost his bearings. when hobson was about two hundred yards from the harbor the first gun was fired from the eastern bluffs. "we were then half a mile off shore, close under the batteries. the firing increased rapidly. we steamed in slowly and lost sight of the merrimac in the smoke, which the wind carried off shore. it hung heavily. before hobson could have blown up the merrimac the western battery picked up and commenced firing. they shot wild, and we only heard the shots. we ran in still closer to the shore, and the gunners lost sight of us. then we heard the explosion of the torpedoes on the merrimac. until daylight we waited just outside the breakers, half a mile to the westward of morro, keeping a bright lookout for the boat or for swimmers, but saw nothing. hobson had arranged to meet us at that point, but, thinking that some one might have drifted out, we crossed in front of morro and the mouth of the harbor to the eastward. about five o'clock we crossed the harbor again, within a quarter of a mile, and stood to the westward. "in passing we saw one spar of the merrimac sticking out of the water. we hugged the shore just outside of the breakers for a mile, and then turned towards the texas, when the batteries saw us and opened fire. it was then broad daylight. the first shot fired dropped thirty yards astern, but the other shots went wild. i drove the launch for all she was worth, finally making the new york. the men behaved splendidly." how did our brave men fare as prisoners? they were taken to one of the spanish warships, were fed and clothed, and treated as friends. admiral cervera sent a message to admiral sampson, saying that all the men were safe and would be well treated. but they were not allowed to stay long on the ship. after a few hours they were taken to morro castle, which they did not find a pleasant prison, though they were not badly treated. lieutenant hobson, by climbing up to the little window in his cell, could see our ships far out at sea. in a few days the prisoners were taken from morro castle to another prison in the city of santiago. you shall hear of them again. [illustration: hobson's cell.] chapter vi. more work done by the navy. i have not told you all the brave deeds done by our navy soon after our ships had reached cuba, but i will go back, for a few minutes, to the th of may. a very sad affair took place at cardenas, a port about twenty miles east of matanzas, the place where the first shots were fired. some of our smaller vessels blockading cardenas were bold enough to go into the harbor to fight some spanish gunboats. though, our men gained a victory, it was dearly bought, for our torpedo-boat winslow was nearly destroyed, and five of her men were killed. that same day, across the island, at cienfuegos, on the south shore of cuba, our men succeeded in cutting the cables under the water, the story of which i have told you. before the cubans began to fight the spaniards, in , cardenas was a very pleasant city in which to live. so many americans who had business interests in cuba lived there, that it was frequently spoken of as the american city. like matanzas, it was the shipping point for a great sugar-growing district, and one of the finest sugar plantations in cuba was in the vicinity of the city. the bay used to be a famous resort for pirates, but they were exterminated a great many years ago by war vessels of the united states. now i will tell you the story of the winslow. the blockading vessels off cardenas were the machias, the wilmington and the hudson. it was determined to enter the inner harbor and attack three small gunboats which were known to be there. while preparations for the attack were being made, the winslow came in from off matanzas, for coal, and was given a place in the attacking force. the winslow, wilmington and hudson entered the inner harbor through a small channel to the eastward, near blanco cay. the winslow went in closer than the others, and almost before her plucky commander knew it, the fire of the spanish gunboats and of some shore batteries was concentrated on this frail craft. the winslow was a torpedo-boat, and this class of vessels do not have very thick sides or carry heavy guns. they are very fast and the powerful torpedoes they carry can destroy the largest and heaviest ship afloat. the winslow returned the spanish fire splendidly, but at last a shot crashed into her bow and disabled her boiler. another tore away her steering gear; and then she rolled helplessly while the spaniards made her a target for every gun they could bring to bear. seeing her helpless condition, the hudson came to her assistance and tried to get a line on board. after awhile she succeeded, but when she attempted to tow her away the line parted. she made a second attempt, but just at the instant the little group on the winslow caught the line, a shell burst in their very faces. several of the crew, including the commander of the winslow, were wounded, and ensign bagley and four seamen were instantly killed. there was scarcely a man left on the torpedo-boat to make the line fast, but it was done at last, and the hudson towed the shattered winslow out of danger. it was a very brave thing that the officers and men of the hudson did, and later they were thanked by congress, and a medal of honor was presented to each of them. i think you will be pleased to learn that the next day the wilmington went into the harbor again, and with her big guns tore the forts and batteries to atoms, sank two gunboats and two other vessels, and burned a blockhouse. [illustration: ensign worth bagley.] ensign bagley, the first and the only line officer in the navy to fall in the war with spain, was one of the most popular of young naval officers. while at the academy at annapolis he became known as an all-round athlete, but his greatest triumphs were on the foot-ball field. his record throughout his naval career was stainless, and the news of his death was received with sorrow by the people of the united states. now i will tell you the story of how the united states flag was raised for the first time on the island of cuba during the war; and i will tell it in the words of ensign willard, of the machias, the officer who performed the deed. it was done while the fight was going on in cardenas harbor. "the machias drew too much water for the channel to the eastward, and moved up the main channel to within one mile of its narrowest part abreast of diana cay. this channel was supposed to be mined and the mines operated from the blockhouse and signal station on diana cay. this place was shelled, and, under cover of this fire, a boat's crew of nineteen sailors and marines, under my command, made a landing on the opposite side of the cay. "the spanish hastily left the place, disappearing completely. a spanish flag, signal flags, etc., and a quantity of ammunition, were captured, and the united states flag raised. then search was made for mines and the channel dragged for two hours. before leaving, everything at the station was burned or destroyed, including nine large row-boats. for the raising of this flag i was later awarded, through the new york 'herald,' a prize of one hundred dollars, which was divided pro rata by me among the men who accompanied me on the expedition." early in june, brave work was done by our sailors at guantanamo, a short distance east of santiago. they took the harbor and destroyed the forts there, in order that our ships might have a place where they could get coal without going far from santiago. the coal steamers could not supply the whole fleet, so our vessels had been going for coal all the way back to key west, south of florida. it was a great help to have a coaling place at guantanamo, but our sailors had much hard work to take the place. now i will tell you about some of this hard work, and something about two men who made it possible to land the marines and establish a coaling station in guantanamo bay. the men were commander mccalla, of the marblehead, and captain brownson, of the yankee. [illustration: commander b.h. mccalla.] long before the spanish fleet put into the harbor of santiago, the marblehead was along the southern coast of cuba, poking her nose into every inlet, cutting cables, and communicating with the cubans. mccalla had her stripped of everything but her guns and her steering gear, and everywhere she went she became a terror to the spaniards. she dared to go anywhere and do anything. every man on the ship was devoted to mccalla, and every gunner on board was a crack shot, because they were kept shooting at something all the time. if they couldn't find a spanish gunboat to shoot at, they fired at floating targets. when it was decided to clear everything spanish out of the bay, so our ships could use it, mccalla and brownson were sent down there to do the work; but first i will tell you a story about brownson, so you can see that he was just the right kind of a man to go along with mccalla. in the early part of there was a civil war in brazil. the entire brazilian navy had taken sides with the insurgents and completely blockaded the harbor of rio de janeiro. ships of all nations were there, waiting to enter the harbor, but the insurgents would not let them. admiral benham was sent there to look after american interests, with his flagship, the san francisco; and captain, then commander, brownson, was there with his ship, the detroit. the blockade had to be broken, and brownson was selected as the man to do it. one morning there was a stir on board the detroit. the awnings came down, her flag was sent aloft and her guns were shotted. brownson ordered the anchor hoisted, and, with the men at the guns, the cruiser headed towards the city. the flags of the english, german and italian ships were dipped in salute as she moved ahead. two american ships, the amy and the good news, were anchored under the guns of two of the insurgent fleet. as the detroit passed close by the trajano, a marine on that ship raised a musket and fired a bullet over the heads of the sailors on the amy, which was following close behind the detroit. [illustration: capt. willard h. brownson.] when the shot was fired brownson turned to a gunner and ordered him to shoot into the trajano at the water line and about six feet from the stern. the order was misunderstood and was sent across the trajano's bow instead. "trajano, ahoy!" hailed brownson. "if you fire again i will sink you." not a shot was fired. "you go ahead," shouted brownson to the amy, "and i'll protect you"; and although there were insurgent ships all about, the amy passed into the harbor unmolested, with the ships of other nations closely following her. then the detroit returned to her anchorage. brownson had raised the blockade. guantanamo bay is one of the most famous harbors on the southern coast of cuba. it is deep, wide and smooth as a mill pond. at the entrance the harbor is broad and open, but afterwards it is narrower, and in this place the spaniards had placed a lot of mines and two little gunboats. [illustration: a marine.] when the marblehead and the yankee steamed into the bay they began to make trouble for the spaniards at once. there was a blockhouse on a hill, but they quickly knocked that to pieces. then they silenced the fire of the fort and chased the gunboats as far as they could go. next they shelled the woods, and, having made a general cleaning out, they sent word to the fleet that they could land the marines at any time. on june , a detachment of marines from the oregon landed, and soon afterwards six hundred more were landed from the troop-ship panther. they found plenty of evidence that the marblehead's shells had induced the spaniards to depart in a hurry. watches, hammocks, two field guns, and a lot of ammunition, were lying around. there were a few buildings left, but the marines soon set fire to them. they then drove off a few spaniards who were about, and then pitched their tents. pretty soon they were attacked by a large body of spaniards, but they drove them off after having several men killed and quite a number wounded. the place of encampment was named camp mccalla, in honor of the gallant commander of the marblehead. before the marines were reinforced they were fighting nearly all the time. it was the first time that most of them had been in battle, but they fought like veterans. the spaniards were very cunning and constantly planned surprises for them, but the marines finally drove them away and held their position until reinforcements came. one of the marines, in writing home, said: "they fight indian fashion, and the guerillas strip off all their clothing and dress themselves with leaves and crawl along the ground like snakes, and at night it is very hard to see or hear them. then, again, they dig holes in the ground and cover them over with brush and conceal themselves there until their prey comes along. their signals are very hard to understand, and they sound like birds and are very deceiving. [illustration: a spanish guerilla.] "we have to carry our rifles and ammunition with us wherever we go. yesterday morning, while we were eating our breakfast, they fired upon us, and we immediately pursued them. we had quite a battle and came out victorious by a big score. we killed sixty and left about fifteen or twenty badly wounded. we had a lucky escape, only two men being wounded. we stayed out all night, and were relieved by another company this morning, and we had nothing to eat for forty-eight hours; but this is not the first time that we have missed our meals--it is an every-day occurrence. we had four hardtacks, a little piece of butter and a cup of coffee. "we were reinforced by sixty cuban insurgents last night. they were fitted out with uniforms and rifles by the marblehead, and they all carry that deadly-looking weapon, the machete." the machete is the national weapon of cuba. it looks somewhat like a sword, but instead of being pointed like that weapon, it is broader at the part farthest from the hilt. a strong man can strike a terrible blow with it. it is used all over the island as an agricultural tool as well, for it serves the purpose of a scythe or an axe. [illustration: in the trenches at guantanamo.] a brave deed was done by a young officer of the navy all by himself--a deed as brave as that done by lieutenant hobson. it was not really known how many spanish ships were in the harbor of santiago. i have told you that they could not be seen by our ships on account of the narrow entrance and high cliffs. it was very important to know how many spanish ships there were. so lieutenant blue went ashore at some safe point, and climbed round the hilltops of santiago at night, looked at the harbor, and counted the ships twice, in order to make no mistake. it was a long journey and full of danger. lieutenant blue might have been taken as a spy, but he reached our ships again, and made his report to admiral sampson. early in june our blockading ships made efforts to destroy the forts at the harbor of santiago, but did not succeed, though the shells from our ships did a good deal of harm. it was on account of these attacks that lieutenant hobson and his crew were removed from their cells in morro castle and taken to another prison, as i have told you. the english consul at santiago, a wise and good man, told the spanish general that lieutenant hobson and his men could not, in honor, be kept where they might be killed by shells from their own ships. so the prisoners were removed. [illustration: lieutenant victor blue.] the forts at santiago received a terrible punishment, if they were not destroyed, and one of admiral cervera's ships, the maria teresa, was considerably damaged by shells that went over the forts into the harbor. there were several other warships in the harbor besides those that came with admiral cervera. the reina mercedes was nearly destroyed by the shells from our ships. our old friend, the oregon, sent a big shell over the hills that swept nearly everything off her decks. other shots riddled her hull and sank her. the santiago fortifications were bombarded a number of times and some splendid shots were made. there was a battery to the west of the harbor that fired more accurately than the others, and so the texas got the range and dropped a shell into the powder magazine one day. everything about that battery seemed to be in the air at once when that shell exploded. nothing was left of it but a pile of ruins and a big hole in the ground. there is a ship in the united states navy that is unlike any other in the world. she has three long guns which are built into the ship and do not turn to one side or the other. the whole ship has to be pointed at the object which the gunners wish to hit. she does not fire shells loaded with powder, as other warships do, but uses a long shell filled with gun-cotton, or dynamite, both of which are deadly explosives. when one of these shells strikes anything the effect is terrible. the vesuvius, for that is the name of this ship, fired several of these shells over the fortifications at santiago, in the direction where the spanish fleet was lying. she did not hit any of them, but she tore great holes in the sand and rocks near by. it is said that the spaniards called the vesuvius "the hurler of earthquakes" because of the damage her shells did. the guns of the vesuvius are really firing tubes. no powder is used in them, compressed air being the power that expels the shells. very little noise is made, and there is no smoke. [illustration: forward deck and guns of the vesuvius.] if one small shell should strike the vesuvius it would send men and boat to the bottom at once, because she has so much deadly gun-cotton on board. her crew is almost afraid to move. "why, i'm afraid to even snore in my sleep," said one of them, "for fear i'll discharge the gun-cotton; and as for kicking in my sleep--why, i'm as quiet as a drugged snake." [illustration: a jacky.] "we slide along," said another; "we're afraid to walk at first. i went on tiptoe for the first three days." "well, i went on my hands and knees the day it was so rough," said a third. "a fellow has to learn to walk on any part of his anatomy in this ship when the sea is rough." the vesuvius has been described as a ship which fights and then runs away. that is, she fires three shells and then takes herself out of the range of an enemy's fire. i think this is a good place to tell you about a few more of the odd ships that belong to uncle sam's navy, for no nation beside ours has anything like them. the katahdin is an armored ram which relies upon her sharp prow to disable an adversary. her armament is only four six-pounder rapid-fire guns. then there is a fleet of vessels whose duty it is to repair the damages that ships receive in battle, supply fuel and water to fighting ships, and to care for the wounded. all of these are novel additions to the navy, but are practical auxiliaries in modern naval operations. the vulcan is one of the repair ships. it is, in fact, a navigable machine shop, fitted with steam tools for executing any work in metal. it carries duplicates of nearly every article belonging to a modern warship; and when you understand that some of these contain nearly seventy sets of engines, you can easily see the advantage of having a repair ship attached to a fleet. then there are the refrigerating ships, or "pantries," as the sailors call them. their mission is to assist in feeding the navy. they are most valuable additions to a fleet, for they supply fresh meat and vegetables to improve "jack's" diet of "salt horse." next come the ships that supply fresh water to the crews of our warships. these are fitted up with distilling apparatus, which converts salt water into fresh. the iris, as one of these is named, belongs to the "sweet water squadron." the water consumption of a vessel is enormous. a battleship will use seven thousand gallons every day, which gives you an idea of the work such vessels as the iris have to perform. now we come to such ships as the solace and the relief. these are hospital ships, and are provided with every appliance and convenience to be found in a modern hospital, including x-ray outfits to aid in locating bullets, a microscopic department, and a carbonator for supplying mineral waters. the hull of the solace is painted white, with a wide stripe of green along the sides, and, as befits her mission, carries no guns or weapons of any kind. hospital ships fly the "red cross" flag from their mastheads. [illustration: (ships at sea)] our ships could guard santiago and fire at the forts, but our naval officers had good reasons for thinking that they could not take the city unless our soldiers were on shore to help in different ways. our ships could not go safely into the harbor till the "mines" under the water had been removed; the "mines" could not be removed till the forts on the cliffs had been taken. so now the time had come for our soldiers to go to cuba. chapter vii. our army goes to cuba. our soldiers--thousands of "regulars" and thousands and thousands of "volunteers"--were waiting in camps in the eastern and southern parts of the united states, in order to be ready to start for cuba at short notice. thousands of them were never ordered to go, but stayed in camp during all the war. still, they were ready to go if needed. about the middle of june more than , soldiers, under general shafter, sailed from tampa, on the west coast of florida, for the southeastern shore of cuba. it was hard work to ship so many men, and , horses and mules, and food, and all the things needed for war. it took one week to load the ships. how many ships were needed for this big "excursion party"? thirty-four. do you think our soldiers had a pleasant voyage? they had not. they were crowded together, the weather was very hot, some of the vessels were old and slow, and it was six days before our army drew near our navy at santiago, and waited till plans were made for further movements. perhaps you are wondering where the cubans were all this time, and what they were doing. as our country was trying to help them, did not the cubans now come forward to join our forces? yes. several times brave americans had made their way in secret to distant parts of cuba, had met the cuban generals, had talked with them, and brought back messages. and now admiral sampson came out in a small boat to meet our soldiers, and he took general shafter on shore, a few miles west of santiago, to hold an important council with a number of cuban generals. the cuban generals, chief of whom were general garcia and general rabi, told our officers a good deal about the country, the roads, etc., and planned to unite the cuban troops with ours. [illustration: a volunteer.] when general shafter returned, he ordered the soldiers to sail on fifteen miles beyond santiago, to a point called daiquiri. this was their landing-place. it was harder to land in cuba than it had been to leave florida. admiral sampson sent some of his ships to fire upon the shore and drive away the spaniards, and he also sent small boats to take our soldiers from the ships to the land. there were not boats enough, so the landing was slow work. there was great trouble in getting the horses and mules to swim ashore. but it takes less time to unpack than to pack, and after four days our army was on shore. our men were in a rough part of the country. steep hills were everywhere, the valleys were narrow, the roads were more like ditches. thick underbrush, prickly bushes and tall grasses grew in many places. a number of men were set to work making roads, so that the wagons with the army supplies could push on. it was the wet season, and rain fell every day. sometimes the streams would rise quickly and flood the new roads. when the rain was not falling the air was hot, and a steam seemed to rise from the ground. it seemed as if our men had no chance at all. spanish soldiers had been sent out from santiago, and were now busy building log forts on hills a few miles from our camps, and piling up stones and branches of trees to make mounds, and putting up fences of barbed wire. in such places of shelter the spaniards waited for our troops to march forward. you must understand that the city that our troops wanted to reach was santiago, but between them and it lay this rough country, where marching would be so hard, and where the spaniards had forts on some of the hilltops. [illustration: landing troops at daiquiri.] chapter viii. the battle of las guasimas. a number of our officers thought it would be best not to go forward till some roads had been made, so that the army wagons could be sent on; but general shafter thought it would be best to march on at once. he feared that after a week or ten days in that climate many of our men might have fever and be unfit for service. so, even before all the men had landed, general shafter ordered the first ones to go forward and drive the spaniards from a place near siboney. thus, some of our troops began their march just after landing from the boats. about two hundred cuban soldiers went with them, to lead the way and watch for the hiding places of the spaniards. the troops reached the place in the evening, but found that the spaniards had left it and gone about three miles further westward to a stronger fort. our men rested all night, and before daylight the next morning--friday, june th--they marched on to hunt the enemy. now i must tell you something about these soldiers who were going to fight their first battle in cuba. there were nearly a thousand men; some were "regulars," others were "volunteers." they belonged to the cavalry division of the army--the soldiers who go on horses. but for this first work in cuba they had to go on foot, without their horses. the "volunteers" numbered about five hundred. they belonged to a regiment called the "rough riders," and a strange regiment it was. most of these men were from the prairies and cattle-ranches in the west; some were "cowboys," some were indians. the others in the regiment were young men from the east--business men, college men, sons of rich men; all were brave, hardy fellows, fond of out-door life, fond of excitement, not afraid of work. these young men had been trained for the war by a man who was now one of their officers, lieutenant colonel roosevelt. he had given up a high position in order to serve his country in this way. people in the united states laughed when this company of "rough riders" was formed, and said that the "cowboys" and indians would not obey orders, and that the others would not stand the hardships of war. but the people in the united states did not laugh after the battle of las guasimas. that june morning it was thought best to separate and march by two roads, meeting near the spanish fort. the way of the "rough riders" led them up steep hills. thick bushes grew all around, so that the men could hardly see how to go; the sun rose, and the heat was so awful that some of the men dropped down, faint and sick. suddenly, from among the trees and bushes came bullets, and the men began to fall, wounded and dead. the spaniards could not be seen at all, and they were using smokeless powder that left no trace in the air. but our men heard the whizz of the bullets, and felt their sting. the "rough riders," as they pressed on quickly toward the fort, fired again and again into the bushes. at last they met their comrades, who had come by the other road and who had also had a hard fight, and all now toiled up the hill, firing as they went. the spaniards had to retreat, and could now be seen by our men. the top of the hill was reached at last, the fort was taken, and the spaniards fled toward santiago. this hard fight, which lasted less than two hours, is called the battle of las guasimas, from the name of the poisonous kind of trees in the thicket where the "rough riders" were shot down. [illustration: last stand of the spaniards at las guasimas.] it would require volumes to tell the bravery and heroism of the men who fought the spaniards at las guasimas. every one entered into it with enthusiasm. all stood their ground while the spanish bullets were singing around them, and then, when they were allowed to do so, poured volley after volley into the brush in the direction from which the shots came. colonel wood walked along his lines as coolly as though on parade. lieutenant-colonel roosevelt led his men through the brush when the air seemed full of bullets. captain capron, the fifth from father to son in the united states army, fell early in the fight, but before he was hit by a spanish bullet he used his revolver whenever he saw a spanish head. [illustration: captain allyn k. capron.] everybody had confidence in their officers and in themselves. if they were hit they fought on if the hurt was not mortal. if they could not stand, they propped themselves against trees, and kept on firing as the line went forward. men fought with their arms in slings and with bandaged heads. lieutenant thomas, of captain capron's troop, and who was wounded himself during that sweltering june day, tells some interesting stories of the battle. he comes of a fighting family. his father fought in the civil war, his grandfather was killed in the mexican war, and three ancestors fell in the war of the revolution. "i am sorry that i did not have a chance to see more of the fighting, but what i saw was of the warmest kind. on the th of june i was with troop l, under captain capron. we formed the advance guard, and went out on a narrow trail toward siboney. on the way we met some of the men of the twenty-second infantry, who told us we were close to the enemy, as they had heard them at work during the night. captain capron, with six men, had gone on ahead of us and had come across the body of a dead cuban. ten or fifteen minutes later private isbell saw a spaniard in the brush ahead of him and fired. this was the first shot from our troop, and the spaniard fell dead. isbell himself was shot seven times that day, but managed to walk back to our field hospital, which was fully four miles in the rear. "it has been said that we were ambushed, but this is not so. poor captain capron received his death wound early in the fight, and while he was lying on the ground dying, he said: 'let me see it out; i want to see it all.' he lived an hour and fifteen minutes after the bullet struck him, and up to the moment he fell had acted fearlessly, and had exposed himself all the time to the enemy's fire. "i was then next in command of the troop, and i noticed that some of our men lay too closely together as they were deploying. i went down the line ordering them to their proper distances, and as i passed along, poor hamilton fish was lying, mortally wounded, a few feet from me. when he heard my voice, fish raised himself on his elbow and said: 'i am wounded; i am wounded.' that was the last i saw of him in life. he was very brave and was very popular among the men of the troops. "sergeant joe kline, of troop l, was wounded early that day, and was ordered to the rear with several other wounded men. on his way to the rear, kline discovered a spanish sharpshooter in a tree and shot at him. the spaniard fell dead, and kline picked up a silver-mounted revolver, which fell from the man's clothes, as a souvenir, which he highly prizes. several of the spanish sharpshooters had picked up cast-off clothing of the american soldiers, and wore them while they were at their deadly work. "sergeant bell, of our troop, was badly injured from an exploding shell while on the firing line. he was ordered to the rear, but quickly came back again. he was ordered away a second time, but a few minutes later he was at the front again, firing away. for a third time he was sent back, and once more he insisted on going to the front, and when the other men saw him they greeted him with rousing cheers, and he fought till the end of the day, although painfully wounded in the back. [illustration: col. theodore roosevelt.] "while lying in the hospital, i heard a young man named hall, who belonged to the twenty-second infantry, tell a story which will illustrate better than anything else the accuracy of the american shooters. he and five other men had crossed a bend in a road to get some water in their canteens. as they got into the open they were attacked by thirty-two spanish cavalrymen, who cut them up badly with their sabres. hall was the only one who was not killed. he was badly trampled by the horses, and had some sabre wounds on his body. later on, hall was picked up by some comrades to whom he told his story. these men located the spaniards who had done the work and opened fire on them. when they had ceased firing there were thirty live horses, two dead ones, and thirty-two dead spaniards. this was pretty good shooting, wasn't it?" many heroic deeds were done in the battle of las guasimas, by the "regulars" as well as by the "hough eiders." suffering was bravely borne. sixteen of our men were killed, and more than fifty wounded. yet all our troops took heart from the victory of that day, and began to think it would be easy to go on driving the spaniards back to santiago, and then to take that city. but it did not prove to be easy. there is a little railroad which runs from some mines near santiago to the pier at daiquiri. before the landing was made, the spaniards were driven from the coast by the shells of the american fleet. before they hurried away they attempted to disable a locomotive which had steam up. they took off the connecting rods, throttle gear and other important parts of the machinery and hid them behind fences and other places where they thought they would not be found. then they blocked the piston guides and ran off. but there were plenty of engineers and mechanics among the american soldiers, and when they saw the condition the locomotive was in they started to search for the missing parts. most of these were found and the machinery was cleverly patched up. then they knocked the blocks of wood out of the slides and threw fresh coal into the firebox, and in a very short time the locomotive was pulling a train of ore cars loaded with soldiers. [illustration: (soldiers at rest)] chapter ix. el caney and san juan. for a few days after the battle of las guasimas no great event took place. there was no fighting. the other troops were making their way up from the coast, but the roads were so narrow and so bad that progress was slow. the army wagons had great trouble to get on, and many supplies were left at the coast or on the boats, because there was no proper way of taking them forward. the heavy cannon were hauled a few miles from the coast and then most of them were left, though they would have been a great help to our army, and should have been taken to the front. it was soon found that many of the doctors' supplies--the things needed in taking care of the sick and wounded--had not been taken off the ships that brought the men from florida. it was thought by some of our men that now more effort should be made to clear roads through the woods and thick bushes, but not much was done. a great deal of fault has been found with the way things were managed at this time. it seems as if some of the officers were very much to blame. there need not have been so many men killed in the battles that followed, or so much suffering and sickness in our army, if all our officers had done their duty. meanwhile, the spaniards went on improving their forts on the hills a few miles away. nearly two thousand more of our soldiers landed in cuba about this time, and more were expected soon. but i must tell you about another army that arrived in this part of cuba during these days--a very small one beside general shafter's army, but one that did mighty work. have you ever heard of the red cross society? this is a society that nurses the sick and wounded. it has members in all parts of the world. its chief officer is miss clara barton, whose work has been so great and noble that it has made the whole world better. the badge, or flag of the red cross army is a red cross on a white ground. [illustration: miss clara barton.] the red cross army takes no part in war except to help those who need help. it does not know the difference between friend and foe. its work is a work of love and mercy. no soldiers with any honor would ever fire upon a tent that has the red cross flag floating over it, or harm any person wearing the red cross badge. yet, to the awful disgrace of the spaniards, it is known that some of them, hidden in trees and bushes, fired upon doctors and nurses who were taking care of the wounded on the battlefields near santiago. this was the new army, whose soldiers wear the sign of the red cross, that reached this part of cuba now, and put up a large tent. in this tent all help that could be given was given, to spaniards, cubans and americans. there were also "floating hospitals"--ships fitted up as hospitals. they proved to be great blessings to our army and navy. you will remember that the red cross society took great quantities of supplies to the suffering cubans in the early part of . its work in cuba was just well-established when hostilities broke out between the united states and spain, and while the members who were on the ground wanted to stay and carry on the work of relief, general blanco told them it was best for them to leave the island. they did so reluctantly, after doing all they could to insure the proper distribution of the supplies they left behind them. the result was that the food and medicines intended for the cubans were used to sustain the spanish army. when the blockade of cuban ports was instituted, the red cross society was asked by the government to take charge of the steamship state of texas which had been loaded with provisions, clothing, medical and hospital supplies by the generous people of the united states. miss clara barton instantly responded, but the ship was not allowed to go to cuba under a flag of truce, because acting rear-admiral sampson would not allow it. he said he was afraid the supplies would fall into the hands of the spanish army. but the red cross society would not give up its errand of mercy, and when the united states army invaded cuba, the state of texas followed the transports and so got to cuba after all, and anchored at a little place called siboney, where the nurses immediately began to care for the wounded on the hospital ship solace. there had been so much mismanagement about the landing of the troops and the supplies, that general shafter's army was without medicines or shelter for his wounded men. when he learned that the red cross ship had arrived, he sent word to miss barton to seize any empty army wagons and send him a load of hospital supplies and medical stores. she did this, although there were no boats obtainable to convey the supplies to the shore. there were only two old scows which had been thrown away as useless, but the red cross men patched them up as best they could, and then loaded them with the material asked for. they worked all night, and just as the sun rose in the morning, they managed to get them to the shore. it was the hardest kind of work unloading the scows in the surf, but they did it, and loaded some wagons with the precious supplies. then the women nurses, who had been drenched to the skin in the surf, mounted on top of the load and started on a terrible ride over a roadless country. they reached the army, and the whole world knows the splendid work they did there. it was no fault of the surgeon-general of the united states that they were able to accomplish it, though, for he was opposed to female nurses and his action sadly hampered the work. but now i must tell you about the next hard work that our soldiers had to do. on the last day of june, general shafter gave orders that the whole army was to move on toward santiago the next day. general shafter was sick, and stayed at headquarters in his tent, two miles away. before santiago could be reached, el caney and san juan had to be taken. so, on the first of july, early in the morning, six thousand of our troops, under brave officers, marched to attack el caney. general shafter thought this place could be taken in about an hour. [illustration: church at el caney, wrecked by american shells.] the town of el caney, four miles northeast of santiago, lies in a broad valley. beyond it, on the santiago side, is a high, level piece of country. the houses in the town are built of stone, and have thick walls. the town was protected by a stone fort on a hill, and also by log forts, trenches, and covered places, where the spaniards could stay under shelter while they fired. the stone fort on the hill was first attacked by our men, and if they had had more heavy cannon the work might have been easy. as it was, more than half the day passed, and, in spite of the hard work of our men, the fort still stood. our men had no smokeless powder, and their firing made a big black cloud around them all the time, so that they could not see clearly. at last the stone walls of the fort began to weaken, and then our men were ordered to "storm." they ran along the valley, broke through fences of barbed wire, and went up the hill with such a rush that the spaniards could not meet them, but fled down into the town. the other forts kept up firing for a while, but our men, now having the fort on the hill, forced the spaniards farther and farther, and, by four o'clock, our men held the town. the whole place was strewn with dead spaniards, and our own loss was heavy. both sides had fought bravely, and the struggle had lasted nearly nine hours. [illustration: general henry w. lawton.] at el caney the spaniards made the strongest resistance that the american army met in cuba. one of the foremost figures in this battle was brigadier-general henry w. lawton. i must tell you something about him. lawton was but seventeen years old when the civil war in this country broke out. he enlisted at once and was made a sergeant in an indiana regiment. when his term of service expired he re-enlisted and fought gallantly throughout the remainder of the war. after the war was over lawton enlisted in the regular army and was sent to the frontier, where he developed into one of the best indian fighters in the army. when our country went to war with spain, lawton was holding an important position in the war department at washington. his splendid services were remembered and he was promoted to be a brigadier-general of volunteers and sent to cuba. after the war with spain was over, lawton was again promoted, and in was sent to the philippines to assist in putting down the filipino insurrection. [illustration: battle of el caney.] meanwhile, our other regiments had been ordered to attack san juan, a village on steep heights, less than a mile east of santiago. our men went to the place by two different roads, and had to go through woods, wade through streams, and wind along narrow paths. a number of men from each regiment went before, with tools, and cut the fences of barbed wire. fences of barbed wire had been put, like a network, all around santiago, to keep our men away. [illustration: assault of san juan hill.] san juan was protected by trenches and forts, and from these places spanish bullets rained down upon our men. during the early hours of the morning there was much confusion among our troops. they were looking for further orders from headquarters, but none came. so, at last, the captains and colonels took things into their own hands and did what seemed best. again there was need of more heavy cannon, and again our men were troubled by having powder that made a thick black smoke. just as it was at el caney, so it was at san juan; not having cannon enough to destroy the forts, our men had to take the place by storm. colonel roosevelt led his "rough riders" in one of the finest charges ever made. the other troops, nearly all "regulars," did noble work. with bullets pouring down upon them, our men made a wild rush up the heights, and the spaniards fled. the struggle to take san juan had lasted more than five hours, and cost many lives. though our men were worn and weary, they took no rest that night. they buried the dead, they repaired the forts and trenches. our men knew that the spaniards would try to win back the heights of san juan, the last stronghold on the outskirts of santiago. at daybreak the next morning the spaniards attacked our troops, and the fighting went on all day. a sharp attack was made in the evening, but our men still held the place. yet they did not feel secure. the spanish army in santiago was a large one, and might force our men back. our men, though weary from marching and fighting and digging, hungry, for food was scarce, wanted to hold the heights that had been so dearly won. the attack upon the spanish defenses of santiago began early in the morning of july st, as i have told you, and i wish i could tell you the one hundredth part of the brave and gallant deeds that were done by our brave soldiers on that and the next day. [illustration: lieutenant john h. parker.] battery a, of the second united states artillery, fired the first shot of the engagement known as the battle of el caney. the spaniards replied, after it had sent five shells among them. the spanish forces were much stronger than our men thought they were, and it took general lawton nearly all day to gain possession of el caney. early in the day, lieutenant parker's battery of four gatling guns began to hurl bullets into the spanish trenches, and so well did it keep up the work that it played a very important part in the battle and a great deal of the credit of the victory is due to lieutenant parker. afterwards, lieutenant parker, in speaking of these wonderful machine guns, said: "we trained the guns on the top of the hill. they were fired above the heads of the slowly advancing line of blue which had started up the slope. i ordered the men to work the gatlings as fast as they could. the result was astounding. with each of the four guns firing at the rate of eight hundred shots a minute, the bullets formed a canopy over the heads of the men at the foot of the hill. a gatling gun in action is a sight to remember; so thick and fast do the bullets fly that one can actually see the stream of lead leaving the gun and, as if handling a hose, train it on any desired point. "i remember one incident of the first day which showed how deadly was the fire of these machine guns. away off, across the valley, we saw a clump of spanish cavalrymen. i ordered the guns turned on them. they were so far away we had to use glasses to find them accurately, but when the little wheels began to turn, those who stood in the front line of the clump fell as grass falls before a mower, and it didn't take the rest of those spaniards long to get behind something. "as the day wore on, and the troops kept climbing up the hill, colonel roosevelt, who had been watching the work of the gatlings, came along and placed his light battery of two colt machine guns and one dynamite gun in my command." you can get an idea of the deadly work of the gatlings when i tell you that the fire of one of these guns is equal to that of one hundred and eighty riflemen, each discharging thirteen shots per minute. the dynamite gun is the latest development in light artillery. one of them had been supplied to roosevelt's rough riders, or "teddy's terrors," as they were often called, but none of them wanted to handle it. [illustration: sergeant borrowe working the dynamite gun.] they were willing to face spanish bullets, but they were afraid of the dynamite gun. they thought it was just as dangerous at one end as at the other. it is an odd looking piece of artillery, having two tubes, or barrels, one above the other. it throws a long cartridge or shell, similar in shape, but not so large as those used on the vesuvius, about which i have told you. one day sergeant borrowe volunteered to manage the gun that the rest of the men were afraid of. they let him have it, and he did splendid work with it. another famous gun in the fighting before santiago was gun no. , of captain capron's battery. captain capron was the father of the young man who was killed in the battle of las guasimas. no guns did more effective work than his, unless it was parker's gatlings, and one shot from this no. is said to have killed sixteen spaniards at one time. after the battery returned to the united states, lieutenant henly, after saying that the battery was in every battle on cuban soil except that at las guasimas, continued: "we were peculiarly fortunate in escaping the bullets. the only man killed in our battery was a horse--i suppose we can count him as a man. at el caney, we were directed to support the infantry in an attack on several blockhouses and a stone fort. we were twenty-four hundred yards away and soon got the range. the first shot was fired by corporal williams. corporal neff fired the shot that brought down the spanish flag. we pounded a hole in the fort and the infantry went through it." a young soldier who was wounded at san juan told this story: "my company got mixed up in the charge, and i pushed on with the thirteenth regulars. when we reached the top of the hill, some of us took shelter in a blockhouse and began firing from there at the opposite hills. there wasn't one of the enemy in sight unless you count dead ones, so we blazed away at nothing at all, for awhile. but they had us dead in range, and it was no dream the way their bullets played around us. [illustration: the famous no. gun.] "one of the bravest things i saw in the war happened right here. an officer came up--he was a major of regulars--i don't know his regiment--and he saw that we didn't know what to aim at, and were getting a little rattled. so what did he do but quickly walk out in front of the blockhouse where the bullets were coming thickest, and proceed to study the hills with his field-glass, just as unconcerned as you please. and every now and then he would call to us who were inside, 'men, sight at eight hundred yards and sweep the grass on the ridge of the hill'; or, again: 'men, i can see the spaniards over there; try a thousand-yard range and see if you can't get some of them. fire low!' i never saw such nerve as that officer had; he'd have stirred courage in everybody." "didn't he get hit?" he was asked. "i'll tell you about that in a minute; but while he was out there shaking hands with death, you might say, i was witness to a little incident in the blockhouse that is worth telling about: a lot of us were in there from different regiments--some from the thirteenth, some from the sixteenth, and some colored boys from the twenty-fourth. we were all blazing away through the firing-openings in the walls. [illustration: bringing up captain capron's battery.] "just beside me was a big negro, who didn't seem more than half interested in what he was doing. i saw him pull a dead spaniard out of the door with a listless movement, and then pick up his rifle as if he thought the whole thing a bore. suddenly, a bullet came in with a zip along the underside of his gun barrel, glanced against the strap, and took the skin off the negro's knuckles as if they'd been scraped with a knife. and then you should see the change! he wasn't scared--not a bit; but he was mad enough to have charged the whole spanish army alone. how he did talk--not loud, just quietly to himself--and how he did grab his cartridges and begin to shoot. "speaking of cartridges, some of the boys ran short because they had thrown away a lot in their haversacks; but i had put two beltfuls in a pair of socks and pinned them inside my shirt with safety pins, so i had plenty, and i was peppering away from behind a brick chimney, when one of the thirteenth lads called out to me: 'come over here, seventy-one; i've got a fine shot for you.' "i looked around and saw him standing by a window that was barred with iron, but had no sash to it. he was kneeling on the floor, just showing his head over the sill, and looking at the spanish line. he was a nice looking lad, not a day over twenty-one, and his face was as smooth as a girl's. 'all right,' said i, going over to him, 'where's your shot?' "'there,' said he, pointing to one of the hills: 'nobody's fired at that one yet, but i'm sure the dagos are there. set your sights at six hundred yards and we'll try it together!' "so i fixed my sights, and we both fired out of the window with our rifles resting on the ledge. as i drew back i saw there was something queer with the boy, and noticed a splash of red on the lobe of his ear, just like a coral bead. "'did they wing you?' i asked. and even as i spoke, he staggered against the wall and turned round so that i saw him full in the face. there was a hole in the other side, just at the cheek bone, that i could have put my finger in. he had been shot clear through the head. "'poor chap,' i said, and lifted him over behind the chimney, where i had been. he didn't speak. i left him there and went to the door, thinking that i might see a red cross nurse somewhere about, and sure enough, there was one bending over a man stretched on the ground. it was the major who had been giving us the ranges. "'is he hurt bad?' i asked. "the red cross man had the major's shirt open, looking at his wound. 'he's shot through the heart,' he said. "'can you come in here a minute, when you get through with him? there's a thirteenth boy just been hit.' "'hit where?' "'in the head.' "'hold him by the jowls,' he said, 'until i come,' so i held him by the jowls, and then he spoke for the first time, and what he said was this: 'say, seventy-one, i done my duty, didn't i?' "i told him that he did. "'i had my face toward 'em when they got me, didn't i? "'sure, you did.' "'well,' he went on, quite cheerful like, 'i may get through this, and if i do, i'll have another crack at 'em. but if i don't, why i aint got no kick comin', for there'll be others to stay here with me.' "that was the last i saw of him, for the red cross man came in then, and i went back to the firing. he was a game boy, though, wasn't he?" [illustration: the "red cross" in the field.] what would have become of the wounded if the red cross nurses had not been on the field to help them, nobody knows, except that thousands of "mothers' boys" were saved, who in a few hours more would have been beyond mortal aid. no wonder bearded men wept like babies and blessed the angels of mercy as they passed. the boys went into the fight hungry, lay for two days in trenches, almost without food; and when they were wounded, were ordered to make their way to the rear as best they could. men with desperate wounds had to walk or crawl perhaps a mile; perhaps five or six miles, over the wild, rough country, those who were least injured, assisting their comrades, and hundreds dying by the wayside. had the red cross been allowed its way in the beginning, many of these horrors would have been avoided. the few army surgeons did all in their power, but nearly everything they-needed to allay suffering was lacking, and so insufficient was the force that many of the wounded lay for days before their turn came. men taken from the operating table, perhaps having just had a leg or arm cut off, or with bodies torn by bullets, were laid naked on the rain-soaked ground, without shelter, and in the majority of cases without even blankets. and there they lay through two long days and nights. all honor to the red cross society which finally forced its way to the spot and knew exactly what to do. [illustration: captain "buckey" o'neill.] some time after the return of the "rough riders" to the united states, colonel roosevelt told some interesting experiences: "i recollect, as i was sitting, i gave a command to one of my orderlies, and he rose up and saluted and fell right forward across my knees dead. the man upon whom i had most to rely--i relied upon all of those gallant men, but the man upon whom i most relied, buckey o'neill--was standing up, walking up and down in front of his men, wanting to show them by his example that they must not get nervous, and to reassure them. "somebody said, 'captain--captain o'neill! you will be struck by a bullet as sure as fate; lie down! lie down!' and he laughed, and said, 'why, the spanish bullet is not made that will kill me!' and the next minute a bullet struck him in the mouth and came out the back of his head and he was killed right there. "captain jenkins crept up beside one of his sharpshooters and said to him, 'i see a spaniard over in that tree, give me your rifle for a moment.' he fired two or three shots and then turned around and handed the rifle back to the man, and the man was dead--had been killed without making a sign or sound as he stood beside him. "i was talking to a gallant young officer, asking him questions, and he was answering. i turned around and he had been shot through the stomach." but general shafter, still at headquarters some miles away, did not know how the men felt, and thought they ought to retreat to some safer point, and wait for more troops from the united states. early the next morning--sunday, july d--general shafter sent a telegram to the war office at washington, saying that he thought of withdrawing his forces from the neighborhood of santiago. an answer was sent to him, asking him to try to hold his present place, and more troops started for cuba. fortunately, there were brave commanders in the american army who did not think as general shafter did.--they had been doing the fighting, while he hadn't, and they had no idea of giving up an inch of the ground they had gained. one of the most prominent of them was general joseph wheeler. he had a splendid record in the civil war, fighting on the side of the confederacy. he was a bold and tireless fighter, and before he was thirty years old he was the commander of all the confederate cavalry. his sabre had flashed in the thickest of many fights and he had led his splendid horsemen in many a furious charge. when the war with spain broke out, general wheeler offered his services to the government and was sent to cuba, and when there began to be talk of retreat after those terrible days of fighting before santiago, the splendid old confederate counselled holding the army where it was, and fighting the spaniards again, if necessary. he said, "american prestige would suffer irretrievably if we gave up an inch; we must stand firm!" [illustration: general joseph wheeler.] the message from general shafter flew through the united states, and caused great anxiety. it was sad to think that our troops had drawn near the place they had been striving to reach, had had great labor, had borne much suffering, and that now, after all, they might have to retreat because there were not enough of them to finish the work--not enough to take santiago. but that very sunday something took place that changed the whole color of the scene. [illustration: (u.s. flag flying over building)] chapter x. the spanish fleet leaves the harbor. while our army had been toiling along narrow roads and through dense forests, wading the streams and storming the forts, on the way to santiago, our navy had been keeping up its blockade of the harbor. perhaps i should explain to you that the merrimac, sunk by lieutenant hobson, did not really close the channel, because the merrimac had not gone down in the right spot on account of the breaking of the rudder. so our vessels still kept a close blockade. the spaniards now felt worried. our navy was at one side of santiago, and our army at the other. the spaniards in the city thought our army was larger than it was, and the word passed round that fifty thousand american soldiers were on the hills. food was scarce in santiago; there would soon be danger of starvation. in this state of affairs, admiral cervera, taking a wild chance for life and liberty, with the hope of being able afterward to help his countrymen, led his fleet out of the harbor. sunday morning, july d, was clear and beautiful. the cliffs of the harbor, and the old forts, made a fine show under the blue sky. the red and yellow flag of spain floated, as usual, on top of morro castle. far in the distance the mountain tops showed plainly--a dark line against the sky. the sea was smooth. our vessels were in place near the mouth of the harbor, though a few were missing. the massachusetts and some smaller vessels had gone to guantanamo for coal; the flagship new york had gone eastward to a place where admiral sampson could go ashore, for he wished to arrange plans with general shafter. commodore schley had been left in charge of the fleet, and his flagship was the brooklyn. it was at the western end of our half-circle of ships. on saturday evening, the night before, some of the men on board the iowa saw a good deal of smoke rising within the harbor, and thought the spanish ships might be getting ready to rush out. these men spoke to their captain about the smoke, but the captain thought that the spaniards were only fixing their fires. the smoke seemed to him no thicker than it had often been before. the men on the deck could not help thinking about the smoke, and tried to ease their minds by making ready the signal, so that it could be run up instantly if the spanish ships started out. but the night passed away, the signal was not needed, and the men concluded that the smoke really had meant nothing. they never dreamed that the spaniards would come out in daytime. so it seemed likely that the day would pass quietly. as it was sunday, not much work was going on. by nine o'clock all the men were dressed in their white clothes, ready for the sunday morning "inspection." some of the officers were gloomy, for they had had news about the terrible losses in the army during the last two days. suddenly, about half past nine, shouts are heard on some of the ships, and the signal flies up on the iowa: "enemy's ships are coming out," and a gun is fired from the iowa, to attract the notice of all the fleet. our ships, so still a moment before, are now full of life. every man shouts to his neighbor, "they're coming out! they're coming out!" men run in all directions to get to their posts; officers buckle on their swords; orders are quickly given. "sound the general alarm!" "clear ship for action!" "bugles call to general quarters!" "steam and pressure on the turrets!" "hoist the battle-flags!" "close the hatches!" "full steam ahead!" "turn on the current of the electric hoists!" "get to your guns, lads!" our men are hurrahing and yelling with glad excitement. they throw off their white clothes, and tumble down the ladders, and throw themselves through the hatchways in their haste to obey orders. in less than three minutes every vessel is speeding along, and has obeyed the signal: "open fire!" there are the beautiful spanish ships running at full speed, in a line, one behind the other, all their flags flying as if on a holiday parade. they are coming out of the channel and turning westward, firing fiercely on the brooklyn, the nearest of our ships, while the forts on the cliffs fire on the rest of our fleet. first of the spanish ships comes the maria teresa, carrying the flag of admiral cervera. the last two in the line are the torpedo-boat destroyers. our ships send forth a storm of fire; every instant the roar of our guns is heard, and the air is so filled with smoke that our men can hardly see their enemy. indeed, it is a wonder that our ships, all rushing toward the spanish ships, do not crash into one another. and how can they help injuring one another with their guns? ah, there is good management! not one of the captains loses his wits--not one of the gunners mistakes a friend for a foe. now the maria teresa is on fire in different places, and turns in toward the shore. great columns of flame shoot up as the big ship runs upon the beach and hauls down her flag as a sign of surrender. now another spanish ship is on fire from our guns, and runs ashore, hauling down her flag. she is as helpless as the teresa. not half an hour has passed since those two ships came out of the harbor, yet now, after running six or seven miles, they are ashore and in flames; most of their men are killed or wounded, the others are clinging to parts of the ships or jumping into the sea, though sharks are plainly seen in the water. meanwhile, the gloucester, one of our smallest vessels, is attacking the two torpedo-boat destroyers, and, with a little help from some of our battleships, soon puts an end to the two little spanish boats. one of them sinks, the other is compelled to run ashore; both ruined in less than eight minutes after the gloucester fired the first shot at them. the chase goes on, the guns keep up their deadly fire. now another spanish ship, the vizcaya, turns to the shore, flames shooting from her decks. as she touches the beach, two loud explosions shake her from end to end. she has held her course for an hour and twenty minutes, but now she is burning on the shore. only one spanish ship is left, the cristóbol colón, flying at full speed, six miles ahead of our first ship, the brooklyn. the oregon and the texas follow the brooklyn, and the new york is only a short distance behind. for, of course, the new york, though several miles away when the race began, heard the signal gun, and turned, and flew back to santiago on the wings of the wind. faster and faster flies the new york, gaining rapidly in the race. surely, it is an exciting race, for the colón is flying for life. commodore schley takes the brooklyn farther out to sea, to head off the colón, when she turns her course; but our other ships follow the spaniard. there is little firing now from either side--the ships are racing. [illustration: destruction of admiral cervera's fleet.] two hours pass in this way, and now the brooklyn and the oregon fire heavily at the cristóbol colón, again and again. the helpless colón hauls down her flag, and turns toward the shore. the last spanish ship gives up the struggle at fifteen minutes after one o'clock, fifty miles west of santiago. while commodore schley is sending captain cook in a small boat to receive the surrender of the colón, the crews of the brooklyn and oregon crowd upon the decks and turrets to cheer each other and shout for joy. some of the men of the oregon rush at once for their drums and bugles, and the notes of "the star spangled banner" rise in place of the roar of the guns. the new york and the texas arrive, and the four ships rest in triumph. while waiting and resting, a scene took place on the texas that will long be remembered. the captain suddenly ordered, "all hands aft!" the crew of five hundred men went to the deck to hear their captain's message. the captain, in a few simple words, spoke to the men of his faith in the father almighty, and then said: "i want all of you, officers and crew, to lift your hats, and in your hearts to offer silent thanks to god." the men were silent a few minutes, and then left the deck, giving, as they went, "three cheers for our captain." [illustration: working the guns on the brooklyn.] while the brooklyn, oregon, texas, and new york were following the cristóbol colón, our other vessels were busy saving the lives of spaniards on board the sinking and burning ships. one small boat after another was lowered from our vessels, and the crews went to the burning vessels, where stores of powder were exploding every moment, took off the wounded spaniards, and saved the men who had jumped into the sea and were trying to swim ashore. the work of rescue lasted till eight o'clock that night. a thousand spaniards, among them admiral cervera and his son, were brought to our ships, and were well tended. most of the spaniards needed clothes, having thrown aside their garments when jumping into the sea; all needed food; a large number, being wounded, needed the care of our doctors. what the captain of the iowa said of his men may be said of the crews of all our other vessels: "i cannot express my admiration for my magnificent crew. so long as the enemy showed his flag, they fought like american seamen; but when the flag came down, they were as gentle and tender as american women." [illustration: admiral cervera.] admiral cervera was picked up by the gloucester, but afterwards was taken to the iowa, where he was received with due honors. the bugles were sounded as he came over the side of the ship, the officers saluted him as admiral, the crew cheered him to show their admiration for his courage. the admiral's kindness to lieutenant hobson was remembered by our men, and they showed that they were grateful. afterward, the admiral was asked why the spanish ships had not left the harbor during the hours of night, and he answered: "the searchlights of your ships were too blinding." what a change had taken place in less than four hours on that sunday! the spanish fleet had been destroyed, six hundred spaniards had lost their lives, many were wounded, a thousand were in the hands of the americans. our men had won a great victory, had not lost a ship, and had only one man killed and one wounded. the story of the gloucester's fight with the "destroyers" has been graphically told by one who was on board her during that exciting time. "the spaniards were beginning to get the range with their deadly automatic one-pounders. one shot in the right place would sink us. there was a line of splashes in the water, like that made by jumping fish, tracing accurately the length of our vessel, and gradually coming nearer and nearer. "crash! crash! went our guns, and suddenly, when within ten yards of the ship, the splashes ceased. the man at the gun had been killed. we were saved temporarily, but still the enemy was fighting for dear life. both destroyers were trying their best to sink us; we refused to go down. suddenly the pin of number four gun dropped out and it was necessary to remove the breach block and find the pin. it was all done quietly, quickly, but the nervous strain was awful. we were now within five hundred yards of the furor, firing; sometimes at her and sometimes at the pluton. at this point the new york went speeding by and cheered us as she passed. gradually the pluton's guns became silent, and it was evident that she was in distress. she was making for the shore. "suddenly there was a great flash aboard her, a mass of steam rose into the air, and she had exploded, probably in the engine room. later we learned that a shot had passed clear through her boilers. a great cheer went up from the gloucester's crew. but what was the furor doing? coming toward us? it was the last act of desperation. again the starboard battery had come into use. there was no time to be lost; either we must sink the furor or she would sink us. "our fire was redoubled. it was too fierce; no vessel could stand it. still continuing on the circle, with a starboard helm, the furor turned away from us toward morro. but we kept up our heart-breaking fire. like a stag, the boat turned again and made for her companion, which was now lying on her side amid the breakers, endeavoring, to escape us, but in vain; and, still turning, she made weakly toward us again. then the truth dawned upon us; she was unmanageable, and was, simply moving in a circle, with a jammed helm. the battle was at an end. "but our work was by no means over. we had spent two hours in slaughtering our friends who had crossed the sea to meet us, and we now spent twelve hours in rescuing the survivors." [illustration: lieut.-commander wainwright.] the gloucester was commanded by lieutenant-commander wainwright, a most gallant and plucky officer. he was the executive officer of the battleship maine when she was blown up in havana harbor shortly before the war began. his fight with the "destroyers" was one of the bravest deeds ever recorded in naval history. after rescuing admiral cervera from the water, he placed his cabin at his disposal, did everything to make him comfortable, and treated him with the deference due his rank. a midshipman on the almirante oquendo, who managed to get ashore after his ship was beached, told this story: "the flagship opened fire while we, being the last, were still some way from the harbor mouth, yet before we cleared the entrance we got struck by a few shells. i was in the forward central torpedo room, and as, according to orders, the port holes were shut, i could see but little of what was taking place outside. we did not at once use our torpedoes, for shortly after the action began, a heavy projectile crashed through the upper deck and destroyed the shield near which i was standing. i was knocked down by the force of the explosion, receiving a slight leg wound from a fragment of the shell, while a splinter of the starboard gangway was driven into my chest near the heart. on recovering my feet, i found that the starboard torpedo tube was smashed and that the deck was strewn with dead and wounded, a few of whom were seeking to go up the gangway, which was also destroyed. very shortly we all had to clear out of the room, as it became impossible to breathe there, owing to a lot of material taking fire. i sank, half choked, on the upper deck, but was revived by someone turning a hose on my head. "on rising again, i found myself close to the second commander, don victor sola, who was encouraging the crew, and señor nunoz, who put his arm around me, exclaiming, 'they are making a man of you to-day.' at that moment a heavy shell burst behind me, small particles lodging in my neck. this shell killed don victor sola, whom i saw fall on his face without uttering a word. right across his body fell that of the first gunner. when captain lazaga heard that the forward magazines were ablaze he followed the lead of the teresa, heading for land and running the vessel ashore. i went back to the torpedo room and stripped. when i got back on deck, my companions were gone, so i got through the port cannon embrasure and slipped down a chain into the water." the destruction of the spanish fleet at santiago was as complete as the destruction of the spanish fleet at manila. commodore schley was the senior officer in command, and it was fitting that the man who "bottled-up" cervera's fleet should be the one to destroy it. after peace was declared, he was promoted to be a rear-admiral, and the people of the united states presented him with the costliest sword ever given a military or naval officer. it was a direct gift from the people to the man, and showed the estimation in which they held him. in the running fight at santiago, as at the battle of manila, every officer and man did his duty. the spanish vessels were out-sailed and out-fought. the american vessels were not injured and the spanish were crushed. the american gunnery was effective at close range and long; the spanish gunnery was not good at any range. the american shells told wherever they struck and the american vessels were maneuvered with the greater skill. under the stress of the greatest excitement, the americans showed the effect of their splendid drill and discipline. admiral cervera and the principal spanish officers were taken to annapolis and installed in comfortable quarters. one of them said: "you ought to be proud of your country, because you have such good people." another remarked, "i do not know that i am a prisoner except that i cannot go home." eventually they were all sent back to spain. it has been truly said that laughter and tears lie very close together. it is equally true that in the midst of solemn and terrible events some amusing things happen, even though they may not seem funny at the time. and so, in connection with the exciting events of july d, , some laughable stories are told. when the spanish fleet came out of the harbor with all their colors flying, a lieutenant on the texas looked up and saw that his ship was displaying nothing but the stars and stripes. "where are our battle-flags?" said he. just then the texas sent a shell against the maria teresa. "i guess they won't have any doubt about our being in battle," said captain philip. but the lieutenant thought that a battle was nothing without battle-flags, and sent a messenger after them. but the flags were locked up, and the man who had the key was busy in another part of the ship. "then smash the locker," said the lieutenant, when informed of this fact. the locker was smashed, and soon the texas was fighting under her battle-flags. in the thickest of the fight a young lad on the texas was heard to say: "fourth of july celebration, eh? a little early, but a good one!" during the chase after the colón, the men of the oregon went in turn to dinner, captain clark having called to them: "now, children, go and get something to eat, if it is only a little bread and butter." the men satisfied themselves with a few bites, and then hurried back to the deck to watch the exciting race. the oregon and the brooklyn were gaining steadily on the colón. suddenly the brooklyn signaled to the oregon: "she seems built in italy." and the oregon signaled back: "she may have been built in italy, but she will end on the coast of cuba." while some of the ships were chasing the colón, and others were rescuing the wounded and drowning spaniards, the indiana, according to orders, returned to watch the harbor entrance. suddenly an excitement was caused on the indiana by news that a large spanish battleship was coming from the eastward. captain taylor at once made ready for another fight, and sent his men to their guns. the officers on the bridge looked through their field-glasses at the strange ship, three miles away. "yes, it is a spanish ship." "yes, she has spanish colors." the stranger drew near, the guns of the indiana were just about to open fire, but the foreign ship signaled her name and country--"kaiserin maria theresa, austria"--in time to save both parties from further trouble. that sunday morning the chaplain of the new york was preparing to hold service when the sound of a gun caused the ship to turn in her course and speed back to santiago. the ship was cleared for action, and the pulpit was hastily thrown aside. as the ship sped along, some of her men saw a spanish sailor struggling in the water. one of the men quickly picked up the pulpit--a clumsy, awkward affair, with a gilt cross on the side of it--and heaved it overboard, at the same time yelling to the poor spaniard: "cling to the cross, my lad, cling to the cross and you'll be saved." the struggling sailor clung to the cross and was afterward picked up by one of the small boats. this story is told of two gunners on the oregon. one was an old fellow whose name has been on the navy list for thirty years, the other was a young seaman gunner. when admiral cervera led his ships out of the harbor of santiago, in that brave dash for the freedom of the open sea, the veteran was engaged in his usual occupation of polishing the sleek coat of one of the big thirteen-inch guns. when the cry went up that the enemy was escaping, he gave a finishing touch to the muzzle and quickly took his station in the turret. presently he turned to a young gunner near him and said: "charley, i bet you a month's pay that i make a better shot at the dago beggars than you. what d'you say?" "'done,' was the prompt reply. "ten minutes later, the old gunner squinted his eye along the sight, signalled the man at the training lever to ease off a little, took the range from the officer in charge of the division, then gave the firing lanyard a quick jerk. when the smoke lifted, the eager watchers saw a great yawning hole in the port bow of the almirante oquendo. a cheer came from the men in the turret, and the veteran glanced triumphantly toward the younger gunner. "the latter's turn soon came. the oquendo, battered and helpless, drifted ashore in flames. the oregon accompanied by the brooklyn, sped on after the fleet-footed colón. the rapid-fire batteries of both american ships rattled and shrieked after the fugitive. the eight-inch guns of the brooklyn rumbled an unceasing chorus as they belched forth their shells, and occasionally a deeper roar from the thirteen-inch monsters of the oregon would give a mightier volume to the din. "it was after one of the latter shots that the forward turret of the oregon echoed with a rousing cheer. charley, the young gunner, had just dropped the firing lanyard from his hand and it was seen the colón's conning tower was hit. 'he told me before he pulled the lanyard that he would fetch it,' exclaimed one of the gun's crew, admiringly, 'and he did.'" a proud father, whose son was on one of the battleships during the destruction of cervera's ships, said: "among the four letters i have received from my son is one which contains an amusing story of one of the officers of the indiana. the officer in question is well known throughout the navy for his fastidiousness regarding apparel, and even on board his ship, is always the best-dressed man. he considers it his imperative duty to appear 'just so,' on every occasion. "my son writes that when the fight began, everybody had on most of his clothes, the officers generally being in proper uniform. my boy started in with a full accompaniment of cap, shirt, coat, pants and shoes, but says that before the hour and a half was over he had shed everything except his trousers. the heat was, of course, intense and the main cause of the boy's throwing off all unnecessary garments. it has been his duty to carry messages several times from the commanding officer on the bridge to the rear of the vessel, where our dandy officer was stationed, and when the fight began he was fully uniformed. on the second trip back the officer was seen to be the only person in sight with a coat on his back, but the perspiration was rolling down his cheeks and dropping off in black beads and his face was besmeared and almost unrecognizable. "just before the last shot was fired, my son was sent to find the executive officer to deliver him a message from the bridge. he hurried to the deck, and, in clouds of black smoke endeavored to locate the lieutenant. he looked in vain, however, and finally stepped up to a man who at first appeared to be clothed in pajamas, and my son was just going to inquire for the first officer, when the smoke cleared away a little revealing our fastidious but brave officer dressed in his nightgown, with his sword strapped around his waist, and a pistol stuck in his belt." doubtless many more anecdotes could be told in connection with that day's history. [illustration: (battle at sea)] chapter xi. closing events. that sunday morning, after general shafter received the telegram from the war office, he took a step which in the end proved very successful. he sent men to santiago bearing a flag of truce and a message to the spanish general. when a flag of truce is sent to an enemy all fighting stops for a number of days or hours, according to the time fixed for the truce, or quiet, and plans are then made. this message told the spanish general that if he did not surrender within a certain time the american army would attack the city. the spanish general sent word back that he would not surrender, but that he would give notice to the people in santiago that they might leave the city before the attack. of course, before that day was over, our army heard of the great victory of our navy, and felt more hopeful. during the week that followed that important sunday, crowds of women, children, and old men; spaniards, cubans, and people of other nations, went out of santiago. they hardly knew where to go. men who saw that sight said it was pitiful. all the roads leading from santiago were filled with people and wagons, toiling on to some place of safety. most of these people had very little food, except the fruit then ripe on the mango-trees, and so had to be fed by our army and by the red cross society. ever since general shafter's army had landed, it had been feeding the hungry cubans in the country around santiago--people who were nearly starved on account of their long war with spain. food was scarce in our army, because there was trouble in landing the supplies sent by the united states, and more trouble in sending the supplies forward to the soldiers. still, the hungry people from santiago could not be neglected, and they were given a share of food daily. and with all those crowds upon the narrow roads from santiago were many of our wounded soldiers, trying to make their way back to the red cross tent at siboney. there were not enough army wagons to take the wounded from las guasimas, el caney, and san juan, and they could not all be treated in the field tents. so the men limped and hobbled along as best they could--wounded, sick, feverish--to siboney, eight miles away. to add to the suffering, this was the wet season in cuba, and rain fell for hours every day. during that week of truce, general shafter arranged with the spanish general in santiago for the exchange of lieutenant hobson and his crew. half way between the american camp and the city there was a beautiful ceiba-tree, or silk-cotton tree, so called from the large seed-pods, full of soft, cotton-like stuff. under this tall, shady tree many important councils were held between the spanish and american officers. and under this tree, one morning, our officers gave up eight spanish prisoners in return for lieutenant hobson and his men. our soldiers welcomed these brave fellows with shouts of praise and joy. [illustration: the treaty tree.] on july th, the truce being ended, our army and our navy fired upon santiago, and kept up the fire on the morning of the next day. then a new truce was made, for the spaniards wanted time to consult their government. general miles, the commander-in-chief of the whole united states army, arrived and held councils with the spanish officers. at last the spaniards agreed to surrender the eastern part of cuba, and at noon, on july th, our flag was hoisted on the governor's palace in santiago. our soldiers took possession of the city, and the citizens, who had gone away in such sorrow, now returned in joy because the united states had taken charge. when general miles arrived in cuba with reinforcements, he at once took charge of the negotiations between general shafter and the spanish general toral. general shafter had made such a mess of the whole campaign that he was inclined to make trouble, thinking he was to be superseded; but general miles told him that he had instructions to settle all matters according to his own discretion. after he had completed the negotiations with general toral, general miles generously left the honor of receiving the surrender of the spanish forces to general shafter. from the moment of his arrival on the island, general miles had control of all military affairs. no greater discretion was ever given to an officer, but he used it wisely, and then allowed the honors to pass to another. [illustration: general nelson a. miles.] some of our naval officers went into the harbor and exploded all the "mines," and the harbor was once more safe and open to all vessels. the war was not really at an end, but it was known that spain could not hold out much longer. one of the devoted red cross workers tells this story: "one of the most dramatic incidents of the war was the entrance of the red cross into santiago, a few days later. recognizing the great services rendered, the army officers experienced almost a change of heart, and the relief ship state of texas was put ahead of anything, even shafter, sampson and schley following respectfully in the rear. there were the two armies, the conquerors and the conquered, the wrecked ships of spain, the starving cubans, the silence of the grave hung over all; the memory of horrors gone before--of battle, murder and tragedy; and now was coming the first gleaming hope to a perishing people. said miss barton: [illustration: general josé toral.] "'can somebody sing the doxology?' "'praise god from whom all blessings flow' rang out in quavering chorus from the dozen men and women on the deck of the state of texas, taken up and repeated here and there on battleships and shore, till the green hills that mirror santiago re-echoed the song of thanksgiving, while gallant soldiers were not ashamed of tears, and the dying waved their feeble hands." one of the problems of the war was how to dispose of the spanish prisoners. it would cost a big sum to feed them and to guard them, and so it was decided to send them back to spain. ships were provided and this was done. the spaniards who were sick and wounded received the same care and consideration that was given to the americans who were in the same conditions. the humorous side of the affair was that, the contract to convey the troops to spain was given to a spanish steamship company. i have spoken before of the other large island belonging to spain--the island of porto rico. late in july general miles took a large body of troops there to take possession. these troops had much better supplies than the troops in cuba, and they had not such hard work. the people in porto rico welcomed our soldiers. the spanish soldiers made a few efforts to fight, but one place after another was taken by our troops, without any great trouble. ponce, near the southern coast of porto rico, is a city of importance, as i have told you. it was named for ponce de leon, the famous voyager of the sixteenth century, who wandered around in search of a fountain of youth. when our troops approached ponce, the city and the port were given up to them gladly, as the spanish soldiers had gone away. our troops now began moving on by different roads to san juan, on the northern coast, the capital and chief city. it was known that the spaniards were making great preparations to defend this city. as our army pushed on, from day to day, there were some skirmishes with the enemy. on august th there seemed likely to be very serious fighting at different places near san juan, but messengers arrived suddenly, saying: "the war is ended; spain and the united states are arranging terms of peace." spain had lost cuba and porto rico forever. that afternoon, at four o'clock, the first paper of the peace was signed at the white house, in washington, though the full treaty was not made until four months later. spain agreed to give porto rico to the united states, cuba to be independent, but our country to govern the island until the cubans were able to manage their own affairs. the officers and soldiers chosen by the united states to stay in cuba and porto rico to restore order and help the islands to recover from the effects of war, soon made many improvements. as the navy began the war with spain, it was proper that the navy should finish it. the greater events at santiago obscured the last naval battle of the war, but it was a grand triumph for the navy. you will remember that the wilmington was in the fight at cardenas where brave ensign bagley was killed. after the destruction of admiral cervera's fleet, commander todd, of the wilmington, was in command of a little fleet and at manzanillo, off to the westward of santiago, he destroyed nine spanish vessels. this engagement gave him the title of "the dewey of manzanillo," and his report of that spirited affair was as modest as that of his namesake. [illustration: commander chapman todd.] as our troops came pack to the united states, from time to time, they were received with great joy. but many of our men were very ill after the war, and had to stay a long time in a sickcamp on long island. on the twentieth of august there was a great naval parade in the harbor of new york, and the leading vessels from the war made a fine display. later, there were peace jubilees held in a number of cities of the united states. the one in philadelphia was a splendid affair. there were receptions and illuminations, but what pleased the spectators most was the great parade. a great many of the military and naval commanders of the men who won the splendid victories over the spanish were present, and thousands of the men themselves marched past the miles of spectators who lined the sidewalks, as they passed along the streets. it was an inspiring spectacle. general miles, the commander-in-chief of the army of the united states, rode at the head of the monster procession. cheer after cheer arose from the enthusiastic crowds as the men who fought with dewey swung past with rifles at "right shoulder." they shouted themselves hoarse when a squad of "rough riders" trotted by; hobson and his men received an ovation; colonel huntington marched at the head of the brave marines who made the bold stand at guantanamo. it was a day of heroes, and all were welcomed and cheered royally. [illustration: (troops on parade ground)] chapter xii. the philippine islands. but in spite of peace jubilees and fine parades of returning troops, our country was still at war. but this war was with the natives of the philippine islands. to explain this trouble, i must go back in my story. [illustration: aguinaldo.] in another chapter i told you of the rebellion of the filipinos against spain. one of the leaders in the rebellion was a young man named aguinaldo. the name means a "christmas box." aguinaldo has been a good box for some people, a troublesome box for others. well, to quiet that rebellion, spain made many promises, and aguinaldo and other leaders went to stay in china. spain did not keep her promises, and the rebels took up arms again. before spain could quiet this trouble, commodore dewey destroyed the spanish fleet in manila bay, and the spanish soldiers fled to the city of manila. commodore dewey had not forces enough to attack the city then, so he waited for more troops. but while he waited he blockaded the harbor. in june, general merritt sailed from the united states with troops for manila, and others were sent afterward. on the way across the pacific ocean, at guam, one of the ladrone islands, a ludicrous incident occurred. the charleston steamed into the harbor, firing a few shots at the fort at its entrance. several spanish officers came out to the warship in a boat to apologize for not returning the salute, saying they had no powder. what was their astonishment upon being told they were prisoners, not even having heard that war had been declared. the united states flag was raised over the island, and it is now held as a place to store large quantities of coal for the use of our war vessels. meanwhile, the filipinos, and some of the savage tribes, had risen in great numbers against the spaniards, and aguinaldo returned and took command of his troops once more. commodore dewey, or admiral dewey, as he must now be called, having been promoted after his victory, tried to keep the natives in check; he did not think it right to let lawless people take the city of manila. the spaniards made efforts to drive the americans away from manila, as well as to control the rebels, and sometimes matters seemed very serious for our men. on the th of august admiral dewey and general merritt sent a notice to the spanish general that, if he did not surrender by a certain day, they would attack manila. they thought they could easily come to terms with the filipinos, after settling the spaniards. on august th our ships in the harbor and our troops on the shore began the attack upon manila. about noon the spaniards had to surrender. later in the day a cable message was received from the united states, saying that the war with spain was ended. afterward, when the full treaty of peace was signed, the united states agreed to give spain twenty million dollars for the philippine islands. manila had been captured once before from the spanish. in what is known in this country as the "french and indian war," spain took sides with france, and england sent an expedition against manila in . after a siege of about two weeks' duration, the city was carried by storm and given over to pillage. afterwards, terms of capitulation were agreed upon, and the english withdrew. in the summer of , admiral dewey sailed from manila in his flagship, the olympia. he made a leisurely voyage through the suez canal, stopped at various mediterranean ports, and finally reached new york on september th. preparations on a gigantic scale had been made to welcome him, and distinguished men and deputations from every state in the union were on hand to greet him. splendid receptions and parades followed; costly presents were showered upon him. the culmination of this spontaneous greeting of the american people was reached when, in the city of washington, president mckinley presented him with a magnificent sword--the one that had been voted to him by congress for his splendid services at manila. through it all admiral dewey was as modest as a man could be; he said that the captains of his ships and the crews of their vessels were the men that won "all these indescribable honors" for him. after the surrender of manila to general merritt and admiral dewey, aguinaldo, the leader of the filipinos, began to make trouble for the americans. he proclaimed a new form of government for the islands, with himself as dictator. he entirely ignored the efforts of the united states to give his people a good government, and because they did not agree to his schemes, he began to fight our soldiers. he succeeded in raising a formidable insurrection, and we had to send more soldiers to the islands. general otis was sent there with reinforcements, and later, a number of the generals who had fought at santiago were sent to help him put down the rebellion against the authority of the united states, who owned the islands by right of conquest and purchase. [illustration: admiral dewey receiving the sword of honor voted by congress.] many men were killed on both sides, and among them were major john a. logan, jr., and major-general henry w. lawton. major logan was the son of hon. john a. logan, formerly a senator and at one time vice-president of the united states. [illustration: general e.s. otis.] general lawton, you will remember, was the famous officer who fought so gallantly in cuba, particularly at the battle of el caney, and was after wards sent to the philippines. upon his arrival in the islands he was at once given a command, and began to hunt down, the filipinos. he fought as bravely and gallantly in the philippines as he did in cuba, capturing many rebel strongholds and considerable quantities of arms and ammunitions. he took a large number of prisoners and kept up such a tireless pursuit of the insurgents that they fled before him in terror. in fighting the filipinos he used the same tactics that he had employed against the indians in this country. he allowed his troops to fight in indian fashion, each man for himself, when occasion required; and he had the love and respect of every man in his command. general lawton was specially thanked by president mckinley after his capture of san isidro, where he led his men in person, as he almost invariably did. he was one of the bravest of men, and met a soldier's death in a skirmish at san mateo, on december th, . when the news of general lawton's death reached this country, the people quickly raised a fund, amounting to about one hundred thousand dollars, for his wife and children, as a token of their appreciation of his distinguished services. his remains were brought to the united states on a government transport, and after lying in state at fort wayne and indianapolis, indiana, were laid to rest in arlington cemetery, near the city of washington, d.c. you will remember that our war with spain began on april st, , and that it ended with the signing of the peace protocol, on august th of the same year; but i hardly think you know what these one hundred and fourteen days cost this country. the cost in men was two thousand, nine hundred and ten, and of these one hundred and seven were officers. the total force engaged was two hundred and seventy-four thousand, seven hundred and seventeen officers and men. the cost in money was about $ , , for each day of the war, and if you reckon that up you will find that it amounts to an enormous sum of money. the only american vessel that was lost was the collier merrimac, which was sunk in santiago harbor by our own navy. spain's losses will probably never be given out, for national pride will not permit her to publish the figures. we know, however, that she lost twelve cruisers, two torpedo-boat destroyers and twenty-one gunboats from her list of fighting ships. the value of admiral cervera's squadron, which was destroyed at santiago, alone was $ , , . besides capturing or destroying these war vessels, we took from spain, during the war, twenty-four steam vessels, sixty-one sailing vessels and sixty-one lighters. it is impossible to give spain's losses in men, killed and wounded, but she surrendered to us in cuba and the philippines something more than thirty-nine thousand men. according to the terms of the capitulation at santiago, this country sent nearly twenty-three thousand prisoners home to spain. none the utah batteries: a history. the utah batteries: a history. a complete account of the muster-in, sea voyage, battles, skirmishes and barrack life of the utah batteries, together with biographies of officers and muster-out rolls. by charles r. mabey, late a sergeant of light battery a, utah volunteer artillery. illustrated. salt lake city, . copyright applied for. daily reporter co., printers, - s. west temple st. salt lake city, utah. to the utah batterymen who bravely fought for their country's flag on a foreign soil, this book is respectfully dedicated by the author. preface. sometime after the utah battalion left san francisco for the philippines the author conceived the idea of writing a history of that organization after its return from the war. with this purpose in view he kept a diary during the entire campaign and also collected what other material that could be utilized for such a work. immediately upon the arrival in salt lake city of the discharged volunteers he, with others, set to work to bring about a completion of this plan. this little volume represents the result of the labor expended at intervals between that date and the present time. the author claims no more for it than its title assumes--a brief history of the utah batteries. it is no more. there may be some works in the future which will command, to a greater extent, the attention of the reading public. this is not written with the idea that it will become a standard work, but that while those events which happened are yet green in the memories of the utah artillerymen, they may be recorded and not be consigned to oblivion. the author trusts he may not be asserting too much when he affirms that the book is written with a strict adherence to facts, as he has had access both to public and private data in the compiling of the work, and he has been scrupulously careful in guarding against errors of every description. at this opportunity he takes pleasure in thanking those officers and men who have helped him in bringing about an accomplishment of his plans, and furthermore, he wishes to extend his thanks to angus k. nicholson for his contributions and a like communication to those friends who have given him timely advice and aid in disposing of difficulties which have arisen from time to time. bountiful, january , . contents. page preface introduction chapter i.--the mustering chapter ii.--barrack life chapter iii.--the insurrection chapter iv.--the gunboats chapter v.--the home coming major richard w. young major frank a. grant captain e.a. wedgewood captain john f. critchlow lieutenant george w. gibbs lieutenant raymond c. naylor lieutenant orrin r. grow lieutenant william c. webb lieutenant george a. seaman lieutenant frank t. hines lieutenant john a. anderson sergeant harry a. young sergeant ford fisher roster--battery a battery b list of illustrations. page a familiar scene old guard fatigue at the cuartel lieutenant gibbs' section at ft. macarthur gun at pumping station firing on mariquina utah guns on manila & dagupan ry. en route to the front first platoon, battery a, ready to move to malolos utah guns in park at congressional hall, malolos preparing for an engagement major richard w. young major frank a. grant captain e.a. wedgewood captain john f. critchlow lieutenant george w. gibbs lieutenant raymond c. naylor lieutenant orrin r. grow lieutenant william c. webb lieutenant george a. seaman lieutenant frank t. hines lieutenant john a. anderson sergeant harry a. young sergeant ford fisher the utah batteries. introduction. the history of the utah batteries should be a plain tale, for deeds of valor cannot be garnished by the flower of rhetoric or the pomp of oratory. this is a simple story of brave deeds. the stern browed heracles standing unarmed in the midst of his countrymen was a frank, common figure, but when he dashed like ares upon the lerneaen hydra he became majestic, and no mere pen picture could augment his greatness. so we shall paint a picture of the achievements of the cannoneers and gunners of utah while withstanding the onslaughts of the dusky warriors of aguinaldo, and no greater compliment can be paid them than a clear true narrative of their exploits. utah was early distinguished in the furious fights of luzon. even before the soldiers of "uncle sam" had felt their way into the defenses of manila, her guns had awaked the long-sleeping sentries of the dons and torn holes into the bulwarks of spanish oppression and tyranny. her later accomplishments against the fierce tagalan braves have only served to increase the homage and admiration of the world, yet, in the dark days of the conflict, as veterans know, are performed many daring acts and feats of human strength, which are never recorded in the chronicles of fame, or proclaimed by the bugle's blare. there were those who knew what it was to feel the pangs of hunger and the ravages of disease, those who experienced the racking pains occasioned by fatiguing marches, and long, weary tramps through the unbroken wilderness of the tropics; and there were belated ones who hid in the swamps anxiously watching for the first beams of dawn to reveal the lurking foe. an account of the actions of the men of utah is not a recital of the performances of one man; neither is it a description of the doings of a particular section of men. it is the story of brave men fighting under competent chiefs. their history is exceptional. in every engagement against the insurrectionists, on land and river, the unceasing fire of the guns of utah was heard. while major young, major grant, captain critchlow and lieutenant seaman battered down the enemy's breastworks at caloocan and san lazerus cemetery, the cannon under captain wedgewood hurled fiery wrath into the terrified foe at sampaloe, and lieutenant webb's death-dealing monsters flung destruction into the ranks of the filipino hordes at santa mesa. while the land batteries, with the infantry, worked their way through the tropical forests in that campaign which drove the natives out of calumpit and san fernando and sent aguinaldo flying into the mountains beyond, major grant, lieutenant naylor and lieutenant webb, with their fire-spitting dragons, the river gunboats, bore down upon the insurgents at morong and santa cruz and disturbed the silence of the primitive woods at san luiz and candaba. the country was not slow in recognizing utah. almost as soon as hostilities commenced major young was elevated to a position on general macarthur's staff, and when the river gunboats were put into commission in anticipation of a tagalan outbreak lieutenant r.c. naylor was placed second in command. later when the river fleet was enlarged major grant took command and lieutenant william c. webb assumed control of the "covadonga," positions which both held till utah's fighting days were over. the utah cannoneers were not only exceptional as fighters, but they did things before unheard of in artillery annals. they pushed along in line with the infantry in many a hard-fought encounter in the vanguard; during the early days of the conflict, when the rival force first turned its weapons upon the walls of manila, they hauled their pieces after them in grim pursuit of the fleeing foe. they stood comparison with the well-drilled regulars, and in many instances surpassed them; the bark of their iron-tongued guns never failed to strike terror into the hearts of the dusky braves of luzon, while it ever sounded as a note of cheer to the infantrymen on the straggling skirmish line. there is santa mesa, malabon, quingua, bag bag, san fernando--words hollow sounding to the ordinary ear; but when named to the stalwart veteran they touch a chord which quickens the pulse and sets every nerve fiber vibrating with emotion. to him each tells a tale of noble achievements wrought beneath the broiling sun of the tropics; to him each whispers an assurance that his duty was bravely done in the blasting fires of the east. the warriors of utah have listened to their last reveille and their last retreat. when they withdrew from the orient they left the scenes of carnage behind and returned to loved ones and to peace. may that peace be lasting and happy. chapter i. the mustering. when the war trumpet's shrill notes disturbed the serenity of this tranquil land early in ' their echoes were not lost on the hills of utah, but reverberating from cliff to cliff and peak to peak they swelled into a martial hymn whose chorus was sung in every home in the commonwealth. the dark stormy days preceding the declaration of war in april had aroused the dormant energies of men, hitherto engaged in the peaceful pursuits of life, and filled them with an eager desire to perform the more exciting duties of the camp, so that when the call was issued by governor wells on april th a host of young men from every corner of the state applied for enlistment in the volunteer army. out of the men, utah's original quota, were designated for the light artillery service. there are reasons for this not altogether understood by those outside military circles. at the breaking out of hostilities with spain the national guard of the various states were deficient in this branch of the service. the guns consisted mostly of obsolete and useless muzzle-loading cannon, divided among the states at the close of the civil war. some were smooth bores, others rifled. there were napoleons and parrots, brass cannon and twenty-four pounders. very few of the states had modern guns, but utah was especially favored in this line. during the early organization of the guard she had been provided with eight . -inch b. & l. rifles, together with limbers, caisson, harnesses, etc. thus it was apparent to all who knew anything of the manner of procedure that the youngest state in the union would be called upon to furnish artillery, and so it proved, for, after having been informed by senator frank j. cannon that this state could man the guns, the war department made arrangements for utah to put two batteries in the field. the day following the governor's call recruiting officers were appointed to enlist men for the service, the names of those designated to enroll batterymen being richard w. young, frank a. grant, george w. gibbs, ray c. naylor and orrin r. grow. these were assigned to different portions of the state and the work began on the day following. ethan allen, afterwards first sergeant of battery a, was the first man to enroll. orders were received from washington naming fort douglas as the rendezvous for the recruits, the message reaching here the day enlistment began. briant h. wells, a lieutenant in the second united states infantry, who had been stationed here on duty with the national guard, was assigned as mustering officer. the recruiting continued with varied success until may st, when the quota was filled. applications for enrollment were so plentiful after the news of the call became generally known that recruiting officers were frequently compelled to have the men draw lots in order to determine the lucky ones, for that is the term then used. may rd, camps were pitched on the lower parade ground at fort douglas. it was named camp kent in honor of colonel (now major-general, retired) j. ford kent, who had commanded the twenty-fourth united states infantry stationed at the fort when hostilities were declared, and which had marched away but a short time before. as soon as the camp was established the men began coming in. it was a strange gathering of men which appeared at the surgeon's door for examination the following morning. farmers fresh from the plow, cowboys from the plain, miners from the mountains, blacksmiths from the forge, students, teachers, doctors, bookkeepers had assembled to be defenders in common of the nation's honor. on may th the officers were selected. the appointments of the governor were as follows: battery a--captain, r.w. young; first lieutenant, george w. gibbs; second lieutenants, ray c. naylor and thomas b. braby. lieutenant braby declined the honor and william c. webb was selected in his stead. battery b--captain, frank a. grant; first lieutenant, edgar a. wedgewood; second lieutenants, john f. critchlow and orrin r. grow. these selections were regarded as very happy ones. captain young is a graduate of west point and was at one time a lieutenant in the second united states artillery; lieutenant gibbs was the major commanding the battalion of light artillery in the national guard of utah; lieutenant naylor was one of the founders of the national guard and had worked his way up to a lieutenant-colonelcy, while lieutenant webb had been for some time the captain of company a, first infantry n.g.u. all the officers of battery b had been identified with the national guard. captain grant was colonel of the first regiment; lieutenant wedgewood was formerly captain of a company stationed at provo; lieutenant critchlow was a member of the medical staff, while lieutenant grow was major of the first battalion of the first infantry. no time was lost after the officers had been chosen, as the work of disciplining the raw force immediately began. camp kent was the scene of bustle and hurry. it was drill, drill, drill, from morning until night, and "action front," "action right," "action left," "change posts," "section left front into line" kept the men moving from reveille until retreat. all seemed anxious to become proficient in the use of the guns, and even guard duty--that task ever despised by the soldier--was performed with a surprising willingness. on may th lieutenant wells administered the oath which transformed the body of citizens into a battalion of soldiers. the work of preparing the roll was cheerfully done and was accelerated somewhat by the arrival of a message from the war department announcing that the utah batteries would be sent to the philippines. the declaration was received with satisfaction by some, but others were less enthusiastic as an opinion prevailed that there would be no fighting in the east, but that cuba would furnish the battles of the war. later developments proved this to be a mistake, for long after the spanish had felt the force of american war machinery at san juan and el caney their lost subjects in the antipodes were fleeing in terror before the mighty thunder of the utah guns at santa mesa and bag bag. the batteries left for san francisco on may th. it was an imposing sight to see the newly recruited soldiers, commanded by captain young, as they marched down the streets to the depot followed by thousands of citizens who gathered to bid them farewell. some partings between relations were exceedingly touching and sad. perhaps mothers and sisters, fathers and brothers read in the dim misty vista of the future the fate to which some of the men were doomed in the furious skirmishes of luzon. cheer after cheer rang out as the train pulled away and the volunteers responded with vigor, although there were some whose voices sounded husky as the final greetings were given. on their arrival at san francisco the batteries received a royal welcome, the red cross society taking especial pains to make their visit a pleasant one. several weeks were consumed in perfecting the organization and preparing it for foreign service. lieutenant wedgewood and sergeants brown and fehr returned to utah and recruited men to complete the organizations to their full strength, leaving salt lake city with them on june th. on june th the batteries sailed away to the land across the seas where work of a far more serious nature awaited them. the voyage across was not altogether unlike a voyage on any ordinary vessel, save for the fact that the men were crowded a little closer than on a first-class passenger boat, and the food was not so elaborate in character as one would expect to find in a first grade hotel or a railway dining car. the men kicked in the good natured american way and continued to eat what was given them and slept as best they could. a stop was made at honolulu, where occurred a reception to the utah men which marked a bright day in the life of the soldier. the transports arrived on the night of the rd, and at o'clock. the next morning they went ashore amid the cheers of the hawaiians, who gave them a greeting hearty and cordial. flowers were in profusion and pretty girls threw bouquets at the tired pilgrims until they felt that they had indeed found the "paradise of the pacific." judge kinney, a former resident of salt lake city, headed the reception committee, and there were elaborate preparations to make the stay one of gladness. the great sugar works and plantations at oahu were visited and the points of interest carefully shown. then under the shading palms, amid the fragrance of flowers, with hundreds of pretty girls to wait on them the men sat down to the banquet. in an atmosphere which breathes poetry and pleasure; where the soft tropical zephyr kisses the cheek as a mother does a sleeping infant the choicest fruits were served and substantial edibles tempted the appetite. soldiers made love to maidens with dusky cheeks; american blue eyes told short stories of love to kanaka brown, and the caucasian ladies were not forgotten, for it was a feast of love. everywhere was "aloha, aloha." but all things end. the next day saw the ships sail away. with the sweet fragrance of blossoms still lingering in their nostrils and the long-to-be-remembered clasp of friendship yet plainly felt they passed away from the dreamy isle into the oblivion of the pacific to resume the diet of beef a la can and coal a la "colon." once more was ship soup staple and tropical sea monotony plentiful. a few days later the fleet arrived at wake island, which general greene took possession of in the name of the united states. five days after this the ladrone islands were sighted and passed. about the middle of the month the philippines were sighted and on the th the fleet of transports entered the harbor of manila escorted by the cruiser "boston." the landing was an exceedingly difficult undertaking. the facilities for taking the guns from the transports were not perfect. the guns were put ashore in about five feet of water and had to be hauled out by hand, but the work was accomplished in the usual good natured american fashion, and when this task was finished men dried their clothes as though nothing had happened. in landing several amusing incidents occurred. many filipinos, anxious to earn a few "centavos," flocked around the ships, and not a few of the men hired a native as a sort of a pack horse to carry them ashore. one two-hundred-pound soldier was unfortunate in the selection of his human pack horse, for he sat astride the shoulders of a ninety-pound native until the little fellow broke down and buried himself and rider in the sad sobbing sea waves to the great amusement of his comrades and his own disgust. other occurrences were equally as ludicrous. the several days following the landing of the batteries were spent in giving the men the rest they had earned and needed. no work worthy of mention was done until the morning of the th, when came the first scent of trouble--of war. from the actions of the officers at early morning it was plain to be seen that something was going to happen. two guns of battery a were taken over to the trenches which had been built by the insurgents near the capuchin monastery. during the day the sharpshooters of the twenty-third united states infantry and the spanish had been doing some desultory firing with little result on either side, save that the men kept their heads closer to the breastworks, while a battalion of the colorado infantry, under colonel mccoy, advanced beyond the old trenches to a point near the monastery, where they threw up a new line of earthworks. the two guns of battery a moved to this point the following morning and took possession of the emplacements already constructed. on the following morning two guns under lieutenant grow of battery b were brought over from camp dewey and placed in position on the left. men from both lines were engaged in erecting gun pits all along the front. the guns were located about yards from fort san antonio de abad, which formed the extreme right of the spanish line. the enemy's left and center was protected by a line of intrenchments. outpost duty was being performed by a company of the eighteenth united states infantry. the firing, which had been kept up with more or less vigor, came from the right of the utah position, which was entirely unprotected owing to a failure on the part of the insurgents to maintain their lines between calle real and the pasig road. during the night of july th- st the excitement began. heavy small arm firing was indulged in by the enemy and from his lines came shells at irregular intervals, none of which did any damage. at this time lieutenant naylor was in the trenches with the two guns of battery a. at o'clock next morning lieutenant gibbs relieved him of the command with two-gun detachments of fresh men. all day everything was quiet. the enemy was planning a night attack, as he had no desire to mix with the american forces in a fair open fight in the broad light of day, but rather trusted to darkness to accomplish his designs. everything was quiet until : that evening, when the mausers began singing venomously from the spanish lines. then came the boom of his artillery and the men in the trenches knew that the time for action had come. the tenth pennsylvania troops replied with their springfields and the whiz of the " 's" mingled with the keen "twang" of the mausers, while the third artillerymen, equipped as regular infantry, took a part in the altercation. the instructions of the utah men were not to fire until it was evident the enemy was making an advance. the cannoneers stood by their guns awaiting the orders which should make them a part of the fight. finally it came. major cuthberton of the first california, the senior officer present, gave the word and then utah's voice was heard for the first time during the war. the gunners worked like trojans and with shrapnel punched at zero they sent shell after shell into the castilian lines. corporal charles varian, with no clothing on save a pair of trousers, sweating like a man who was working for his life, yet cool withal, managed his piece like a veteran. sergeant j.o. nystrom gave orders in a collected way that instilled fresh courage into the hearts of his men. w.w. riter wore a seraphic smile as he sighted his gun at the spits of flame on the other side, while billy kneass worked his cannon with the sang froid of a man in a blind waiting for ducks. it was a warm time and when morning dawned it was ascertained that several castilian voices had been added to choral society in that land beyond the river. utah's men were standing their baptism of fire and proved themselves soldiers. all the terrible passion of war had supplanted the first feelings of timidity, and they manipulated their guns with as much composure as they would have handled the pigskins on the gridiron. but the ammunition was running short. fifty-seven shrapnel had been discharged and the battle was still on. the pennsylvania men had fired away nearly all their ammunition, and affairs began to look serious, when a body of men from camp dewey hauling a limber chest after them dashed from out the gloom. once more across the intervening space the shells shrieked and broke the spanish lines, causing havoc and terror. the attempt of the "dons" had proved futile, and after having fought for two and a half hours they withdrew. although other commands had lost men the utah boys were fortunate in this that not one of their number was killed and only one slightly wounded in this engagement. for several days but little was done by the utah troops. the men constructed emplacements for the guns, cut down timber which might have interfered with good work and awaited orders. in the meantime the lieutenants of the batteries were relieving each other from day to day. the fire from the spanish lines was kept up in a desultory manner and was replied to by the infantry in the american lines. the final engagement on the th was short, but the guns of the utah men did wonderful execution. in conjunction with dewey's fleet they tore holes in the spanish fort at malate and helped in forcing the enemy out of his position on the extreme left. chapter ii. barrack life. like all the other organizations which had taken part in the capturing of manila, the utah batteries were without a home when they first entered the city. battery a found temporary quarters in a spacious nipa hut in the malate district, while battery b went into barracks in the odministracion de hacienda. several days later major young secured the cuartel de meisic, formerly occupied by a spanish engineer regiment, and battery a was stationed there august th. some days following battery b moved into the same building. the third artillery occupied the south half of the cuartel, and the batteries were domiciled in the east and west wings of the north half. the cuartel was a large and stalwart structure located in the most picturesque part of manila. south of it lay the business portion of manila, with its escolta, its plaza de cervantes, and its hotel de oriente; to the west was the marcadero teeming with rustic filipino maids and redolent with its oriental odors; stretching away to the north were the broad rice fields and forests of bamboo, with the mountains in the distance forming a background. it was a pleasant home and one which the men appreciated. during the first few weeks of barrack life the men settled down serene in the thought that they would soon be speeding homeward. their duty had been done and they felt that they were now entitled to the happier pleasures of utah. but days passed, and were lengthened into weeks, weeks passed and were lengthened into months, and still they remained in the tropics with less hope of returning home than they had at first entertained. the novelty of their surroundings began to wear off and everything which the philippines could afford became decidedly commonplace. unable, therefore, to find other entertainments when off duty, as a pastime the men exchanged reminiscent fairy tales about their late combat. wearying of these occupations they often sauntered out of the cuartel in bodies in quest of what little mirth they could get out of the passive and inexplicable natives. of course, there were drills and everybody liked them, as they produced such an excellent opportunity for one to give vent to his feelings after the drills were over with. those were happy hours which the men spent in sweltering under the genial warmth of the southern sun, and learning with a bitter vengeance the tactics of "dismounted drill." and "double time," too, was always a pleasant innovation as it generated a bodily heat to correspond with mental feelings and external influences. then there was always an appreciative audience of gaping nut-brown maids and matrons who took delight in watching the "soldado" go through his ever-changing evolutions. yes, those were days which the veteran will always look back upon with rapture. at first some trouble was occasioned over the inadequate food supply; but that difficulty was soon obliterated. the then acting commissary sergeant was removed and a.l. williams, familiarly known among his admirers in the battalion by the euphonious prefixes of "dad" and "judge," was elevated to this position. under the judicious management of the judge a revolution was made in the department and the men waxed fat from the overflowing cornucopia of the commissary. in those murky days of manila were other things which served to offset the oppressive blazonry of the tropic sun. in order to make the attire of the soldiers harmonize as much as possible with the requirements of the climate, light shirts and trousers were provided by the quartermaster's department. every week occurred a general inspection, to which the men were expected to appear housed in this startling white with polished shoes and flaming brass buckles. a very imposing appearance they made when lined up on these occasions. the advent of the soldier vastly accelerated the trade of the native fruit venders in the vicinity of the cuartel, and as time wore on this peculiar product of the orient increased his sales by the addition of the deadly "vino," sometimes with rather disastrous results to the imbiber. that wondrous monument of human ingenuity commonly known as "army hardtack" formed the standard medium of exchange between the industrious fruit dealer and his overworked customer. the barred windows of the cuartel became the market ground for all the products of luzon, and through them many a luscious mango was exchanged for an adamantine biscuit upon which the soldier had vainly expended all his dental energy. the natives had full access to the barracks at this time, and the native washerwoman made the blanco trousers shine iridescently for inspection by beating them against the sunny side of a boulder and afterwards pressing them with a fearfully and wonderfully made flatiron. hard by the cuartel were a number of "tiendas," widely known among the soldiers as "vino stands." the presiding spirit over one of these establishments was generally a pretty "mestiza," who, in addition to her natural charms, was blessed with a high-sounding castilian name. there were four shops run on the plan, which held pre-eminence both for the character of the "vino" which they supplied and the bewitching charms of their owners. the returned volunteer will remember with keen enjoyment "juanita," "juaquina," "victoriana," and above all "isabella," the saintly and virtuous, who was equally as skillful in obtaining the nimble sixpence as in raising a brood of mestiza children. there was also "madre," withered and antiquated, but a born dictator, and through her superior management she came to be known as the top-sergeant. finally there was ysabel, with a gentle smile upon her pleasant brunette face, and estepania, brown-eyed and plump, most beautiful among all the mestiza belles. isabella's casa was the place to which the eyes of the weary soldier turned after a long and fatiguing drill; afterwards it was the point to which his footsteps inevitably led when he was able to rush in for a few days from the firing line. the house was large and spacious, with polished ebony floors and wide windows through which the balmy zephyrs blew and kissed the heated brow of the tired fighter. beautiful creepers twisted their way up the wall and stole in at the extensive balcony to catch a taste of the pleasures within; the broadleafed banana palm surrounded the casa and broke the power of the blazing tropic sun. it was, indeed, the one spot in all the east which made the home-loving utahns feel at home. when away all his secret longings were centered upon that place and its attractions, and his mouth yearned for a renewed acquaintance with the delicate omelets fashioned by the dainty fingers of pania and the crab brought from the bay by the ubiquitous peek-a-boo. his mind reverted with gratitude to the anxious solicitations of "madre" when she learned that he was suffering from a headache and he acutely remembered the healing balm which she applied to his fevered brow. he knew, too, that should he be struck down in death by the bullet of the enemy, what tears of sympathy would be shed at the news of his misfortune. [illustration: a familiar scene.] the one source of worriment about the isabella mansion was the fact that the thirsty soldiers were frequently given an over supply of the deadly vino. such an occurrence was attended with dire results; but as the motherly "madre" was blessed with an abundant store of remedies, under her care the victim was soon restored to his mental equilibrium. all soldiers seem gifted with special powers to spend money and as a consequence few of them could command the attention of a penny bootblack twenty-four hours after being paid, but this weakness had no weight with the kindly old dame who carried a large credit roll and could refuse nothing to a utah soldado. so isabella's mansion forms a part of the war history of the utah batteries; and it must be remembered with other and more stirring scenes; for when the thoughts of the utah soldier stray to the domicile of the isabella family they are mingled with happy reminiscences and strange memories and tragic sights. * * * * * one hundred and four weary and footsore recruits arrived in the cuartel on the th of august and deposited their blankets and all other portable property on the greensward. they had been waiting out in the bay four days and had finally reached the cuartel after having made a complete circuit of the city. sergeant arthur w. brown piloted the new batch of volunteers to their home, and ever since the redoubtable sergeant has borne a reputation, as a file leader, which would make a mexican burro grow green-eyed with envy. here it might be stated that after watching the fleet of transports, which conveyed the utah batteries, sail out of the rugged golden gate into the broad pacific, lieutenant e.a. wedgewood and sergeants arthur w. brown and l.n. fehr turned toward utah bent on the mission of securing recruits, which would give each battery its full quota of . volunteers were numerous but the work of enlisting covered a period of nine days. recruits were obtained from all points in the state but the majority came from salt lake city. on the th of june the full number had been enrolled and the following day the small body of men left for san francisco, after being accorded a warm demonstration at the depot. at oakland they remained all night of the th and the following morning they marched to camp merritt, from which place they were removed to the presidio two days later. late in june lieutenant wedgewood was taken ill with typhoid fever but remained with the men until july th, when he was taken to the lane hospital and lieutenant diss of the california heavy artillery was placed temporarily in charge of the recruits. orders were for the utah contingent to sail on the transport "rio de janeiro," and as the south dakota infantry was the only organization on the vessel lieutenant foster of that regiment was given command of the men. the voyage was uneventful save that the soldiers were ill-treated by lieutenant foster, who succeeded in gaining for himself the eternal hatred of the men under his charge. as the recruits were then unacquainted with military practices, many expressions of disgust being made in an unguarded way, reached the ears of the worthy lieutenant, who heaped still greater indignities upon the men by way of retaliation. at honolulu w.a. kinney, the large plantation owner, entertained the utahns during their brief stay in that city. the "rio de janeiro" arrived in manila bay on the th of august, but it was four days later before the recruits set foot on the soil of luzon and made their phenomenal march up the streets of manila to plaza de felipe ii, where they greeted their comrades. lieutenant wedgewood, having recovered from his fever, arrived october th on the "scandia," which left san francisco on august th. during the long dreary days following the arrival of the recruits their life was not entirely joyous. from sunrise to sunset they were forced to listen to the blood-curdling tales which their companions told of the late conflict with the "dons." at first they hearkened to them with respectful attention. they never doubted the truth of these glowing fairy stories. they revered these self-lauding heroes as a species of immortal beings. in return for this tributary deference they were treated with contempt. the veteran called them "rookies," and whenever one of them attempted to soar he was promptly and sternly reminded of his inferiority and kindly invited to get off the pedestal upon which he had so unwittingly placed himself while one of his superiors proceeded to relate a harrowing tale of blood and thunder and rain down in the trenches. every bit of rainy weather or glorious sunset reminded the malate hero of something he had seen in the trenches and at once he began to dilate upon it with great attention to details and a lofty air of his own importance. so it went on. the recruits vainly sought for relief. he tried to stem the tide of persecution by relating stories of his own. but as soon as he made such an attempt he was immediately "bawled out" and his tormentors proceeded with a fresh tirade. finally one of the groaning victims hit upon a happy plan, and after it was carried out it effectually stopped the torture. when in the future the mendacious veteran essayed to array himself in a cloud of glory by narrating legends of personal prowess, he was unceremoniously suppressed by the rookies, who sang: it may be so; i do not know, but it sounds to me like a lie. instantly upon the starting of this little hymn it was taken up by every soldier in the barracks and the unlucky veteran, crestfallen and beaten, was only too glad to retire into seclusion. * * * * * during those five months in which the soldier was learning the peculiarities of oriental life and sweltering under the rays of the southern sun, he adopted any means of causing the speedy destruction of time. after the singularities of his new surroundings had ceased to be uncommon he began to look about himself in search of other amusement. naturally a person who adapts himself easily to his environments, he took up with the games of the filipinos, and, as a consequence, soon after the appearance of the american as a prominent figure on the streets of manila, it was no unusual occurrence to behold the huge, good-natured yankee engaged in friendly sport with the diminutive and fiery tagalan. as cock-fighting is the national game of the native the soldier seized upon this diversion with an enthusiasm that was truly remarkable. the slender and wiry game cock was in great demand. the feathered pugilist became the hero of the hour. the price of "pollos" jumped above par two or three times over. on the shady side of every street could be seen little knots of men eagerly awaiting the outcome of a battle in which these kings among all the fowl tribe were engaged. and the victory was not decided without great loss, for frequently the champion proclaimed himself conqueror by mounting the gory body of his late enemy and crowing with great vigor. men bet on their favorites with as much fervor as an ardent proselyte of mohammed utters praises to his maker from the housetop at sunrise. but even this pastime was too tame for the restless nature which constantly pined for the more exciting fun of america. so the chicken stock suddenly declined in value, and that of the swine took a corresponding rise, when there was talk of organizing a football association. this plan, however, lost its popularity after several practices on the "gridiron"--the climate of luzon had its drawbacks when it came to punting the pigskin. the requirements for a good football game are a temperature of degrees below zero, and a field covered with a four-inch layer of snow and a corresponding thickness of soft mud underneath. as the philippines are sadly deficient in the first two articles, it was decided to drop "rugby" in favor of baseball. throughout the eighth army corps this proposition was received with great warmth. every organization had its team. some influential men of manila offered inducements to the winning nine; the american commercial company agreed to present a silver cup to the team which could score the most points. arrangements were made for matches, and rival teams soon met on the diamond at the lunetta. utah was not to be outdone even in baseball; any man who had ever played ball or looked at a diamond was invited to join the team, and after this liberal request, it took no great time for the battalion to put a pretty good organization into the field. soon the husky farmers from utah were pitted against the powerful "pumpkin rollers" from nebraska, and the sturdy pennsylvanians fought for honors with the wyoming cowboys. those were pleasant hours when the sons of america met under the tropic sky on a foreign soil and exchanged friendly greeting in their national game. not a follower of the "stars and stripes" was there but felt happier and prouder after such a day. home seemed nearer by half than it ever had before. and the natives, too, came in for a share of the rejoicing; they liked to see the "grande americano" perform his antics with the ball; they, too, gathered in knots and talked and gesticulated and laughed and cheered. the irrepressible small boy was everywhere present, with his sarsaparilla, his peanuts and his slabs of cocoanut candy. there were those who made his trade profitable and those who preferred something of a more fiery nature. that also could be obtained for the asking. so the games went on by the side of the great swelling sea, and the roll of the surf mingled with the merry tones of the players. battles were fought and fields were won on the diamond and utah carried the trophy away to america. * * * * * while there were some things which excited the curiosity, others which aroused the attention, and still others which seemed to rivet men's minds for a short time on certain subjects, yet they all paled into insignificance before the magic of that one word "mail!" on a quiet sultry day, when all nature except the sun seemed to be taking a rest and when nothing but the bugle call for dinner could prove that a spark of life remained in the barracks, the announcement that mail had arrived would transform that peaceful quiet building into an eastern bazar, with all of its accessions. at the mention of that word the stolid sentry, pacing his beat with languid steps, instantly quickened into life; the motionless somnolent forms lying on the canvas cots sprang from their recumbent positions, strangely wide awake; the groups of men engaged in a social game of cards, instantly scattered for that new field of interest. the first sergeant's office became a scene of the greatest activity. an eager, excited crowd gathered around; cheeks and noses were pressed against the iron grating, while the ear listened intently for familiar names. happy was he who received a goodly supply. [illustration: "old guard fatigue" at the cuartel.] there were those who turned away crestfallen and disappointed, there were others who remained behind and hungrily eyed their more fortunate comrades, as they knew they had no loved ones to write to them. when the mail had been distributed the barracks again relapsed into silence, but it was a wide awake silence, not a sultry, oppressive one. then was reading of letters which told of love and friendship and hope; then were familiar scenes brought before the imagination to renew acquaintances which had begun to grow dim; then were sighs heard for dear home and mother. newspapers and magazines were not unpopular. the letters read, then the papers were devoured. long articles, short articles, advertisements and pictures were consumed with equal eagerness, and when every visible portion had been absorbed they were held up to the light to see if they contained anything on the inside. such was mail day in manila, and the story proceeds. in the early days of barrack life, men talked of returning home to celebrate thanksgiving, but after october had begun to decline it became evident that these fond hopes were not to be realized. then the inventive yankee proceeded to devise means to give thanks in the good old fashioned way in spite of climate and strange country. the luzon turkey in all respects does not compare favorably with his american cousin, yet he is "turkey," and that goes a great way when it comes to celebrating thanksgiving. it was upon this peculiar species of the feathered race that the batterymen fastened their attentions. turkeys were secured, and they served as a nucleus about which all preparations centered. several weeks prior to the gala day most elaborate arrangements were made. the soldiers gathered in knots and discussed the coming event. it had a particular interest with them as they anticipated something more palatable than the ordinary "hardtack and slum-gullion." nor were their expectations disappointed, for, when the day came in all its glory, the commissary had proved itself equal to the occasion. all the powers of the culinary art had been brought to bear upon the leathery tendons of this turkey of the east. it had been fried and flayed until the very air of the barracks became aromatic with its savor. even the hungry natives scented the perfumed air and gathered at the entrances to inspect the delicacies more closely. at length the tables were prepared and the ravenous warriors seated themselves. then were the victuals attacked with vigor; the enemy brought forth all his fighting force; he assaulted the front with deadly effect; simultaneously he attacked the flank and the rear; he cut, he hacked, he slashed, he dissected and tore, until there was nothing left of his victim but the skeleton, and even this he eyed ravenously. of course there were pies and cakes and cranberries and fruits and greens and vegetables, and they, too, suffered. of the squash family there were not a few, the favorite pumpkin was wanting, but then the lack of it had been long since supplied by the desiccated potato, and the consumer felt no secret pangs at its absence. thus thanksgiving passed on and christmas came with its bevy of holiday boxes, and its "peace on earth good will to men;" but while the american was still thinking of the light of peace, there came the low rumbling of impending gloom; his ears were startled by the distant thunder of the voice of war; he knew it to be the opening peal of the awakening insurrection and his attention turned to the more serious matter of the imminent conflict. a more powerful enemy than his late foe menaced him from all sides. chapter iii. the insurrection. the report of a rifle rang down the quiet santa mesa hill on the night of february th. as the flash of the gun died away in the gloom a dusky warrior fell in death and the spark of an insurrection kindled into flame. almost instantly the belligerent tagalans rushed down upon the american outposts; the united states forces from caloocan to malate swung into line, and the sturdy anglo-saxon and the fiery malay were matched in combat. the violent clash caused no look of surprise to flutter across the faces of the american soldiers; all knew that the outbreak was coming, all had waited with expectant excitement for the impending conflict. to the intoxicated native victory against the spanish seemed too certain to be wrested from him by the conquering american; he had long smarted under the goading reflection that "the wreath of the conquerer" had been snatched away at the moment when it seemed almost within his grasp. this bitter knowledge irritated and maddened him, until he only awaited an opportunity to spring at the throat of his imaginary foe and wrench from him what he considered his own. he remembered the long years of wretchedness under spanish tyranny and oppression. he suspected that his new masters would prove even more overbearing than his late persecutors. he had not forgotten the daring rush for liberty which his ancestors had made. their blood coursed through his veins and he determined that he would not relinquish the struggle without one last bold dash for the coveted goal. it was not alone a love for liberty which spurred onward the dark horde which followed the red banner of aguinaldo. since they had striven with their ancient enemy, with the hope that they might tear from him all his wealth. their leader had with subtle diplomacy urged on his wary braves with the thought that when they battered down the walls of manila all that it contained would be theirs to loot and ravage. they loved liberty, but they loved the gold which it would bring still more. so they looked with hungry eyes when they saw the americano enter the city of their dreams and close the gate against the black hosts who sought entrance to plunder and steal. during the few months preceding the outbreak the filipinos had become less friendly to their late allies. "la independencia," the official organ of the insurgents, frequently came out with loud denunciations against the americans and called the sullen natives to action against the hated usurpers. it was not an uncommon occurrence to see the walls of public buildings patched over with "proclamos," signed by aguinaldo, almost openly declaring war against the americans and asserting the rights of the tagalans to their independence. the fourteen blockhouses which had been the spanish line of defense had been allowed to fall into the hands of the filipinos, who converted them into a strong offensive and defensive work. when by chance an american strayed beyond these fortifications, the attitude of the native sentries was often violent and abusive. eventually no soldiers were permitted to go outside of the territory bounded by our outposts, and the malay line of muskets tightened around the city like the arm of a colossal dragon. repeatedly there were war alarms, and for several days the men not on duty were kept in barracks. at times the tagalans at the pumping station shut off the water supply merely as an insolent challenge and an indication of what they were able to do. on certain parts of the line the filipinos were seen building new intrenchments and reinforcing the old ones. for several weeks natives had been concentrating around the santa mesa, and lieutenant webb was sent out to the nebraska camp with the left platoon of battery a to strengthen the nebraska position. the santa mesa road was looked upon by the multitude of aguinaldo as the natural gateway to manila. it was at the san juan del monte bridge that they had sought in vain to pound their way into the spanish lines on many a desperate battle night. one of the utah guns occupied the very gun pit which had been used by the castilians as a defense from which their cannon barked back defiance to the onrushing fanatical hordes. often there were wrangles between colonel stotsenberg and the tagalan officers regarding the line of outposts which the native forces should occupy. several times the colonel averted hostilities by a judicious yielding to minor points. ultimately at the san juan bridge a stalwart american sentry and a diminutive tagalan paced in parallel lines. the filipinos seemed anxious to aggravate the americans into an act of hostility, and rigorous orders were issued to prevent such an occurrence. night after night the native warriors clustered about one end of the bridge and uttered curses at the silent nebraskan outpost. before the outbreak actually took place several times our sentries were forced back by a howling mob of drunken malays. one native officer was particularly violent. not a night passed but that he gathered a crowd of inebriated tagalans and tramped down to the bridge for the purpose of scoffing and hurling vile epithets at the taciturn american posted there. they were encouraged by the lenient and apparently submissive attitude of the americans whom they had begun to look upon as arrant cowards, who could be wheedled and whipped about as they chose. on the night when the signal shot sang out in the darkness and the battle came, the same haughty officer was coming down towards the american line to repeat his abusive conduct, when the sharp voice of the sentry rang out as a warning to halt. he persistently advanced and at the same time launched some vehement tagalan curses at the outpost. the next instant he lay dead with a bullet through his heart; the report startled the still night air and an insurrection was born. all that night the thunders of the united american forces in action were wafted to the cuartel. the natives were so close that some of the bullets pattered against the walls of the building and some even struck the hotel de oriente, nearer town. when the commissary wagons probed their way out to the belligerent front they were fired upon from the houses lining the streets. every nipa hut in which a private family lived became an arsenal. the trouble had been anticipated and every officer knew what portion he was expected to defend. ten minutes after the news arrived in the cuartel, the heavy guns of utah rumbled over the streets to different parts of the field. those under major grant rushed out into the night and were instantly under a vigorous fire near the woods of caloocan. captain wedgewood disappeared in the blackness and took up the appointed position on the balic balic road near sampaloe cemetery. the guns under lieutenant seaman dashed out of the barracks and a few moments later their deep bass was added to the satanic roar. on mcleod's hill surrounded by the nebraskans two guns under lieutenant webb menaced the plain below. at santa mesa the fight began. three minutes after the opening flash the nebraskan camp was deserted. as the outposts slowly returned the regiment swept onward to the fray, and soon the angry rattle of the "long toms" answered back the viperous "ping" of the mauser. the sound of the first shot had hardly ceased echoing upon the hill when the tagalans, jubilant, confident, flew for the bridge; their onrush was met with a volley from the nebraskans. then from caloocan and sampaloe the din of multitudinous musketry fired in unison, waved over the hill; then the awful thunder of the guns of the fleet pulverized the enemy's bulwarks at malate swelled over the plain. occasionally a lull came in the fight and then as if gathering strength by inaction the tumult broke forth with increased fury. in the darkness it was impossible for the utah guns to accomplish anything, as the location of the infantry could not be exactly distinguished. so all night the men tugged and toiled to get the pieces in position, that they might take part in the encounter at dawn. the fifth section gun held a commanding position on the right and the sixth section was stationed directly in front of mcleod's house, from which point it could sweep the enemy's line from blockhouse no. on the north to the catholic convent on the south. just as the first streaks of dawn dappled the east, the two big guns belched over the plain and the fight began. during the night the relative positions of the opposing forces had not been changed. the maddened filipinos made a renewed attempt to cross the bridge and penetrate the nebraska line, that they might gain their coveted goal--the city of their dreams. the aim of the two guns was concentrated upon this point. twice the tagalans with frenzied courage charged up the bridge, only to be torn to pieces by the shrieking shells and the deadly bullets. with desperate energy they hauled an artillery piece into position on the bridge, but this was demolished by a single shell from one of our guns. the position of the artillery became perilous; the insurgents centered a galling fire upon the big guns, with the hope of ridding themselves of this new terror. the leaden missiles rained from three points, blockhouse no. , the bridge and the convent. every time one of the cannon roared over the hill, she raised a vicious hail of bullets from the enemy. three minutes after the conflict began corporal john g. young received a fatal wound in the lungs. almost immediately after private wilhelm i. goodman fell dead with a bullet through his brain. instantly men rushed in to fill their places, but the position of the gun had become so dangerous that lieutenant webb ordered it removed to a more sheltered point, at the north of the house. in the face of a heavy fire the men lifted the piece out of the pit and rolled it to the station designated. this ended the casualty list of the artillery for that day. both guns now shelled the enemy at blockhouse no. and the san juan del monte church, until the two guns under lieutenant gibbs came up. the skilled aim of the two gunners and the superb courage of lieutenant webb and sergeants fisher and robinson were greatly commended. shortly before o'clock two nordenfelt guns under lieutenant gibbs arrived at the hill and under the orders of colonel smith of the tennesseeans advanced up the santa mesa road. the tagalans were still in strong force in the woods to the right of the road, and, as the two guns moved forward, they received a pelting fire from this locality. the guns dashed up the road and swung into action on the bridge. the forces then began an advance up the road, running twenty and thirty yards at a time, supported by the infantry from tennessee. after a half hour of sharp fighting the tagalans fled before the cannister and shrapnel of the big guns and the bullets of the tennesseeans, and thus the hills as far as the deposito were won. meanwhile, a battalion of tennesseeans had deployed out to the left and taken the deposito, and the two guns were moved to this point. the tennesseans left the nebraskans in charge of the deposito and disappeared off to the right. late that night lieutenant webb and the fatigued warriors of santa mesa joined lieutenant gibbs at the deposito, where they bivouacked with the prospect on the morrow of an advance upon the pumping station, four miles beyond. the movement upon the pumping station was not easily accomplished; there were several sharp skirmishes on the way. though the power of the insurgents seemed to have been broken on the previous day, there were some in whom the spirit of resistance was not entirely extinguished and they contested the march of the americans with vigor. when the move was made on the morning of the th the artillery was under the personal command of major young. a straggling line of infantry deployed on either side of the road and with the artillery in the rear the forward movement began. scarcely half a mile from the deposito the moving column encountered a small body of tagalans, who opened fire. once more the angry guns pealed forth in menacing thunder and the terror-stricken natives retreated for the kind shelter of the bamboo thickets beyond. two similar skirmishes happened farther up the road. about a mile and a half from the deposito the mutilated body of dr. harry a. young was found lying by the side of a ventilator. some distance back the body of his horse had been discovered. major young was the first to locate this gory evidence, which mutely told the tragic story of the end of dr. young. all the clothing had been rent from the body, a bullet hole was in his forehead, and a bolo wound from the elbow of the left arm to the waist told the tragic story of how he died. the supposition is that the doctor was surprised on his way to the deposito, where he had an appointment with major young, and took the wrong road, which led him to a grim death in the tagalan territory. a few minutes later, while the body was being conveyed to manila, the major calmly commanded his men in a rush with the enemy, in which eighty of them were killed. this exhibition of splendid courage was ever after an inspiration to the utahn when he felt like being disheartened. gradually the uncoiled infantry line pushed back the recalcitrant natives, and late in the morning the heights above the beautiful mariquina valley were reached. here the artillery was placed in position, and, with the mariquina church steeple as a target, the town was bombarded. now and then a shuddering shrapnel was sent shrieking after fugitive bands of tagalans, who made all haste for the protecting shelter of the mountain on the opposite side of the valley. from that place they were content to look with dismay upon the death-dealing monsters which frowned from the hill above the bulwarks. when the first platoon of battery a, under captain wedgewood, sped out into the gloom on the night of the th it took up a position in the balic balic road near the cemetario de sampaloe. all night long the two guns were under a straggling fire from the filipinos, who at this place held blockhouse no. , about yards to our front, and a diminutive stone church which was located off to the right of our position. the section two gun was placed inside the cemetario, but that of section one remained outside, where it was exposed to the enemy's fire. at a.m. from two points the malays centered a vicious fusilade upon the artillery, which remained inactive owing to the obscurity of the tagalan line of defense. no. gun was moved back about yards to a more sheltered station by the cemetery. just as the first streaks of dawn appeared in the east the two guns blazed toward the blockhouse and the small church, in which were a large number of natives. simultaneously the colorado infantry swung into position and with a withering fire slowly advanced upon the enemy. several well-directed shells sent the filipinos flying from the blockhouse and a few more accurately trained shots annihilated the little church. as the tagalans moved from their cover they fell many deep before the blasting volleys of the invincible coloradoans. as the natives fled from the church, the artillery turned its attention to blockhouse no. , yards distant, and while the south dakotans made a wonderful charge they demolished this wooden bulwark. next the big guns were ordered to shatter blockhouse no. , but before they could be brought into play against this point the insurgents had disappeared into the woods with the swift-moving colorado infantrymen hard on their track. on the th the platoon was moved to a position left of blockhouse no. . on this part of the line it remained until march rd, when it was ordered to caloocan to take part in the fierce engagement at that point when the whole line charged the enemy's works on march th. the damage inflicted on the natives of sampaloe was very considerable. over a hundred bodies were buried there and in many a battered form could be seen that ripping course of a shrapnel. general hale personally praised the work of sergeants emil johnson and w.e. kneass, who were in immediate charge of the two rifles. the guns of battery b took a position on the left of the line to the south of caloocan on the night of the war alarm. second lieutenant seaman went out on the caloocan road with one . gun. major grant left the cuartel with three . -inch guns, and after leaving one at bilibid prison took the remaining two up the rugged bulum bugan road as far as lazaro hospital. emplacements were made under a spattering fire from the enemy at this point, facing the chinese hospital and the binondo cemetery, in both of which places the tagalans were strongly lodged. only an occasional shot blazed towards the enemy during the night, but from a commanding position the artillery fire began at dawn with destructive and terrifying results. besides driving the sturdily-intrenched tagalans back, the utah attack entirely covered the simultaneous advance of the tenth pennsylvania and south dakota infantry. the advance of the slowly-moving regiment was irresistable and the natives fell back from their position after a stubborn fight. all that day the malay resisted the american advance with fanatical frenzy. the artillery moved forward at the same moment, but many times was delayed by burning huts. after an advance of about yards they again joined the infantry line, but they had arrived at a conspicuous and dangerous position on the road, where for thirty minutes they fought desperately in the open under a heavy fire from the filipino intrenchments. it was here that major bell of general mcarthur's staff rode up and requested major grant to move up beyond the chinese hospital, where the tagalans in a fierce engagement were inflicting heavy damage on the infantry. almost at the same moment colonel wallace sent word that a company of the tenth pennsylvanians had been cut off to the left, and lieutenant critchlow was sent with one gun up the leco road to its assistance. the remaining guns tore the woods in front of the advancing infantry and cleared the way for the pennsylvanians and south dakotans, so that the right wing advanced at this point almost without a casualty. still towards caloocan the artillery advanced with the musketeers, and beyond the cemetery church the big guns shelled the woods to the left of la loma in front of the advancing third united states artillery (infantry) and twentieth kansas. just when the tagalans were fleeing, bleak with terror, from the artillery shells; when colonel funston, like a young jove, was pounding his way irresistibly up from the left, and when everything looked auspicious for an easy dash into caloocan, word came from general macarthur that the firing should cease. the spires of caloocan were then almost in view, and there is an opinion that had general macarthur not feared that the line would grow too thin by a further advance funston would have taken caloocan that night, with many railway cars and many supplies, and with the saving of many lives which went out on the next advance when the filipinos had had time to bulwark themselves behind their wonderful intrenchments. on the same day the guns were moved to a position close to la loma church. later two nordenfelt guns arrived, one of battery a, and were stationed first at blockhouse no. and afterwards east of la loma church and in front of the left battalion of the south dakota infantry. these were commanded by lieutenant critchlow. meanwhile lieutenant seaman withstood a destructive fire on the caloocan road. early in the fight he was reinforced at the suggestion of the division commander by the addition of another gun. major young took personal command of the nordenfelt which arrived there late that night. frequently in the encounter the natives rushed up to within yards of our position, from which they went reeling back before the awful thunder of the big guns. at times the powder-begrimed utahns were in advance of the main line, carrying death into the very teeth of the foe. so fierce was the conflict that major young had the gun manipulated in short reliefs, and this shortened the casualty list of our organization. corporal wardlaw and private peter anderson sustained wounds while serving their pieces in this manner. the natives trained two big guns on our position and fired fifteen ineffective shots from them. next day the two guns supported the kansas troops in their advance upon the filipino intrenchments and blockhouse no. . as the swift-moving column charged the enemy's line the two rifles tore great gaps into this wooden structure and plowed furrows into the wonderfully-constructed earthworks. when the insurgents had fled before the deadly volleys of the kansans one gun was stationed at the blockhouse and the other at the binondo cemetery. here they remained until february th, when they took part in the demonstration against caloocan. the next three days major grant's three guns did nothing except to fire occasionally at some enthusiastic filipino sharpshooters. on the th a general advance was made by the montana and the kansas infantry and the third united states artillery. the artillery force consisted of two guns under lieutenant seaman on the hill to the left, two guns under lieutenant fleming of the sixth united states artillery on the railroad, lieutenant critchlow with two nordenfelts at blockhouse no. , and grant with three . -inch b. and l. rifles at la loma church. the prearranged signal for the attack was to be a bombardment by the navy accompanied by a similar action by major young's artillery force. the big guns pounded shell against the native defenses, and sent shrapnel singing into the woods surrounding the town, and under the somewhat ineffectual, but loudly-thundering labors of the fleet the infantry column hurried forward, and the tagalans gradually swayed back. as the enemy retreated the aim of the guns was directed higher and several of these iron messengers went crashing into the town. some remarkably good work was performed by our gunners on this day. it is said that a small body of filipinos could be seen reinforcing the intrenchments at the gate of the caloocan cemetery. a utah gunner saw this, and turned his piece on the gate and shortly after a shell shuddered through the air on its -yard journey. when the smoke cleared away, gate, filipinos and war weapons strewed the ground for many yards. major bell with a flanking column of montanas deployed through a ravine on the right. suddenly a long, rope-like column of natives whipped out of the fringe of the woods and quickly coiled around the company. major young saw the predicament in which the americans were placed, and soon the murderous shells fell in the midst of the column, which broke into fragments and disappeared the way it had come. the next day major bell was lavish in his praise of the batteries, and several british officers who were watching the progress of the fight complimented the gunners on their expert and effective gunnery. during the attack on caloocan lieutenant seaman followed with the infantry as far as the flames from the burning houses would permit and pulled the gun through caloocan to a position on the kansas line. on the th guns were moved to a position on a hillside near the residence of mr. higgins near caloocan at a place where he commanded the causeway between caloocan and malabon. at this point the two guns were joined by a platoon of the sixth artillery and a . mortar under corporal boshard of battery b. [illustration: lieut. gibbs' section at ft. macarthur.] at this time utah soldiers on different parts of the line manned thirty-two pieces of artillery, including . -inch b.l. rifles, hotchkiss revolving cannon, hotchkiss mountain guns, maxim nordenfelts captured from the spanish, mortars, colt's rapid-fire (browning's) gun, a navy field piece, navy six-pounder and gatling guns of various calibers. after caloocan was taken possession of by the troops scarcely any fighting was indulged in until march th, when an advance was made. except for occasional incursions into the enemy's territory for the purpose of driving back harassing sharpshooters there was a practical cessation of hostilities at the waterworks. at this time the line over which our guns were stationed extended from malabon to mariquina. at caloocan a severe engagement occurred on the rd of february. a large force of insurgents came rushing down from the hill towards our outposts and finally established themselves within yards of the american lines. it was during this period that some of them were able to penetrate the american position and steal their way into manila to take part in the burning of the tondo district. this band was under the leadership of a bold and gallant chief named zandico. while tondo was disappearing in flames and sharp hand-to-hand skirmishes were taking place between these filipino desperadoes and the american police a furious altercation was going on between the darkly-outlined bulwarks of the two armies. during this attack sixty men of the kansas and montana regiments alone were killed and wounded. the work of the sharpshooters showed the watchful alertness of the enemy. whenever one of these riflemen espied a piece of american anatomy there was a report and a still messenger of death went skimming through the air. frequently one of the large guns had to be employed to repress the zeal of one of these ubiquitous malays. while repairing a breach in the gun pit lieutenant seaman received a wound in the leg, corporal southers was shot in the hip and private hill sustained a serious wound in the back. about this time existed as remarkable a truce as was ever patched up between belligerent forces. some filipino statesmen came down from malabon to see aguinaldo, and as they carried a flag of truce firing from our side ceased. the natives signified their desire to talk and colonel funston and major young went half way to meet them. the tagalans then made known their proposition, which was that there should be no firing between the two forces at that point for a period of ten days. colonel funston assented. this was directly in front of the kansas line. the insurgents rigidly adhered to their promise, and while the springfields and mausers were angrily barking in the vicinity of the railroad track no messenger of war sped across the space in front of the kansans. * * * * * the four guns under lieutenant gibbs and webb lifted to a commanding position on the hill above the waterworks, menaced the valley below. frequently they boomed from the mountains as a warning to the curious natives down on the wide plain of the san mateo. the encounters which took place between the americans and the tagals at this place are illustrative of the peculiar mode of warfare carried on by the natives. not a few times our forces made invasions in the enemy's country at mariquina under the protection of the guns and drove his army into the foothills on the opposite side of the valley, only to find him back in his old position before nightfall with his camp fires piercing the gloom of the valley as darkness settled in. these successive defeats seemed to have no power in dampening the ardor of the ducky warriors of the plains. they continued to make invasions on the american territory, and frequently waylaid belated american troops. up to march th the infantry force was not sufficiently large to hold the country which had been taken. four times the town of mariquina was captured in this style. finally, by some peculiar decision of fate, a battalion of coloradoans descended into the valley and after dislodging the enemy set fire to the hideous nipa huts. thereafter fewer skirmishes occurred in this locality. the white and shining church steeple arose above the blackened ruins as a ghostly monument of the work of war. about four days after the occupancy of the waterworks by the american troops colonel stotsenberg with a small body of the infantry scoured the mariquina plain, but though he met with some heated skirmishes and drove the enemy back, there was no visible results from his excursion. the artillery was first used in an advance on february th, when the two nordenfelt guns were taken down the mariquina road by lieutenant gibbs. none of the utah men were hurt on this occasion, although the natives fought stubbornly at short range and several men and officers of the nebraska regiment were wounded. meanwhile general montenegro, known as one of the fiercest filipino chiefs, had congregated his forces in the woods southwest of the pumping station towards pasig lake and cainta. a plan was formed for surrounding the insurgents and the nebraska and washington infantry and the two maxim nordenfelts took part in the engagement. the artillery worked with the nebraskans and shelled the woods. then there was a simultaneous advance from two sides by the regiments. the washingtons did their work well and the shells from the guns were effective, but for once the nebraskans failed in their usual dash and came up too late to cut off the retreat of the enemy and prevent his escape. [illustration: gun at pumping station firing on mariquina.] again on the th the two nordenfelts under lieutenant webb moved down the mariquina road, and did excellent work in aiding the nebraskans to drive the natives back towards san mateo. the b. and l. rifles from the hill fired into bodies of natives to the left of mariquina church on this occasion, and the death roster of the insurgents for that day was very great. a revolving hotchkiss under corporal hesburg, located close to the deposito, also inflicted severe damage on the natives. still the enemy at this point was alert and aggressive. the next day major mulford went scouting with a small force to the right of mariquina. soon after he reached the valley he was completely surrounded by the insurgents. then the big guns on the hill sent bursting shells fast into the filipino ranks and soon they retired stubbornly into the woods. several of major mulford's men were killed or wounded, and he stated afterwards that the utah guns had saved himself and party. this skirmish proved that the natives were gathering there in a larger and more formidable force, and this circumstances led to the burning of mariquina. all night the flames from the bamboo huts and old spanish mansions illumined the valley, and when the troops descended the next morning they found that all the south and the greater part of the north end of the city were entirely destroyed. there was comparative quietude after that until march th, when the natives began to resume the annoying fire on the infantry, and an artillery demonstration became imperative. as the insurgent attack came about daylight, the guns under lieutenant gibbs bombarded the valley from the hill, driving the enemy northward. another large force of the tagalans swept down upon the nebraskan outposts on the left and a deadly affray commenced. reinforcements were rushed to the aid of the stricken sentries, who were gradually forced back by the superior numbers of the assaulting party. sergeant ford fisher with the fifth section gun dashed out of the camp to the front. for three-quarters of a mile the diminutive filipinos horses with which the guns had lately been equipped sped down the ridges under a galling fire. on the brow of the hill the gun whirled into action long enough to drive the enemy back a few hundred yards. again the piece limbered up and rattled over the hard lava road for a new position. the tagalans soon centered a murderous fire from three points upon the big gun as a desperate measure to annihilate this new terror. a horse ridden by private engler was shot down, but was able to recover himself sufficiently to gain the shelter of a small gulch a few yards farther on. from its shelter the big gun pounded over the road to another gulch which had been deserted just a few minutes previously by a company of nebraskans. the heavy limber chest was left at the foot of the hill and on their hands and knees the men pushed the piece forward until the bore of the gun gleamed down the slope. a heavy volley answered from the plain below. ford fisher said afterwards that he saw a filipino sharpshooter behind a rock fire six times point blank at the gunner as he was sighting the piece. suddenly the roar of a cannon tore down the hill. the tagalans answered it with a fiendish yell and came steadily onward. the men on the gun worked like trojans, but they could not force the malays back. just as it seemed as if the gun would have to retire the tall white figure of colonel stotsenberg could be seen with galloping steed coming up the hill. instantly the wavering infantry line tightened. the colonel's pistol flashed in the sunlight, and the whole column swung up the eminence to victory. the voice of the big gun bellowed back its notes of defiance and the haughty foe fled in terror. during the encounter corporal mcdonald with a revolving hotchkiss cannon performed some excellent service on the right in aiding the oregon infantry. most of the fighting had been done at from to yards range. the casualty list of the nebraskans was heavy, and an immense number of filipinos was killed. the infantry followed the retreating natives for three miles. on the th, in conjunction with the river fleet, the guns aided the nebraska, wyoming and washington infantry in forcing the enemy through the woods towards guadaloupe and pasig lake. the guns under captain wedgewood shelled the insurgents to the south of san juan del monte and aided the infantry very materially in its advance. the gunboats hammered the natives on the left bank of the river and sent them scurrying into the woods beyond guadaloupe. it was decided to take the town of mariquina on the th of march, and major young with the left platoon of battery a shelled the woods to the north and west of the town so effectively that when the infantry forces entered the place they found it deserted. this ended the fighting in that vicinity until the general advance of march th. [illustration: utah guns on manila & dagupan railway en route for the front.] on march th began that remarkable advance which never ended until the native forces were driven beyond calumpit and san fernando into the hills north of san isidro and tarlac. the american forces had long been inactive gathering strength for the difficulties before them, and now that this strength had been mustered they were eager for the fray. the plan was for the commands of generals h.g. otis and hale to swing around to the right and cut off the retreat of the enemy from that quarter, while general wheaton's brigade was to strike the foe in front and not move forward until the other forces had had sufficient time to straighten out the line. a large body of the insurgents had assembled at malabon. the entire preparation had been made for the capture of this force. otis's brigade on the left consisted in the order given of the kansas, the third artillery (infantry), and the montana regiment; in the center was the divisional artillery under major young and then troops of the fourth united states cavalry, and on the right was hale's command, containing the tenth pennsylvania, south dakota and nebraska regiments. the nebraskans were on the extreme right, while the kansans formed the pivotal regiment. the artillery designated to take part in the forward movement were two b. and l. rifles, under command of lieutenant critchlow; two b.l. rifles of the sixth united states artillery, under lieutenant fleming, and an automatic gun under command of ensign davis of the navy. on the evening of the th lieutenant fleming's guns were removed from the old intrenchment in front of fort macarthur, and were replaced by two b. and l. rifles under lieutenant gibbs of battery a, who had formerly been stationed in front of the colorado line at sampaloe. major grant at this period was no longer in immediate command of battery b, as he had been detailed as commander of the river gunboats on february th. during the period of waiting the government mules had arrived and the rifles under lieutenants critchlow and fleming were now equipped for the journey into the jungle. few artillery exploits can compare in dash and daring with that performed by lieutenant naylor out on the right of the line early in the morning of the th. many brave and reckless deeds with guns at close range were done by artillery forces on other occasions in the filipino campaign, but it is hardly probable that any field pieces have been rushed so far beyond infantry support as they were on this day before the enemy at san francisco del monte. lieutenant naylor's position lay in a sunken road at a point where the lines of the tenth pennsylvania and south dakota regiments joined. for a distance of about yards the road, which had been constructed by the spanish, extended toward the tagalan earthworks. at the point the road abruptly ends, and there is a plat of hard ground. fifty yards farther on a rude barricade had been erected as a shelter for the native outposts, and a hundred yards in advance of this the enemy's strong line of earthworks widened out across the top of a gently rising eminence. this position had been accurately located several days previously by a reconnoitering party. early in the morning the guns moved to the end of the sunken road and began the perilous journey up this narrow defile. with lieutenant naylor were captain crainbuhl and lieutenant perry of general hale's staff and a detachment of eight men of the tenth pennsylvania regiment under charge of a sergeant. every one knew the danger that accompanied an expedition of this character, and there was silence as perfect as that of a tomb, save when one of the wheels of the heavy guns rumbled in a rut. a few hundred yards from the camp they crossed a small stream and, as the road broadened at this place, there was ample room to unlimber the pieces. this was done so that there would be no delay when the time for action should come. the pieces were placed in front and the two limbers followed. at the end of the road the squad of infantry deployed as skirmishers to drive back the filipino sentries. then the guns were rushed up on the flat; two shells shrieked through the air towards the insurgent intrenchments, which loomed up darkly on the hill, and the bombardment began. at the first bark of the big guns the native outposts fled precipitately for the protection of the heavier works on the summit of the knoll. the roaring monsters now hurled a perfect stream of iron into the place, and after responding feebly for a few minutes the foe retired in haste across the san juan river towards san francisco del monte. the artillery advanced to the stream and sent shells flying after them until it became too hazardous to continue the bombardment, owing to the approach of our troops. down the causeway over which the tagalans fled in their mad desire to escape whole squads of filipinos lay. as the guns had made the advance almost entirely unaided by the infantry it was purely an artillery charge, and to the artillery belonged the victory. general hale rode up a few minutes later and personally complimented lieutenant naylor upon the ability with which he had handled his men in this successful maneuver. as the guns were unprovided with mules they were unable to proceed and retired to their former position. the engagement opened up by lieutenant naylor's men on the right found an echoing response from the guns of lieutenants critchlow and fleming. as they were to continue the advance their general course lay along the railroad track, which stretches entirely across luzon island from manila to dagupan. just after dawn on the th the infantry moved forward about yards ahead of the artillery, which followed the novaliches road. a strong force of the enemy was encountered heavily intrenched in a position commanding the novaliches and malinta roads. the infantry swung into line and attempted to force back the tagalans, who stubbornly resisted the attack of our column. two large guns were soon brought into play and the natives gradually retired. an examination later showed that the defenses of the insurgents were remarkably constructed; in some cases the main breastworks were twenty feet thick. the first day's fighting had taught them a lesson by which they had profited. general macarthur gave orders for the artillery to remain with him during the advance, as it was impossible to move over the ridges. a troop of the fourth cavalry, under major rucker, also remained with the general. in the afternoon the artillery had turned down a small valley toward the bed of the pulilan river. the infantry had entirely disappeared from the division commander's view, owing to a mountain which lay between our forces and the artillery position. the general whereabouts of our troops could be ascertained by the battle-sound, but occasionally this died away as the moving column advanced. the general sent forward one of his aids with a view of re-establishing our lines; but he was fired upon and compelled to retire. the troops of cavalry then dismounted and deploying as skirmishers soon dislodged the enemy. soon heavy firing was heard and an orderly rushed back asking for reinforcements. the general sent word back that he had no reinforcements to give. just then major bell rode up and said he wished one of the utah guns and the general authorized major young to take one of the big rifles and a browning gun under ensign davis. majors bell and young went forward to locate a position for the pieces. they discovered that where the road crosses the river the banks of the pulilan rise to an almost perpendicular height of nearly fifteen feet. a road a little distance above, so small that it could only be utilized for carometas, crosses the river a short distance beyond the dismantled bridge. on the right abutment of the bridge the filipinos had constructed a very formidable breastwork of earth and stone, and the heavy steel beam of the bridge was arranged above this so as to leave a long slot for the rifles the whole length of the work. this menaced the surrounding approaches. a short distance below this was a boiler and engine-house and on the other side of the river and lower down was a remarkable field work. it extended along the river a distance of two hundred feet, and was constructed with the same wonderful skill as the smaller one at the bridge abutment. it had the same long slot flaring outward about eighteen inches and the upper part of the work was substantially held by bamboo flooring. the two majors left the artillery piece and went forward to discover a good site for the big gun. major young selected a place just under the brow of the hill. the enemy was only yards beyond, but our exact location was screened from his view by a thick undergrowth of bamboo. a heavy stone wall was used as a shelter for the men. meanwhile the cavalry stood a terrific fire. out of less than forty men who took part in the encounter nine were killed and wounded, a casualty list of almost one-fourth of their number. the guns rushed into action. major young directed that the colt's automatic be turned on the slots to protect the big gun. at the first boom of the rifle all the attention of the insurgents was turned upon the crews working the piece, but the bamboo screen kept them from taking accurate aim. of the three shells fired by corporal don johnson, two struck immediately in the slot holes and burst in the interior, doing considerable damage to the bamboo shed and above all terrifying the dusky warriors, who turned and fled. the spitting colts and breaking shrapnel followed them with deadly effect. the artillery then lumbered up and dashed to a position on the hill, from which the boiler-house could be bombarded with annihilating effect. the cavalry had stood a heavy fire during all this time at a range of seventy-five yards, and when the beam had been examined after the enemy had been driven out it showed the marks of eighty-nine cavalry bullets. that night the weary troops rested on the banks of the river. the next morning, march th, an early advance was made upon the insurgents' position at malinta and polo. it was here the moving column met the advancing lines of general wheaton, and then it was learned that he had marched forward simultaneously with hale's flying command, and that the wily native had had ample time to flee out of malabon and his old position at caloocan. so the projected coup had failed. lieutenant gibbs with the right platoon of battery a and one gun of battery b and a mortar bombarded malabon and the surrounding country. when the shelling ceased the oregon regiment charged over the open and assaulted the enemy's works, which were taken after a stubborn fight. the routed tagalans fled along the railroad track towards malinta. one gun under lieutenant seaman accompanied wheaton on this march as far as the foot of the hill leading to malinta, and was unloaded from the car under a shower of mauser bullets. private parker j. hall of battery b was wounded at this point while standing on the track. a few shells were fired into distant intrenched position on the hill, but when wheaton resumed his advance early in the morning the b. and l. rifle was returned to its position at fort macarthur. it was during the advance up the hill a few moments later that the gallant, white-haired general egbert, veteran of many battles, was fatally shot through the stomach. in the meantime the artillery with general macarthur's division continued the march up the road close by the railway line. while the artillery was sending shell fast into the filipino position at malinta and meycayauan, and occupying their attention, general hale executed a rather brilliant flank movement and forced the enemy to retreat with considerable loss. when the march was resumed on the th, the artillery was moved up to a position just behind the first battalion of the kansas regiment, while all the rest of otis's brigade remained in the rear. [illustration: first platoon. battery a, ready to move to malolos.] when general macarthur's division moved forward on march th, general hall, with the colorado and minnesota regiments, moved down the mariquina valley towards the san francisco del monte, where the bullets of the south dakotas and lieutenant naylor's shells were battering against the walls. general hall's advance was so warmly contested that it became necessary for the guns on the hill to bombard the city and surrounding woods to the north and west. the infantry was then able to press forward and drive the natives back from the valley toward san mateo. on the st of march general hall essayed a more extended advance, and on this occasion his forces consisted of the fourth and twenty-third regular infantry, the minnesota and colorado regiments and two utah b. and l. rifles, commanded by captain wedgewood. the movement began at dawn. the regulars came from the south and the minnesotas and coloradoans around the north of mariquina. the town was entered before the enemy had begun to fire. the attack was sudden and effective, and as the natives began to retreat a gun under sergeant nystrom and another close by the mariquina church commanded by captain wedgewood played vigorously on their ranks. the infantry followed the natives six miles, and from the hills overlooking the city san mateo was bombarded by the two guns. the natives were again in retreat when a telegram arrived from otis, which showed that he feared the natives might be preparing to make another entrance into manila. it read: "wheaton has engaged enemy at malolos and taken that place. a very small force of the enemy was there. withdraw all your forces which are moving towards san mateo and bring them back to la loma church." it was a wearisome march to la loma after the fatigue of the day's campaign, and when the men arrived there with the guns they were forced to sleep among the graves of the churchyard without blankets and in a pelting rain. the next day the guns were ordered back to their old position above mariquina, where they remained until relieved by the sixth united states infantry, when they joined the rest of the command at san fernando. on april th our forces met the filipinos on the banks of the marilao river, on which occasion the noses of the big guns were pushed to within fifty yards of the native earthworks. the guns employed were two under lieutenant critchlow, a platoon of dyer's light battery and colt's automatic under ensign davis. the kansans under major metcalf had deployed on the left and approached the river, but they were forced back by the heavy fire of the insurgents, who had cut away the intervening trees to give a clear sweep for their rifles. the whole north side of the river had been cleverly and completely intrenched so that it formed an almost impregnable fortification when attacked from the front. the causeway up which the artillery had to advance was commanded by the insurgent infantry. across the river where the infantry first engaged the enemy, the natives were about yards distant. major young went forward with ensign davis to locate a good position for the guns. while there general funston came up and stated he had seen quite a number of cascos further down the river, and that if major young would protect his men with an artillery fire he would be able to cross the river and flank the enemy. this was agreed to, and a company of kansans accompanied the guns as a support. lieutenant critchlow's guns were quickly turned upon the earthworks. as the big rifles roared across the stream the small arms and the colt's automatic centered a withering fire on the intrenchments to keep the enemy's fire inaccurate. this vigorous demonstration terrified the tagalans and soon several white flags appeared fluttering above the trenches. the firing ceased and the filipinos were ordered to stand up. some few of them reluctantly showed themselves, but the greater number ran through the get-away ditch and vanished in the dark fringe of the bamboo forest. lieutenant coulter of the tenth pennsylvania regiment with an enlisted man stripped and swam the river and walked directly into the enemy's trenches. the two naked men took as many rifles as they could hold from the defeated malays. by this time colonel funston, who had crossed the river, came up and took some thirty natives prisoners. as the bridge crossing a branch of the marilao river at this point had been destroyed by the insurgents, the artillery moved to a new position by the railroad track until a new bridge could be constructed by the engineers. just as night came on the natives were seen to emerge in a large force from the woods and move towards our lines. soon the entire american host was sturdily engaged in repelling the attack. in the dark it was impossible to exactly locate our infantry, but major young, at a venture, directed several shots over our column at a range of from to yards. the filipinos soon retreated. it was afterwards learned that these shells had fallen in the midst of the attacking force. this spirited encounter was the subject of a special report of the chief of artillery to the division commander in which lieutenant critchlow and the cannoneers received special mention for their gallantry. that night a pontoon bridge was built across the river and on the morning of the th the artillery moved across and encamped during the succeeding day and night in the suburbs of malolos. an advance of only a short distance had been made the next morning when a body of the enemy was encountered at bocaue. here it was necessary to cross the santa mone river. this was attempted with some difficulty, as only the guns could be taken over on the bridge and the mules had to be swum across. the pieces and accoutrements across, the artillery immediately went into action against the long lines of filipinos. a railroad train in the hands of the insurgents could be seen in the distance and some natives were busily engaged in applying torches to the engine-house. a few shells were sent screaming in that direction and the engineer needed no further orders to speed with all dispatch toward the north country. again the guns were limbered up and the force advanced to the bagoa river, where it was again necessary to drag the guns across the shaky bridge and force the reluctant mules to swim. by this time the infantry had pushed some distance ahead, and suddenly there was heavy firing near another dismantled bridge close to the guiguinta. both the town and the bridge had been burned by the insurgents, and as soon as the infantry force crossed the railway track it was greeted with such a heavy fire that there were thirty casualties within a few minutes. the artillery came forward, as it had done before in many desperate fights, at the critical moment. the mules were unhitched and the cannoneers dashed with two of the guns across the shattered bridge and began firing from the top of the track. the insurgent fire came directly down the railroad grade. private pender was shot through the hip while working at the gun. in a few moments the shrapnel had torn the filipino earthworks and in the semi-darkness the dusky figures of the filipinos could be seen in retreat. the river which barred the way was crossed the next day. when evening fell on the th, the towers of malolos, the insurgent capital, where a few months before don emilio aguinaldo had been crowned president of the filipino republic, were almost within view. a long line of filipino intrenchments defended the approaches to the city. all eyes had been turned from the beginning of the insurrection toward malolos, and here it was expected that on the morrow aguinaldo, with a host of his black warriors around him, would make a desperate effort to resist the aggression of the american troops. the four big rifles and the colt's automatic were moved into a position at dusk close to a deserted line of intrenchments south of malolos. majors bell and young, later in the evening, went forward to locate a position for constructing emplacements for the guns. suddenly there was a long flash from a low line of filipino intrenchments yards to the front. they saw the flash in time to guard themselves by the shelter of a rice stack from the pattering bullets. their mission by this time was accomplished, for they had discovered a strong position for the rifles just within a circle of bamboo trees from which there was an easy view of the enemy's works. late that night, in the tropic darkness of the overhanging trees, a line of men, carrying picks and spades, trudged out slowly from the encampment. they were guided by first sergeant john anderson of battery b. soon the rice stack where the emplacements were to be made could be seen through the gloom. the work was begun quietly, for the filipinos in the distance were known to be on the alert. an axe struck sharply against a bamboo and a pick dinned resoundingly in the hard earth. every one looked searchingly into the distance, where a response was looked for from a hundred guns. major young stated that he had posted a lookout near by so that when he called "flash" the men could take care of themselves as they saw fit before the winged bullets arrived. so the work went on. when the earth had been reared about one foot, the lookout suddenly called "flash" and twenty men dropped to the ground. but there was no report and no bullets came. the lookout had seen some restless filipino lighting a cigarette. the intrenchments were ready shortly after midnight, and before dawn on the morning of the st the guns were moved into position. the insurgents formed a belligerent half-circle around the city, and were prepared to advance from three sides when the roar of one of the big guns gave the signal to move. when the light came it brought into bright relief the heavy earthworks of the enemy, and a body of soldiers was observed standing idly on the railroad track about ten hundred yards away. suddenly the yawning big guns roared over the plain and a shell burst over the filipino intrenchments. there was a brief response. the vigorous click-click of the automatic joined in with the roar of the big guns. within an hour the infantrymen were advancing upon the outer works of the city from three sides, and the filipinos could be seen fleeing down the railroad grade. they were followed by bullets from rapid-fire guns and several shells were sent into the insurgents city at a range of four kilometers. afterwards it was learned that the natives had been driven from their two lines of intrenchments, which were yards apart, a fact which clearly indicated the accuracy of the firing. as soon as the enemy was dispersed the pieces were limbered and while one section took the winding course of the malolos road into the city the other went by way of the railroad. for several thousands yards in front of malolos the track had been torn up by the insurgents and the gun which went up the track had great difficulty in passing. at one place where the bridge had been destroyed it was necessary to replace a large number of ties which had been hurriedly thrown into a body of water near by. all morning a long curling line of smoke could be seen from the distance arising from the heart of the city. when the artillery swept into the city side by side with the rigid column of infantry they found half the place in ruins; the great church which had been used as a congressional hall was fading in the flame. the american had found the city a burning moscow and the people, like the patriotic russians, had applied the torch to the capital upon which they had centered their fondest dreams. the soldiers trooped into city, mud-bespattered and weary, and commented in loud tones of surprise on their peaceful entry into a city where they had looked for the bloodiest strife of the insurrection. the artillery made a striking appearance as the big mules galloped over the evacuated town. the guns were parked in the plaza before the hall of congress of the insurgent capital, and major macarthur accorded to major young the honor of raising the first american flag over the walls of the rebel capital. it may be added here that several weeks later the utah band played patriotic airs in the hall where but a short time ago aguinaldo was declared president of the philippines. [illustration: utah guns in park, at congressional hall, malolos.] the troops remained for several days inactive at malolos to recuperate after the rigors of the long march. during this time the two guns commanded by lieutenant gibbs at caloocan were brought to malolos by rail, and captain wedgewood took charge of them, while lieutenant gibbs returned to the two platoons stationed at the waterworks. on april th a reconnoitering expedition went out to investigate the enemy's position to the east of quingua in the vicinity of bag bag. major bell commanded the party, which consisted of a troop of the fourth cavalry, a hotchkiss revolving cannon and one hotchkiss mountain gun, in charge of john a. anderson. they found a place where the river could be forded and discovered that the insurgents were strongly intrenched on the banks of the bag bag river. the country at this time was heavily timbered and the party was able to return unnoticed by the enemy. a severe battle occurred on april rd as the forces closed in on quingua. a reconnoitering party of cavalry encountered a large body of insurgents and the fire was so withering that major bell was forced to retire. reinforcements of infantry were promptly called for and soon the nebraskans moved forward to the fray. the fight lasted several hours, and the infantry and cavalry were forced to endure a heavy fire out in the open from a long line of filipinos intrenchments hidden in a line of underbrush and trees. it was during this engagement that the gallant stotsenberg was killed while rallying his men for the charge over the open. the artillery did not arrive until o'clock, when two rifles, one from each battery under captain wedgewood and lieutenant critchlow came to the front and as usual soon ended the argument. private d.j. davis of battery a was shot through the fleshy part of the leg, and while standing twenty yards behind the piece captain wedgewood was wounded in the hand and stomach by a flying piece of copper from the defective gun breech. the artillery occupied a position at one hundred yards range during this stubbornly fought engagement. the guns were partially sheltered by the foliage of a clump of trees to the left of the pulilan road and the nebraska infantry. firing from the artillery was plainly effective, and after forty-five minutes of continual bombardment the insurgents retired over the pulilan road toward bag bag. during this engagement lieutenant fleming of the sixth united states artillery arrived from malolos with one of his own and a battery b gun, manned by a utah detachment, and did valuable service at a one-thousand-yard range. as the natives retreated in columns they afforded a conspicuous target and bursting shrapnel tore large holes in the retiring lines. private abplanalp of battery b, one of the drivers, was shot through the hand and arm while in the rear of the firing line. this was considered to be as fierce a fight as that in which the rough riders won their way to glory at las guasimas. at that point three regiments were engaged and there were seventy casualties. at quingua there were only five hundred americans against a large body of insurgents and sixty of these were killed or wounded. general gregoria del pilar, the dashing young filipino leader, who had previously visited general otis for the purpose of arranging terms of peace, commanded the dusky warriors at this place. though he was forced to retreat he took upon himself the credit of killing colonel stotsenberg, and afterwards boasted that he had slain one thousand americans in the engagement. the next morning lieutenant fleming with two big rifles and a hotchkiss revolving cannon, in charge of gunner corporal m.c. jensen, forded the quingua river, a tributary of the rio chico, which in turn draws its waters from the rio grande de pampanga, at calumpit. the remainder of the artillery, consisting of a platoon of battery a, under lieutenant naylor, and one gun under lieutenant critchlow, went on down the pulilan road toward bag bag. there was a sharp encounter on this road, during which a body of the enemy about a thousand yards to the right attempted a flank movement, but a few shots from the big guns and the hotchkiss forced them to change their course. the guns directly under major young on the other side of the river became involved about three hundred yards south of the enemy's long low line of earthworks at bag rag. their intrenchments occupied the strip of land at the junction of the rio chico and the bag bag rivers. when a reconnoitering party visited this place on april th the plain surrounding the bag bag was covered with bamboo and underbrush, but now all the plain was as clean and level as if it had been swept by a cyclone. thus the intrenched malays had cleared a spot which commanded the plains for miles around. infantry and artillery advanced from both sides of the quingua--hale with fleming on the other side and wheaton with utah to the south. soon the artillery was engaged on the pulilan road, yards from the enemy. at this time the infantry force was fifty yards in the rear, where it was masked from the enemy but could render no important assistance. the fire from the tagalan intrenchments was murderous. while the artillery fire was as rapid as possible at least two responsive volleys came from the intrenchments after each shot. private max madison fell, killed instantly, early in the action; private frederick bumiller received a fatal wound through the hips. two other cannoneers were hit in their attire by glance balls and all three of the big guns were cut with mausers. in lieutenant critchlow's single detachment of eight men five were struck--two killed and one seriously wounded. wheaton's line meanwhile bore in from the left and the artillery swung forward with the line until they were almost on the opposite bank from the enemy. the armored train, equipped with gatlings revolving cannon, pulled up at this point and turned loose its armament upon the enemy at a -yard range. the insurgents stubbornly fell back under the terrific fire. on the opposite bank corporal jensen and his crew, sixty yards from the enemy's position, were ripping the low intrenchments with the revolving cannon. his position was perilous and his gallant fight soon ended. he was pierced through the stomach with a bullet and on the next day died from the wound. lieutenant fleming, in his report to the chief of artillery, says of him: "i desire especially to mention corporal m.c. jensen for gallantry in this action. his fearlessness undoubtedly cost him his life." he also recommends in this report that corporal jensen be awarded a certificate of merit. calumpit is a city which the insurgents looked upon as invulnerable. its huts and stone bridges are on both sides of the rio grande de pampanga--the broadest and longest river in luzon. it was here a few months before that the insurgents captured many thousand spanish prisoners with all their arms, and they were prepared to vigorously contest the advance of the american troops. the guns of utah and the two big rifles of lieutenant fleming were on the south side of the bag bag, and it is only a mile from here to the filipino stronghold. the advance began early on the morning of the th. a platoon under lieutenant naylor, who had been in charge of battery a pieces since the wounding of captain wedgewood, one gun under lieutenant critchlow, fleming's two guns and a hotchkiss in charge of corporal bjarnson were pushed by hand over a bridge hastily constructed over the waters of the bag bag. the clattering din of the infantry could soon be heard in altercation with the insurgents at the front. the insurgents, behind intrenchments, were sending volleys fast into the americans from the north bank of the pampanga. it was observed that the long bridge had been partially destroyed and the rails torn from the track for several hundred yards. the heavy iron beams of the bridge were placed above the two lines of intrenchments. iron rails supported the ponderous beams, and between them was formed a long slot for filipino rifles. the three big utah guns were rushed to a position on the right of the station, about yards from the enemy, and where there was partial protection from a nipa hut. earthworks were quickly thrown up and to divert the enemy's attention while this was going on, a squad of montana men kept up a constant fire from a position immediately in front of the artillery. bullets came in sheets from the filipino position. a montana sharpshooter, shot through the head, fell dead at the foot of the half-made emplacement. fleming's guns pointed through an aperture broken through the solid brick walls of the station facing the half-demolished bridge. further off to the left corporal bjarnson with the revolving hotchkiss was with the line of kansas infantry under colonel funston. out on the left colonel funston was performing the famed and intrepid feat by which he was able to cross the river. protected by the swift fire of the revolving hotchkiss, a kansas man with a rope swam the swift moving waters of the pampanga and fastened one end to the base of a bamboo tree. then funston with about forty of his men crossed the river on hastily constructed rafts, guided by the long ropes. suddenly this small body of warriors charged and attacked the insurgents on the left flank. the insurgents who had valiantly and stubbornly held their position, were terrorized by the unexpected onslaught, and the whole line in the east side of the bridge sprang from the intrenchment and fled northward along the railroad embankment. natives were strewn thick upon the banks of the river as they ran. a mounted filipino officer was shot through the heart as he stood with flashing sword vainly trying to rally his confused and fleeing troops. the tagalans to the right were touched with consternation and fled from their bulwarks. and so during this one hour colonel funston performed the most dashing deed of the war and the malay hosts were driven from their strongest defense. fifteen hundred american soldiers in this battle contested with , intrenched warriors of luzon, and won by their prowess and the strategy of a gallant leader. the two brigades were allowed to rest for several days on the sunny banks of the pampanga. on may th the troops began the march toward san fernando, which lies green and low at the base of mt. arayat, which can be seen for many miles around. the artillery, with the mules, crossed the river on rafts. wheaton advanced up the railroad track while hale's brigade strung out over the apalit road. a revolving hotchkiss cannon and one gatling gun, manned by battery b detachments, were mounted on trucks. this moving battery was commanded by lieutenant naylor. as the troops approached santo tomas the insurgents were discovered, intrenched on both sides of the railroad. as the infantry engaged them on the right, lieutenant naylor's machine guns played on the thin line of smoke curling above the filipino intrenchment. as the infantry pressed them on the right they retreated over the railroad towards a long line of intrenchments, and the bullets from the gatling fell among them here faster than autumn leaves. colonel funston, at the head of his troops, took the fire line of intrenchments on the left of the track and moved down on the tagalans, who had constructed a long line of intrenchments parallel with the railway. they were beaten back by the kansas men, but in this charge colonel funston fell, having sustained a slight wound in the arm. during this engagement general luna, most renowned of the filipino chiefs, was wounded in the arm, and as there was only a light infantry fire, the opinion prevailed that this was inflicted by lieutenant naylor's fast-clicking gatling gun. general wheaton personally praised lieutenant naylor for his work in the santo tomas battle, and afterwards in his report recommended him for meritorious service. over on the right up the apalit road captain wedgewood and lieutenant critchlow were encountering difficulties. the insurgents had constructed pitfalls in the road. they were thinly covered with a layer of leaves and earth and the wayward feet of mule and soldier were menaced beneath with sharp pointed wedges of bamboo. these were discovered early in the march and no accidents resulted from them. there was some brisk fighting on this end of the line and the big guns shelled the insurgents on the opposite side of the river. the whole of the next day was consumed in transporting the artillery and equipage across the river on a raft constructed by the engineers, and on may th they entered san fernando. this fair city was half destroyed by flames, and when the troops entered no lingering black warriors could be found. they had all retreated farther north, following in the general direction of the railway. major-general macarthur's headquarters were established near the center of that part of the city which was untouched by the flames, and close by the utah guns were parked. later one of the big guns was utilized for outpost duty, a rather remarkable use for artillery. every night after the filipinos had begun to gather again near the city one of the pieces with a gun crew would go down a sunken road and watch all night with the farthest outposts of the infantry. during this period major-general otis had issued an order offering thirty pesos to every filipino warrior who would return his rifle to the american authorities. on may rd major bell went on an expedition up the railway track for the purpose of posting up the order, and took with him two troops of the fourth cavalry and a revolving hotchkiss gun, manned by sergeant emil johnson and corporal hesburg of battery a and private martin of battery b. all the men were mounted and the cannon equipped with a small filipino horse, so that if necessary a hasty retreat could be made. they proceeded up the railway track, and notices were duly and conspicuously left at bacalor and quiuag. just as the forces reached the outskirts of santa rita they were fired on by a large body of insurgents, who were heavily intrenched around the city. the revolving cannon was used effectively and major bell and his men went into action five times, but the insurgent attack was too fierce for the small force and it was obliged to retreat. with a whoop of joy the filipinos rose from their trenches in pursuit, cheering loudly as they came. they followed for five miles through bacalor, and as far back as their old intrenchments surrounding san fernando. the rather meagre encouragement of having been able to chase a small troop of cavalry seemed to give the tagalans at this time an idea that they had the whole american force in retreat. during the night word was brought to general macarthur that the filipinos were preparing to make an attack early the next morning. at dawn the montana and kansas regiments and a platoon under lieutenant naylor went out to meet them. the filipinos were in force in their old position to the northwest. the kansas went through some cornfields on the left and the montanas through a sunken road to the right. the artillery remained in a concealed position in the center and waited until the two regiments had moved up on the startled natives from both flanks. as the insurgents retreated in confusion the big guns played on the scattered ranks. a large number of the natives were killed during this clever maneuver and thirty of their rifles were captured. the tagalans when on the warpath are persistent. the next day they occupied intrenchments farther to the north. they were again driven back and this time they took up a position towards mexico and in front of the iowa troops. during the next few days the malay hordes came toward san fernando from all sides. eventually their forces completely surrounded the city. general macarthur watched their plans, saw them tearing up the earth for intrenchments and waited. it was apparent that they were preparing to march with crushing force upon the american troops. the cloud burst on june th. just at that time, when the americans were not looking for them, the tagalans descended on the town. captain fred wheeler was out on a plain drilling a troop of the fourth united states cavalry. it was in the morning and there was a heavy mist. one of captain wheeler's men informed him that he could see the "niggers" coming. the captain could see nothing and sent for his glasses, but before they arrived the long skirmish line of the tagalans could be seen emerging like spectres from the mist. then there was a remarkable spectacle--the fourth cavalry and the tagalan warriors racing for the same intrenchments. the cavalrymen arrived first and there the battle began. the natives came in from four sides. the outposts waited in the old filipino intrenchments and on some parts of the line the attacked tagalans were allowed to approach within yards. most of the guns, when the fight began were located close to macarthur's headquarters, but they were soon on all parts of the line. when the attack by the filipinos began the gun under command of lieutenant naylor was on its way to the outposts. it had been the custom to take the gun there just before dawn and bring it back immediately after darkness came. the advancing filipinos began firing before the gun was in position. corporal hanson was in charge at the time, and the rifle was at once rushed to the emplacement. word came at the same hour to lieutenant naylor, who was officer of the outpost, and he went through a heavy fire down the road leading to the intrenchment. when he arrived there the filipinos were within three hundred and fifty yards and were advancing over the rice ridges at a rapid gait. the lieutenant had a shell sent into the approaching insurgents, who seemed astounded to find that the artillery occupied such an advanced position. when nine shells had been sent into their line, the filipinos gradually drew back and were not seen any more on this part of the line during the fight. [illustration: preparing for an engagement.] the seventeenth and twenty-second infantry were the support on this end of the line, which faced to the north. on the west, east and part of the north line were the kansas and montana infantry. it was to this point that the two guns of lieutenant gibbs were moved when the firing began, and here the guns inflicted severe damage on the islanders. another gun of battery b was also placed near this part of the line under lieutenant hines, but it was unnecessary from this position to use the artillery. this fight was the first time the american soldiers during the whole campaign had repulsed an attack from behind intrenchments, and they laid back and smiled as the black men approached and then passed out some volleys that made the whole advancing line reel. when the tagalans began to retreat under the awakened storm, the americans followed, and as the filipinos recoiled from one regiment they were broken against another. a company of the twentieth infantry located near santo tomas was almost cut off by the advancing column of the enemy, and a company of the montana men was sent to its assistance. the fight lasted nearly two hours and the filipino loss amounted to several hundred. the only casualty on the american side was a slight wound received by a montana man, which shows clearly what the americans could do in a contest with a black man under conditions more or less equal. colonel funston stated afterwards that a shell from one of lieutenant gibbs's guns had killed fifteen filipinos. the burying of dead filipinos the next day was a tragic sight. sixty-four were engulfed in one trench. they were brought up in caribou carts, and the american pulled them off with ropes and deposited them in the common grave. there was another fight on the nd, but the filipinos seemed to have lost their dash and courage of a few days before, and on this occasion the artillery was not called out. a few days later word came that the utah battalion was ordered home, and on the th day of june the utah men boarded the train for manila and were carried away from the smoke of war and the darkly fought battlefields of the east. * * * * * sergeant john a. anderson with one gun of battery b and a rifle of the sixth artillery was in the flying column of general lawton, who left a path of ashes around the pampanga province and finally drove the insurgents from san isidro with his detachment on the st of march and arrived on the same day at bocaue. the order to march came on the rd and the sergeant was given a position on the left of the thirteenth minnesotas. from the brow of the hill above norzagaray the guns began shelling at yards. the front line was silenced but at this point the natives made an effort to turn the right flank, and it was necessary to throw many shrapnel into the advancing insurgents column before it turned. the next day norzagaray was entered after the place had been shelled, and during this slight advance the artillery was in action five times. colonel sommers personally commended the detachment on the accuracy of its gunnery and its promptness. on the th ongaut was burned and on the th there was an engagement which lasted for some time below baliuag. san maguel was taken on the th, and on the th a few shells were thrown into san isidro, but the insurgents, after repeated defeats, showed small resistance here and soon retreated. on the th the artillery arrived with the infantry at candaba, and the detachment remained quartered here until the order arrived for the utah men to return to manila. the plan of lawton's campaign was for his troops to drive the insurgents towards candaba, where they could be met by the advancing forces under major kobbe and the river gunboats. but when general lawton came down to candaba there were none but american soldiers there as the insurgents forces had disappeared in the interior. shortly after the arrival in malolos the utah men were joined by corporal dusenbury and two other men of battery b. they with a revolving hotchkiss cannon were picked up by general wheaton early in his advance from caloocan, and were highly praised by the general for the skill and efficiency they had shown in many dangerous places. general wheaton showed his appreciation of the work of the guns by attaching several regular and oregon infantrymen to the pieces, in order that they could be carried over rough places with the greatest possible dispatch. chapter iv. the gunboats. no history of the utah batteries will be complete without a narrative of the exploits of the gunboats. while the land forces performed their duties with great honor and are to be commended in every way possible, it must be remembered that a portion of the men were fighting on the water and did work of such a character that they won especial mention from those in charge when the big guns were hurling death and the gatlings were barking fire at the opposing army. at first the proposition of building gunboats was not at all popular with the authorities. some opposed the scheme on the grounds that it could not be successfully accomplished with the limited means at hand and the rivers of luzon to contend with. however, later developments attested that those who were the originators of the plan showed greater wisdom than their opponents. sometime prior to the breaking out of hostilities between the american forces and the natives general otis conceived the idea of employing gunboats on the rivers and lakes for the purpose of opening up lines of communication between difficult portions of our own lines. the fact that the rivers were shallow was the one serious objection to the project, but this difficulty was eliminated by the adoption of light draught boats. the nature of the country in the vicinity of manila and the other towns where the heaviest fighting took place is such that it was apparent to those who were aware of these conditions that this craft might be engaged in protecting the advance of the infantry and artillery; could hold the hostile bands in check until favorable positions could be taken, and be of wonderful service in the campaign. the first vessel to engage in this kind of work was the "laguna de bay," which has made a reputation never to be forgotten so long as the history of the war in the philippines remains familiar to the american mind. this vessel is doubtless as well known as the "olympia," the flagship of gallant admiral dewey, and while there are those who fail to recall the fact that the "boston" or the "raleigh" took part in the attack on the spanish in the bay of manila, it is safe to assert that the operation of the "laguna de bay" and her sister craft will ever be fresh in the minds of those who have made even a casual study of the events which took place during the campaign carried on by the brave men from the youngest state in the republic. the "laguna de bay," the first converted gunboat, was placed in commission on january, . she was formerly used by the spanish as an excursion boat on the body of water from which she derived her name and prior to the fall of manila had been captured by the filipinos and turned over to the united states. she was by no means a small craft considering her environments--shallow rivers and muddy bayous. she was feet in length, -foot beam with a draught of four feet. when she was fitted out it was decided to give her some protection for the men, so her main deck, the upper deck, the pilot house and the gatling battery, were protected by a double sheeting of steel. the many bullet marks on this light armor demonstrated afterwards the wisdom of this policy. at this point it may not be out of order to interpolate the fact that her companion gunboats were similarly protected, which accounts for the small list of casualties. the armament of the gunboat consisted of two three-inch marine guns, two . hotchkiss revolving cannon and four gatlings. at first lieutenant r.c. naylor was in charge of the guns, while captain randolph of the third united states artillery commanded the vessel. in addition to the men from the utah batteries, several were detailed from the various regiments to act as sailors, riflemen and cannoneers. the boats which were added to the fleet were the "oeste," the "napindan" and the "cavadonga." the last went into commission on may th and was commanded by lieutenant william c. webb. the crews of the vessel were made up of members of the utah batteries and men from the twenty-third united states infantry, the first south dakota infantry and the third united states battery. on the morning of february th the "laguna de bay" steamed up the pasig to the town of santa ana while the nebraska, california and washington troops assaulted the enemy from the land. twenty minutes after the boat turned her guns upon the town the principal buildings were in flames and the stricken garrison made all haste toward san pedro macati and guadaloupe. next she turned her attention to those portions of the enemy stationed in bacoor and mandaloya. her forward guns tore great gaps in the enemy's earthworks and her gatlings raked the trenches with so galling a fire that the foe was sent flying towards the woods in the region of pasig with the nebraska infantry in speedy pursuit. the following morning the boat passed santa ana, where two three-inch krupp guns had been captured by the idaho troops, and reconnoitered the native position in the woods beyond. late that afternoon she returned to manila and replenished her coal bunkers, when she resumed her old position at the nebraska landing. march th the gunboat again passed santa ana and went up as far as guadaloupe, where the first california was quartered. general anderson came up the river in a launch and a consultation was held as to future operations. nothing of moment happened that day, but on the morrow general king arrived on his way to pasig for the purpose of demanding the surrender of the town. he desired the "laguna de bay" to await his return. a vigilant patrol was kept up that evening and during the night three shots were fired by sentries from the boat. the day following was uneventful, but on the th the "oeste," which was towing a casco, came alongside and stated that colonel stotsenberg had sent word that the insurgents were massing west of the camp of the nebraska regiment. it was on the th that word was received from colonel dubois of the idaho regiment to hurry up stream at all speed. this was done and an effort made to anchor off the mouth of the pateros, where the infantry fire was very brisk. here it was that lieutenant harting met his death. harting with four men got aboard and the line was dropped when the boat sank, being swept almost immediately under the gunwale of the "laguna de bay." the three men forward grasped the gunwale and were saved, but the officer and the fourth man went down stream. though the lieutenant was a good swimmer, no sign of him could be seen. he was heavily laden with revolver, belt and ammunition. lieutenant larson jumped overboard to rescue him, but was unable to get even a glimpse of him. his body was found two days later near general otis's headquarters. the fourth man escaped by swimming ashore. by order of the commanding general february th, major grant took command of the river force and captain randolph rejoined his regiment. the next day an assiduous fire was directed against san pedro macati with telling effect. the commanders now decided that in case the forces stationed at guadaloupe should be too strongly pressed by the enemy they should fall back to san pedro macati, setting fire to the convent and other principal buildings as they returned. in this instance the gunboat was to steam up above guadaloupe. on sunday, february th, this very thing was done though the insurgents as yet had made no advance. the soldiers left the convent after firing it. as the gunboat moved up the stream she met with a determined resistance. the opposing force repeatedly assailed her, but her gatlings finally compelled them to withdraw. an unsuccessful effort was made to explode a quantity of nitro-glycerine in the convent by the use of percussion shell. the boat then advanced nearer the town where it engaged the insurgents on both sides of the river. every gun now played upon the enemy's lines. in the course of twenty minutes twenty-five three-inch shells, gatling, krag-jorgenson and springfields were expended. this spirited defense caused the prudent native to withdraw to a country less subject to leaden bullets, and the boat dropped down stream. in the afternoon admiral dewey visited the "laguna de bay" in quest of information, and while he was securing what he came after a filipino sharpshooter began taking pot shots at the admiral, who, being unprotected, decided he was far enough inside the enemy's lines and turned back. at san felipe lieutenant naylor was sent ashore on the following day to cut down some trees and burn some huts so the view of the boats' gunners would not be obstructed, which duty was performed under a straggling fire. admiral dewey visited the gunboats on the st, stating he would send two rapid-fire guns for the "laguna de bay." that was the object of his visit, which was short. the same day general king and his staff came aboard and were taken up the stream. word was soon afterward received that the wyoming battalion was going to advance on the enemy near guadaloupe on the left of the river early the following morning but as the gunboat was not in a position to aid in the expedition she remained inactive when the firing began the next morning. on the day following lieutenant naylor again landed with a small force of men at san felipe, where he set fire to the buildings and cut down trees which would have obstructed the view. nothing occurred until the night of the th, when desultory firing was heard at san felipe, and following this matters were unusually quiet until the night of march st. that day the insurgents were encountered at san pedro macati and the gatlings, the three-inch and the . -inch guns were brought into action. during the firing sergeant shea received a slight wound in the hand. a three-inch gun was disabled in this engagement. two days later another conflict took place at the same point resulting in the complete defeat of the enemy, who was forced from his position after a severe bombardment. the morning of march th opened cloudy with "laguna de bay" at san pedro. a sharp skirmish soon began. the natives held their position for some time but were finally compelled to give way before the superior strength of the americans. under orders from general wheaton the gunboat followed them and directed a deadly fire into the woods on both sides of the river. during the fight, which lasted several hours, the boat was frequently struck by the bullets of the enemy. it was during this encounter that private john toiza of the third artillery laid down his life. he was shot in the left breast, the bullet passing downward through his heart, killing him instantly. a shell also lodged in the . -inch gun, disabling it for the time. on march th admiral dewey again came alongside and stated that general otis had declared he believed he would keep the gunboats down the stream if they did not cease fighting so much. then the admiral added with emphasis, "we ought to have three such boats." two days later when hale's brigade made an advance upon the insurgents on the left, and the natives were hurried with great speed toward mariquina and the san mateo river, the "laguna de bay" again performed excellent service in flanking them and turning their left wing against our right. very early on the morning of march th the battle of guadaloupe and pasig opened, the attention of the guns on the boat being centered on guadaloupe. meanwhile wheaton advanced his troops on the right to patteros and along the pasig. the advance to guadaloupe began along the river with the gunboat in the vanguard. two insurgents partially concealed in the bushes on the banks were taken prisoners and turned over to the twenty-third infantry. sunken cascos, loaded with rock, were frequently encountered, but the boat avoided them with only a little delay. generals anderson and wheaton moved up from the right and the gunboat started up the stream. near the mariquina river they met with a fierce fire from both sides of the stream but no one on the boat was injured. two filipino launches were noticed but they got away. a casco was found in which were the clothing of some filipino officer and men. the wearers had escaped. on the day following there was a brisk engagement at pasig in which the town was bombarded with good effect, some thirty of the enemy being killed, while the remainder were sent flying in all directions. nothing of interest occurred until wednesday, march th, when a casco manned by natives was chased down the river. she was overhauled but not until her crew had jumped overboard and swam ashore. the "laguna de bay" raised a white flag for the purpose of investigating, but the insurgents instead of recognizing it pivoted a sharp small rim fire upon the boat which answered with a heavy rain of shell and shrapnel. two days later an expedition, led by the gunboats, headed for morong on the opposite side of the lake. lieutenant webb with a gatling and twenty-four men went ashore to make a reconnoissance. this small detachment was followed by three infantrymen under captain pratt. upon the advance of the americans the enemy retreated quickly across the plain and disappeared in the shades of the mountains beyond. one thousand bushels of rice and three cascos were captured at this place and a letter from general pilar directing a general advance on pasig was also found. but few inhabitants remained in the town and upon questioning them it was learned that the filipinos had several large launches on the pagsanyan river. major grant had long been working to interest general lawton in favor of an expedition against santa cruz. santa cruz is situated on the eastern shores of the lake just behind the point of a mountain which juts out into the water. she is the agricultural center of all the rich land on the eastern side of the island of luzon. all the smaller towns of the surrounding country look up to her. she is the emporium to which all the farmers and travelers and merchants resort and from which they reap a bounteous harvest. the insurgents had long since seized upon this important place as it furnished an inexhaustible supply of food for their armies. besides being far out of the way and difficult of approach, she became the military station to which the famished and fatigued insurgents looked for support and rest. major grant early noticed the importance of the town and thereafter he labored incessantly to bring about its capture by the americans. finally, on the th, he succeeded in getting a fleet of gunboats, launches and cascos headed that way. captain pratt and lieutenant franklin attempted to make a landing on the shore in front of the town, but they failed as the water was too shallow. five miles farther up the beach they made a profitable landing at the mouth of the pagsanyan river. however, as this was blocked with obstructions of bamboo and rock, no effort was made to sail up the stream until three days had elapsed. then the impediment was removed. during the time which intervened between the st and the th little was done with the exception of attending to some needed repairs on the boat. on the th the gunboat advanced to the south of the balucan river, where another delay was caused by the obstructions placed there by the natives. the country skirting this place was thickly covered with brush and low trees, very much like bayou. when about a mile and a half up the stream the enemy opened fire at a range of about yards, which was returned by the guns on the boat. the fire was heavy and the insurgents evidently concluded that they were too close for comfort, for their fire slackened materially in a very short time. the "laguna de bay" and the "napindan" then came down the stream. as the latter started to follow the larger boat the pilot was hit in the hand by a bullet and before he could recover himself the little craft had run aground. when the "laguna de bay" went to her assistance she also struck a bar and was held fast. the boats were compelled to remain here under fire until the tide came in and floated them off. the work of the gunboats was without extraordinary interest until april th. on that day the fleet steamed up pasig with twenty cascos and seven launches in tow. one thousand five hundred men, with two days' rations, two light artillery guns and necessary horses, composed the expedition, which was commanded by general lawton. among the troops were detachments from the fourth united states cavalry, the fourteenth united states infantry, the north dakota, idaho and washington volunteers, the sixth artillery and the signal corps. this force reached jalajala on the th and then awaited the arrival of the entire fleet. the place of advancement and attack--santa cruz--was mapped out and then the fleet steamed ahead. about five miles from santa cruz the "napindan" ran into a point close to the shore and opened fire. here the works were silenced, after which the troops landed. under cover of the guns of the "oeste" other men also disembarked. with lawton aboard, the "laguna de bay" advanced toward the town approaching to within yards of the shore. some troops in cascos were put ashore. after a survey of the situation the boats went out into deep water and advanced from the right, while the troops encamped to the west of the town. the next day a general advance began at daylight. the american forces came up to the enemy's position and opened fire. this was a signal for action on the part of the boats and after moving in closer they opened a heavy fire on the insurgent works. the troops placed south and west under general lawton drove the natives northward while those posted along the shore of the river, aided by the guns on the boats, did considerable damage. large bodies of the natives broke for a place of safety and while attempting to escape through a marshy open field many of them were killed. shells actually mowed them down in heaps. by this time the lines of the infantry had been completely formed for an advance and the gunboats ceased their work. shortly afterward our forces took possession of the town, and a message was received from lawton saying he had established his headquarters in the church. on the th the boats steamed up the lake and ran close to the shore near the mouth of the pagsanyan river, where they opened fire on the town of lumbaog, toward which the land forces were advancing. this fire was kept up until the infantry reached the place and took it. a message was received from general lawton to the effect that he had captured the town of pagsanyan; also that six launches had been captured there and were at the town. the "cavadonga" at this time sailed up and relieved the "oeste." the guns were on the hills north of orani and after a time the infantry took possession, for a flag from the church tower called for a boat to be sent to that place. the "laguna de bay" responded, went up the river and shelled paite and sinilaon until darkness ended her usefulness for that day. the troops had in the meantime checked the native advance and camped at paite. from this time until may th little was done by the boats. a greater part of the time was spent in making necessary repairs. on the last mentioned date a macabebe named soteros gatdula reported for duty as pilot, and under his direction the fleet steamed across the bay to the mouth of the rio grande. passing up this stream the boats shelled the towns of guagua and sexmoan. at the former place a fire had been started and a launch in the river was observed to be in flames. a party was sent out to try to save this craft, but she proved to be of little value and the attempt was abandoned. two spaniards claiming to have been held as prisoners by the natives, and a filipino suspect were taken aboard. it was decided early in may to make an effort to pierce the waters of the rio grande de pampanga, which leads to calumpit and beyond far into the heart of the enemy's country. the first efforts to search out the channel were made by the "cavadonga" on may th. soteros gatdula, a macabebe pilot, was directed by general otis to undertake the task and the "cavadonga" started on the cruise into the unknown waters early in the morning. near the mouth of the river the boat suddenly went aground, and when the tide rose, and early in the day the boat was joined by the "laguna de bay." the channel was then located by the macabebe and there was no further difficulty in forcing a passage up the wide waters of the river, the largest on luzon island. for a long distance up the river the territory is occupied by the macabebes, the ancient and traditional enemies of the tagalan race. a large crowd of these friendly natives was on the shores of the river as the boats passed up and they filled the air with cheers and cries of "viva los americanos," which the soldiers replied to in variegated and wonderfully woven filipino phrases. one obstruction was met in the river consisting of cocoanut poles, but the macabebes assisted in removing these from the path of the boats. without having fired a shot, early in the afternoon the boats arrived at calumpit, where troops of the infantry were stationed. on may th the "cavadonga" was sent out on a reconnoitering expedition up the river. on the way up sexmoan and apilit were passed, and it was observed that all the natives fled from the river as soon as the gunboat approached. the country is heavily timbered on both sides of the river, and there was no evidence of a hostile attitude on the part of the natives until the boat swung round the curve leading to san luiz. almost through the entire distance the shores were lined with filipino intrenchments, but it was discovered that these were unoccupied. lieutenant webb was out on the bow capstan, entirely unsheltered by the meagre - -inch armor with which the craft was encased. just as a curve was rounded in front of san luiz a long line of straw hats and the bores of fifty rifles were seen facing the boat from the port side, no more than fifty yards away. lieutenant webb was scanning the opposite shore with his glasses, when the lookout discovered the enemy on the port side. sergeant ford fisher called out a sudden warning to the lieutenant and reached out towards him. just then the volley came. fisher reeled backward with a bullet piercing his brain. instantly the bow one-pounder and the gatling gun on the port side tore the filipino intrenchments. bullets pelted fast against the slight armor of the cruiser. fred mitchell, one of the men at the gatling gun, was wounded in the hand. the "cavadonga" turned round almost where it stood and slowly moved back, and during a wonderful skirmish in which the native and american frequently fired in each other's faces at a range of twenty yards, raked the filipino works with the fast-firing machine guns. the fighting only lasted thirty minutes. when it was over ford fisher, who was still breathing, was placed on board the "oceania," which had remained about two hundred yards in the rear during the fighting, and almost at the moment he was laid on the craft he expired. the "oceania" sped quickly down the river with the dead body of the sergeant, but frequently the "cavadonga" stopped to suppress the desultory fire from the natives who had fled during the early part of the action. it was learned afterwards from the "padre" at san luiz that fifty insurgents had been killed during the engagement, and when the utah men arrived there a few days later a long line of new graves in the walled cemetery told a tragic story of the ending of the fight. on the evening of this day the seventeenth regular infantry and a battalion of the ninth infantry advanced up the rio grande from calumpit over the old apilit road under the leadership of major kobbe of the third united states artillery. early the next morning the "laguna de bay" and "cavadonga" started up the river and most of the way kept within view of the troops on the shore. occasionally the gunboats moved ahead and daring scouts could be seen calmly looking into vacated filipino intrenchments. the enemy was encountered several times along the shore as far as san luiz and all intrenchments were bombarded by the "laguna de bay" some distance to prevent a repetition of the disastrous surprise of the day before. when san luiz was neared white flags could be seen floating everywhere, and on arriving there it was discovered that the whole body of insurgents had disappeared into the interior. the boats remained at this position during the night, and early the next morning resumed the advance ahead of the infantry up the waters of the pampanga. during this journey large numbers of filipinos were met in cascos with their families and all their earthly possessions, making their way down the stream. about noon the boats reached candaba without a hostile shot having been fired during the whole day. here major grant was met by the mayor of the city, who stated that he had forced the soldiers to evacuate in order to prevent the bombardment of the town and the subsequent loss of life among the people of whom he was guardian. an evidence of the hasty departure of the natives was found upon entering the town, for a guard list giving the names of the officers and enlisted men of the guard was found posted on the walls of the town hall. this ended the fighting record of the gunboats under a utah commander. from this period until june th the boats were utilized in carrying supplies and towing soldiers, laden cascos and wounded men up and down the pampanga. on may th the rebel commissioners, general gregoria del pilar and colonel actia, who had gone to manila to negotiate peace with general otis after the crushing defeat of the insurgents at calumpit, were taken on the gunboats and conveyed as far as candaba. they had expressed a wish to go by way of the gunboats, as they had no desire to cross the insurgents' lines at san fernando because general luna was in command at that place and there was strife between the two generals. pilar showed great interest in the armament of the "laguna" and said he would give all his wealth for one of the three-inch guns. the "oceania" was sent ahead with instructions to all the commanding officers to make as large a display as possible. at san luiz the instructions were not complied with and as the "laguna" passed one officer and four men were falling in for guard. general gregoria smiled. farther up the river the case was different. where they were in the habit of posting but one guard there was an officer and twenty men. this was repeated at all the other stations until candaba was reached. general gregoria's smile had faded, and he remarked that the americans kept the country better patrolled than he had imagined. the general and colonel were landed at candaba and under an escort of americans disappeared in the distant green line of woods. on may th it was known among all the utah men that their days of fighting were over, and on this date major grant was relieved of his command of the river boat fleet. and so ended, for utah, the career of these wonderful ironclad river machines. chapter v. the home coming. while the fighting utah batterymen were still living in the nipa huts at san fernando and baliaug and repelling the attacks of the dusky tagalan braves at candaba and morong from general otis an order came to the cuartel. it had an unpretentious look--that slip of paper; but it carried a message of great importance to the belligerent utahn than any he had received since the thunders of war shook the earth on the night of february th. it told the artilleryman to gather all his portable utensils and board the united states transport "hancock," which lay idly in the bay waiting orders to weigh anchor and steam for america. almost a week passed before the scattered batteries were assembled within the familiar walls of the cuartel. the main body at san fernando turned over its guns to the famous third artillery and arrived safely at the quarters over the manila and dagupan railroad; lieutenant seaman's detachment at baliaug dropped its war machinery and made all possible speed to manila; lieutenant webb's detail on the "cavadonga" for the first time turned its back on the enemy and fled for the protecting walls of the barracks. when these battle-begrimed veterans reached the quarters there was such a demonstration as the old walls had never seen before. the old scenes of order disappeared, the rigors of discipline were relaxed, and chaos reigned. everything was made subservient to the one all-absorbing topic, "home." the sturdy soldier doffed his war attire and donned his peaceful garb. the renowned utah band paraded the streets in holiday dress and, with the blare of brass, proclaimed the happy news to the nut-brown maid. the stalwart warriors danced and sang to the music of that soul-lifting song, "a hot time in the old town tonight." the jubilant battle hero collected his ordnance and other war trappings and handed them over to the ordnance officer while he exchanged looks of mutual doubt and suspicion with that important personage. the weary and worn utahn bade adieu to the dreamy-eyed damsel of the east with many expressions of fond attachment and love; then mustered his heterogeneous troop of relics and curiosities and joined the nebraska regiment on the "hancock." two days later the officers steamed over from the gay apartments of the "baltimore" in a brightly decorated launch and walked aboard the big boat. finally a goodly supply of canned beef and antiquated swine were hoisted on the vessel and the captain gave orders for the sailing flag to be put to the breeze. this was on july st. when the official contingent was safely housed in spacious staterooms it was learned that quite a change had taken place in the roster of that worthy body. the shoulders of captain grant were adorned with the gold leaf of a major; lieutenant critchlow had been elevated to a captaincy; lieutenant naylor wore the single bar of a first lieutenant, and first sergeant john a. anderson of battery b shone in the glowing uniform of a second lieutenant. major young sent a letter bidding farewell to the utahns and expressing his disappointment at not being able to accompany the batteries home. the batteryman entertained no high opinion of the government transport. he had become acquainted with the luxuries which uncle sam provides the defenders of his broad acres. he had already learned how elaborately the american government furnishes apartments for its soldiers and food for its larder. so, after he had landed safely on the main deck and deposited his knapsack and monkeys, he was not surprised when the order came for him to take his goods and chattels and repair to the forward hold. he entered the gangway and descended four flights of stairs without any misgiving or hesitation. he threaded his way through the labyrinthian passage of his subaqueous home with a skill equal to that displayed by the blind fish of the mammoth cave. he beheld the wonderfully constructed bunks which glowed specter-like in the semi-darkness without evincing the least disappointment. later when one of these had been assigned as his sole property during the voyage he accepted it and its diminutive proportions without a murmur and philosophically concluded that the government either thought he had diminished in stature while on the islands or intended to reduce his dimensions on the way home. thus the utah warrior was quartered. the celerity with which he adapted himself to his environments clearly exhibited his excellent training. he quickly disposed of the problem of how to shorten his linear measurements to four feet eight inches by placing himself diagonally across his bed. the posture thus assumed was not unlike that of a "skeleton in armor." when his joints became cramped he straightened himself out by throwing his soles against the head of his neighbor, who instantly developed a remarkable vocabulary of explosives anent hades, paradise, satan, etc. mess time on the "hancock" was not an occasion of the greatest felicity to the returning volunteers. their epicurean tastes could not totally harmonize with bogus coffee and cows that had a flavor strangely akin to that of horse flesh. when the bugle shrilly proclaimed the dinner hour the men formed in a long serpentine line and displayed their skill in keeping their equilibrium and at the same time holding their place in the procession. the rattle of government tinware, upon which the soldier had inscribed many strange hieroglyphics descriptive of his adventures, served as a musical entertainment in lieu of the melody furnished at all other times by the combined efforts of the utah and nebraska bands. they facetiously derided the commissary sergeant who had long since become calloused to all sneering remarks made by the ordinary defender of the flag; for in case of any exceedingly hostile demonstration he was armed with a long cleaver and several carefully concealed bolos. they made comments, too, not at all flattering to the bill of fare, about "gold fish" and "slum-gullion" and ancient swine, but they "wasted their venom on a file." the cooks, also, came in for a share of the complimentary criticisms, for they were not blessed with a superabundance of skill in the culinary art. occasionally the voice of a volunteer was raised in loud-mouthed protest over the meagerness of his own supply of food and the apparent excessiveness which adorned the plate of his associate. this always ended in a peculiar panegyric on the merits of a person who had a "stand in" or a "pull" with the officers. when the ravenous utahn was handed his cheer the bestower very kindly warned him not to taste or smell the victuals, as such an act would be attendant with serious injury to his appetite; so he merely devoured the contents of his plate with his eyes and passed them on to his gastronomical organs with no further ceremony. a small portion of the forward deck was allotted to the batteries to be used as a messhall, lounging apartment, etc. it was here the battle-scarred veterans collected at meal times and dispatched their slender store. as the pacific is not always so peaceful as its name, this pleasing task was not at all times accomplished with ease. when on a boat tipped to an angle of degrees, a japanese juggler would find some difficulty in conjuring his body to remain in an upright position and simultaneously inducing a seething plate of soup to abide in a placid state; yet the uninitiated volunteers contrived to perform this daring feat three times a day. the many strange figures which they described in their endeavors to execute these occult tricks would have done justice to the most skillful acrobat. frequently, as the vessel gave an extra lurch, the insecure warrior proceeded with all possible speed to the side of the boat and deposited his food and eating utensils on the surface of the sad sea waves amid the execrations of those whom he had the good fortune to come in contact with on his hasty trip and the jibes of his appreciative audience. at this same place the mendacious batterymen gathered in the warm afternoons to tell sea serpent legends and fairy stories about some great event which had never happened in the trenches. when this supply had been exhausted they began forthwith to dilate upon the virtues of the most famous officers until those worthies would have been unable to recognize their own characters had they been confronted with them in their garnished garb. once in a very great while an officer strolled down from the aristocratic atmosphere of the saloon dining hall and watched the feeding of the enlisted drove with a superior grace. to convince the famished soldiers that they were getting a redundant quantity of food, he sometimes called for a [text missing in original.] there was always a good heap of hash left to show the astonished men that they were merely chronic kickers. then the well-fed comedian adjourned to his spacious saloon and offered an apology to his offended stomach by supplying it with an abundance of all that the steamer carried. the one great comfort to the fagging spirits of the utahn was the battery fund. through the darkest days of war his dying hopes were revived by visions of what the future held in store for him by the aid of this phantom. it was to the despairing volunteer what mirage is to the thirsty traveler of the desert. the fund represented the combined contributions of the soldiers, benevolent persons and charitable institutions. besides this a fabulous sum was added by the artillery canteen which exchanged beer for the utes' money and, in addition to what it contributed towards the battery fund, provided turkeys and succotash for the thanksgiving and christmas banquets. when it was announced that this enormous sum was to be expended for dainties on the way home the joy of the batteryman knew no limits. spectre dinners of mutton, cakes and pies arose in his mind with a suddenness that would have startled the most ardent disbeliever in ghosts. without the aid of pluto he called up all the spirits of meals long dead and fed on them till the marvelous distribution should take place. and it was not long in coming. one morning, accompanied by the stentorian voice of the bugle judge williams, heavily laden with a huge cargo of jam, hove in sight. then were many whispered comments made about the quantity which each man was to receive. the judge soon stopped this and shortly after there was a hum of satisfaction all along the deck as the men made way with this delicacy. now the gastronomy of the warrior lived and flourished under the rigors of army hardtack and navy beans, but it collapsed at once when introduced to jamesson's jam. there was a sudden epidemic of cramps throughout the entire organization, but the ever victorious commissary sergeant soon stamped this out by the judicious application of some french mustard, which had been purchased by the battery fund. and thus the men of utah were fed. meanwhile the swift "hancock" steamed out of manila bay and speeded toward japan. two days out she passed the beautiful island of formosa, and in three days more the vessel came in sight of nagasaki, the leading coaling station of the flowery kingdom. just at dusk the pilot boarded the vessel and directed her safely through the narrow channel into the land-locked harbor. next morning all the soldiers were given shore leave for the day and san-pans--the native craft--were provided to take the men ashore. here the utahn explored the country in the jin-rickisha--a two-wheeled vehicle which is drawn by the cabby himself, who as soon as he has settled to his satisfaction the price to be paid, ambles off at a gentle speed. if the island of kiusiu appeared beautiful as the boat approached it in the waning twilight it seemed doubly so in the glory of the morning sun. it is a land where poetry breathes as freely as the gentle zephyrs blow from the summit of mount olympus; it is a land where women are as fair as the daughters of niobe. the pretty terraced hills adorned with pagan temples are rich in the odor of the spice and pine; the pellucid lakes and bays gather a silver purity from the very crest of the mountain; and as one gazes upon this beauty and simple grandeur he imagines that it was just such influences as these that stirred the soul of hellas when she pictured aphrodite springing out of the sea or neptune riding in his chariot of shells with a gay company of tritons and nymphs. three days, owing to a raging typhoon, the vessel was delayed in coaling, but after the storm had spent its force the coaling was resumed and the transport put to sea. on the th the ships arrived at muji, the key to the southern end of the inland sea. here japan's military power is fully shown. huge guns bristle from every hill, dark warships stud the clear waters of the ocean and soldiers deck the peaks. the sharp green cliffs in the inland sea chop off into the water and from every one of these of any importance a cannon menacingly points. both entrances to the place are controlled by powerful fortresses which command the open sea for a distance of twelve miles. in such a way has the mikado prepared for any war emergency. two days after sighting muji the "hancock" dropped anchor in the harbor of yokahama. the visit here lasted three days, during which the utahns took a trip to tokio and saw of what the outside wall of the emperor's palace is composed. at yokahama the batterymen spent the time in visiting the european portion of the town and learning all they could about the flavor of the japanese foods. on the th the vessel lifted her ponderous anchor and pointed her prow eastward. the only exciting incident during the entire voyage happened at nagasaki, when the first officer attempted to use corporal punishment on the ship's quartermaster who had been ashore and in addition to getting drunk had succeeded in breaking his kneepan. while he was getting his wound attended to in the ship's hospital the big burly mate descended the gangway and struck him a violent blow in the face. not content with this brutal treatment the monster had the poor wretch placed in irons and dragged up the ship's ladder. just as this procession landed on the upper deck the soldiers rose unto a man and stopped the performance amid cries of "throw him overboard." surprised and astounded at this interference the worthy officer demanded of the mob if they knew they were mutinying. to which several of the leaders answered they knew not under what legal nomenclature such a demonstration could be classed but that they would carry out their threat to the letter if the castigation should proceed. at this the cowed dignitary retreated in haste to the security of his cabin. the "hancock" was generally regarded as a fast boat. this may have been true twenty years before the nebraskans and utahns boarded her, but there were those who doubted the truth of such an assertion. during her infancy on the atlantic the boat had struck an iceberg and succeeded in breaking forty feet off her bow. since then she has been subject to periodical disturbances in her interior, consequently her owners patiently awaited the advent of war, knowing that the united states government would purchase her for the transport service at an early opportunity. it is needless to say she eventually found her way into the pacific. on leaving manila it was the intention of the "hancock" to break her own record of eighteen days between san francisco and that port. her new record of thirty days had not yet been announced in the newspapers. as a matter of fact she did happen to break her machinery and delay the expedition six hours, causing a break in the fond hopes which the soldiers had built up. there was one death during the trip over, richard ralph of battery b, who died at nagasaki of typhoid fever on the th of july. corporal george williams of the same organization was also left at the same point owing to a severe attack of the dysentery. both men were englishmen and had enlisted at eureka. otherwise the health of the batteries was good. the big prow of the "hancock" loomed up darkly on the night of the th in san francisco harbor and rested at anchor. the long sea journey was over. until very late that night, long after taps had sounded sharply over the waters of the harbor, the soldiers clustered around the deck of the ship, heard the megaphone dialogues between the newspaper tugs and the transport, and looked with longing eyes and hearts that beat with joy at the gleaming lights of san francisco. many friends from utah arrived on tugs during the next day, when the transport was still in quarantine, and there was a generous greeting when the transport moved up to the dock on the morning of the th. the whole of this day was spent by the soldiers in exchanging greeting with friends and in preparing their property for transportation to the presidio. it was on the morning of the st that the soldiers were permitted for the first time to descend from the transport and walk again, after sixteen months of absence in the orient, upon the shores of the united states. the battalions marched up the streets of san francisco behind the veterans of the nebraska regiment, the center of a tremendous demonstration. at the presidio they were given quarters on the slopes to the left of the presidio road. the patriotic sentiments and generous feelings of the citizens had been further shown, as the slopes of the hills were lined with large sibley tents, each equipped with a stove as protection from the chilly mists that creep up by night from the bay. there were also frame buildings for use as offices and a large kitchen and mess room, commodiously and thoroughly equipped for comfort and convenience. the citizens of utah in the meantime had been active in preparations for receiving the native warriors. on august th, adjutant-general charles s. burton and colonel bruback, members of the governor's staff, and representing the citizens' committee, arrived at the presidio and used every effort in providing for the further comfort of the men and arranging for their early departure to their homes in utah. it was learned that a special train had been chartered by the citizens to convey the volunteers to utah, and to the fund necessary for this purpose collis p. huntington of the southern pacific had contributed $ . the date for the muster out of the utah troops was fixed by the headquarters of the department of california as august th, and notwithstanding the efforts of general burton and major grant to have this time extended, general shafter was unable to give an extension of time. this left but a short period for the immense labor of closing the affairs of the battery and the intricate details of the muster out. the captains of the batteries and a large clerical force were kept working almost continuously from the day of the arrival at the presidio, and late on the night of the th they had the gratification, after toilsome days and sleepless nights, of putting the final touch to the muster out rolls. the next morning the rolls went to the paymaster. the labors of the utah volunteers in the army of the republic were over. some time before this, on august th, the men passed the final physical examination, and the general condition of the command was found to be extraordinarily good. then the men were ready for the last function of muster out. the next day the paymaster's wagon rattled up the presidio slope. then the soldiers performed the last act of their soldier career. one by one they marched into the small official frame building where the paymaster fingered his gold. as the veterans came out, each hand laden with gold, there was upon each face an iridescent smile, not only because of the augmented wealth, but for the reason that each one knew that for him the last bugle call had sounded, that his breast would no longer swell under the blue of the united states uniform. in two hours the soldiers had all left the presidio, officers were shaking hands with the men over the bridged chasm of official dignity, and up on the slope of the presidio the sibley tents were ransacked and deserted. that night the men of utah slept in the hotels of san francisco and dreamed of the morrow. on the night of the th the transport "warren" arrived, bearing among its passengers major richard w. young, late chieftain of the batteries, who had come, much to the satisfaction of the men, in time to join his old war comrades in the homegoing. the ferry which was to carry the soldiers to oakland was ready before noon on the th, and early in the afternoon the engine of the special train gave a few premonitory puffs and the train full of returning warriors was moving towards utah. the cars consisted of tourist sleepers for the men and a buffet pullman for the officers and their friends. across the center car a streamer stretched, bearing the words, "the utah batteries." crowds gather at all the stations on the route and cheer the warriors. there was some delay, but nothing of special import occurred during the trip. early on the th the soldiers were able to see for the first time the towering blue mountains of utah and the splendor of her sunshine. it was nearly noon when the train drew up at the ogden station, and the soldiers looked out over the heads of a cheering multitude and listened to shrill whistles signalling a joyous welcome. the reception here only lasted an hour, but was cordial in the extreme, and out on the ogden park a tempting lunch was served by fair women of ogden. lieutenant george a. seaman, formerly of ogden, was given an ovation as he stepped down from the platform of the car. a special car conveying the governor and a large party met the volunteers. two hours later the jubilation was complete. the volunteers saw at first a crowd and then a throng. they saw flaming streamers, flags fluttering and hats waving; they heard the diaphanous shriek of the steam whistles, the blaring of bands and the din of thousands cheering--all mingled in one chorus of praise and rejoicing. there were hurried handshakes and greetings and policemen's voices raised in fierce altercation with the crowd. soon with the cavalrymen and the engineers and the national guardsmen the batterymen had struggled into line. horses were in waiting at the station for the officers and all were mounted in the parade. when the order to march could be heard through the tumult, the procession moved through a gayly decked arch at the station, and majors young and grant rode side by side at the head of the battalion. the crowd became more dense as the march continued towards main street, and as far as liberty park thousands thronged the avenues. excited relatives made a military formation impossible by rushing into the ranks to grasp the hand of a veteran. at the park the day's ceremonies were held. there were speeches by the governor and the two majors, and here the silver medals which the legislature decided should be presented to the fighting sons of the state were awarded. with the conclusion of the formal exercises, the volunteers were led to an elaborately prepared lunch on beflowered tables beneath the shadows of the locust trees, and while refreshments were being taken fair maidens who ministered at the feast pinned badges on the breasts of the modest volunteers. that night the celebration reached its full blazonry. the city glowed and sparkled; gayly-bedecked, her flaunting colors were aurioled in the lustres of the night; like an imperial palace, awaiting the return of victorious princes, the lights gleamed and burned into the darkness; and in the center a luminous monument, glowing like the smile of an archangel, stood in vivid brightness the arch of triumph. when the men of utah batteries passed out into the darkness that night from the dazzle of color they knew that the glamor of the victorious home-coming, the shouts and the jubilation were over. yet there was peace in their hearts and on their breast was a badge of honor from a grateful people. and when they slept that night there were in their dreams no spectral visions of distant battlefields. all that was closed. officers of the batteries. major richard w. young. [illustration: major richard w. young.] major richard w. young, who left utah as the ranking officer of the two batteries, being at that time captain of battery a, and who was afterward appointed major commanding the battalion and still later selected as associate justice of the supreme court of manila, is a native of this state, having been born april , , his parents being joseph a. young (deceased), a son of the late brigham young, president of the mormon church, and margaret whitehead young, who still survives her husband. major young is a trained military man, having been educated at the military academy at west point. for a time after his graduation he was a member of the staff of major-general hancock, at that time commanding the department of the east. later he acted as judge-advocate in the army and conducted the swaim court-martial, which was a case celebrated at that time. he was then transferred to the third artillery and stationed here with his battery at fort douglas. he resigned the service to take up the practice of law, which he engaged in until he was selected as manager of the herald, a place which he filled acceptably for some time, when he again resigned to practice law. at the outbreak of the war with spain he tendered his services to the government and was later selected by the governor of utah to command battery a. at camp kent he was the ranking officer and had entire charge of its affairs. his services in the philippines were of such a distinguished character that he was breveted major by the president and later promoted to the complete rank. when the batteries' term of service was nearly completed, he was designated by major-general otis as associate justice of the supreme court of manila and came home with the volunteers to enjoy a vacation. major young is the author of a standard work on military law written while he was a lieutenant in the regular army. he is an able young man and one well liked and respected. he is exceedingly popular here in this city and state and outside of it. his married life has been very happy. eight children have been born to him and mrs. young, seven of whom are living. major frank a. grant. [illustration: major frank a. grant.] frank a. grant, who went away from salt lake city with the bars of a captain, came home with the gold leaves of a major in his shoulder strap. he is not a native of this state, but was born in kingston, ontario, forty-four years ago. he received his education at the military college of his native city and graduated therefrom. after leaving school he came to the united states, where he became a citizen, and settling at detroit was engaged by one of the large steamship companies in the capacity of pilot. he was a well trained man in his business and followed the occupation for a period of ten years. he has lived in utah for ten years. during that time he was engaged in real estate and insurance business, in both of which he made great successes. at the time of the breaking out of hostilities he was a member of the national guard of utah, being colonel of the first infantry. previous to this time he had held a position as staff officer on the brigade commander's staff, and was always a valuable man in military matters. it was due principally to his efforts that troop c was organized in this city and made a success. governor wells commissioned him as captain of battery b, and with that rank he went into the field. like major young he was breveted by the president for distinguished service and later was promoted to the full rank of major, coming home in command of the battalion. as commander of the river fleet major grant performed excellent service, his expedition up the rio grande de pampanga being especially well carried out. since his return he has gone into his old business--that of insurance--and expresses himself as having had enough of military life. he is married and has six children. captain e.a. wedgewood. [illustration: captain e.a. wedgewood.] captain e.a. wedgewood, who was promoted to the command of battery a after the promotion of major young, left the state as first lieutenant of battery b. he is a native of massachusetts, about forty years of age and an attorney-at-law, being the junior partner of the firm of rawlins, thurman, hurd & wedgewood. immediately prior to his coming to utah he had served as sheriff for several terms in the state of nebraska. he selected provo for his home on coming to utah and after entering the law office of george sutherland in that city and being admitted to the bar, associated himself with hon. s.r. thurman. later on the present firm was formed. captain wedgewood was the officer sent back from san francisco to utah to recruit men in order to bring the batteries to their full strength. upon returning to san francisco the party embarked and joined the commands in manila. captain wedgewood was a member of the national guard prior to the time of his enlistment, being captain of the provo company at the state encampment the year previous. he is said to be a most versatile character and can do anything from playing the violin to patching a sail or pleading a case in court. it was expected he would rejoin the national guard, but it is learned he has had enough of military honors and will engage in the practice of his profession with a view to reaping shekels for use in his old age. captain john f. critchlow. [illustration: captain john f. critchlow.] captain john f. critchlow left the state with the batteries a second lieutenant. he came back here leading battery b. his promotion was due to distinguished service performed while abroad. he was specially recommended for gallantry by major young and for coolness on the field under circumstances of the most trying character. captain critchlow was born in tonawanda, n.y., in , and is only years of age. he attended the rochester university and after graduating from that institution went to the university of pennsylvania, where he studied medicine for several years, graduating in with the degree of m.d. for the next year and a half he was in the german hospital at philadelphia, where he was enabled to obtain a practical insight into the mysteries of materia medica, and upon leaving there he came to this city, where his brother, e.b. critchlow, a prominent attorney, was already established in business. dr. critchlow became a member of the national guard some time after his arrival, being attached to the medical staff with the rank of first lieutenant. he proved to be a valuable and efficient member, always on the alert and endeared himself to all his associates. when the call was made for troops he enlisted in battery b and was made a second lieutenant in that organization. his services in the philippines were valuable. on the night attack of the spanish it was lieutenant critchlow who brought the ammunition to the firing line at the time when it was most needed. in every place to which he was assigned he was always at the fore and his conspicuous bravery was the subject of special commendation, as has been related. upon the promotion of captain grant to the rank of major, he was advanced to that of captain, coming home in command of the organization with which he went out as a second lieutenant. lieutenant george w. gibbs. [illustration: lieutenant george w. gibbs.] first lieutenant george w. gibbs of battery a is a well-known character in this state, in montana and in massachusetts, his old home, where he was born. his father was a veteran of the war of the rebellion and george was a member of the order in montana, having been department commander with the rank of colonel. he has always been interested in matters appertaining to the national guard; was a member of an infantry regiment in massachusetts, a captain of a troop of cavalry in montana and captain of battery a, n.g.u., and major of the battalion at the outbreak of hostilities with spain. he was at one time chief of the fire department in helena and was a member of the salt lake city department at the time w.a. stanton was its chief, being captain of the chemical. he afterwards served as deputy sheriff when harvey hardy was at the head of that department. gibbs is forty-one years of age and married. two children, a boy and a girl, are the result of a union with a most estimable lady. prior to coming to this city and before he went to montana he was in colorado, where he was employed as a sheriff's officer, serving with distinction. he spent some time in san francisco, where he was in the employ of one of the leading traction companies. lieutenant raymond c. naylor. [illustration: lieutenant raymond c. naylor.] lieutenant raymond c. naylor was born in salt lake city in . his early education was received in the public schools of utah. later he attended the university of utah, from which he graduated with honor. as a student he took a prominent part in athletics and military training, being a member of the baseball team as well as captain of one of the companies of students then taking military drill under lieutenant wright. he afterward taught school for several years and was engaged in that labor in centerville when the war broke out. those who knew him well were not surprised when he stepped to the front and offered his service to his country along with others who were willing to brave any peril in defense of their country's honor. lieutenant naylor had long associated himself with the national guard, in which he was captain for two years. he afterwards was promoted major and at the breaking out of hostilities he was filling the office of assistant inspector general with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. when the batteries were organized governor wells appointed him a second lieutenant of battery a, which position he filled with such distinction that he was promoted first lieutenant. as an officer lieutenant naylor won the respect and admiration of both officers and men. his interest in behalf of the privates gained for him a popularity which was not surpassed by any of the officers in the batteries. lieutenant orrin r. grow. [illustration: lieutenant orrin r. grow.] second lieutenant orrin r. grow, the youngest commissioned officer of the utah batteries at the time of their departure for the philippines, was born in salt lake city october , . as a boy he received his education in the public schools of salt lake city and afterwards he attended the university of utah several years, but he did not remain long enough to graduate. while at the university he took military training under lieutenant wright and after leaving that institution he joined the denhalter rifles as bugler. he soon was promoted sergeant and subsequently lieutenant. when the denhalters joined the national guard in mr. grow went with them and was unanimously chosen captain of company a, first infantry, n.g.u. later he was chosen major, a position which he held with credit until the breaking out of hostilities. his ability was recognized by governor wells, who appointed him a second lieutenant of battery b when that organization was mustered in. lieutenant grow went with his battery to the philippines, and during the fighting at malate distinguished himself. during january, , he returned home owing to serious illness. his early departure from the island prevented him from winning greater honors in the insurrection, as his ability was displayed in the spanish-american war. lieutenant william c. webb. [illustration: lieutenant william c. webb.] along with the many native sons of utah who joined the ranks in defense of their country there were some who were born on foreign soil. such a man was lieutenant william c. webb, who was born in england march , . in his early youth webb attended the schools of his native country and while he was yet a youth he accompanied his parents when they emigrated to utah. lieutenant webb early associated himself with military affairs, as he was a member of the denhalter rifles, and when that organization lost its identity in the national guard he became one of the most active workers in the new service. when captain grow of company a became major of the first battalion, first infantry, n.g.u., webb was unanimously chosen captain of that company. he held this position until he was appointed a second lieutenant of battery a by governor wells. when the utah volunteers left for manila lieutenant webb accompanied them. he took part in the malate campaign, where he showed promise of that brilliant work which he later accomplished in the filipino outbreak. at the breaking out of the insurrection he had charge of the left platoon of battery a at santa mesa hill. his fearlessness and daring at that place won for him the universal admiration of his men. later he was placed in command of the river gunboat "cavadonga," and during all the fierce fighting of that little boat he manipulated her with remarkable skill. lieutenant webb, on account of his exceptional work, was recommended for a lieutenancy in the regular army, a position which he will undoubtedly accept. lieutenant george a. seaman. [illustration: lieutenant george a. seaman.] lieutenant george a. seaman, who went away as a corporal of battery a, and came back with the "straps" of a second lieutenant, was born in the little town of morgan, twenty-nine years ago. while he was yet a boy his parents moved to ogden, where he secured the foundation of the education which was later enlarged upon at the state university. he remained at that institution four years, graduating with honor in . while obtaining his mental training he was a member of the university battalion, in which organization he acquitted himself so well that his name was placed upon the honorary roll at washington. it was also during his college career that he became acquainted with miss lottie fox, daughter of jesse w. fox. between them sprang up a mutual attachment, which was later consummated at the altar. shortly afterwards lieutenant seaman moved with his wife to bountiful, where he took up school teaching as a profession. he showed an efficiency in his work which won the esteem of all his patrons and pupils. when the call for soldiers was made his blood was of that order which impelled him to drop the master's rod and take up the sword in defense of his country. having enlisted he set to work to familiarizing himself with all the tactics pertaining to artillery warfare, and soon made himself acquainted with military science. his studious habits and his morality soon commended him to his superior officers who recommended him for the first vacancy which occurred. he was appointed second lieutenant of battery b, which position he held with honor until the mustering out of the battalion. lieutenant frank t. hines. [illustration: lieutenant frank t. hines.] lieutenant frank t. hines, the son of mr. and mrs. frank l. hines, was born twenty-one years ago in salt lake city. he attended the city schools from which he graduated in . for several years thereafter he was employed at mercur and later entered the agricultural college. it was while at the college that mr. hines learned to like the military life which he subsequently led for a short period. when the country called for volunteers he enlisted in captain grant's battery as a private, but he was soon appointed duty sergeant. the latter position he filled very creditably and when a vacancy occurred by reason of the resignation of lieutenant grow, he was elevated to the second lieutenancy, which office he held until the batteries were discharged. lieutenant john a. anderson. [illustration: lieutenant john a. anderson.] lieutenant john a. anderson, one of the few who worked his way up by sheer force of ability, was born in smithfield, cache county, utah, twenty-five years ago. he received his education in the district school of his native town, and later went to work as a millman, the occupation which he followed at the breaking out of the war. when the batteries went away he was a duty sergeant of battery b, in which capacity he earned the position which he afterwards secured. it was sergeant anderson who had charge of that section of the utah battalion which accompanied general lawton in his expedition in the interior as far as san isidro. following his return he was appointed first sergeant of battery b, and just before the organization left the island he received his commission as second lieutenant. lieutenant anderson was a brave, efficient man, and one who won the respect of all who knew him. sergeant harry a. young. [illustration: sergeant harry a. young.] sergeant harry a. young, son of the late lorenzo d. young, was born in salt lake city february , . during his boyhood he attended the public school of his native town, and afterwards he spent several years in the utah university, where he evinced a great liking to medicine. during - he filled a mission to the northern states. soon after his return he went east and entered the medical department of columbia college. he graduated from this institution with distinguished honors and great future promise to his profession. he established himself in salt lake city, where he succeeded in building up quite an extensive practice in a short time. the blood of a patriot flowed through the veins of dr. young and when his country needed his service he cheerfully joined the ranks and was appointed quartermaster-sergeant of battery a, a position which he filled with great credit. when the utah volunteers embarked for manila sergeant young went with them and took part in the fighting against the spaniards. although his service as a doctor was not required, dr. young was continually in the front administering to the wants of the wounded men. subsequently he participated in the fighting of the tagalan outbreak, and it was while he was bravely at the front in search of opportunities to perform deeds of mercy that he met with his death at the hand of the enemy on february , . those who were intimately acquainted with dr. young knew his sterling worth and admired his manhood. he ever walked in the path of right, unmindful of the opinions of the world. what he considered to be his duty he did with unswerving honesty. he was diligent and studious and applied himself with untiring energy to his books. as a soldier the batterymen will remember his unceasing efforts to better their condition. during the five tedious months of barrack life when others were idly waiting, he devoted himself to his chosen profession. had sergeant harry a. young lived two days longer he would have received his commission as a surgeon in the united states army. sergeant ford fisher. [illustration: sergeant ford fisher.] sergeant ford fisher, who bravely gave up his life in his country's defense, was born at seaford, delaware, twenty-three years ago. he was the son of i.m. fisher of salt lake city. at an early age ford, as he was better known among his associates, came to salt lake city with his parents. here he attended the city high school, from which he graduated with high honors. while at the high school he was noted for his efficiency in mathematics and here he developed a liking for civil engineering, which he later studied at the washington state university. for some time prior to the breaking out of hostilities with spain he had associated himself with the national guard, and when the president's call came too much patriotic blood flowed through his veins to admit of any second appeal, and he enlisted with the batteries. major young soon became acquainted with the young man's military ability and he was appointed drill sergeant at camp kent. when the batteries departed for the philippines he went with them and distinguished himself for his gallantry in the malate campaign. later during the insurrection he took part with the other utah men in many a fierce conflict with the insurgents until he was stricken down by the enemy's bullet while heroically defending his position at san luiz on may , . the utah artillerymen remember the stalwart figure of sergeant fisher as it loomed up in the forefront at santa mesa, mariquina and sexmoan. he was an inspiration to the wavering spirits of the utahn in twenty hard encounters. his voice ever sounded as a note of cheer and his ringing command never failed to infuse with new life. always attending to his duties he expected the same of others; his soul was too great to stoop to the level of anything base; his heart was honest and open and free. he was a pleasant companion and a true friend. he was blessed with an abundance of original humor which made him doubly loved by the soldiers during the lonely hours of barrack life. at the time of his death sergeant fisher was first in line of promotion, as he had been recommended for the next commission by major young. roster battalion utah light artillery, u.s.v. major frank a. grant, commanding.[ ] battery a. officers. captain, e.a. wedgewood salt lake city wounded april , . first lieutenant, george w. gibbs salt lake city second lieutenant, william c. webb salt lake city second lieutenant, john a. anderson logan sergeants. first, joseph o. nystrom salt lake city quartermaster, adnebyth l. williams salt lake city veterinary, john h. meredith kaysville emil lehman salt lake city emil v. johnson salt lake city arthur w. brown salt lake city william e. kneas salt lake city charles r. mabey bountiful mark e. bezzant pleasant grove corporals. geo. s. backman salt lake city noble a. mcdonnel salt lake city wm. jacobson salt lake city nelson e. margetts salt lake city thomas collins salt lake city wm. nelson, jr salt lake city john r. woolsey kaysville peter jensen newton samuel hesburg salt lake city lindsey hudson salt lake city edward g. wood logan leonard duffin salt lake city frank t. harmer springville thomas hollberg salt lake city edgar w. stout halliday wm. t. denn nephi farriers. julius w. sorensen salt lake city wm. g. mccomie salt lake city artificers. buriah wilkins coalville hiele m. madson gunnison saddler. victor e. marthini park city wagoner. jas w. allred ephraim musicians. elmer g. thomas salt lake city charles w. krogh salt lake city privates. aldrach, will f. clear lake anderson, joseph f. ephraim anderson, louis p. ephraim archer, david g. salt lake city bagge, john r. salt lake city bean, harry j. salt lake city beemus, john w. gunnison benson, peter j. provo berlin, john h. american fork bostwick, robert l. salt lake city bradford, archibald. murray bywater, caleb j. salt lake city campbell, john w. salt lake city caulkins, harold l. salt lake city christensen, parley b. ephraim christensen, theodor salt lake city curtis, clarence s. salt lake city davis, david j. salt lake city wounded april , . doty, george e. richmond duffin, george salt lake city earl, william centerville edwards, william salt lake city ekstrand, alfred salt lake city ellis, william g. salt lake city emery, frank w. park city engler, george w. ogden ferris, everett b. salt lake city fisher, george r. salt lake city frankenfield, george salt lake city funk, ezra s. sterling gilroy, jack salt lake city gledhill, leo n. gunnison griffiths, walter f. salt lake city gunn, thomas s. salt lake city harris, george salt lake city hennefer, william h. salt lake city hope, chester j.t. salt lake city howells, ephraim b. park city huber, jacob provo hughes, thomas j. park city humphrey, aner o. springville ingoldsby, john e. salt lake city ivins, joseph c. salt lake city jenicke, charles g. salt lake city jones, henry o. newton kahn, louis e. salt lake city kearsley, richard. salt lake city kenner, ray sterling wounded accidentally april , . kidder, ralph salt lake city king, murray e. kingston larson, warren ephraim leaver, william h. salt lake city wounded july , . lee, james a. salt lake city louder, arthur l. nephi lowry, ernest e. sterling lyngberg, august e. salt lake city meyers, joseph j. salt lake city morgan, joseph h. park city mortensen, david salt lake city mckay, daniel salt lake city mclaughlin, william f. park city nicholson, angus salt lake city nielson, jas. p. eureka nielson, niels pleasant grove noble, george w. salt lake city ohmer, arthur f. rawlins, wyoming perret, william e. salt lake city peterson, charles salt lake city peterson, frank c. ogden peterson louis c. salt lake city phillips, mannie c. salt lake city quinn, james park city rademacher, august ogden rasmussen, severen park city rauscher, edward w. nephi richmond, william provo robinson, william j. park city robison, john l. pleasant grove ryan, michael f. salt lake city ryver, william a. salt lake city selmer, emil f. salt lake city wounded april , . sleater, harold e. salt lake city smith, thomas r. logan sorenson, hans salt lake city sorenson, joseph f. salt lake city sorenson, knud eureka staten, stanley springville stout, charles s. salt lake city tipton, william springville tompkins, odell d. mystic, conn. tripp, francis b. salt lake city vincent, frank a. salt lake city walquist, charles a. salt lake city weber, george e. park city williams, albert r. salt lake city wonnacott, james e. salt lake city wycherley, samuel a. salt lake city zahler, john f. bountiful [footnote : major richard w. young, who originally commanded the battalion, resigned to become associate justice of the supreme court of the philippines and major frank a. grant superceded him as commander of the batteries.] honorably discharged. first sergeant, d.h. wells salt lake city october , . sergeant, a.l. robinson mt. pleasant april , . corporal, willard call bountiful december , . corporal, lewis p. hanson salt lake city june , . corporal, wm. d. riter salt lake city october , . corporal, john b. rogers salt lake city june , . corporal, geo. a. seaman bountiful november , . corporal, frank b. shelly salt lake city june , . farrier, w.m. clawson kaysville may , . farrier, h.p. hansen salt lake city june , . artificer, v.a. smith salt lake city june , . private, ethan e. allen salt lake city june , . private, wm. w. burnett san jose, cal. february , . private, a.c. caffall salt lake city july , . private, theo. cleghorn salt lake city may , . private, jas. w. connell salt lake city april , . private, a.h. fichtner salt lake city june , . private, p.b. frederickson eureka june , . private, george grantham american fork june , . private, joseph j. holbrook bountiful december , . private, elmer johnson salt lake city june , private, j.b. licklederer salt lake city july , . private, herbert l. meyers san francisco, cal. june , . private, isaac e. littrell berkeley, cal. june , . private, theodore newman salt lake city april , . private, frank e. peters salt lake city june , . private, w.i. rowland salt lake city february , . private, isaac russell salt lake city january , . private, bismarck snyder park city december , . private, a.l. thomas, jr. salt lake city june , . private, john a. tilson salt lake city june , . private, francis tuttle bountiful september , . private, chas. e. varian salt lake city december , . private, e.p. walker salt lake city june , . roll of honor. killed in action. quartermaster-sergeant, harry a. young salt lake city february , . sergeant, ford fisher salt lake city may , . corporal, john g. young salt lake city february , . private, wilhelm g. goodman salt lake city february , . died of disease. corporal, george o. larson dover december , . corporal, john t. kennedy park city march , . private, oscar a. feninger park city june , . private, charles parsons salt lake city april , . battery b. officers. captain, john f. critchlow salt lake city first lieutenant, raymond c. naylor salt lake city second lieutenant, george a. seaman bountiful wounded april , . second lieutenant, frank t. hines (batt. adjt.) salt lake city sergeants. first, john u. buchi provo quartermaster, james k. burch ogden veterinary, felix bachman provo louis n. fehr salt lake city robert stewart plain city john a. boshard provo george b. wardlaw ogden wounded february , . andrew peterson, jr. manti wounded march , . harvey dusenberry provo corporals. james j. ryan mercur charles c. clapper mercur theodore l. genter salt lake city nephi otteson manti henry l. souther mercur wounded march , . don c. johnson springville frank h. coulter ogden jas. w. meranda eureka james m. dunn tooele jno. flannigan mammoth richard l. bush logan george williams salt lake city frank j. utz mercur stephen bjarnson spanish fork phillip schoeber salina willard h. farnes salt lake city frank wickersham salt lake city artificers. frank dillingham eureka lee a. curtis ogden wagoner. antone litjeroth provo musicians. joseph wessler morton t. goodwin heber city privates. abplanalp, john d. heber wounded april , . ackaret, mahlon h. ogden alexander, robert salt lake city anderson, david m. peterson anderson, peter richfield austin, bert w. bingham baker, john eureka beesley, john w. provo benzon, glenn salt lake city billings, claud g. eureka bjarnson, einer spanish fork borkman, arthur mercur braman, john bingham wounded april , . bridgman, john d. salt lake city burton, ray s. salt lake city carr, joseph w. ogden carlson, gust salt lake city chamberlin, virgil l. ogden chatlin, eugene castle gate chaffin, millard salt lake city christensen, theodore salt lake city collett, ralph salt lake city collins, wm. j. salt lake city conover, robt. f. provo coray, don r. provo crager, fred h. salt lake city dalgety, john eureka dalimore, phillip lehi duncan, elmer heber decker, leo salt lake city doyle, joseph mammoth dunning, daniel a. provo eddy, louis b. eureka ellis, alfred silver city evans, willard salt lake city fowler, george salt lake city forceland, charles g. salt lake city graves, ned c. salt lake city green, loren c. american fork hall, parker j. ogden wounded march , . hall, walter s. west portage hardie, francis r. salt lake city heatherly, charles salt lake city herbertz, peter castle gate hogan, john ogden haggan, thomas a., jr. manti holdaway, parley p. provo hobkins, everitt e. provo hubert, welmer e. salt lake city hughes, john w. eureka jensen, hans hyde park kell, john v. eureka klenke, hendrech salt lake city king, samuel eureka knauss, wm. g. salt lake city larsen, g.r. manti lawson, d.v. joseph leonard, thomas eureka lewis, samuel c. salt lake city martin, fred s. salt lake city mccabe, james eureka mccarty, leonard manti mccubbin, william salt lake city moir, george salt lake city morton, john w. provo morton, milton provo neilson, andrew p. spanish fork norris, john d. denver, colorado olsen, peter logan olsen, reinhart milton pennington, louis p. brigham pratt, ernest m. salt lake city quick, marshall provo rae, alex provo rae, william provo reedall, thomas salt lake city rees, george silver city reid, robert salt lake city roberts, edward j. salt lake city rowland, george e. eureka savage, wm. h. eureka schaupp, frew w. eureka scott, hyrum c. provo shearer, wm. h. salt lake city smith, jerome tooele smith, sidney j. salt lake city smith, harry salt lake city snow, junius c. provo snyder, harry s. provo tate, jno. p. tooele taylor, george eureka turner, moroni heber tyree, samuel p. ogden vance, john r. eureka van syckle, benj. ogden walters, albert n. ogden walters, joseph w. ogden winkler, joseph g. salt lake city wright, william a. salt lake city yates, james k. diamond wheeler, george ogden zollinger, john d. providence honorably discharged. second lieutenant, orrin r. grow salt lake city first sergeant, j.a. anderson logan discharged june , to accept commission as second lieutenant. quartermaster-sergeant, chas. asplund fairview june , . sergeant, albert st. morris salt lake city june , . sergeant, horace e. coolidge manti march , . corporal, wm. q. anderson logan wounded august , . december , . corporal, john t. donnellan salt lake city march , . corporal, jacob a. heiss salt lake city december , . corporal, e.v. de montalvo mercur january , . musician, jos. f. grant salt lake city january , . saddler, louis miller ogden november , . farrier, fred d. sweet ogden april , . private, godfrey j. bluth ogden february , . private, f.d. chatterton salt lake city january , . private, jasper d. curtis eureka june , . private, rosey p. florance ogden december , . private, charles s. hill wellington june , . private, barr w. musser salt lake city january , . private, john a. pender ogden wounded march , . may , . private, thomas shull mammoth june , . private, thos. w. thornburg ogden june , . private, frederick blake salt lake city june , . private, augustus branscom ogden june , . private, william crooks eureka june , . private, john ferguson park city january , . private, chas. i. fox salt lake city june , . private, george lacey manti january , . private, don c. musser salt lake city january , . private, nephi reese silver city november , . private, geo. simmons salt lake city june , . private, chris wagner salt lake city march , . private, carlos young salt lake city june , . roll of honor. killed in action. corporal, moritz c. jensen castle gate april , . private, frederick bumiller salt lake city april , . private, max madison mercur april , . private, geo. h. hudson mercur august , . died of disease. private, richard h. ralph eureka july , . the rough riders by theodore roosevelt on behalf of the rough riders i dedicate this book to the officers and men of the five regular regiments which together with mine made up the cavalry division at santiago i raising the regiment during the year preceding the outbreak of the spanish war i was assistant secretary of the navy. while my party was in opposition, i had preached, with all the fervor and zeal i possessed, our duty to intervene in cuba, and to take this opportunity of driving the spaniard from the western world. now that my party had come to power, i felt it incumbent on me, by word and deed, to do all i could to secure the carrying out of the policy in which i so heartily believed; and from the beginning i had determined that, if a war came, somehow or other, i was going to the front. meanwhile, there was any amount of work at hand in getting ready the navy, and to this i devoted myself. naturally, when one is intensely interested in a certain cause, the tendency is to associate particularly with those who take the same view. a large number of my friends felt very differently from the way i felt, and looked upon the possibility of war with sincere horror. but i found plenty of sympathizers, especially in the navy, the army, and the senate committee on foreign affairs. commodore dewey, captain evans, captain brownson, captain davis--with these and the various other naval officers on duty at washington i used to hold long consultations, during which we went over and over, not only every question of naval administration, but specifically everything necessary to do in order to put the navy in trim to strike quick and hard if, as we believed would be the case, we went to war with spain. sending an ample quantity of ammunition to the asiatic squadron and providing it with coal; getting the battle-ships and the armored cruisers on the atlantic into one squadron, both to train them in manoeuvring together, and to have them ready to sail against either the cuban or the spanish coasts; gathering the torpedo-boats into a flotilla for practice; securing ample target exercise, so conducted as to raise the standard of our marksmanship; gathering in the small ships from european and south american waters; settling on the number and kind of craft needed as auxiliary cruisers--every one of these points was threshed over in conversations with officers who were present in washington, or in correspondence with officers who, like captain mahan, were absent. as for the senators, of course senator lodge and i felt precisely alike; for to fight in such a cause and with such an enemy was merely to carry out the doctrines we had both of us preached for many years. senator davis, senator proctor, senator foraker, senator chandler, senator morgan, senator frye, and a number of others also took just the right ground; and i saw a great deal of them, as well as of many members of the house, particularly those from the west, where the feeling for war was strongest. naval officers came and went, and senators were only in the city while the senate was in session; but there was one friend who was steadily in washington. this was an army surgeon, dr. leonard wood. i only met him after i entered the navy department, but we soon found that we had kindred tastes and kindred principles. he had served in general miles's inconceivably harassing campaigns against the apaches, where he had displayed such courage that he won that most coveted of distinctions--the medal of honor; such extraordinary physical strength and endurance that he grew to be recognized as one of the two or three white men who could stand fatigue and hardship as well as an apache; and such judgment that toward the close of the campaigns he was given, though a surgeon, the actual command of more than one expedition against the bands of renegade indians. like so many of the gallant fighters with whom it was later my good fortune to serve, he combined, in a very high degree, the qualities of entire manliness with entire uprightness and cleanliness of character. it was a pleasure to deal with a man of high ideals, who scorned everything mean and base, and who also possessed those robust and hardy qualities of body and mind, for the lack of which no merely negative virtue can ever atone. he was by nature a soldier of the highest type, and, like most natural soldiers, he was, of course, born with a keen longing for adventure; and, though an excellent doctor, what he really desired was the chance to lead men in some kind of hazard. to every possibility of such adventure he paid quick attention. for instance, he had a great desire to get me to go with him on an expedition into the klondike in mid-winter, at the time when it was thought that a relief party would have to be sent there to help the starving miners. in the summer he and i took long walks together through the beautiful broken country surrounding washington. in winter we sometimes varied these walks by kicking a foot-ball in an empty lot, or, on the rare occasions when there was enough snow, by trying a couple of sets of skis or snow-skates, which had been sent me from canada. but always on our way out to and back from these walks and sport, there was one topic to which, in our talking, we returned, and that was the possible war with spain. we both felt very strongly that such a war would be as righteous as it would be advantageous to the honor and the interests of the nation; and after the blowing up of the maine, we felt that it was inevitable. we then at once began to try to see that we had our share in it. the president and my own chief, secretary long, were very firm against my going, but they said that if i was bent upon going they would help me. wood was the medical adviser of both the president and the secretary of war, and could count upon their friendship. so we started with the odds in our favor. at first we had great difficulty in knowing exactly what to try for. we could go on the staff of any one of several generals, but we much preferred to go in the line. wood hoped he might get a commission in his native state of massachusetts; but in massachusetts, as in every other state, it proved there were ten men who wanted to go to the war for every chance to go. then we thought we might get positions as field-officers under an old friend of mine, colonel--now general --francis v. greene, of new york, the colonel of the seventy-first; but again there were no vacancies. our doubts were resolved when congress authorized the raising of three cavalry regiments from among the wild riders and riflemen of the rockies and the great plains. during wood's service in the southwest he had commanded not only regulars and indian scouts, but also white frontiersmen. in the northwest i had spent much of my time, for many years, either on my ranch or in long hunting trips, and had lived and worked for months together with the cowboy and the mountain hunter, faring in every way precisely as they did. secretary alger offered me the command of one of these regiments. if i had taken it, being entirely inexperienced in military work, i should not have known how to get it equipped most rapidly, for i should have spent valuable weeks in learning its needs, with the result that i should have missed the santiago campaign, and might not even have had the consolation prize of going to porto rico. fortunately, i was wise enough to tell the secretary that while i believed i could learn to command the regiment in a month, that it was just this very month which i could not afford to spare, and that therefore i would be quite content to go as lieutenant-colonel, if he would make wood colonel. this was entirely satisfactory to both the president and secretary, and, accordingly, wood and i were speedily commissioned as colonel and lieutenant-colonel of the first united states volunteer cavalry. this was the official title of the regiment, but for some reason or other the public promptly christened us the "rough riders." at first we fought against the use of the term, but to no purpose; and when finally the generals of division and brigade began to write in formal communications about our regiment as the "rough riders," we adopted the term ourselves. the mustering-places for the regiment were appointed in new mexico, arizona, oklahoma, and indian territory. the difficulty in organizing was not in selecting, but in rejecting men. within a day or two after it was announced that we were to raise the regiment, we were literally deluged with applications from every quarter of the union. without the slightest trouble, so far as men went, we could have raised a brigade or even a division. the difficulty lay in arming, equipping, mounting, and disciplining the men we selected. hundreds of regiments were being called into existence by the national government, and each regiment was sure to have innumerable wants to be satisfied. to a man who knew the ground as wood did, and who was entirely aware of our national unpreparedness, it was evident that the ordnance and quartermaster's bureaus could not meet, for some time to come, one-tenth of the demands that would be made upon them; and it was all-important to get in first with our demands. thanks to his knowledge of the situation and promptness, we immediately put in our requisitions for the articles indispensable for the equipment of the regiment; and then, by ceaseless worrying of excellent bureaucrats, who had no idea how to do things quickly or how to meet an emergency, we succeeded in getting our rifles, cartridges, revolvers, clothing, shelter-tents, and horse gear just in time to enable us to go on the santiago expedition. some of the state troops, who were already organized as national guards, were, of course, ready, after a fashion, when the war broke out; but no other regiment which had our work to do was able to do it in anything like as quick time, and therefore no other volunteer regiment saw anything like the fighting which we did. wood thoroughly realized what the ordnance department failed to realize, namely, the inestimable advantage of smokeless powder; and, moreover, he was bent upon our having the weapons of the regulars, for this meant that we would be brigaded with them, and it was evident that they would do the bulk of the fighting if the war were short. accordingly, by acting with the utmost vigor and promptness, he succeeded in getting our regiment armed with the krag-jorgensen carbine used by the regular cavalry. it was impossible to take any of the numerous companies which were proffered to us from the various states. the only organized bodies we were at liberty to accept were those from the four territories. but owing to the fact that the number of men originally allotted to us, , was speedily raised to , , we were given a chance to accept quite a number of eager volunteers who did not come from the territories, but who possessed precisely the same temper that distinguished our southwestern recruits, and whose presence materially benefited the regiment. we drew recruits from harvard, yale, princeton, and many another college; from clubs like the somerset, of boston, and knickerbocker, of new york; and from among the men who belonged neither to club nor to college, but in whose veins the blood stirred with the same impulse which once sent the vikings over sea. four of the policemen who had served under me, while i was president of the new york police board, insisted on coming--two of them to die, the other two to return unhurt after honorable and dangerous service. it seemed to me that almost every friend i had in every state had some one acquaintance who was bound to go with the rough riders, and for whom i had to make a place. thomas nelson page, general fitzhugh lee, congressman odell, of new york, senator morgan; for each of these, and for many others, i eventually consented to accept some one or two recruits, of course only after a most rigid examination into their physical capacity, and after they had shown that they knew how to ride and shoot. i may add that in no case was i disappointed in the men thus taken. harvard being my own college, i had such a swarm of applications from it that i could not take one in ten. what particularly pleased me, not only in the harvard but the yale and princeton men, and, indeed, in these recruits from the older states generally, was that they did not ask for commissions. with hardly an exception they entered upon their duties as troopers in the spirit which they held to the end, merely endeavoring to show that no work could be too hard, too disagreeable, or too dangerous for them to perform, and neither asking nor receiving any reward in the way of promotion or consideration. the harvard contingent was practically raised by guy murchie, of maine. he saw all the fighting and did his duty with the utmost gallantry, and then left the service as he had entered it, a trooper, entirely satisfied to have done his duty--and no man did it better. so it was with dudley dean, perhaps the best quarterback who ever played on a harvard eleven; and so with bob wrenn, a quarterback whose feats rivalled those of dean's, and who, in addition, was the champion tennis player of america, and had, on two different years, saved this championship from going to an englishman. so it was with yale men like waller, the high jumper, and garrison and girard; and with princeton men like devereux and channing, the foot-ball players; with larned, the tennis player; with craig wadsworth, the steeple-chase rider; with joe stevens, the crack polo player; with hamilton fish, the ex-captain of the columbia crew, and with scores of others whose names are quite as worthy of mention as any of those i have given. indeed, they all sought entry into the ranks of the rough riders as eagerly as if it meant something widely different from hard work, rough fare, and the possibility of death; and the reason why they turned out to be such good soldiers lay largely in the fact that they were men who had thoroughly counted the cost before entering, and who went into the regiment because they believed that this offered their best chance for seeing hard and dangerous service. mason mitchell, of new york, who had been a chief of scouts in the riel rebellion, travelled all the way to san antonio to enlist; and others came there from distances as great. some of them made appeals to me which i could not possibly resist. woodbury kane had been a close friend of mine at harvard. during the eighteen years that had passed since my graduation i had seen very little of him, though, being always interested in sport, i occasionally met him on the hunting field, had seen him on the deck of the defender when she vanquished the valkyrie, and knew the part he had played on the navajoe, when, in her most important race, that otherwise unlucky yacht vanquished her opponent, the prince of wales's britannia. when the war was on, kane felt it his duty to fight for his country. he did not seek any position of distinction. all he desired was the chance to do whatever work he was put to do well, and to get to the front; and he enlisted as a trooper. when i went down to the camp at san antonio he was on kitchen duty, and was cooking and washing dishes for one of the new mexican troops; and he was doing it so well that i had no further doubt as to how he would get on. my friend of many hunts and ranch partner, robert munro ferguson, of scotland, who had been on lord aberdeen's staff as a lieutenant but a year before, likewise could not keep out of the regiment. he, too, appealed to me in terms which i could not withstand, and came in like kane to do his full duty as a trooper, and like kane to win his commission by the way he thus did his duty. i felt many qualms at first in allowing men of this stamp to come in, for i could not be certain that they had counted the cost, and was afraid they would find it very hard to serve--not for a few days, but for months--in the ranks, while i, their former intimate associate, was a field-officer; but they insisted that they knew their minds, and the events showed that they did. we enlisted about fifty of them from virginia, maryland, and the northeastern states, at washington. before allowing them to be sworn in, i gathered them together and explained that if they went in they must be prepared not merely to fight, but to perform the weary, monotonous labor incident to the ordinary routine of a soldier's life; that they must be ready to face fever exactly as they were to face bullets; that they were to obey unquestioningly, and to do their duty as readily if called upon to garrison a fort as if sent to the front. i warned them that work that was merely irksome and disagreeable must be faced as readily as work that was dangerous, and that no complaint of any kind must be made; and i told them that they were entirely at liberty not to go, but that after they had once signed there could then be no backing out. not a man of them backed out; not one of them failed to do his whole duty. these men formed but a small fraction of the whole. they went down to san antonio, where the regiment was to gather and where wood preceded me, while i spent a week in washington hurrying up the different bureaus and telegraphing my various railroad friends, so as to insure our getting the carbines, saddles, and uniforms that we needed from the various armories and storehouses. then i went down to san antonio myself, where i found the men from new mexico, arizona, and oklahoma already gathered, while those from indian territory came in soon after my arrival. these were the men who made up the bulk of the regiment, and gave it its peculiar character. they came from the four territories which yet remained within the boundaries of the united states; that is, from the lands that have been most recently won over to white civilization, and in which the conditions of life are nearest those that obtained on the frontier when there still was a frontier. they were a splendid set of men, these southwesterners--tall and sinewy, with resolute, weather-beaten faces, and eyes that looked a man straight in the face without flinching. they included in their ranks men of every occupation; but the three types were those of the cowboy, the hunter, and the mining prospector--the man who wandered hither and thither, killing game for a living, and spending his life in the quest for metal wealth. in all the world there could be no better material for soldiers than that afforded by these grim hunters of the mountains, these wild rough riders of the plains. they were accustomed to handling wild and savage horses; they were accustomed to following the chase with the rifle, both for sport and as a means of livelihood. varied though their occupations had been, almost all had, at one time or another, herded cattle and hunted big game. they were hardened to life in the open, and to shifting for themselves under adverse circumstances. they were used, for all their lawless freedom, to the rough discipline of the round-up and the mining company. some of them came from the small frontier towns; but most were from the wilderness, having left their lonely hunters' cabins and shifting cow-camps to seek new and more stirring adventures beyond the sea. they had their natural leaders--the men who had shown they could master other men, and could more than hold their own in the eager driving life of the new settlements. the captains and lieutenants were sometimes men who had campaigned in the regular army against apache, ute, and cheyenne, and who, on completing their term of service, had shown their energy by settling in the new communities and growing up to be men of mark. in other cases they were sheriffs, marshals, deputy-sheriffs, and deputy-marshals--men who had fought indians, and still more often had waged relentless war upon the bands of white desperadoes. there was bucky o'neill, of arizona, captain of troop a, the mayor of prescott, a famous sheriff throughout the west for his feats of victorious warfare against the apache, no less than against the white road-agents and man-killers. his father had fought in meagher's brigade in the civil war; and he was himself a born soldier, a born leader of men. he was a wild, reckless fellow, soft spoken, and of dauntless courage and boundless ambition; he was staunchly loyal to his friends, and cared for his men in every way. there was captain llewellen, of new mexico, a good citizen, a political leader, and one of the most noted peace-officers of the country; he had been shot four times in pitched fights with red marauders and white outlaws. there was lieutenant ballard, who had broken up the black jack gang of ill-omened notoriety, and his captain, curry, another new mexican sheriff of fame. the officers from the indian territory had almost all served as marshals and deputy-marshals; and in the indian territory, service as a deputy-marshal meant capacity to fight stand-up battles with the gangs of outlaws. three of our higher officers had been in the regular army. one was major alexander brodie, from arizona, afterward lieutenant-colonel, who had lived for twenty years in the territory, and had become a thorough westerner without sinking the west pointer--a soldier by taste as well as training, whose men worshipped him and would follow him anywhere, as they would bucky o'neill or any other of their favorites. brodie was running a big mining business; but when the maine was blown up, he abandoned everything and telegraphed right and left to bid his friends get ready for the fight he saw impending. then there was micah jenkins, the captain of troop k, a gentle and courteous south carolinian, on whom danger acted like wine. in action he was a perfect game-cock, and he won his majority for gallantry in battle. finally, there was allyn capron, who was, on the whole, the best soldier in the regiment. in fact, i think he was the ideal of what an american regular army officer should be. he was the fifth in descent from father to son who had served in the army of the united states, and in body and mind alike he was fitted to play his part to perfection. tall and lithe, a remarkable boxer and walker, a first-class rider and shot, with yellow hair and piercing blue eyes, he looked what he was, the archetype of the fighting man. he had under him one of the two companies from the indian territory; and he so soon impressed himself upon the wild spirit of his followers, that he got them ahead in discipline faster than any other troop in the regiment, while at the same time taking care of their bodily wants. his ceaseless effort was so to train them, care for them, and inspire them as to bring their fighting efficiency to the highest possible pitch. he required instant obedience, and tolerated not the slightest evasion of duty; but his mastery of his art was so thorough and his performance of his own duty so rigid that he won at once not merely their admiration, but that soldierly affection so readily given by the man in the ranks to the superior who cares for his men and leads them fearlessly in battle. all--easterners and westerners, northerners and southerners, officers and men, cowboys and college graduates, wherever they came from, and whatever their social position--possessed in common the traits of hardihood and a thirst for adventure. they were to a man born adventurers, in the old sense of the word. the men in the ranks were mostly young; yet some were past their first youth. these had taken part in the killing of the great buffalo herds, and had fought indians when the tribes were still on the war-path. the younger ones, too, had led rough lives; and the lines in their faces told of many a hardship endured, and many a danger silently faced with grim, unconscious philosophy. some were originally from the east, and had seen strange adventures in different kinds of life, from sailing round the horn to mining in alaska. others had been born and bred in the west, and had never seen a larger town than santa fe or a bigger body of water than the pecos in flood. some of them went by their own name; some had changed their names; and yet others possessed but half a name, colored by some adjective, like cherokee bill, happy jack of arizona, smoky moore, the bronco-buster, so named because cowboys often call vicious horses "smoky" horses, and rattlesnake pete, who had lived among the moquis and taken part in the snake-dances. some were professional gamblers, and, on the other hand, no less than four were or had been baptist or methodist clergymen--and proved first-class fighters, too, by the way. some were men whose lives in the past had not been free from the taint of those fierce kinds of crime into which the lawless spirits who dwell on the border-land between civilization and savagery so readily drift. a far larger number had served at different times in those bodies of armed men with which the growing civilization of the border finally puts down its savagery. there was one characteristic and distinctive contingent which could have appeared only in such a regiment as ours. from the indian territory there came a number of indians--cherokees, chickasaws, choctaws, and creeks. only a few were of pure blood. the others shaded off until they were absolutely indistinguishable from their white comrades; with whom, it may be mentioned, they all lived on terms of complete equality. not all of the indians were from the indian territory. one of the gamest fighters and best soldiers in the regiment was pollock, a full-blooded pawnee. he had been educated, like most of the other indians, at one of those admirable indian schools which have added so much to the total of the small credit account with which the white race balances the very unpleasant debit account of its dealings with the red. pollock was a silent, solitary fellow--an excellent penman, much given to drawing pictures. when we got down to santiago he developed into the regimental clerk. i never suspected him of having a sense of humor until one day, at the end of our stay in cuba, as he was sitting in the adjutant's tent working over the returns, there turned up a trooper of the first who had been acting as barber. eyeing him with immovable face pollock asked, in a guttural voice: "do you cut hair?" the man answered "yes"; and pollock continued, "then you'd better cut mine," muttering, in an explanatory soliloquy: "don't want to wear my hair long like a wild indian when i'm in civilized warfare." another indian came from texas. he was a brakeman on the southern pacific, and wrote telling me he was an american indian, and that he wanted to enlist. his name was colbert, which at once attracted my attention; for i was familiar with the history of the cherokees and chickasaws during the eighteenth century, when they lived east of the mississippi. early in that century various traders, chiefly scotchmen, settled among them, and the half-breed descendants of one named colbert became the most noted chiefs of the chickasaws. i summoned the applicant before me, and found that he was an excellent man, and, as i had supposed, a descendant of the old chickasaw chiefs. he brought into the regiment, by the way, his "partner," a white man. the two had been inseparable companions for some years, and continued so in the regiment. every man who has lived in the west knows that, vindictive though the hatred between the white man and the indian is when they stand against one another in what may be called their tribal relations, yet that men of indian blood, when adopted into white communities, are usually treated precisely like anyone else. colbert was not the only indian whose name i recognized. there was a cherokee named adair, who, upon inquiry, i found to be descended from the man who, a century and a half ago, wrote a ponderous folio, to this day of great interest, about the cherokees, with whom he had spent the best years of his life as a trader and agent. i don't know that i ever came across a man with a really sweeter nature than another cherokee named holderman. he was an excellent soldier, and for a long time acted as cook for the head-quarters mess. he was a half-breed, and came of a soldier stock on both sides and through both races. he explained to me once why he had come to the war; that it was because his people always had fought when there was a war, and he could not feel happy to stay at home when the flag was going into battle. two of the young cherokee recruits came to me with a most kindly letter from one of the ladies who had been teaching in the academy from which they were about to graduate. she and i had known one another in connection with governmental and philanthropic work on the reservations, and she wrote to commend the two boys to my attention. one was on the academy foot-ball team and the other in the glee-club. both were fine young fellows. the foot-ball player now lies buried with the other dead who fell in the fight at san juan. the singer was brought to death's door by fever, but recovered and came back to his home. there were other indians of much wilder type, but their wildness was precisely like that of the cowboys with whom they were associated. one or two of them needed rough discipline; and they got it, too. like the rest of the regiment, they were splendid riders. i remember one man, whose character left much to be desired in some respects, but whose horsemanship was unexceptionable. he was mounted on an exceedingly bad bronco, which would bolt out of the ranks at drill. he broke it of this habit by the simple expedient of giving it two tremendous twists, first to one side and then to the other, as it bolted, with the result that, invariably, at the second bound its legs crossed and over it went with a smash, the rider taking the somersault with unmoved equanimity. the life histories of some of the men who joined our regiment would make many volumes of thrilling adventure. we drew a great many recruits from texas; and from nowhere did we get a higher average, for many of them had served in that famous body of frontier fighters, the texas rangers. of course, these rangers needed no teaching. they were already trained to obey and to take responsibility. they were splendid shots, horsemen, and trailers. they were accustomed to living in the open, to enduring great fatigue and hardship, and to encountering all kinds of danger. many of the arizona and new mexico men had taken part in warfare with the apaches, those terrible indians of the waterless southwestern mountains--the most bloodthirsty and the wildest of all the red men of america, and the most formidable in their own dreadful style of warfare. of course, a man who had kept his nerve and held his own, year after year, while living where each day and night contained the threat of hidden death from a foe whose goings and comings were unseen, was not apt to lose courage when confronted with any other enemy. an experience in following in the trail of an enemy who might flee at one stretch through fifty miles of death-like desert was a good school out of which to come with profound indifference for the ordinary hardships of campaigning. as a rule, the men were more apt, however, to have had experience in warring against white desperadoes and law-breakers than against indians. some of our best recruits came from colorado. one, a very large, hawk-eyed man, benjamin franklin daniels, had been marshal of dodge city when that pleasing town was probably the toughest abode of civilized man to be found anywhere on the continent. in the course of the exercise of his rather lurid functions as peace-officer he had lost half of one ear--"bitten off," it was explained to me. naturally, he viewed the dangers of battle with philosophic calm. such a man was, in reality, a veteran even in his first fight, and was a tower of strength to the recruits in his part of the line. with him there came into the regiment a deputy-marshal from cripple creek named sherman bell. bell had a hernia, but he was so excellent a man that we decided to take him. i do not think i ever saw greater resolution than bell displayed throughout the campaign. in cuba the great exertions which he was forced to make, again and again opened the hernia, and the surgeons insisted that he must return to the united states; but he simply would not go. then there was little mcginty, the bronco-buster from oklahoma, who never had walked a hundred yards if by any possibility he could ride. when mcginty was reproved for his absolute inability to keep step on the drill-ground, he responded that he was pretty sure he could keep step on horseback. mcginty's short legs caused him much trouble on the marches, but we had no braver or better man in the fights. one old friend of mine had come from far northern idaho to join the regiment at san antonio. he was a hunter, named fred herrig, an alsatian by birth. a dozen years before he and i had hunted mountain sheep and deer when laying in the winter stock of meat for my ranch on the little missouri, sometimes in the bright fall weather, sometimes in the arctic bitterness of the early northern winter. he was the most loyal and simple-hearted of men, and he had come to join his old "boss" and comrade in the bigger hunting which we were to carry on through the tropic midsummer. the temptation is great to go on enumerating man after man who stood pre-eminent, whether as a killer of game, a tamer of horses, or a queller of disorder among his people, or who, mayhap, stood out with a more evil prominence as himself a dangerous man--one given to the taking of life on small provocation, or one who was ready to earn his living outside the law if the occasion demanded it. there was tall proffit, the sharp-shooter, from north carolina--sinewy, saturnine, fearless; smith, the bear-hunter from wyoming, and mccann, the arizona book-keeper, who had begun life as a buffalo-hunter. there was crockett, the georgian, who had been an internal revenue officer, and had waged perilous war on the rifle-bearing "moonshiners." there were darnell and wood, of new mexico, who could literally ride any horses alive. there were goodwin, and buck taylor, and armstrong the ranger, crack shots with rifle or revolver. there was many a skilled packer who had led and guarded his trains of laden mules through the indian-haunted country surrounding some out-post of civilization. there were men who had won fame as rocky mountain stage-drivers, or who had spent endless days in guiding the slow wagon-trains across the grassy plains. there were miners who knew every camp from the yukon to leadville, and cow-punchers in whose memories were stored the brands carried by the herds from chihuahua to assiniboia. there were men who had roped wild steers in the mesquite brush of the nueces, and who, year in and year out, had driven the trail herds northward over desolate wastes and across the fords of shrunken rivers to the fattening grounds of the powder and the yellowstone. they were hardened to the scorching heat and bitter cold of the dry plains and pine-clad mountains. they were accustomed to sleep in the open, while the picketed horses grazed beside them near some shallow, reedy pool. they had wandered hither and thither across the vast desolation of the wilderness, alone or with comrades. they had cowered in the shelter of cut banks from the icy blast of the norther, and far out on the midsummer prairies they had known the luxury of lying in the shade of the wagon during the noonday rest. they had lived in brush lean-tos for weeks at a time, or with only the wagon-sheet as an occasional house. they had fared hard when exploring the unknown; they had fared well on the round-up; and they had known the plenty of the log ranch-houses, where the tables were spread with smoked venison and calf-ribs and milk and bread, and vegetables from the garden-patch. such were the men we had as recruits: soldiers ready made, as far as concerned their capacity as individual fighters. what was necessary was to teach them to act together, and to obey orders. our special task was to make them ready for action in the shortest possible time. we were bound to see fighting, and therefore to be with the first expedition that left the united states; for we could not tell how long the war would last. i had been quite prepared for trouble when it came to enforcing discipline, but i was agreeably disappointed. there were plenty of hard characters who might by themselves have given trouble, and with one or two of whom we did have to take rough measures; but the bulk of the men thoroughly understood that without discipline they would be merely a valueless mob, and they set themselves hard at work to learn the new duties. of course, such a regiment, in spite of, or indeed i might almost say because of, the characteristics which made the individual men so exceptionally formidable as soldiers, could very readily have been spoiled. any weakness in the commander would have ruined it. on the other hand, to treat it from the stand-point of the martinet and military pedant would have been almost equally fatal. from the beginning we started out to secure the essentials of discipline, while laying just as little stress as possible on the non-essentials. the men were singularly quick to respond to any appeal to their intelligence and patriotism. the faults they committed were those of ignorance merely. when holderman, in announcing dinner to the colonel and the three majors, genially remarked, "if you fellars don't come soon, everything'll get cold," he had no thought of other than a kindly and respectful regard for their welfare, and was glad to modify his form of address on being told that it was not what could be described as conventionally military. when one of our sentinels, who had with much labor learned the manual of arms, saluted with great pride as i passed, and added, with a friendly nod, "good-evening, colonel," this variation in the accepted formula on such occasions was meant, and was accepted, as mere friendly interest. in both cases the needed instruction was given and received in the same kindly spirit. one of the new indian territory recruits, after twenty-four hours' stay in camp, during which he had held himself distinctly aloof from the general interests, called on the colonel in his tent, and remarked, "well, colonel, i want to shake hands and say we're with you. we didn't know how we would like you fellars at first; but you're all right, and you know your business, and you mean business, and you can count on us every time!" that same night, which was hot, mosquitoes were very annoying; and shortly after midnight both the colonel and i came to the doors of our respective tents, which adjoined one another. the sentinel in front was also fighting mosquitoes. as we came out we saw him pitch his gun about ten feet off, and sit down to attack some of the pests that had swarmed up his trousers' legs. happening to glance in our direction, he nodded pleasantly and, with unabashed and friendly feeling, remarked, "ain't they bad?" it was astonishing how soon the men got over these little peculiarities. they speedily grew to recognize the fact that the observance of certain forms was essential to the maintenance of proper discipline. they became scrupulously careful in touching their hats, and always came to attention when spoken to. they saw that we did not insist upon the observance of these forms to humiliate them; that we were as anxious to learn our own duties as we were to have them learn theirs, and as scrupulous in paying respect to our superiors as we were in exacting the acknowledgment due our rank from those below us; moreover, what was very important, they saw that we were careful to look after their interests in every way, and were doing all that was possible to hurry up the equipment and drill of the regiment, so as to get into the war. rigid guard duty was established at once, and everyone was impressed with the necessity for vigilance and watchfulness. the policing of the camp was likewise attended to with the utmost rigor. as always with new troops, they were at first indifferent to the necessity for cleanliness in camp arrangements; but on this point colonel wood brooked no laxity, and in a very little while the hygienic conditions of the camp were as good as those of any regular regiment. meanwhile the men were being drilled, on foot at first, with the utmost assiduity. every night we had officers' school, the non-commissioned officers of each troop being given similar schooling by the captain or one of the lieutenants of the troop; and every day we practised hard, by squad, by troop, by squadron and battalion. the earnestness and intelligence with which the men went to work rendered the task of instruction much less difficult than would be supposed. it soon grew easy to handle the regiment in all the simpler forms of close and open order. when they had grown so that they could be handled with ease in marching, and in the ordinary manoeuvres of the drill-ground, we began to train them in open-order work, skirmishing and firing. here their woodcraft and plainscraft, their knowledge of the rifle, helped us very much. skirmishing they took to naturally, which was fortunate, as practically all our fighting was done in open order. meanwhile we were purchasing horses. judging from what i saw i do not think that we got heavy enough animals, and of those purchased certainly a half were nearly unbroken. it was no easy matter to handle them on the picket-lines, and to provide for feeding and watering; and the efforts to shoe and ride them were at first productive of much vigorous excitement. of course, those that were wild from the range had to be thrown and tied down before they could be shod. half the horses of the regiment bucked, or possessed some other of the amiable weaknesses incident to horse life on the great ranches; but we had abundance of men who were utterly unmoved by any antic a horse might commit. every animal was speedily mastered, though a large number remained to the end mounts upon which an ordinary rider would have felt very uncomfortable. my own horses were purchased for me by a texas friend, john moore, with whom i had once hunted peccaries on the nueces. i only paid fifty dollars apiece, and the animals were not showy; but they were tough and hardy, and answered my purpose well. mounted drill with such horses and men bade fair to offer opportunities for excitement; yet it usually went off smoothly enough. before drilling the men on horseback they had all been drilled on foot, and having gone at their work with hearty zest, they knew well the simple movements to form any kind of line or column. wood was busy from morning till night in hurrying the final details of the equipment, and he turned the drill of the men over to me. to drill perfectly needs long practice, but to drill roughly is a thing very easy to learn indeed. we were not always right about our intervals, our lines were somewhat irregular, and our more difficult movements were executed at times in rather a haphazard way; but the essential commands and the essential movements we learned without any difficulty, and the men performed them with great dash. when we put them on horseback, there was, of course, trouble with the horses; but the horsemanship of the riders was consummate. in fact, the men were immensely interested in making their horses perform each evolution with the utmost speed and accuracy, and in forcing each unquiet, vicious brute to get into line and stay in line, whether he would or not. the guidon-bearers held their plunging steeds true to the line, no matter what they tried to do; and each wild rider brought his wild horse into his proper place with a dash and ease which showed the natural cavalryman. in short, from the very beginning the horseback drills were good fun, and everyone enjoyed them. we marched out through the adjoining country to drill wherever we found open ground, practising all the different column formations as we went. on the open ground we threw out the line to one side or the other, and in one position and the other, sometimes at the trot, sometimes at the gallop. as the men grew accustomed to the simple evolutions, we tried them more and more in skirmish drills, practising them so that they might get accustomed to advance in open order and to skirmish in any country, while the horses were held in the rear. our arms were the regular cavalry carbine, the "krag," a splendid weapon, and the revolver. a few carried their favorite winchesters, using, of course, the new model, which took the government cartridge. we felt very strongly that it would be worse than a waste of time to try to train our men to use the sabre--a weapon utterly alien to them; but with the rifle and revolver they were already thoroughly familiar. many of my cavalry friends in the past had insisted to me that the revolver was a better weapon than the sword--among them basil duke, the noted confederate cavalry leader, and captain frank edwards, whom i had met when elk-hunting on the head-waters of the yellowstone and the snake. personally, i knew too little to decide as to the comparative merits of the two arms; but i did know that it was a great deal better to use the arm with which our men were already proficient. they were therefore armed with what might be called their natural weapon, the revolver. as it turned out, we were not used mounted at all, so that our preparations on this point came to nothing. in a way, i have always regretted this. we thought we should at least be employed as cavalry in the great campaign against havana in the fall; and from the beginning i began to train my men in shock tactics for use against hostile cavalry. my belief was that the horse was really the weapon with which to strike the first blow. i felt that if my men could be trained to hit their adversaries with their horses, it was a matter of small amount whether, at the moment when the onset occurred, sabres, lances, or revolvers were used; while in the subsequent melee i believed the revolver would outclass cold steel as a weapon. but this is all guesswork, for we never had occasion to try the experiment. it was astonishing what a difference was made by two or three weeks' training. the mere thorough performance of guard and police duties helped the men very rapidly to become soldiers. the officers studied hard, and both officers and men worked hard in the drill-field. it was, of course, rough and ready drill; but it was very efficient, and it was suited to the men who made up the regiment. their uniform also suited them. in their slouch hats, blue flannel shirts, brown trousers, leggings and boots, with handkerchiefs knotted loosely around their necks, they looked exactly as a body of cowboy cavalry should look. the officers speedily grew to realize that they must not be over-familiar with their men, and yet that they must care for them in every way. the men, in return, began to acquire those habits of attention to soldierly detail which mean so much in making a regiment. above all, every man felt, and had constantly instilled into him, a keen pride of the regiment, and a resolute purpose to do his whole duty uncomplainingly, and, above all, to win glory by the way he handled himself in battle. ii to cuba up to the last moment we were spending every ounce of energy we had in getting the regiment into shape. fortunately, there were a good many vacancies among the officers, as the original number of men was increased to , ; so that two companies were organized entirely anew. this gave the chance to promote some first-rate men. one of the most useful members of the regiment was dr. robb church, formerly a princeton foot-ball player. he was appointed as assistant surgeon, but acted throughout almost all the cuban campaign as the regimental surgeon. it was dr. church who first gave me an idea of bucky o'neill's versatility, for i happened to overhear them discussing aryan word-roots together, and then sliding off into a review of the novels of balzac, and a discussion as to how far balzac could be said to be the founder of the modern realistic school of fiction. church had led almost as varied a life as bucky himself, his career including incidents as far apart as exploring and elk-hunting in the olympic mountains, cooking in a lumber-camp, and serving as doctor on an emigrant ship. woodbury kane was given a commission, and also horace devereux, of princeton. kane was older than the other college men who entered in the ranks; and as he had the same good qualities to start with, this resulted in his ultimately becoming perhaps the most useful soldier in the regiment. he escaped wounds and serious sickness, and was able to serve through every day of the regiment's existence. two of the men made second lieutenants by promotion from the ranks while in san antonio were john greenway, a noted yale foot-ball player and catcher on her base-ball nine, and david goodrich, for two years captain of the harvard crew. they were young men, goodrich having only just graduated; while greenway, whose father had served with honor in the confederate army, had been out of yale three or four years. they were natural soldiers, and it would be well-nigh impossible to overestimate the amount of good they did the regiment. they were strapping fellows, entirely fearless, modest, and quiet. their only thought was how to perfect themselves in their own duties, and how to take care of the men under them, so as to bring them to the highest point of soldierly perfection. i grew steadily to rely upon them, as men who could be counted upon with absolute certainty, not only in every emergency, but in all routine work. they were never so tired as not to respond with eagerness to the slightest suggestion of doing something new, whether it was dangerous or merely difficult and laborious. they not merely did their duty, but were always on the watch to find out some new duty which they could construe to be theirs. whether it was policing camp, or keeping guard, or preventing straggling on the march, or procuring food for the men, or seeing that they took care of themselves in camp, or performing some feat of unusual hazard in the fight--no call was ever made upon them to which they did not respond with eager thankfulness for being given the chance to answer it. later on i worked them as hard as i knew how, and the regiment will always be their debtor. greenway was from arkansas. we could have filled up the whole regiment many times over from the south atlantic and gulf states alone, but were only able to accept a very few applicants. one of them was john mcilhenny, of louisiana; a planter and manufacturer, a big-game hunter and book-lover, who could have had a commission in the louisiana troops, but who preferred to go as a trooper in the rough riders because he believed we would surely see fighting. he could have commanded any influence, social or political, he wished; but he never asked a favor of any kind. he went into one of the new mexican troops, and by his high qualities and zealous attention to duty speedily rose to a sergeantcy, and finally won his lieutenancy for gallantry in action. the tone of the officers' mess was very high. everyone seemed to realize that he had undertaken most serious work. they all earnestly wished for a chance to distinguish themselves, and fully appreciated that they ran the risk not merely of death, but of what was infinitely worse--namely, failure at the crisis to perform duty well; and they strove earnestly so to train themselves, and the men under them, as to minimize the possibility of such disgrace. every officer and every man was taught continually to look forward to the day of battle eagerly, but with an entire sense of the drain that would then be made upon his endurance and resolution. they were also taught that, before the battle came, the rigorous performance of the countless irksome duties of the camp and the march was demanded from all alike, and that no excuse would be tolerated for failure to perform duty. very few of the men had gone into the regiment lightly, and the fact that they did their duty so well may be largely attributed to the seriousness with which these eager, adventurous young fellows approached their work. this seriousness, and a certain simple manliness which accompanied it, had one very pleasant side. during our entire time of service, i never heard in the officers' mess a foul story or a foul word; and though there was occasional hard swearing in moments of emergency, yet even this was the exception. the regiment attracted adventurous spirits from everywhere. our chief trumpeter was a native american, our second trumpeter was from the mediterranean--i think an italian--who had been a soldier of fortune not only in egypt, but in the french army in southern china. two excellent men were osborne, a tall australian, who had been an officer in the new south wales mounted rifles; and cook, an englishman, who had served in south africa. both, when the regiment disbanded, were plaintive in expressing their fond regret that it could not be used against the transvaal boers! one of our best soldiers was a man whose real and assumed names i, for obvious reasons conceal. he usually went by a nickname which i will call tennessee. he was a tall, gaunt fellow, with a quiet and distinctly sinister eye, who did his duty excellently, especially when a fight was on, and who, being an expert gambler, always contrived to reap a rich harvest after pay-day. when the regiment was mustered out, he asked me to put a brief memorandum of his services on his discharge certificate, which i gladly did. he much appreciated this, and added, in explanation, "you see, colonel, my real name isn't smith, it's yancy. i had to change it, because three or four years ago i had a little trouble with a gentleman, and--er--well, in fact, i had to kill him; and the district attorney, he had it in for me, and so i just skipped the country; and now, if it ever should be brought up against me, i should like to show your certificate as to my character!" the course of frontier justice sometimes moves in unexpected zigzags; so i did not express the doubt i felt as to whether my certificate that he had been a good soldier would help him much if he was tried for a murder committed three or four years previously. the men worked hard and faithfully. as a rule, in spite of the number of rough characters among them, they behaved very well. one night a few of them went on a spree, and proceeded "to paint san antonio red." one was captured by the city authorities, and we had to leave him behind us in jail. the others we dealt with ourselves, in a way that prevented a repetition of the occurrence. the men speedily gave one another nicknames, largely conferred in a spirit of derision, their basis lying in contrast. a brave but fastidious member of a well-known eastern club, who was serving in the ranks, was christened "tough ike"; and his bunkie, the man who shared his shelter-tent, who was a decidedly rough cow-puncher, gradually acquired the name of "the dude." one unlucky and simple-minded cow-puncher, who had never been east of the great plains in his life, unwarily boasted that he had an aunt in new york, and ever afterward went by the name of "metropolitan bill." a huge red-headed irishman was named "sheeny solomon." a young jew who developed into one of the best fighters in the regiment accepted, with entire equanimity, the name of "pork-chop." we had quite a number of professional gamblers, who, i am bound to say, usually made good soldiers. one, who was almost abnormally quiet and gentle, was called "hell roarer"; while another, who in point of language and deportment was his exact antithesis, was christened "prayerful james." while the officers and men were learning their duties, and learning to know one another, colonel wood was straining every nerve to get our equipments--an effort which was complicated by the tendency of the ordnance bureau to send whatever we really needed by freight instead of express. finally, just as the last rifles, revolvers, and saddles came, we were ordered by wire at once to proceed by train to tampa. instantly, all was joyful excitement. we had enjoyed san antonio, and were glad that our regiment had been organized in the city where the alamo commemorates the death fight of crockett, bowie, and their famous band of frontier heroes. all of us had worked hard, so that we had had no time to be homesick or downcast; but we were glad to leave the hot camp, where every day the strong wind sifted the dust through everything, and to start for the gathering-place of the army which was to invade cuba. our horses and men were getting into good shape. we were well enough equipped to warrant our starting on the campaign, and every man was filled with dread of being out of the fighting. we had a pack-train of mules, so we had close on to , animals to carry. of course, our train was split up into sections, seven, all told; colonel wood commanding the first three, and i the last four. the journey by rail from san antonio to tampa took just four days, and i doubt if anybody who was on the trip will soon forget it. to occupy my few spare moments, i was reading m. demolins's "superiorite des anglo-saxons." m. demolins, in giving the reasons why the english-speaking peoples are superior to those of continental europe, lays much stress upon the way in which "militarism" deadens the power of individual initiative, the soldier being trained to complete suppression of individual will, while his faculties become atrophied in consequence of his being merely a cog in a vast and perfectly ordered machine. i can assure the excellent french publicist that american "militarism," at least of the volunteer sort, has points of difference from the militarism of continental europe. the battalion chief of a newly raised american regiment, when striving to get into a war which the american people have undertaken with buoyant and light-hearted indifference to detail, has positively unlimited opportunity for the display of "individual initiative," and is in no danger whatever either of suffering from unhealthy suppression of personal will, or of finding his faculties of self-help numbed by becoming a cog in a gigantic and smooth-running machine. if such a battalion chief wants to get anything or go anywhere he must do it by exercising every pound of resource, inventiveness, and audacity he possesses. the help, advice, and superintendence he gets from outside will be of the most general, not to say superficial, character. if he is a cavalry officer, he has got to hurry and push the purchase of his horses, plunging into and out of the meshes of red-tape as best he can. he will have to fight for his rifles and his tents and his clothes. he will have to keep his men healthy largely by the light that nature has given him. when he wishes to embark his regiment, he will have to fight for his railway-cars exactly as he fights for his transport when it comes to going across the sea; and on his journey his men will or will not have food, and his horses will or will not have water and hay, and the trains will or will not make connections, in exact correspondence to the energy and success of his own efforts to keep things moving straight. it was on sunday, may th, that we marched out of our hot, windy, dusty camp to take the cars for tampa. colonel wood went first, with the three sections under his special care. i followed with the other four. the railway had promised us a forty-eight hours' trip, but our experience in loading was enough to show that the promise would not be made good. there were no proper facilities for getting the horses on or off the cars, or for feeding or watering them; and there was endless confusion and delay among the railway officials. i marched my four sections over in the afternoon, the first three having taken the entire day to get off. we occupied the night. as far as the regiment itself was concerned, we worked an excellent system, wood instructing me exactly how to proceed so as to avoid confusion. being a veteran campaigner, he had all along insisted that for such work as we had before us we must travel with the minimum possible luggage. the men had merely what they could carry on their own backs, and the officers very little more. my own roll of clothes and bedding could be put on my spare horse. the mule-train was to be used simply for food, forage, and spare ammunition. as it turned out, we were not allowed to take either it or the horses. it was dusk when i marched my long files of dusty troopers into the station-yard. i then made all dismount, excepting the troop which i first intended to load. this was brought up to the first freight-car. here every man unsaddled, and left his saddle, bridle, and all that he did not himself need in the car, each individual's property being corded together. a guard was left in the car, and the rest of the men took the naked horses into the pens to be fed and watered. the other troops were loaded in the same way in succession. with each section there were thus a couple of baggage-cars in which the horse-gear, the superfluous baggage, and the travel rations were carried; and i also put aboard, not only at starting, but at every other opportunity, what oats and hay i could get, so as to provide against accidents for the horses. by the time the baggage-cars were loaded the horses of the first section had eaten and drunk their fill, and we loaded them on cattle-cars. the officers of each troop saw to the loading, taking a dozen picked men to help them; for some of the wild creatures, half broken and fresh from the ranges, were with difficulty driven up the chutes. meanwhile i superintended not merely my own men, but the railroad men; and when the delays of the latter, and their inability to understand what was necessary, grew past bearing, i took charge of the trains myself, so as to insure the horse-cars of each section being coupled with the baggage-cars of that section. we worked until long past midnight before we got the horses and baggage aboard, and then found that for some reason the passenger-cars were delayed and would not be out for some hours. in the confusion and darkness men of the different troops had become scattered, and some had drifted off to the vile drinking-booths around the stock-yards; so i sent details to search the latter, while the trumpeters blew the assembly until the first sergeants could account for all the men. then the troops were arranged in order, and the men of each lay down where they were, by the tracks and in the brush, to sleep until morning. at dawn the passenger-trains arrived. the senior captain of each section saw to it that his own horses, troopers, and baggage were together; and one by one they started off, i taking the last in person. captain capron had at the very beginning shown himself to be simply invaluable, from his extraordinary energy, executive capacity, and mastery over men; and i kept his section next mine, so that we generally came together at the different yards. the next four days were very hot and very dusty. i tried to arrange so the sections would be far enough apart to allow each ample time to unload, feed, water, and load the horses at any stopping-place before the next section could arrive. there was enough delay and failure to make connections on the part of the railroad people to keep me entirely busy, not to speak of seeing at the stopping-places that the inexperienced officers got enough hay for their horses, and that the water given to them was both ample in quantity and drinkable. it happened that we usually made our longest stops at night, and this meant that we were up all night long. two or three times a day i got the men buckets of hot coffee, and when we made a long enough stop they were allowed liberty under the supervision of the non-commissioned officers. some of them abused the privilege, and started to get drunk. these were promptly handled with the necessary severity, in the interest of the others; for it was only by putting an immediate check to every form of lawlessness or disobedience among the few men who were inclined to be bad that we were enabled to give full liberty to those who would not abuse it. everywhere the people came out to greet us and cheer us. they brought us flowers; they brought us watermelons and other fruits, and sometimes jugs and pails of milk--all of which we greatly appreciated. we were travelling through a region where practically all the older men had served in the confederate army, and where the younger men had all their lives long drunk in the endless tales told by their elders, at home, and at the cross-roads taverns, and in the court-house squares, about the cavalry of forrest and morgan and the infantry of jackson and hood. the blood of the old men stirred to the distant breath of battle; the blood of the young men leaped hot with eager desire to accompany us. the older women, who remembered the dreadful misery of war--the misery that presses its iron weight most heavily on the wives and the little ones--looked sadly at us; but the young girls drove down in bevies, arrayed in their finery, to wave flags in farewell to the troopers and to beg cartridges and buttons as mementos. everywhere we saw the stars and stripes, and everywhere we were told, half-laughing, by grizzled ex-confederates that they had never dreamed in the bygone days of bitterness to greet the old flag as they now were greeting it, and to send their sons, as now they were sending them, to fight and die under it. it was four days later that we disembarked, in a perfect welter of confusion. tampa lay in the pine-covered sand-flats at the end of a one-track railroad, and everything connected with both military and railroad matters was in an almost inextricable tangle. there was no one to meet us or to tell us where we were to camp, and no one to issue us food for the first twenty-four hours; while the railroad people unloaded us wherever they pleased, or rather wherever the jam of all kinds of trains rendered it possible. we had to buy the men food out of our own pockets, and to seize wagons in order to get our spare baggage taken to the camping ground which we at last found had been allotted to us. once on the ground, we speedily got order out of confusion. under wood's eye the tents were put up in long streets, the picket-line of each troop stretching down its side of each street. the officers' quarters were at the upper ends of the streets, the company kitchens and sinks at the opposite ends. the camp was strictly policed, and drill promptly begun. for thirty-six hours we let the horses rest, drilling on foot, and then began the mounted drill again. the regiments with which we were afterward to serve were camped near us, and the sandy streets of the little town were thronged with soldiers, almost all of them regulars; for there were but one or two volunteer organizations besides ourselves. the regulars wore the canonical dark blue of uncle sam. our own men were clad in dusty brown blouses, trousers and leggings being of the same hue, while the broad-brimmed soft hat was of dark gray; and very workmanlike they looked as, in column of fours, each troop trotted down its company street to form by squadron or battalion, the troopers sitting steadily in the saddles as they made their half-trained horses conform to the movement of the guidons. over in tampa town the huge winter hotel was gay with general officers and their staffs, with women in pretty dresses, with newspaper correspondents by the score, with military attaches of foreign powers, and with onlookers of all sorts; but we spent very little time there. we worked with the utmost industry, special attention being given by each troop-commander to skirmish-drill in the woods. once or twice we had mounted drill of the regiment as a whole. the military attaches came out to look on--english, german, russian, french, and japanese. with the englishman, captain arthur lee, a capital fellow, we soon struck up an especially close friendship; and we saw much of him throughout the campaign. so we did of several of the newspaper correspondents--richard harding davis, john fox, jr., caspar whitney, and frederic remington. on sunday chaplain brown, of arizona, held service, as he did almost every sunday during the campaign. there were but four or five days at tampa, however. we were notified that the expedition would start for destination unknown at once, and that we were to go with it; but that our horses were to be left behind, and only eight troops of seventy men each taken. our sorrow at leaving the horses was entirely outweighed by our joy at going; but it was very hard indeed to select the four troops that were to stay, and the men who had to be left behind from each of the troops that went. colonel wood took major brodie and myself to command the two squadrons, being allowed only two squadron commanders. the men who were left behind felt the most bitter heartburn. to the great bulk of them i think it will be a life-long sorrow. i saw more than one, both among the officers and privates, burst into tears when he found he could not go. no outsider can appreciate the bitterness of the disappointment. of course, really, those that stayed were entitled to precisely as much honor as those that went. each man was doing his duty, and much the hardest and most disagreeable duty was to stay. credit should go with the performance of duty, and not with what is very often the accident of glory. all this and much more we explained, but our explanations could not alter the fact that some had to be chosen and some had to be left. one of the captains chosen was captain maximilian luna, who commanded troop f, from new mexico. the captain's people had been on the banks of the rio grande before my forefathers came to the mouth of the hudson or wood's landed at plymouth; and he made the plea that it was his right to go as a representative of his race, for he was the only man of pure spanish blood who bore a commission in the army, and he demanded the privilege of proving that his people were precisely as loyal americans as any others. i was glad when it was decided to take him. it was the evening of june th when we suddenly received orders that the expedition was to start from port tampa, nine miles distant by rail, at daybreak the following morning; and that if we were not aboard our transport by that time we could not go. we had no intention of getting left, and prepared at once for the scramble which was evidently about to take place. as the number and capacity of the transports were known, or ought to have been known, and as the number and size of the regiments to go were also known, the task of allotting each regiment or fraction of a regiment to its proper transport, and arranging that the regiments and the transports should meet in due order on the dock, ought not to have been difficult. however, no arrangements were made in advance; and we were allowed to shove and hustle for ourselves as best we could, on much the same principles that had governed our preparations hitherto. we were ordered to be at a certain track with all our baggage at midnight, there to take a train for port tampa. at the appointed time we turned up, but the train did not. the men slept heavily, while wood and i and various other officers wandered about in search of information which no one could give. we now and then came across a brigadier-general, or even a major-general; but nobody knew anything. some regiments got aboard the trains and some did not, but as none of the trains started this made little difference. at three o'clock we received orders to march over to an entirely different track, and away we went. no train appeared on this track either; but at six o'clock some coal-cars came by, and these we seized. by various arguments we persuaded the engineer in charge of the train to back us down the nine miles to port tampa, where we arrived covered with coal-dust, but with all our belongings. the railway tracks ran out on the quay, and the transports, which had been anchored in midstream, were gradually being brought up alongside the quay and loaded. the trains were unloading wherever they happened to be, no attention whatever being paid to the possible position of the transport on which the soldiers were to go. colonel wood and i jumped off and started on a hunt, which soon convinced us that we had our work cut out if we were to get a transport at all. from the highest general down, nobody could tell us where to go to find out what transport we were to have. at last we were informed that we were to hunt up the depot quartermaster, colonel humphrey. we found his office, where his assistant informed us that he didn't know where the colonel was, but believed him to be asleep upon one of the transports. this seemed odd at such a time; but so many of the methods in vogue were odd, that we were quite prepared to accept it as a fact. however, it proved not to be such; but for an hour colonel humphrey might just as well have been asleep, as nobody knew where he was and nobody could find him, and the quay was crammed with some ten thousand men, most of whom were working at cross purposes. at last, however, after over an hour's industrious and rapid search through this swarming ant-heap of humanity, wood and i, who had separated, found colonel humphrey at nearly the same time and were allotted a transport--the yucatan. she was out in midstream, so wood seized a stray launch and boarded her. at the same time i happened to find out that she had previously been allotted to two other regiments --the second regular infantry and the seventy-first new york volunteers, which latter regiment alone contained more men than could be put aboard her. accordingly, i ran at full speed to our train; and leaving a strong guard with the baggage, i double-quicked the rest of the regiment up to the boat, just in time to board her as she came into the quay, and then to hold her against the second regulars and the seventy-first, who had arrived a little too late, being a shade less ready than we were in the matter of individual initiative. there was a good deal of expostulation, but we had possession; and as the ship could not contain half of the men who had been told to go aboard her, the seventy-first went away, as did all but four companies of the second. these latter we took aboard. meanwhile a general had caused our train to be unloaded at the end of the quay farthest from where the ship was; and the hungry, tired men spent most of the day in the labor of bringing down their baggage and the food and ammunition. the officers' horses were on another boat, my own being accompanied by my colored body-servant, marshall, the most faithful and loyal of men, himself an old soldier of the ninth cavalry. marshall had been in indian campaigns, and he christened my larger horse "rain-in-the-face," while the other, a pony, went by the name of "texas." by the time that night fell, and our transport pulled off and anchored in midstream, we felt we had spent thirty-six tolerably active hours. the transport was overloaded, the men being packed like sardines, not only below but upon the decks; so that at night it was only possible to walk about by continually stepping over the bodies of the sleepers. the travel rations which had been issued to the men for the voyage were not sufficient, because the meat was very bad indeed; and when a ration consists of only four or five items, which taken together just meet the requirements of a strong and healthy man, the loss of one item is a serious thing. if we had been given canned corned beef we would have been all right, but instead of this the soldiers were issued horrible stuff called "canned fresh beef." there was no salt in it. at the best it was stringy and tasteless; at the worst it was nauseating. not one-fourth of it was ever eaten at all, even when the men became very hungry. there were no facilities for the men to cook anything. there was no ice for them; the water was not good; and they had no fresh meat or fresh vegetables. however, all these things seemed of small importance compared with the fact that we were really embarked, and were with the first expedition to leave our shores. but by next morning came the news that the order to sail had been countermanded, and that we were to stay where we were for the time being. what this meant none of us could understand. it turned out later to be due to the blunder of a naval officer who mistook some of our vessels for spaniards, and by his report caused consternation in washington, until by vigorous scouting on the part of our other ships the illusion was dispelled. meanwhile the troop-ships, packed tight with their living freight, sweltered in the burning heat of tampa harbor. there was nothing whatever for the men to do, space being too cramped for amusement or for more drill than was implied in the manual of arms. in this we drilled them assiduously, and we also continued to hold school for both the officers and the non-commissioned officers. each troop commander was regarded as responsible for his own non-commissioned officers, and wood or myself simply dropped in to superintend, just as we did with the manual of arms. in the officers' school captain capron was the special instructor, and a most admirable one he was. the heat, the steaming discomfort, and the confinement, together with the forced inaction, were very irksome; but everyone made the best of it, and there was little or no grumbling even among the men. all, from the highest to the lowest, were bent upon perfecting themselves according to their slender opportunities. every book of tactics in the regiment was in use from morning until night, and the officers and non-commissioned officers were always studying the problems presented at the schools. about the only amusement was bathing over the side, in which we indulged both in the morning and evening. many of the men from the far west had never seen the ocean. one of them who knew how to swim was much interested in finding that the ocean water was not drinkable. another, who had never in his life before seen any water more extensive than the headstream of the rio grande, met with an accident later in the voyage; that is, his hat blew away while we were in mid-ocean, and i heard him explaining the accident to a friend in the following words: "oh-o-h, jim! ma hat blew into the creek!" so we lay for nearly a week, the vessels swinging around on their anchor chains, while the hot water of the bay flowed to and fro around them and the sun burned overhead. at last, on the evening of june th, we received the welcome order to start. ship after ship weighed anchor and went slowly ahead under half-steam for the distant mouth of the harbor, the bands playing, the flags flying, the rigging black with the clustered soldiers, cheering and shouting to those left behind on the quay and to their fellows on the other ships. the channel was very tortuous; and we anchored before we had gone far down it, after coming within an ace of a bad collision with another transport. the next morning we were all again under way, and in the afternoon the great fleet steamed southeast until tampa light sank in the distance. for the next six days we sailed steadily southward and eastward through the wonderful sapphire seas of the west indies. the thirty odd transports moved in long parallel lines, while ahead and behind and on their flanks the gray hulls of the war-ships surged through the blue water. we had every variety of craft to guard us, from the mighty battle-ship and swift cruiser to the converted yachts and the frail, venomous-looking torpedo-boats. the war-ships watched with ceaseless vigilance by day and night. when a sail of any kind appeared, instantly one of our guardians steamed toward it. ordinarily, the torpedo-boats were towed. once a strange ship steamed up too close, and instantly the nearest torpedo-boat was slipped like a greyhound from the leash, and sped across the water toward it; but the stranger proved harmless, and the swift, delicate, death-fraught craft returned again. it was very pleasant, sailing southward through the tropic seas toward the unknown. we knew not whither we were bound, nor what we were to do; but we believed that the nearing future held for us many chances of death and hardship, of honor and renown. if we failed, we would share the fate of all who fail; but we were sure that we would win, that we should score the first great triumph in a mighty world movement. at night we looked at the new stars, and hailed the southern cross when at last we raised it above the horizon. in the daytime we drilled, and in the evening we held officers' school; but there was much time when we had little to do, save to scan the wonderful blue sea and watch the flying-fish. toward evening, when the officers clustered together on the forward bridge, the band of the second infantry played tune after tune, until on our quarter the glorious sun sunk in the red west, and, one by one, the lights blazed out on troop-ship and war-ship for miles ahead and astern, as they steamed onward through the brilliant tropic night. the men on the ship were young and strong, eager to face what lay hidden before them, eager for adventure where risk was the price of gain. sometimes they talked of what they might do in the future, and wondered whether we were to attack santiago or porto rico. at other times, as they lounged in groups, they told stories of their past --stories of the mining camps and the cattle ranges, of hunting bear and deer, of war-trails against the indians, of lawless deeds of violence and the lawful violence by which they were avenged, of brawls in saloons, of shrewd deals in cattle and sheep, of successful quests for the precious metals; stories of brutal wrong and brutal appetite, melancholy love-tales, and memories of nameless heroes--masters of men and tamers of horses. the officers, too, had many strange experiences to relate; none, not even llewellen or o'neill, had been through what was better worth telling, or could tell it better, than capron. he had spent years among the apaches, the wildest and fiercest of tribes, and again and again had owed his life to his own cool judgment and extraordinary personal prowess. he knew the sign language, familiar to all the indians of the mountains and the plains; and it was curious to find that the signs for different animals, for water, for sleep and death, which he knew from holding intercourse with the tribes of the southeast, were exactly like those which i had picked up on my occasional hunting or trading trips among the sioux and mandans of the north. he was a great rifle shot and wolf hunter, and had many tales to tell of the deeds of gallant hounds and the feats of famous horses. he had handled his indian scouts and dealt with the "bronco" indians, the renegades from the tribes, in circumstances of extreme peril; for he had seen the sullen, moody apaches when they suddenly went crazy with wolfish blood-lust, and in their madness wished to kill whomever was nearest. he knew, so far as white man could know, their ways of thought, and how to humor and divert them when on the brink of some dangerous outbreak. capron's training and temper fitted him to do great work in war; and he looked forward with eager confidence to what the future held, for he was sure that for him it held either triumph or death. death was the prize he drew. most of the men had simple souls. they could relate facts, but they said very little about what they dimly felt. bucky o'neill, however, the iron-nerved, iron-willed fighter from arizona, the sheriff whose name was a by-word of terror to every wrong-doer, white or red, the gambler who with unmoved face would stake and lose every dollar he had in the world--he, alone among his comrades, was a visionary, an articulate emotionalist. he was very quiet about it, never talking unless he was sure of his listener; but at night, when we leaned on the railing to look at the southern cross, he was less apt to tell tales of his hard and stormy past than he was to speak of the mysteries which lie behind courage, and fear, and love, behind animal hatred, and animal lust for the pleasures that have tangible shape. he had keenly enjoyed life, and he could breast its turbulent torrent as few men could; he was a practical man, who knew how to wrest personal success from adverse forces, among money-makers, politicians, and desperadoes alike; yet, down at bottom, what seemed to interest him most was the philosophy of life itself, of our understanding of it, and of the limitations set to that understanding. but he was as far as possible from being a mere dreamer of dreams. a staunchly loyal and generous friend, he was also exceedingly ambitious on his own account. if, by risking his life, no matter how great the risk, he could gain high military distinction, he was bent on gaining it. he had taken so many chances when death lay on the hazard, that he felt the odds were now against him; but, said he, "who would not risk his life for a star?" had he lived, and had the war lasted, he would surely have won the eagle, if not the star. we had a good deal of trouble with the transports, chiefly because they were not under the control of the navy. one of them was towing a schooner, and another a scow; both, of course, kept lagging behind. finally, when we had gone nearly the length of cuba, the transport with the schooner sagged very far behind, and then our wretched transport was directed by general shafter to fall out of line and keep her company. of course, we executed the order, greatly to the wrath of captain clover, who, in the gunboat bancroft, had charge of the rear of the column--for we could be of no earthly use to the other transport, and by our presence simply added just so much to captain clover's anxiety, as he had two transports to protect instead of one. next morning the rest of the convoy were out of sight, but we reached them just as they finally turned. until this we had steamed with the trade-wind blowing steadily in our faces; but once we were well to eastward of cuba, we ran southwest with the wind behind on our quarter, and we all knew that our destination was santiago. on the morning of the th we were close to the cuban coast. high mountains rose almost from the water's edge, looking huge and barren across the sea. we sped onward past guantanamo bay, where we saw the little picket-ships of the fleet; and in the afternoon we sighted santiago harbor, with the great war-ships standing off and on in front of it, gray and sullen in their war-paint. all next day we rolled and wallowed in the seaway, waiting until a decision was reached as to where we should land. on the morning of june nd the welcome order for landing came. we did the landing as we had done everything else--that is, in a scramble, each commander shifting for himself. the port at which we landed was called daiquiri, a squalid little village where there had been a railway and iron-works. there were no facilities for landing, and the fleet did not have a quarter the number of boats it should have had for the purpose. all we could do was to stand in with the transports as close as possible, and then row ashore in our own few boats and the boats of the war-ships. luck favored our regiment. my former naval aide, while i was assistant secretary of the navy, lieutenant sharp, was in command of the vixen, a converted yacht; and everything being managed on the go-as-you-please principle, he steamed by us and offered to help put us ashore. of course, we jumped at the chance. wood and i boarded the vixen, and there we got lieutenant sharp's black cuban pilot, who told us he could take our transport right in to within a few hundred yards of the land. accordingly, we put him aboard; and in he brought her, gaining at least a mile and a half by the manoeuvre. the other transports followed; but we had our berth, and were all right. there was plenty of excitement to the landing. in the first place, the smaller war-vessels shelled daiquiri, so as to dislodge any spaniards who might be lurking in the neighborhood, and also shelled other places along the coast, to keep the enemy puzzled as to our intentions. then the surf was high, and the landing difficult; so that the task of getting the men, the ammunition, and provisions ashore was not easy. each man carried three days' field rations and a hundred rounds of ammunition. our regiment had accumulated two rapid-fire colt automatic guns, the gift of stevens, kane, tiffany, and one or two others of the new york men, and also a dynamite gun, under the immediate charge of sergeant borrowe. to get these, and especially the last, ashore, involved no little work and hazard. meanwhile, from another transport, our horses were being landed, together with the mules, by the simple process of throwing them overboard and letting them swim ashore, if they could. both of wood's got safely through. one of mine was drowned. the other, little texas, got ashore all right. while i was superintending the landing at the ruined dock, with bucky o'neill, a boatful of colored infantry soldiers capsized, and two of the men went to the bottom; bucky o'neill plunging in, in full uniform, to save them, but in vain. however, by the late afternoon we had all our men, with what ammunition and provisions they could themselves carry, landed, and were ready for anything that might turn up. iii general young's fight at las guasimas just before leaving tampa we had been brigaded with the first (white) and tenth (colored) regular cavalry under brigadier-general s. b. m. young. we were the second brigade, the first brigade consisting of the third and sixth (white), and the ninth (colored) regular cavalry under brigadier-general sumner. the two brigades of the cavalry division were under major-general joseph wheeler, the gallant old confederate cavalry commander. general young was--and is--as fine a type of the american fighting soldier as a man can hope to see. he had been in command, as colonel, of the yellowstone national park, and i had seen a good deal of him in connection therewith, as i was president of the boone and crockett club, an organization devoted to hunting big game, to its preservation, and to forest preservation. during the preceding winter, while he was in washington, he had lunched with me at the metropolitan club, wood being one of the other guests. of course, we talked of the war, which all of us present believed to be impending, and wood and i told him we were going to make every effort to get in, somehow; and he answered that we must be sure to get into his brigade, if he had one, and he would guarantee to show us fighting. none of us forgot the conversation. as soon as our regiment was raised general young applied for it to be put in his brigade. we were put in; and he made his word good; for he fought and won the first fight on cuban soil. yet, even though under him, we should not have been in this fight at all if we had not taken advantage of the chance to disembark among the first troops, and if it had not been for wood's energy in pushing our regiment to the front. on landing we spent some active hours in marching our men a quarter of a mile or so inland, as boat-load by boat-load they disembarked. meanwhile one of the men, knoblauch, a new yorker, who was a great athlete and a champion swimmer, by diving in the surf off the dock, recovered most of the rifles which had been lost when the boat-load of colored cavalry capsized. the country would have offered very great difficulties to an attacking force had there been resistance. it was little but a mass of rugged and precipitous hills, covered for the most part by dense jungle. five hundred resolute men could have prevented the disembarkation at very little cost to themselves. there had been about that number of spaniards at daiquiri that morning, but they had fled even before the ships began shelling. in their place we found hundreds of cuban insurgents, a crew of as utter tatterdemalions as human eyes ever looked on, armed with every kind of rifle in all stages of dilapidation. it was evident, at a glance, that they would be no use in serious fighting, but it was hoped that they might be of service in scouting. from a variety of causes, however, they turned out to be nearly useless, even for this purpose, so far as the santiago campaign was concerned. we were camped on a dusty, brush-covered flat, with jungle on one side, and on the other a shallow, fetid pool fringed with palm-trees. huge land-crabs scuttled noisily through the underbrush, exciting much interest among the men. camping was a simple matter, as each man carried all he had, and the officers had nothing. i took a light mackintosh and a tooth-brush. fortunately, that night it did not rain; and from the palm-leaves we built shelters from the sun. general lawton, a tall, fine-looking man, had taken the advance. a thorough soldier, he at once established outposts and pushed reconnoitring parties ahead on the trails. he had as little baggage as the rest of us. our own brigade-commander, general young, had exactly the same impedimenta that i had, namely, a mackintosh and a tooth-brush. next morning we were hard at work trying to get the stuff unloaded from the ship, and succeeded in getting most of it ashore, but were utterly unable to get transportation for anything but a very small quantity. the great shortcoming throughout the campaign was the utterly inadequate transportation. if we had been allowed to take our mule-train, we could have kept the whole cavalry division supplied. in the afternoon word came to us to march. general wheeler, a regular game-cock, was as anxious as lawton to get first blood, and he was bent upon putting the cavalry division to the front as quickly as possible. lawton's advance-guard was in touch with the spaniards, and there had been a skirmish between the latter and some cubans, who were repulsed. general wheeler made a reconnaissance in person, found out where the enemy was, and directed general young to take our brigade and move forward so as to strike him next morning. he had the power to do this, as when general shafter was afloat he had command ashore. i had succeeded in finding texas, my surviving horse, much the worse for his fortnight on the transport and his experience in getting off, but still able to carry me. it was mid-afternoon and the tropic sun was beating fiercely down when colonel wood started our regiment--the first and tenth cavalry and some of the infantry regiments having already marched. colonel wood himself rode in advance, while i led my squadron, and major brodie followed with his. it was a hard march, the hilly jungle trail being so narrow that often we had to go in single file. we marched fast, for wood was bound to get us ahead of the other regiments, so as to be sure of our place in the body that struck the enemy next morning. if it had not been for his energy in pushing forward, we should certainly have missed the fight. as it was, we did not halt until we were at the extreme front. the men were not in very good shape for marching, and moreover they were really horsemen, the majority being cowboys who had never done much walking. the heat was intense and their burdens very heavy. yet there was very little straggling. whenever we halted they instantly took off their packs and threw themselves on their backs. then at the word to start they would spring into place again. the captains and lieutenants tramped along, encouraging the men by example and word. a good part of the time i was by captain llewellen, and was greatly pleased to see the way in which he kept his men up to their work. he never pitied or coddled his troopers, but he always looked after them. he helped them whenever he could, and took rather more than his full share of hardship and danger, so that his men naturally followed him with entire devotion. jack greenway was under him as lieutenant, and to him the entire march was nothing but an enjoyable outing, the chance of fight on the morrow simply adding the needed spice of excitement. it was long after nightfall when we tramped through the darkness into the squalid coast hamlet of siboney. as usual when we made a night camp, we simply drew the men up in column of troops, and then let each man lie down where he was. black thunder-clouds were gathering. before they broke the fires were made and the men cooked their coffee and pork, some frying the hard-tack with the pork. the officers, of course, fared just as the men did. hardly had we finished eating when the rain came, a regular tropic downpour. we sat about, sheltering ourselves as best we could, for the hour or two it lasted; then the fires were relighted and we closed around them, the men taking off their wet things to dry them, so far as possible, by the blaze. wood had gone off to see general young, as general wheeler had instructed general young to hit the spaniards, who were about four miles away, as soon after daybreak as possible. meanwhile i strolled over to captain capron's troop. he and i, with his two lieutenants, day and thomas, stood around the fire, together with two or three non-commissioned officers and privates; among the latter were sergeant hamilton fish and trooper elliot cowdin, both of new york. cowdin, together with two other troopers, harry thorpe and munro ferguson, had been on my oyster bay polo team some years before. hamilton fish had already shown himself one of the best non-commissioned officers we had. a huge fellow, of enormous strength and endurance and dauntless courage, he took naturally to a soldier's life. he never complained and never shirked any duty of any kind, while his power over his men was great. so good a sergeant had he made that captain capron, keen to get the best men under him, took him when he left tampa--for fish's troop remained behind. as we stood around the flickering blaze that night i caught myself admiring the splendid bodily vigor of capron and fish--the captain and the sergeant. their frames seemed of steel, to withstand all fatigue; they were flushed with health; in their eyes shone high resolve and fiery desire. two finer types of the fighting man, two better representatives of the american soldier, there were not in the whole army. capron was going over his plans for the fight when we should meet the spaniards on the morrow, fish occasionally asking a question. they were both filled with eager longing to show their mettle, and both were rightly confident that if they lived they would win honorable renown and would rise high in their chosen profession. within twelve hours they both were dead. i had lain down when toward midnight wood returned. he had gone over the whole plan with general young. we were to start by sunrise toward santiago, general young taking four troops of the tenth and four troops of the first up the road which led through the valley; while colonel wood was to lead our eight troops along a hill-trail to the left, which joined the valley road about four miles on, at a point where the road went over a spur of the mountain chain and from thence went down hill toward santiago. the spaniards had their lines at the junction of the road and the trail. before describing our part in the fight, it is necessary to say a word about general young's share, for, of course, the whole fight was under his direction, and the fight on the right wing under his immediate supervision. general young had obtained from general castillo, the commander of the cuban forces, a full description of the country in front. general castillo promised young the aid of eight hundred cubans, if he made a reconnaissance in force to find out exactly what the spanish strength was. this promised cuban aid did not, however, materialize, the cubans, who had been beaten back by the spaniards the day before, not appearing on the firing-line until the fight was over. general young had in his immediate command a squadron of the first regular cavalry, two hundred and forty-four strong, under the command of major bell, and a squadron of the tenth regular cavalry, two hundred and twenty strong, under the command of major norvell. he also had two hotchkiss mountain guns, under captain watson of the tenth. he started at a quarter before six in the morning, accompanied by captain a. l. mills, as aide. it was at half-past seven that captain mills, with a patrol of two men in advance, discovered the spaniards as they lay across where the two roads came together, some of them in pits, others simply lying in the heavy jungle, while on their extreme right they occupied a big ranch. where general young struck them they held a high ridge a little to the left of his front, this ridge being separated by a deep ravine from the hill-trail still farther to the left, down which the rough riders were advancing. that is, their forces occupied a range of high hills in the form of an obtuse angle, the salient being toward the space between the american forces, while there were advance parties along both roads. there were stone breastworks flanked by block-houses on that part of the ridge where the two trails came together. the place was called las guasimas, from trees of that name in the neighborhood. general young, who was riding a mule, carefully examined the spanish position in person. he ordered the canteens of the troops to be filled, placed the hotchkiss battery in concealment about nine hundred yards from the spanish lines, and then deployed the white regulars, with the colored regulars in support, having sent a cuban guide to try to find colonel wood and warn him. he did not attack immediately, because he knew that colonel wood, having a more difficult route, would require a longer time to reach the position. during the delay general wheeler arrived; he had been up since long before dawn, to see that everything went well. young informed him of the dispositions and plan of attack he made. general wheeler approved of them, and with excellent judgment left general young a free hand to fight his battle. so, about eight o'clock young began the fight with his hotchkiss guns, he himself being up on the firing-line. no sooner had the hotchkiss one-pounders opened than the spaniards opened fire in return, most of the time firing by volleys executed in perfect time, almost as on parade. they had a couple of light guns, which our people thought were quick firers. the denseness of the jungle and the fact that they used absolutely smokeless powder, made it exceedingly difficult to place exactly where they were, and almost immediately young, who always liked to get as close as possible to his enemy, began to push his troops forward. they were deployed on both sides of the road in such thick jungle that it was only here and there that they could possibly see ahead, and some confusion, of course, ensued, the support gradually getting mixed with the advance. captain beck took a troop of the tenth in on the left, next captain galbraith's troop of the first; two other troops of the tenth were on the extreme right. through the jungle ran wire fences here and there, and as the troops got to the ridge they encountered precipitous heights. they were led most gallantly, as american regular officers always lead their men; and the men followed their leaders with the splendid courage always shown by the american regular soldier. there was not a single straggler among them, and in not one instance was an attempt made by any trooper to fall out in order to assist the wounded or carry back the dead, while so cool were they and so perfect their fire discipline, that in the entire engagement the expenditure of ammunition was not over ten rounds per man. major bell, who commanded the squadron, had his leg broken by a shot as he was leading his men. captain wainwright succeeded to the command of the squadron. captain knox was shot in the abdomen. he continued for some time giving orders to his troops, and refused to allow a man in the firing-line to assist him to the rear. his first lieutenant, byram, was himself shot, but continued to lead his men until the wound and the heat overcame him and he fell in a faint. the advance was pushed forward under general young's eye with the utmost energy, until the enemy's voices could be heard in the entrenchments. the spaniards kept up a very heavy firing, but the regulars would not be denied, and as they climbed the ridges the spaniards broke and fled. meanwhile, at six o'clock, the rough riders began their advance. we first had to climb a very steep hill. many of the men, foot-sore and weary from their march of the preceding day, found the pace up this hill too hard, and either dropped their bundles or fell out of line, with the result that we went into action with less than five hundred men--as, in addition to the stragglers, a detachment had been left to guard the baggage on shore. at the time i was rather inclined to grumble to myself about wood setting so fast a pace, but when the fight began i realized that it had been absolutely necessary, as otherwise we should have arrived late and the regulars would have had very hard work indeed. tiffany, by great exertions, had corralled a couple of mules and was using them to transport the colt automatic guns in the rear of the regiment. the dynamite gun was not with us, as mules for it could not be obtained in time. captain capron's troop was in the lead, it being chosen for the most responsible and dangerous position because of capron's capacity. four men, headed by sergeant hamilton fish, went first; a support of twenty men followed some distance behind; and then came capron and the rest of his troop, followed by wood, with whom general young had sent lieutenants smedburg and rivers as aides. i rode close behind, at the head of the other three troops of my squadron, and then came brodie at the head of his squadron. the trail was so narrow that for the most part the men marched in single file, and it was bordered by dense, tangled jungle, through which a man could with difficulty force his way; so that to put out flankers was impossible, for they could not possibly have kept up with the march of the column. every man had his canteen full. there was a cuban guide at the head of the column, but he ran away as soon as the fighting began. there were also with us, at the head of the column, two men who did not run away, who, though non-combatants--newspaper correspondents--showed as much gallantry as any soldier in the field. they were edward marshall and richard harding davis. after reaching the top of the hill the walk was very pleasant. now and then we came to glades or rounded hill-shoulders, whence we could look off for some distance. the tropical forest was very beautiful, and it was a delight to see the strange trees, the splendid royal palms and a tree which looked like a flat-topped acacia, and which was covered with a mass of brilliant scarlet flowers. we heard many bird-notes, too, the cooing of doves and the call of a great brush cuckoo. afterward we found that the spanish guerillas imitated these bird-calls, but the sounds we heard that morning, as we advanced through the tropic forest, were from birds, not guerillas, until we came right up to the spanish lines. it was very beautiful and very peaceful, and it seemed more as if we were off on some hunting excursion than as if were about to go into a sharp and bloody little fight. of course, we accommodated our movements to those of the men in front. after marching for somewhat over an hour, we suddenly came to a halt, and immediately afterward colonel wood sent word down the line that the advance guard had come upon a spanish outpost. then the order was passed to fill the magazines, which was done. the men were totally unconcerned, and i do not think they realized that any fighting was at hand; at any rate, i could hear the group nearest me discussing in low murmurs, not the spaniards, but the conduct of a certain cow-puncher in quitting work on a ranch and starting a saloon in some new mexican town. in another minute, however, wood sent me orders to deploy three troops to the right of the trail, and to advance when we became engaged; while, at the same time, the other troops, under major brodie, were deployed to the left of the trail where the ground was more open than elsewhere--one troop being held in reserve in the centre, besides the reserves on each wing. later all the reserves were put into the firing-line. to the right the jungle was quite thick, and we had barely begun to deploy when a crash in front announced that the fight was on. it was evidently very hot, and l troop had its hands full; so i hurried my men up abreast of them. so thick was the jungle that it was very difficult to keep together, especially when there was no time for delay, and while i got up llewellen's troops and kane's platoon of k troop, the rest of k troop under captain jenkins which, with bucky o'neill's troop, made up the right wing, were behind, and it was some time before they got into the fight at all. meanwhile i had gone forward with llewellen, greenway, kane and their troopers until we came out on a kind of shoulder, jutting over a ravine, which separated us from a great ridge on our right. it was on this ridge that the spaniards had some of their intrenchments, and it was just beyond this ridge that the valley road led, up which the regulars were at that very time pushing their attack; but, of course, at the moment we knew nothing of this. the effect of the smokeless powder was remarkable. the air seemed full of the rustling sound of the mauser bullets, for the spaniards knew the trails by which we were advancing, and opened heavily on our position. moreover, as we advanced we were, of course, exposed, and they could see us and fire. but they themselves were entirely invisible. the jungle covered everything, and not the faintest trace of smoke was to be seen in any direction to indicate from whence the bullets came. it was some time before the men fired; llewellen, kane, and i anxiously studying the ground to see where our opponents were, and utterly unable to find out. we could hear the faint reports of the hotchkiss guns and the reply of two spanish guns, and the mauser bullets were singing through the trees over our heads, making a noise like the humming of telephone wires; but exactly where they came from we could not tell. the spaniards were firing high and for the most part by volleys, and their shooting was not very good, which perhaps was not to be wondered at, as they were a long way off. gradually, however, they began to get the range and occasionally one of our men would crumple up. in no case did the man make any outcry when hit, seeming to take it as a matter of course; at the outside, making only such a remark as: "well, i got it that time." with hardly an exception, there was no sign of flinching. i say with hardly an exception, for though i personally did not see an instance, and though all the men at the front behaved excellently, yet there were a very few men who lagged behind and drifted back to the trail over which we had come. the character of the fight put a premium upon such conduct, and afforded a very severe test for raw troops; because the jungle was so dense that as we advanced in open order, every man was, from time to time, left almost alone and away from the eyes of his officers. there was unlimited opportunity for dropping out without attracting notice, while it was peculiarly hard to be exposed to the fire of an unseen foe, and to see men dropping under it, and yet to be, for some time, unable to return it, and also to be entirely ignorant of what was going on in any other part of the field. it was richard harding davis who gave us our first opportunity to shoot back with effect. he was behaving precisely like my officers, being on the extreme front of the line, and taking every opportunity to study with his glasses the ground where we thought the spaniards were. i had tried some volley firing at points where i rather doubtfully believed the spaniards to be, but had stopped firing and was myself studying the jungle-covered mountain ahead with my glasses, when davis suddenly said: "there they are, colonel; look over there; i can see their hats near that glade," pointing across the valley to our right. in a minute i, too, made out the hats, and then pointed them out to three or four of our best shots, giving them my estimate of the range. for a minute or two no result followed, and i kept raising the range, at the same time getting more men on the firing-line. then, evidently, the shots told, for the spaniards suddenly sprang out of the cover through which we had seen their hats, and ran to another spot; and we could now make out a large number of them. i accordingly got all of my men up in line and began quick firing. in a very few minutes our bullets began to do damage, for the spaniards retreated to the left into the jungle, and we lost sight of them. at the same moment a big body of men who, it afterward turned out, were spaniards, came in sight along the glade, following the retreat of those whom we had just driven from the trenches. we supposed that there was a large force of cubans with general young, not being aware that these cubans had failed to make their appearance, and as it was impossible to tell the cubans from the spaniards, and as we could not decide whether these were cubans following the spaniards we had put to flight, or merely another troop of spaniards retreating after the first (which was really the case) we dared not fire, and in a minute they had passed the glade and were out of sight. at every halt we took advantage of the cover, sinking down behind any mound, bush, or tree trunk in the neighborhood. the trees, of course, furnished no protection from the mauser bullets. once i was standing behind a large palm with my head out to one side, very fortunately; for a bullet passed through the palm, filling my left eye and ear with the dust and splinters. no man was allowed to drop out to help the wounded. it was hard to leave them there in the jungle, where they might not be found again until the vultures and the land-crabs came, but war is a grim game and there was no choice. one of the men shot was harry heffner of g troop, who was mortally wounded through the hips. he fell without uttering a sound, and two of his companions dragged him behind a tree. here he propped himself up and asked to be given his canteen and his rifle, which i handed to him. he then again began shooting, and continued loading and firing until the line moved forward and we left him alone, dying in the gloomy shade. when we found him again, after the fight, he was dead. at one time, as i was out of touch with that part of my wing commanded by jenkins and o'neill, i sent greenway, with sergeant russell, a new yorker, and trooper rowland, a new mexican cow-puncher, down in the valley to find out where they were. to do this the three had to expose themselves to a very severe fire, but they were not men to whom this mattered. russell was killed; the other two returned and reported to me the position of jenkins and o'neill. they then resumed their places on the firing-line. after awhile i noticed blood coming out of rowland's side and discovered that he had been shot, although he did not seem to be taking any notice of it. he said the wound was only slight, but as i saw he had broken a rib, i told him to go to the rear to the hospital. after some grumbling he went, but fifteen minutes later he was back on the firing-line again and said he could not find the hospital--which i doubted. however, i then let him stay until the end of the fight. after we had driven the spaniards off from their position to our right, the firing seemed to die away so far as we were concerned, for the bullets no longer struck around us in such a storm as before, though along the rest of the line the battle was as brisk as ever. soon we saw troops appearing across the ravine, not very far from where we had seen the spaniards whom we had thought might be cubans. again we dared not fire, and carefully studied the new-comers with our glasses; and this time we were right, for we recognized our own cavalry-men. we were by no means sure that they recognized us, however, and were anxious that they should, but it was very difficult to find a clear spot in the jungle from which to signal; so sergeant lee of troop k climbed a tree and from its summit waved the troop guidon. they waved their guidon back, and as our right wing was now in touch with the regulars, i left jenkins and o'neill to keep the connection, and led llewellen's troop back to the path to join the rest of the regiment, which was evidently still in the thick of the fight. i was still very much in the dark as to where the main body of the spanish forces were, or exactly what lines the battle was following, and was very uncertain what i ought to do; but i knew it could not be wrong to go forward, and i thought i would find wood and then see what he wished me to do. i was in a mood to cordially welcome guidance, for it was most bewildering to fight an enemy whom one so rarely saw. i had not seen wood since the beginning of the skirmish, when he hurried forward. when the firing opened some of the men began to curse. "don't swear--shoot!" growled wood, as he strode along the path leading his horse, and everyone laughed and became cool again. the spanish outposts were very near our advance guard, and some minutes of the hottest kind of firing followed before they were driven back and slipped off through the jungle to their main lines in the rear. here, at the very outset of our active service, we suffered the loss of two as gallant men as ever wore uniform. sergeant hamilton fish at the extreme front, while holding the point up to its work and firing back where the spanish advance guards lay, was shot and instantly killed; three of the men with him were likewise hit. captain capron, leading the advance guard in person, and displaying equal courage and coolness in the way that he handled them, was also struck, and died a few minutes afterward. the command of the troop then devolved upon the first lieutenant, young thomas. like capron, thomas was the fifth in line from father to son who had served in the american army, though in his case it was in the volunteer and not the regular service; the four preceding generations had furnished soldiers respectively to the revolutionary war, the war of , the mexican war, and the civil war. in a few minutes thomas was shot through the leg, and the command devolved upon the second lieutenant, day (a nephew of "albemarle" cushing, he who sunk the great confederate ram). day, who proved himself to be one of our most efficient officers, continued to handle the men to the best possible advantage, and brought them steadily forward. l troop was from the indian territory. the whites, indians, and half-breeds in it, all fought with equal courage. captain mcclintock was hurried forward to its relief with his troop b of arizona men. in a few minutes he was shot through the leg and his place was taken by his first lieutenant, wilcox, who handled his men in the same soldierly manner that day did. among the men who showed marked courage and coolness was the tall color-sergeant, wright; the colors were shot through three times. when i had led g troop back to the trail i ran ahead of them, passing the dead and wounded men of l troop, passing young fish as he lay with glazed eyes under the rank tropic growth to one side of the trail. when i came to the front i found the men spread out in a very thin skirmish line, advancing through comparatively open ground, each man taking advantage of what cover he could, while wood strolled about leading his horse, brodie being close at hand. how wood escaped being hit, i do not see, and still less how his horse escaped. i had left mine at the beginning of the action, and was only regretting that i had not left my sword with it, as it kept getting between my legs when i was tearing my way through the jungle. i never wore it again in action. lieutenant rivers was with wood, also leading his horse. smedburg had been sent off on the by no means pleasant task of establishing communications with young. very soon after i reached the front, brodie was hit, the bullet shattering one arm and whirling him around as he stood. he had kept on the extreme front all through, his presence and example keeping his men entirely steady, and he at first refused to go to the rear; but the wound was very painful, and he became so faint that he had to be sent. thereupon, wood directed me to take charge of the left wing in brodie's place, and to bring it forward; so over i went. i now had under me captains luna, muller, and houston, and i began to take them forward, well spread out, through the high grass of a rather open forest. i noticed goodrich, of houston's troop, tramping along behind his men, absorbed in making them keep at good intervals from one another and fire slowly with careful aim. as i came close up to the edge of the troop, he caught a glimpse of me, mistook me for one of his own skirmishers who was crowding in too closely, and called out, "keep your interval, sir; keep your interval, and go forward." a perfect hail of bullets was sweeping over us as we advanced. once i got a glimpse of some spaniards, apparently retreating, far in the front, and to our right, and we fired a couple of rounds after them. then i became convinced, after much anxious study, that we were being fired at from some large red-tiled buildings, part of a ranch on our front. smokeless powder, and the thick cover in our front, continued to puzzle us, and i more than once consulted anxiously the officers as to the exact whereabouts of our opponents. i took a rifle from a wounded man and began to try shots with it myself. it was very hot and the men were getting exhausted, though at this particular time we were not suffering heavily from bullets, the spanish fire going high. as we advanced, the cover became a little thicker and i lost touch of the main body under wood; so i halted and we fired industriously at the ranch buildings ahead of us, some five hundred yards off. then we heard cheering on the right, and i supposed that this meant a charge on the part of wood's men, so i sprang up and ordered the men to rush the buildings ahead of us. they came forward with a will. there was a moment's heavy firing from the spaniards, which all went over our heads, and then it ceased entirely. when we arrived at the buildings, panting and out of breath, they contained nothing but heaps of empty cartridge-shells and two dead spaniards, shot through the head. the country all around us was thickly forested, so that it was very difficult to see any distance in any direction. the firing had now died out, but i was still entirely uncertain as to exactly what had happened. i did not know whether the enemy had been driven back or whether it was merely a lull in the fight, and we might be attacked again; nor did i know what had happened in any other part of the line, while as i occupied the extreme left, i was not sure whether or not my flank was in danger. at this moment one of our men who had dropped out, arrived with the information (fortunately false) that wood was dead. of course, this meant that the command devolved upon me, and i hastily set about taking charge of the regiment. i had been particularly struck by the coolness and courage shown by sergeants dame and mcilhenny, and sent them out with small pickets to keep watch in front and to the left of the left wing. i sent other men to fill the canteens with water, and threw the rest out in a long line in a disused sunken road, which gave them cover, putting two or three wounded men, who had hitherto kept up with the fighting-line, and a dozen men who were suffering from heat exhaustion--for the fighting and running under that blazing sun through the thick dry jungle was heart-breaking--into the ranch buildings. then i started over toward the main body, but to my delight encountered wood himself, who told me the fight was over and the spaniards had retreated. he also informed me that other troops were just coming up. the first to appear was a squadron of the ninth cavalry, under major dimick, which had hurried up to get into the fight, and was greatly disappointed to find it over. they took post in front of our lines, so that our tired men were able to get a rest, captain mcblain, of the ninth, good-naturedly giving us some points as to the best way to station our outposts. then general chaffee, rather glum at not having been in the fight himself, rode up at the head of some of his infantry, and i marched my squadron back to where the rest of the regiment was going into camp, just where the two trails came together, and beyond--that is, on the santiago side of--the original spanish lines. the rough riders had lost eight men killed and thirty-four wounded, aside from two or three who were merely scratched and whose wounds were not reported. the first cavalry, white, lost seven men killed and eight wounded; the tenth cavalry, colored, one man killed and ten wounded; so, out of men engaged on our side, were killed and wounded. the spaniards were under general rubin, with, as second in command, colonel alcarez. they had two guns, and eleven companies of about a hundred men each: three belonging to the porto rico regiment, three to the san fernandino, two to the talavero, two being so-called mobilized companies from the mineral districts, and one a company of engineers; over twelve hundred men in all, together with two guns.* * note: see lieutenant muller y tejeiro, "combates y capitulacion de santiago de cuba," page . the lieutenant speaks as if only one echelon, of seven companies and two guns, was engaged on the th. the official report says distinctly, "general rubin's column," which consisted of the companies detailed. by turning to page , where lieutenant tejeiro enumerates the strength of the various companies, it will be seen that they averaged over men apiece; this probably does not include officers, and is probably an under-statement anyhow. on page he makes the spanish loss at las guasimas, which he calls sevilla, killed and wounded. very possibly he includes only the spanish regulars; two of the spaniards we slew, over on the left, were in brown, instead of the light blue of the regulars, and were doubtless guerillas. general rubin reported that he had repulsed the american attack, and lieutenant tejeiro states in his book that general rubin forced the americans to retreat, and enumerates the attacking force as consisting of three regular regiments of infantry, the second massachusetts and the seventy-first new york (not one of which fired a gun or were anywhere near the battle), in addition to the sixteen dismounted troops of cavalry. in other words, as the five infantry regiments each included twelve companies, he makes the attacking force consist of just five times the actual amount. as for the "repulse," our line never went back ten yards in any place, and the advance was practically steady; while an hour and a half after the fight began we were in complete possession of the entire spanish position, and their troops were fleeing in masses down the road, our men being too exhausted to follow them. general rubin also reports that he lost but seven men killed. this is certainly incorrect, for captain o'neill and i went over the ground very carefully and counted eleven dead spaniards, all of whom were actually buried by our burying squads. there were probably two or three men whom we missed, but i think that our official reports are incorrect in stating that forty-two dead spaniards were found; this being based upon reports in which i think some of the spanish dead were counted two or three times. indeed, i should doubt whether their loss was as heavy as ours, for they were under cover, while we advanced, often in the open, and their main lines fled long before we could get to close quarters. it was a very difficult country, and a force of good soldiers resolutely handled could have held the pass with ease against two or three times their number. as it was, with a force half of regulars and half of volunteers, we drove out a superior number of spanish regular troops, strongly posted, without suffering a very heavy loss. although the spanish fire was very heavy, it does not seem to me it was very well directed; and though they fired with great spirit while we merely stood at a distance and fired at them, they did not show much resolution, and when we advanced, always went back long before there was any chance of our coming into contact with them. our men behaved very well indeed--white regulars, colored regulars, and rough riders alike. the newspaper press failed to do full justice to the white regulars, in my opinion, from the simple reason that everybody knew that they would fight, whereas there had been a good deal of question as to how the rough riders, who were volunteer troops, and the tenth cavalry, who were colored, would behave; so there was a tendency to exalt our deeds at the expense of those of the first regulars, whose courage and good conduct were taken for granted. it was a trying fight beyond what the losses show, for it is hard upon raw soldiers to be pitted against an unseen foe, and to advance steadily when their comrades are falling around them, and when they can only occasionally see a chance to retaliate. wood's experience in fighting apaches stood him in good stead. an entirely raw man at the head of the regiment, conducting, as wood was, what was practically an independent fight, would have been in a very trying position. the fight cleared the way toward santiago, and we experienced no further resistance. that afternoon we made camp and dined, subsisting chiefly on a load of beans which we found on one of the spanish mules which had been shot. we also looked after the wounded. dr. church had himself gone out to the firing-line during the fight, and carried to the rear some of the worst wounded on his back or in his arms. those who could walk had walked in to where the little field-hospital of the regiment was established on the trail. we found all our dead and all the badly wounded. around one of the latter the big, hideous land-crabs had gathered in a gruesome ring, waiting for life to be extinct. one of our own men and most of the spanish dead had been found by the vultures before we got to them; and their bodies were mangled, the eyes and wounds being torn. the rough rider who had been thus treated was in bucky o'neill's troop; and as we looked at the body, o'neill turned to me and asked, "colonel, isn't it whitman who says of the vultures that 'they pluck the eyes of princes and tear the flesh of kings'?" i answered that i could not place the quotation. just a week afterward we were shielding his own body from the birds of prey. one of the men who fired first, and who displayed conspicuous gallantry was a cherokee half-breed, who was hit seven times, and of course had to go back to the states. before he rejoined us at montauk point he had gone through a little private war of his own; for on his return he found that a cowboy had gone off with his sweetheart, and in the fight that ensued he shot his rival. another man of l troop who also showed marked gallantry was elliot cowdin. the men of the plains and mountains were trained by life-long habit to look on life and death with iron philosophy. as i passed by a couple of tall, lank, oklahoma cow-punchers, i heard one say, "well, some of the boys got it in the neck!" to which the other answered with the grim plains proverb of the south: "many a good horse dies." thomas isbell, a half-breed cherokee in the squad under hamilton fish, was among the first to shoot and be shot at. he was wounded no less than seven times. the first wound was received by him two minutes after he had fired his first shot, the bullet going through his neck. the second hit him in the left thumb. the third struck near his right hip, passing entirely through the body. the fourth bullet (which was apparently from a remington and not from a mauser) went into his neck and lodged against the bone, being afterward cut out. the fifth bullet again hit his left hand. the sixth scraped his head and the seventh his neck. he did not receive all of the wounds at the same time, over half an hour elapsing between the first and the last. up to receiving the last wound he had declined to leave the firing-line, but by that time he had lost so much blood that he had to be sent to the rear. the man's wiry toughness was as notable as his courage. we improvised litters, and carried the more sorely wounded back to siboney that afternoon and the next morning; the others walked. one of the men who had been most severely wounded was edward marshall, the correspondent, and he showed as much heroism as any soldier in the whole army. he was shot through the spine, a terrible and very painful wound, which we supposed meant that he would surely die; but he made no complaint of any kind, and while he retained consciousness persisted in dictating the story of the fight. a very touching incident happened in the improvised open-air hospital after the fight, where the wounded were lying. they did not groan, and made no complaint, trying to help one another. one of them suddenly began to hum, "my country 'tis of thee," and one by one the others joined in the chorus, which swelled out through the tropic woods, where the victors lay in camp beside their dead. i did not see any sign among the fighting men, whether wounded or unwounded, of the very complicated emotions assigned to their kind by some of the realistic modern novelists who have written about battles. at the front everyone behaved quite simply and took things as they came, in a matter-of-course way; but there was doubtless, as is always the case, a good deal of panic and confusion in the rear where the wounded, the stragglers, a few of the packers, and two or three newspaper correspondents were, and in consequence the first reports sent back to the coast were of a most alarming character, describing, with minute inaccuracy, how we had run into ambush, etc. the packers with the mules which carried the rapid-fire guns were among those who ran, and they let the mules go in the jungle; in consequence the guns were never even brought to the firing-line, and only fred herrig's skill as a trailer enabled us to recover them. by patient work he followed up the mules' tracks in the forest until he found the animals. among the wounded who walked to the temporary hospital at siboney was the trooper, rowland, of whom i spoke before. there the doctors examined him, and decreed that his wound was so serious that he must go back to the states. this was enough for rowland, who waited until nightfall and then escaped, slipping out of the window and making his way back to camp with his rifle and pack, though his wound must have made all movement very painful to him. after this, we felt that he was entitled to stay, and he never left us for a day, distinguishing himself again in the fight at san juan. next morning we buried seven dead rough riders in a grave on the summit of the trail, chaplain brown reading the solemn burial service of the episcopalians, while the men stood around with bared heads and joined in singing, "rock of ages." vast numbers of vultures were wheeling round and round in great circles through the blue sky overhead. there could be no more honorable burial than that of these men in a common grave--indian and cowboy, miner, packer, and college athlete--the man of unknown ancestry from the lonely western plains, and the man who carried on his watch the crests of the stuyvesants and the fishes, one in the way they had met death, just as during life they had been one in their daring and their loyalty. on the afternoon of the th we moved on a couple of miles, and camped in a marshy open spot close to a beautiful stream. here we lay for several days. captain lee, the british attache, spent some time with us; we had begun to regard him as almost a member of the regiment. count von gotzen, the german attache, another good fellow, also visited us. general young was struck down with the fever, and wood took charge of the brigade. this left me in command of the regiment, of which i was very glad, for such experience as we had had is a quick teacher. by this time the men and i knew one another, and i felt able to make them do themselves justice in march or battle. they understood that i paid no heed to where they came from; no heed to their creed, politics, or social standing; that i would care for them to the utmost of my power, but that i demanded the highest performance of duty; while in return i had seen them tested, and knew i could depend absolutely on their courage, hardihood, obedience, and individual initiative. there was nothing like enough transportation with the army, whether in the way of wagons or mule-trains; exactly as there had been no sufficient number of landing-boats with the transports. the officers' baggage had come up, but none of us had much, and the shelter-tents proved only a partial protection against the terrific downpours of rain. these occurred almost every afternoon, and turned the camp into a tarn, and the trails into torrents and quagmires. we were not given quite the proper amount of food, and what we did get, like most of the clothing issued us, was fitter for the klondyke than for cuba. we got enough salt pork and hardtack for the men, but not the full ration of coffee and sugar, and nothing else. i organized a couple of expeditions back to the seacoast, taking the strongest and best walkers and also some of the officers' horses and a stray mule or two, and brought back beans and canned tomatoes. these i got partly by great exertions on my part, and partly by the aid of colonel weston of the commissary department, a particularly energetic man whose services were of great value. a silly regulation forbade my purchasing canned vegetables, etc., except for the officers; and i had no little difficulty in getting round this regulation, and purchasing (with my own money, of course) what i needed for the men. one of the men i took with me on one of these trips was sherman bell, the former deputy marshal of cripple creek, and wells-fargo express rider. in coming home with his load, through a blinding storm, he slipped and opened the old rupture. the agony was very great and one of his comrades took his load. he himself, sometimes walking, and sometimes crawling, got back to camp, where dr. church fixed him up with a spike bandage, but informed him that he would have to be sent back to the states when an ambulance came along. the ambulance did not come until the next day, which was the day before we marched to san juan. it arrived after nightfall, and as soon as bell heard it coming, he crawled out of the hospital tent into the jungle, where he lay all night; and the ambulance went off without him. the men shielded him just as school-boys would shield a companion, carrying his gun, belt, and bedding; while bell kept out of sight until the column started, and then staggered along behind it. i found him the morning of the san juan fight. he told me that he wanted to die fighting, if die he must, and i hadn't the heart to send him back. he did splendid service that day, and afterward in the trenches, and though the rupture opened twice again, and on each occasion he was within a hair's breadth of death, he escaped, and came back with us to the united states. the army was camped along the valley, ahead of and behind us, our outposts being established on either side. from the generals to the privates all were eager to march against santiago. at daybreak, when the tall palms began to show dimly through the rising mist, the scream of the cavalry trumpets tore the tropic dawn; and in the evening, as the bands of regiment after regiment played the "star-spangled banner," all, officers and men alike, stood with heads uncovered, wherever they were, until the last strains of the anthem died away in the hot sunset air. iv the cavalry at santiago on june th we received orders to hold ourselves in readiness to march against santiago, and all the men were greatly overjoyed, for the inaction was trying. the one narrow road, a mere muddy track along which the army was encamped, was choked with the marching columns. as always happened when we had to change camp, everything that the men could not carry, including, of course, the officers' baggage, was left behind. about noon the rough riders struck camp and drew up in column beside the road in the rear of the first cavalry. then we sat down and waited for hours before the order came to march, while regiment after regiment passed by, varied by bands of tatterdemalion cuban insurgents, and by mule-trains with ammunition. every man carried three days' provisions. we had succeeded in borrowing mules sufficient to carry along the dynamite gun and the automatic colts. at last, toward mid-afternoon, the first and tenth cavalry, ahead of us, marched, and we followed. the first was under the command of lieutenant-colonel veile, the tenth under lieutenant-colonel baldwin. every few minutes there would be a stoppage in front, and at the halt i would make the men sit or lie down beside the track, loosening their packs. the heat was intense as we passed through the still, close jungle, which formed a wall on either hand. occasionally we came to gaps or open spaces, where some regiment was camped, and now and then one of these regiments, which apparently had been left out of its proper place, would file into the road, breaking up our line of march. as a result, we finally found ourselves following merely the tail of the regiment ahead of us, an infantry regiment being thrust into the interval. once or twice we had to wade streams. darkness came on, but we still continued to march. it was about eight o'clock when we turned to the left and climbed el poso hill, on whose summit there was a ruined ranch and sugar factory, now, of course, deserted. here i found general wood, who was arranging for the camping of the brigade. our own arrangements for the night were simple. i extended each troop across the road into the jungle, and then the men threw down their belongings where they stood and slept on their arms. fortunately, there was no rain. wood and i curled up under our rain-coats on the saddle-blankets, while his two aides, captain a. l. mills and lieutenant w. n. ship, slept near us. we were up before dawn and getting breakfast. mills and ship had nothing to eat, and they breakfasted with wood and myself, as we had been able to get some handfuls of beans, and some coffee and sugar, as well as the ordinary bacon and hardtack. we did not talk much, for though we were in ignorance as to precisely what the day would bring forth, we knew that we should see fighting. we had slept soundly enough, although, of course, both wood and i during the night had made a round of the sentries, he of the brigade, and i of the regiment; and i suppose that, excepting among hardened veterans, there is always a certain feeling of uneasy excitement the night before the battle. mills and ship were both tall, fine-looking men, of tried courage, and thoroughly trained in every detail of their profession; i remember being struck by the quiet, soldierly way they were going about their work early that morning. before noon one was killed and the other dangerously wounded. general wheeler was sick, but with his usual indomitable pluck and entire indifference to his own personal comfort, he kept to the front. he was unable to retain command of the cavalry division, which accordingly devolved upon general samuel sumner, who commanded it until mid-afternoon, when the bulk of the fighting was over. general sumner's own brigade fell to colonel henry carroll. general sumner led the advance with the cavalry, and the battle was fought by him and by general kent, who commanded the infantry division, and whose foremost brigade was led by general hawkins. as the sun rose the men fell in, and at the same time a battery of field-guns was brought up on the hill-crest just beyond, between us and toward santiago. it was a fine sight to see the great horses straining under the lash as they whirled the guns up the hill and into position. our brigade was drawn up on the hither side of a kind of half basin, a big band of cubans being off to the left. as yet we had received no orders, except that we were told that the main fighting was to be done by lawton's infantry division, which was to take el caney, several miles to our right, while we were simply to make a diversion. this diversion was to be made mainly with the artillery, and the battery which had taken position immediately in front of us was to begin when lawton began. it was about six o'clock that the first report of the cannon from el caney came booming to us across the miles of still jungle. it was a very lovely morning, the sky of cloudless blue, while the level, shimmering rays from the just-risen sun brought into fine relief the splendid palms which here and there towered above the lower growth. the lofty and beautiful mountains hemmed in the santiago plain, making it an amphitheatre for the battle. immediately our guns opened, and at the report great clouds of white smoke hung on the ridge crest. for a minute or two there was no response. wood and i were sitting together, and wood remarked to me that he wished our brigade could be moved somewhere else, for we were directly in line of any return fire aimed by the spaniards at the battery. hardly had he spoken when there was a peculiar whistling, singing sound in the air, and immediately afterward the noise of something exploding over our heads. it was shrapnel from the spanish batteries. we sprung to our feet and leaped on our horses. immediately afterward a second shot came which burst directly above us; and then a third. from the second shell one of the shrapnel bullets dropped on my wrist, hardly breaking the skin, but raising a bump about as big as a hickory-nut. the same shell wounded four of my regiment, one of them being mason mitchell, and two or three of the regulars were also hit, one losing his leg by a great fragment of shell. another shell exploded right in the middle of the cubans, killing and wounding a good many, while the remainder scattered like guinea-hens. wood's lead horse was also shot through the lungs. i at once hustled my regiment over the crest of the hill into the thick underbrush, where i had no little difficulty in getting them together again into column. meanwhile the firing continued for fifteen or twenty minutes, until it gradually died away. as the spaniards used smokeless powder, their artillery had an enormous advantage over ours, and, moreover, we did not have the best type of modern guns, our fire being slow. as soon as the firing ceased, wood formed his brigade, with my regiment in front, and gave me orders to follow behind the first brigade, which was just moving off the ground. in column of fours we marched down the trail toward the ford of the san juan river. we passed two or three regiments of infantry, and were several times halted before we came to the ford. the first brigade, which was under colonel carroll--lieutenant-colonel hamilton commanding the ninth regiment, major wessels the third, and captain kerr the sixth--had already crossed and was marching to the right, parallel to, but a little distance from, the river. the spaniards in the trenches and block-houses on top of the hills in front were already firing at the brigade in desultory fashion. the extreme advance of the ninth cavalry was under lieutenants mcnamee and hartwick. they were joined by general hawkins, with his staff, who was looking over the ground and deciding on the route he should take his infantry brigade. our orders had been of the vaguest kind, being simply to march to the right and connect with lawton--with whom, of course, there was no chance of our connecting. no reconnaissance had been made, and the exact position and strength of the spaniards was not known. a captive balloon was up in the air at this moment, but it was worse than useless. a previous proper reconnaissance and proper look-out from the hills would have given us exact information. as it was, generals kent, sumner, and hawkins had to be their own reconnaissance, and they fought their troops so well that we won anyhow. i was now ordered to cross the ford, march half a mile or so to the right, and then halt and await further orders; and i promptly hurried my men across, for the fire was getting hot, and the captive balloon, to the horror of everybody, was coming down to the ford. of course, it was a special target for the enemy's fire. i got my men across before it reached the ford. there it partly collapsed and remained, causing severe loss of life, as it indicated the exact position where the tenth and the first cavalry, and the infantry, were crossing. as i led my column slowly along, under the intense heat, through the high grass of the open jungle, the first brigade was to our left, and the firing between it and the spaniards on the hills grew steadily hotter and hotter. after awhile i came to a sunken lane, and as by this time the first brigade had stopped and was engaged in a stand-up fight, i halted my men and sent back word for orders. as we faced toward the spanish hills my regiment was on the right with next to it and a little in advance the first cavalry, and behind them the tenth. in our front the ninth held the right, the sixth the centre, and the third the left; but in the jungle the lines were already overlapping in places. kent's infantry were coming up, farther to the left. captain mills was with me. the sunken lane, which had a wire fence on either side, led straight up toward, and between, the two hills in our front, the hill on the left, which contained heavy block-houses, being farther away from us than the hill on our right, which we afterward grew to call kettle hill, and which was surmounted merely by some large ranch buildings or haciendas, with sunken brick-lined walls and cellars. i got the men as well-sheltered as i could. many of them lay close under the bank of the lane, others slipped into the san juan river and crouched under its hither bank, while the rest lay down behind the patches of bushy jungle in the tall grass. the heat was intense, and many of the men were already showing signs of exhaustion. the sides of the hills in front were bare; but the country up to them was, for the most part, covered with such dense jungle that in charging through it no accuracy of formation could possibly be preserved. the fight was now on in good earnest, and the spaniards on the hills were engaged in heavy volley firing. the mauser bullets drove in sheets through the trees and the tall jungle grass, making a peculiar whirring or rustling sound; some of the bullets seemed to pop in the air, so that we thought they were explosive; and, indeed, many of those which were coated with brass did explode, in the sense that the brass coat was ripped off, making a thin plate of hard metal with a jagged edge, which inflicted a ghastly wound. these bullets were shot from a . -calibre rifle carrying smokeless powder, which was much used by the guerillas and irregular spanish troops. the mauser bullets themselves made a small clean hole, with the result that the wound healed in a most astonishing manner. one or two of our men who were shot in the head had the skull blown open, but elsewhere the wounds from the minute steel-coated bullet, with its very high velocity, were certainly nothing like as serious as those made by the old large-calibre, low-power rifle. if a man was shot through the heart, spine, or brain he was, of course, killed instantly; but very few of the wounded died--even under the appalling conditions which prevailed, owing to the lack of attendance and supplies in the field-hospitals with the army. while we were lying in reserve we were suffering nearly as much as afterward when we charged. i think that the bulk of the spanish fire was practically unaimed, or at least not aimed at any particular man, and only occasionally at a particular body of men; but they swept the whole field of battle up to the edge of the river, and man after man in our ranks fell dead or wounded, although i had the troopers scattered out far apart, taking advantage of every scrap of cover. devereux was dangerously shot while he lay with his men on the edge of the river. a young west point cadet, ernest haskell, who had taken his holiday with us as an acting second lieutenant, was shot through the stomach. he had shown great coolness and gallantry, which he displayed to an even more marked degree after being wounded, shaking my hand and saying: "all right, colonel, i'm going to get well. don't bother about me, and don't let any man come away with me." when i shook hands with him, i thought he would surely die; yet he recovered. the most serious loss that i and the regiment could have suffered befell just before we charged. bucky o'neill was strolling up and down in front of his men, smoking his cigarette, for he was inveterately addicted to the habit. he had a theory that an officer ought never to take cover--a theory which was, of course, wrong, though in a volunteer organization the officers should certainly expose themselves very fully, simply for the effect on the men; our regimental toast on the transport running, "the officers; may the war last until each is killed, wounded, or promoted." as o'neill moved to and fro, his men begged him to lie down, and one of the sergeants said, "captain, a bullet is sure to hit you." o'neill took his cigarette out of his mouth, and blowing out a cloud of smoke laughed and said, "sergeant, the spanish bullet isn't made that will kill me." a little later he discussed for a moment with one of the regular officers the direction from which the spanish fire was coming. as he turned on his heel a bullet struck him in the mouth and came out at the back of his head; so that even before he fell his wild and gallant soul had gone out into the darkness. my orderly was a brave young harvard boy, sanders, from the quaint old massachusetts town of salem. the work of an orderly on foot, under the blazing sun, through the hot and matted jungle, was very severe, and finally the heat overcame him. he dropped; nor did he ever recover fully, and later he died from fever. in his place i summoned a trooper whose name i did not know. shortly afterward, while sitting beside the bank, i directed him to go back and ask whatever general he came across if i could not advance, as my men were being much cut up. he stood up to salute and then pitched forward across my knees, a bullet having gone through his throat, cutting the carotid. when o'neill was shot, his troop, who were devoted to him, were for the moment at a loss whom to follow. one of their number, henry bardshar, a huge arizona miner, immediately attached himself to me as my orderly, and from that moment he was closer to me, not only in the fight, but throughout the rest of the campaign, than any other man, not even excepting the color-sergeant, wright. captain mills was with me; gallant ship had already been killed. mills was an invaluable aide, absolutely cool, absolutely unmoved or flurried in any way. i sent messenger after messenger to try to find general sumner or general wood and get permission to advance, and was just about making up my mind that in the absence of orders i had better "march toward the guns," when lieutenant-colonel dorst came riding up through the storm of bullets with the welcome command "to move forward and support the regulars in the assault on the hills in front." general sumner had obtained authority to advance from lieutenant miley, who was representing general shafter at the front, and was in the thick of the fire. the general at once ordered the first brigade to advance on the hills, and the second to support it. he himself was riding his horse along the lines, superintending the fight. later i overheard a couple of my men talking together about him. what they said illustrates the value of a display of courage among the officers in hardening their soldiers; for their theme was how, as they were lying down under a fire which they could not return, and were in consequence feeling rather nervous, general sumner suddenly appeared on horseback, sauntering by quite unmoved; and, said one of the men, "that made us feel all right. if the general could stand it, we could." the instant i received the order i sprang on my horse and then my "crowded hour" began. the guerillas had been shooting at us from the edges of the jungle and from their perches in the leafy trees, and as they used smokeless powder, it was almost impossible to see them, though a few of my men had from time to time responded. we had also suffered from the hill on our right front, which was held chiefly by guerillas, although there were also some spanish regulars with them, for we found their dead. i formed my men in column of troops, each troop extended in open skirmishing order, the right resting on the wire fences which bordered the sunken lane. captain jenkins led the first squadron, his eyes literally dancing with joyous excitement. i started in the rear of the regiment, the position in which the colonel should theoretically stay. captain mills and captain mccormick were both with me as aides; but i speedily had to send them off on special duty in getting the different bodies of men forward. i had intended to go into action on foot as at las guasimas, but the heat was so oppressive that i found i should be quite unable to run up and down the line and superintend matters unless i was mounted; and, moreover, when on horseback, i could see the men better and they could see me better. a curious incident happened as i was getting the men started forward. always when men have been lying down under cover for some time, and are required to advance, there is a little hesitation, each looking to see whether the others are going forward. as i rode down the line, calling to the troopers to go forward, and rasping brief directions to the captains and lieutenants, i came upon a man lying behind a little bush, and i ordered him to jump up. i do not think he understood that we were making a forward move, and he looked up at me for a moment with hesitation, and i again bade him rise, jeering him and saying: "are you afraid to stand up when i am on horseback?" as i spoke, he suddenly fell forward on his face, a bullet having struck him and gone through him lengthwise. i suppose the bullet had been aimed at me; at any rate, i, who was on horseback in the open, was unhurt, and the man lying flat on the ground in the cover beside me was killed. there were several pairs of brothers with us; of the two nortons one was killed; of the two mccurdys one was wounded. i soon found that i could get that line, behind which i personally was, faster forward than the one immediately in front of it, with the result that the two rearmost lines of the regiment began to crowd together; so i rode through them both, the better to move on the one in front. this happened with every line in succession, until i found myself at the head of the regiment. both lieutenants of b troop from arizona had been exerting themselves greatly, and both were overcome by the heat; but sergeants campbell and davidson took it forward in splendid shape. some of the men from this troop and from the other arizona troop (bucky o'neill's) joined me as a kind of fighting tail. the ninth regiment was immediately in front of me, and the first on my left, and these went up kettle hill with my regiment. the third, sixth, and tenth went partly up kettle hill (following the rough riders and the ninth and first), and partly between that and the block-house hill, which the infantry were assailing. general sumner in person gave the tenth the order to charge the hills; and it went forward at a rapid gait. the three regiments went forward more or less intermingled, advancing steadily and keeping up a heavy fire. up kettle hill sergeant george berry, of the tenth, bore not only his own regimental colors but those of the third, the color-sergeant of the third having been shot down; he kept shouting, "dress on the colors, boys, dress on the colors!" as he followed captain ayres, who was running in advance of his men, shouting and waving his hat. the tenth cavalry lost a greater proportion of its officers than any other regiment in the battle--eleven out of twenty-two. by the time i had come to the head of the regiment we ran into the left wing of the ninth regulars, and some of the first regulars, who were lying down; that is, the troopers were lying down, while the officers were walking to and fro. the officers of the white and colored regiments alike took the greatest pride in seeing that the men more than did their duty; and the mortality among them was great. i spoke to the captain in command of the rear platoons, saying that i had been ordered to support the regulars in the attack upon the hills, and that in my judgment we could not take these hills by firing at them, and that we must rush them. he answered that his orders were to keep his men lying where they were, and that he could not charge without orders. i asked where the colonel was, and as he was not in sight, said, "then i am the ranking officer here and i give the order to charge"--for i did not want to keep the men longer in the open suffering under a fire which they could not effectively return. naturally the captain hesitated to obey this order when no word had been received from his own colonel. so i said, "then let my men through, sir," and rode on through the lines, followed by the grinning rough riders, whose attention had been completely taken off the spanish bullets, partly by my dialogue with the regulars, and partly by the language i had been using to themselves as i got the lines forward, for i had been joking with some and swearing at others, as the exigencies of the case seemed to demand. when we started to go through, however, it proved too much for the regulars, and they jumped up and came along, their officers and troops mingling with mine, all being delighted at the chance. when i got to where the head of the left wing of the ninth was lying, through the courtesy of lieutenant hartwick, two of whose colored troopers threw down the fence, i was enabled to get back into the lane, at the same time waving my hat, and giving the order to charge the hill on our right front. out of my sight, over on the right, captains mcblain and taylor, of the ninth, made up their minds independently to charge at just about this time; and at almost the same moment colonels carroll and hamilton, who were off, i believe, to my left, where we could see neither them nor their men, gave the order to advance. but of all this i knew nothing at the time. the whole line, tired of waiting, and eager to close with the enemy, was straining to go forward; and it seems that different parts slipped the leash at almost the same moment. the first cavalry came up the hill just behind, and partly mixed with my regiment and the ninth. as already said, portions of the third, sixth, and tenth followed, while the rest of the members of these three regiments kept more in touch with the infantry on our left. by this time we were all in the spirit of the thing and greatly excited by the charge, the men cheering and running forward between shots, while the delighted faces of the foremost officers, like captain c. j. stevens, of the ninth, as they ran at the head of their troops, will always stay in my mind. as soon as i was in the line i galloped forward a few yards until i saw that the men were well started, and then galloped back to help goodrich, who was in command of his troop, get his men across the road so as to attack the hill from that side. captain mills had already thrown three of the other troops of the regiment across this road for the same purpose. wheeling around, i then again galloped toward the hill, passing the shouting, cheering, firing men, and went up the lane, splashing through a small stream; when i got abreast of the ranch buildings on the top of kettle hill, i turned and went up the slope. being on horseback i was, of course, able to get ahead of the men on foot, excepting my orderly, henry bardshar, who had run ahead very fast in order to get better shots at the spaniards, who were now running out of the ranch buildings. sergeant campbell and a number of the arizona men, and dudley dean, among others, were very close behind. stevens, with his platoon of the ninth, was abreast of us; so were mcnamee and hartwick. some forty yards from the top i ran into a wire fence and jumped off little texas, turning him loose. he had been scraped by a couple of bullets, one of which nicked my elbow, and i never expected to see him again. as i ran up to the hill, bardshar stopped to shoot, and two spaniards fell as he emptied his magazine. these were the only spaniards i actually saw fall to aimed shots by any one of my men, with the exception of two guerillas in trees. almost immediately afterward the hill was covered by the troops, both rough riders and the colored troopers of the ninth, and some men of the first. there was the usual confusion, and afterward there was much discussion as to exactly who had been on the hill first. the first guidons planted there were those of the three new mexican troops, g, e, and f, of my regiment, under their captains, llewellen, luna, and muller, but on the extreme right of the hill, at the opposite end from where we struck it, captains taylor and mcblain and their men of the ninth were first up. each of the five captains was firm in the belief that his troop was first up. as for the individual men, each of whom honestly thought he was first on the summit, their name was legion. one spaniard was captured in the buildings, another was shot as he tried to hide himself, and a few others were killed as they ran. among the many deeds of conspicuous gallantry here performed, two, both to the credit of the first cavalry, may be mentioned as examples of the others, not as exceptions. sergeant charles karsten, while close beside captain tutherly, the squadron commander, was hit by a shrapnel bullet. he continued on the line, firing until his arm grew numb; and he then refused to go to the rear, and devoted himself to taking care of the wounded, utterly unmoved by the heavy fire. trooper hugo brittain, when wounded, brought the regimental standard forward, waving it to and fro, to cheer the men. no sooner were we on the crest than the spaniards from the line of hills in our front, where they were strongly intrenched, opened a very heavy fire upon us with their rifles. they also opened upon us with one or two pieces of artillery, using time fuses which burned very accurately, the shells exploding right over our heads. on the top of the hill was a huge iron kettle, or something of the kind, probably used for sugar refining. several of our men took shelter behind this. we had a splendid view of the charge on the san juan block-house to our left, where the infantry of kent, led by hawkins, were climbing the hill. obviously the proper thing to do was to help them, and i got the men together and started them volley-firing against the spaniards in the san juan block-house and in the trenches around it. we could only see their heads; of course this was all we ever could see when we were firing at them in their trenches. stevens was directing not only his own colored troopers, but a number of rough riders; for in a melee good soldiers are always prompt to recognize a good officer, and are eager to follow him. we kept up a brisk fire for some five or ten minutes; meanwhile we were much cut up ourselves. gallant colonel hamilton, than whom there was never a braver man, was killed, and equally gallant colonel carroll wounded. when near the summit captain mills had been shot through the head, the bullet destroying the sight of one eye permanently and of the other temporarily. he would not go back or let any man assist him, sitting down where he was and waiting until one of the men brought him word that the hill was stormed. colonel veile planted the standard of the first cavalry on the hill, and general sumner rode up. he was fighting his division in great form, and was always himself in the thick of the fire. as the men were much excited by the firing, they seemed to pay very little heed to their own losses. suddenly, above the cracking of the carbines, rose a peculiar drumming sound, and some of the men cried, "the spanish machine-guns!" listening, i made out that it came from the flat ground to the left, and jumped to my feet, smiting my hand on my thigh, and shouting aloud with exultation, "it's the gatlings, men, our gatlings!" lieutenant parker was bringing his four gatlings into action, and shoving them nearer and nearer the front. now and then the drumming ceased for a moment; then it would resound again, always closer to san juan hill, which parker, like ourselves, was hammering to assist the infantry attack. our men cheered lustily. we saw much of parker after that, and there was never a more welcome sound than his gatlings as they opened. it was the only sound which i ever heard my men cheer in battle. the infantry got nearer and nearer the crest of the hill. at last we could see the spaniards running from the rifle-pits as the americans came on in their final rush. then i stopped my men for fear they should injure their comrades, and called to them to charge the next line of trenches, on the hills in our front, from which we had been undergoing a good deal of punishment. thinking that the men would all come, i jumped over the wire fence in front of us and started at the double; but, as a matter of fact, the troopers were so excited, what with shooting and being shot, and shouting and cheering, that they did not hear, or did not heed me; and after running about a hundred yards i found i had only five men along with me. bullets were ripping the grass all around us, and one of the men, clay green, was mortally wounded; another, winslow clark, a harvard man, was shot first in the leg and then through the body. he made not the slightest murmur, only asking me to put his water canteen where he could get at it, which i did; he ultimately recovered. there was no use going on with the remaining three men, and i bade them stay where they were while i went back and brought up the rest of the brigade. this was a decidedly cool request, for there was really no possible point in letting them stay there while i went back; but at the moment it seemed perfectly natural to me, and apparently so to them, for they cheerfully nodded, and sat down in the grass, firing back at the line of trenches from which the spaniards were shooting at them. meanwhile, i ran back, jumped over the wire fence, and went over the crest of the hill, filled with anger against the troopers, and especially those of my own regiment, for not having accompanied me. they, of course, were quite innocent of wrong-doing; and even while i taunted them bitterly for not having followed me, it was all i could do not to smile at the look of injury and surprise that came over their faces, while they cried out, "we didn't hear you, we didn't see you go, colonel; lead on now, we'll sure follow you." i wanted the other regiments to come too, so i ran down to where general sumner was and asked him if i might make the charge; and he told me to go and that he would see that the men followed. by this time everybody had his attention attracted, and when i leaped over the fence again, with major jenkins beside me, the men of the various regiments which were already on the hill came with a rush, and we started across the wide valley which lay between us and the spanish intrenchments. captain dimmick, now in command of the ninth, was bringing it forward; captain mcblain had a number of rough riders mixed in with his troop, and led them all together; captain taylor had been severely wounded. the long-legged men like greenway, goodrich, sharp-shooter proffit, and others, outstripped the rest of us, as we had a considerable distance to go. long before we got near them the spaniards ran, save a few here and there, who either surrendered or were shot down. when we reached the trenches we found them filled with dead bodies in the light blue and white uniform of the spanish regular army. there were very few wounded. most of the fallen had little holes in their heads from which their brains were oozing; for they were covered from the neck down by the trenches. it was at this place that major wessels, of the third cavalry, was shot in the back of the head. it was a severe wound, but after having it bound up he again came to the front in command of his regiment. among the men who were foremost was lieutenant milton f. davis, of the first cavalry. he had been joined by three men of the seventy-first new york, who ran up, and, saluting, said, "lieutenant, we want to go with you, our officers won't lead us." one of the brave fellows was soon afterward shot in the face. lieutenant davis's first sergeant, clarence gould, killed a spanish soldier with his revolver, just as the spaniard was aiming at one of my rough riders. at about the same time i also shot one. i was with henry bardshar, running up at the double, and two spaniards leaped from the trenches and fired at us, not ten yards away. as they turned to run i closed in and fired twice, missing the first and killing the second. my revolver was from the sunken battle-ship maine, and had been given me by my brother-in-law, captain w. s. cowles, of the navy. at the time i did not know of gould's exploit, and supposed my feat to be unique; and although gould had killed his spaniard in the trenches, not very far from me, i never learned of it until weeks after. it is astonishing what a limited area of vision and experience one has in the hurly-burly of a battle. there was very great confusion at this time, the different regiments being completely intermingled--white regulars, colored regulars, and rough riders. general sumner had kept a considerable force in reserve on kettle hill, under major jackson, of the third cavalry. we were still under a heavy fire and i got together a mixed lot of men and pushed on from the trenches and ranch-houses which we had just taken, driving the spaniards through a line of palm-trees, and over the crest of a chain of hills. when we reached these crests we found ourselves overlooking santiago. some of the men, including jenkins, greenway, and goodrich, pushed on almost by themselves far ahead. lieutenant hugh berkely, of the first, with a sergeant and two troopers, reached the extreme front. he was, at the time, ahead of everyone; the sergeant was killed and one trooper wounded; but the lieutenant and the remaining trooper stuck to their post for the rest of the afternoon until our line was gradually extended to include them. while i was re-forming the troops on the chain of hills, one of general sumner's aides, captain robert howze--as dashing and gallant an officer as there was in the whole gallant cavalry division, by the way--came up with orders to me to halt where i was, not advancing farther, but to hold the hill at all hazards. howze had his horse, and i had some difficulty in making him take proper shelter; he stayed with us for quite a time, unable to make up his mind to leave the extreme front, and meanwhile jumping at the chance to render any service, of risk or otherwise, which the moment developed. i now had under me all the fragments of the six cavalry regiments which were at the extreme front, being the highest officer left there, and i was in immediate command of them for the remainder of the afternoon and that night. the ninth was over to the right, and the thirteenth infantry afterward came up beside it. the rest of kent's infantry was to our left. of the tenth, lieutenants anderson, muller, and fleming reported to me; anderson was slightly wounded, but he paid no heed to this. all three, like every other officer, had troopers of various regiments under them; such mixing was inevitable in making repeated charges through thick jungle; it was essentially a troop commanders', indeed, almost a squad leaders', fight. the spaniards who had been holding the trenches and the line of hills, had fallen back upon their supports and we were under a very heavy fire both from rifles and great guns. at the point where we were, the grass-covered hill-crest was gently rounded, giving poor cover, and i made my men lie down on the hither slope. on the extreme left captain beck, of the tenth, with his own troop, and small bodies of the men of other regiments, was exercising a practically independent command, driving back the spaniards whenever they showed any symptoms of advancing. he had received his orders to hold the line at all hazards from lieutenant andrews, one of general sumner's aides, just as i had received mine from captain howze. finally, he was relieved by some infantry, and then rejoined the rest of the tenth, which was engaged heavily until dark, major wint being among the severely wounded. lieutenant w. n. smith was killed. captain bigelow had been wounded three times. our artillery made one or two efforts to come into action on the firing-line of the infantry, but the black powder rendered each attempt fruitless. the spanish guns used smokeless powder, so that it was difficult to place them. in this respect they were on a par with their own infantry and with our regular infantry and dismounted cavalry; but our only two volunteer infantry regiments, the second massachusetts and the seventy-first new york, and our artillery, all had black powder. this rendered the two volunteer regiments, which were armed with the antiquated springfield, almost useless in the battle, and did practically the same thing for the artillery wherever it was formed within rifle range. when one of the guns was discharged a thick cloud of smoke shot out and hung over the place, making an ideal target, and in a half minute every spanish gun and rifle within range was directed at the particular spot thus indicated; the consequence was that after a more or less lengthy stand the gun was silenced or driven off. we got no appreciable help from our guns on july st. our men were quick to realize the defects of our artillery, but they were entirely philosophic about it, not showing the least concern at its failure. on the contrary, whenever they heard our artillery open they would grin as they looked at one another and remark, "there go the guns again; wonder how soon they'll be shut up," and shut up they were sure to be. the light battery of hotchkiss one-pounders, under lieutenant j. b. hughes, of the tenth cavalry, was handled with conspicuous gallantry. on the hill-slope immediately around me i had a mixed force composed of members of most of the cavalry regiments, and a few infantrymen. there were about fifty of my rough riders with lieutenants goodrich and carr. among the rest were perhaps a score of colored infantrymen, but, as it happened, at this particular point without any of their officers. no troops could have behaved better than the colored soldiers had behaved so far; but they are, of course, peculiarly dependent upon their white officers. occasionally they produce non-commissioned officers who can take the initiative and accept responsibility precisely like the best class of whites; but this cannot be expected normally, nor is it fair to expect it. with the colored troops there should always be some of their own officers; whereas, with the white regulars, as with my own rough riders, experience showed that the non-commissioned officers could usually carry on the fight by themselves if they were once started, no matter whether their officers were killed or not. at this particular time it was trying for the men, as they were lying flat on their faces, very rarely responding to the bullets, shells, and shrapnel which swept over the hill-top, and which occasionally killed or wounded one of their number. major albert g. forse, of the first cavalry, a noted indian fighter, was killed about this time. one of my best men, sergeant greenly, of arizona, who was lying beside me, suddenly said, "beg pardon, colonel; but i've been hit in the leg." i asked, "badly?" he said, "yes, colonel; quite badly." after one of his comrades had helped him fix up his leg with a first-aid-to-the-injured bandage, he limped off to the rear. none of the white regulars or rough riders showed the slightest sign of weakening; but under the strain the colored infantrymen (who had none of their officers) began to get a little uneasy and to drift to the rear, either helping wounded men, or saying that they wished to find their own regiments. this i could not allow, as it was depleting my line, so i jumped up, and walking a few yards to the rear, drew my revolver, halted the retreating soldiers, and called out to them that i appreciated the gallantry with which they had fought and would be sorry to hurt them, but that i should shoot the first man who, on any pretence whatever, went to the rear. my own men had all sat up and were watching my movements with utmost interest; so was captain howze. i ended my statement to the colored soldiers by saying: "now, i shall be very sorry to hurt you, and you don't know whether or not i will keep my word, but my men can tell you that i always do;" whereupon my cow-punchers, hunters, and miners solemnly nodded their heads and commented in chorus, exactly as if in a comic opera, "he always does; he always does!" this was the end of the trouble, for the "smoked yankees"--as the spaniards called the colored soldiers--flashed their white teeth at one another, as they broke into broad grins, and i had no more trouble with them, they seeming to accept me as one of their own officers. the colored cavalry-men had already so accepted me; in return, the rough riders, although for the most part southwesterners, who have a strong color prejudice, grew to accept them with hearty good-will as comrades, and were entirely willing, in their own phrase, "to drink out of the same canteen." where all the regular officers did so well, it is hard to draw any distinction; but in the cavalry division a peculiar meed of praise should be given to the officers of the ninth and tenth for their work, and under their leadership the colored troops did as well as any soldiers could possibly do. in the course of the afternoon the spaniards in our front made the only offensive movement which i saw them make during the entire campaign; for what were ordinarily called "attacks" upon our lines consisted merely of heavy firing from their trenches and from their skirmishers. in this case they did actually begin to make a forward movement, their cavalry coming up as well as the marines and reserve infantry,* while their skirmishers, who were always bold, redoubled their activity. it could not be called a charge, and not only was it not pushed home, but it was stopped almost as soon as it began, our men immediately running forward to the crest of the hill with shouts of delight at seeing their enemies at last come into the open. a few seconds' firing stopped their advance and drove them into the cover of the trenches. * note: lieutenant tejeiro, p. , speaks of this attempt to retake san juan and its failure. they kept up a very heavy fire for some time longer, and our men again lay down, only replying occasionally. suddenly we heard on our right the peculiar drumming sound which had been so welcome in the morning, when the infantry were assailing the san juan block-house. the gatlings were up again! i started over to inquire, and found that lieutenant parker, not content with using his guns in support of the attacking forces, had thrust them forward to the extreme front of the fighting-line, where he was handling them with great effect. from this time on, throughout the fighting, parker's gatlings were on the right of my regiment, and his men and mine fraternized in every way. he kept his pieces at the extreme front, using them on every occasion until the last spanish shot was fired. indeed, the dash and efficiency with which the gatlings were handled by parker was one of the most striking features of the campaign; he showed that a first-rate officer could use machine-guns, on wheels, in battle and skirmish, in attacking and defending trenches, alongside of the best troops, and to their great advantage. as night came on, the firing gradually died away. before this happened, however, captains morton and boughton, of the third cavalry, came over to tell me that a rumor had reached them to the effect that there had been some talk of retiring and that they wished to protest in the strongest manner. i had been watching them both, as they handled their troops with the cool confidence of the veteran regular officer, and had been congratulating myself that they were off toward the right flank, for as long as they were there, i knew i was perfectly safe in that direction. i had heard no rumor about retiring, and i cordially agreed with them that it would be far worse than a blunder to abandon our position. to attack the spaniards by rushing across open ground, or through wire entanglements and low, almost impassable jungle, without the help of artillery, and to force unbroken infantry, fighting behind earthworks and armed with the best repeating weapons, supported by cannon, was one thing; to repel such an attack ourselves, or to fight our foes on anything like even terms in the open, was quite another thing. no possible number of spaniards coming at us from in front could have driven us from our position, and there was not a man on the crest who did not eagerly and devoutly hope that our opponents would make the attempt, for it would surely have been followed, not merely by a repulse, but by our immediately taking the city. there was not an officer or a man on the firing-line, so far as i saw them, who did not feel this way. as night fell, some of my men went back to the buildings in our rear and foraged through them, for we had now been fourteen hours charging and fighting without food. they came across what was evidently the spanish officers' mess, where their dinner was still cooking, and they brought it to the front in high glee. it was evident that the spanish officers were living well, however the spanish rank and file were faring. there were three big iron pots, one filled with beef-stew, one with boiled rice, and one with boiled peas; there was a big demijohn of rum (all along the trenches which the spaniards held were empty wine and liquor bottles); there were a number of loaves of rice-bread; and there were even some small cans of preserves and a few salt fish. of course, among so many men, the food, which was equally divided, did not give very much to each, but it freshened us all. soon after dark, general wheeler, who in the afternoon had resumed command of the cavalry division, came to the front. a very few words with general wheeler reassured us about retiring. he had been through too much heavy fighting in the civil war to regard the present fight as very serious, and he told us not to be under any apprehension, for he had sent word that there was no need whatever of retiring, and was sure we would stay where we were until the chance came to advance. he was second in command; and to him more than to any other one man was due the prompt abandonment of the proposal to fall back--a proposal which, if adopted, would have meant shame and disaster. shortly afterward general wheeler sent us orders to intrench. the men of the different regiments were now getting in place again and sifting themselves out. all of our troops who had been kept at kettle hill came forward and rejoined us after nightfall. during the afternoon greenway, apparently not having enough to do in the fighting, had taken advantage of a lull to explore the buildings himself, and had found a number of spanish intrenching tools, picks, and shovels, and these we used in digging trenches along our line. the men were very tired indeed, but they went cheerfully to work, all the officers doing their part. crockett, the ex-revenue officer from georgia, was a slight man, not physically very strong. he came to me and told me he didn't think he would be much use in digging, but that he had found a lot of spanish coffee and would spend his time making coffee for the men, if i approved. i did approve very heartily, and crockett officiated as cook for the next three or four hours until the trench was dug, his coffee being much appreciated by all of us. so many acts of gallantry were performed during the day that it is quite impossible to notice them all, and it seems unjust to single out any; yet i shall mention a few, which it must always be remembered are to stand, not as exceptions, but as instances of what very many men did. it happened that i saw these myself. there were innumerable others, which either were not seen at all, or were seen only by officers who happened not to mention them; and, of course, i know chiefly those that happened in my own regiment. captain llewellen was a large, heavy man, who had a grown-up son in the ranks. on the march he had frequently carried the load of some man who weakened, and he was not feeling well on the morning of the fight. nevertheless, he kept at the head of his troop all day. in the charging and rushing, he not only became very much exhausted, but finally fell, wrenching himself terribly, and though he remained with us all night, he was so sick by morning that we had to take him behind the hill into an improvised hospital. lieutenant day, after handling his troop with equal gallantry and efficiency, was shot, on the summit of kettle hill. he was hit in the arm and was forced to go to the rear, but he would not return to the states, and rejoined us at the front long before his wound was healed. lieutenant leahy was also wounded, not far from him. thirteen of the men were wounded and yet kept on fighting until the end of the day, and in some cases never went to the rear at all, even to have their wounds dressed. they were corporals waller and fortescue and trooper mckinley of troop e; corporal roades of troop d; troopers albertson, winter, mcgregor, and ray clark of troop f; troopers bugbee, jackson, and waller of troop a; trumpeter mcdonald of troop l; sergeant hughes of troop b; and trooper gievers of troop g. one of the wallers was a cow-puncher from new mexico, the other the champion yale high-jumper. the first was shot through the left arm so as to paralyze the fingers, but he continued in battle, pointing his rifle over the wounded arm as though it had been a rest. the other waller, and bugbee, were hit in the head, the bullets merely inflicting scalp wounds. neither of them paid any heed to the wounds except that after nightfall each had his head done up in a bandage. fortescue i was at times using as an extra orderly. i noticed he limped, but supposed that his foot was skinned. it proved, however, that he had been struck in the foot, though not very seriously, by a bullet, and i never knew what was the matter until the next day i saw him making wry faces as he drew off his bloody boot, which was stuck fast to the foot. trooper rowland again distinguished himself by his fearlessness. for gallantry on the field of action sergeants dame, ferguson, tiffany, greenwald, and, later on, mcilhenny, were promoted to second lieutenancies, as sergeant hayes had already been. lieutenant carr, who commanded his troop, and behaved with great gallantry throughout the day, was shot and severely wounded at nightfall. he was the son of a confederate officer; his was the fifth generation which, from father to son, had fought in every war of the united states. among the men whom i noticed as leading in the charges and always being nearest the enemy, were the pawnee, pollock, simpson of texas, and dudley dean. jenkins was made major, woodbury kane, day, and frantz captains, and greenway and goodrich first lieutenants, for gallantry in action, and for the efficiency with which the first had handled his squadron, and the other five their troops--for each of them, owing to some accident to his superior, found himself in command of his troop. dr. church had worked quite as hard as any man at the front in caring for the wounded; as had chaplain brown. lieutenant keyes, who acted as adjutant, did so well that he was given the position permanently. lieutenant coleman similarly won the position of quartermaster. we finished digging the trench soon after midnight, and then the worn-out men laid down in rows on their rifles and dropped heavily to sleep. about one in ten of them had blankets taken from the spaniards. henry bardshar, my orderly, had procured one for me. he, goodrich, and i slept together. if the men without blankets had not been so tired that they fell asleep anyhow, they would have been very cold, for, of course, we were all drenched with sweat, and above the waist had on nothing but our flannel shirts, while the night was cool, with a heavy dew. before anyone had time to wake from the cold, however, we were all awakened by the spaniards, whose skirmishers suddenly opened fire on us. of course, we could not tell whether or not this was the forerunner of a heavy attack, for our cossack posts were responding briskly. it was about three o'clock in the morning, at which time men's courage is said to be at the lowest ebb; but the cavalry division was certainly free from any weakness in that direction. at the alarm everybody jumped to his feet and the stiff, shivering, haggard men, their eyes only half-opened, all clutched their rifles and ran forward to the trench on the crest of the hill. the sputtering shots died away and we went to sleep again. but in another hour dawn broke and the spaniards opened fire in good earnest. there was a little tree only a few feet away, under which i made my head-quarters, and while i was lying there, with goodrich and keyes, a shrapnel burst among us, not hurting us in the least, but with the sweep of its bullets killing or wounding five men in our rear, one of whom was a singularly gallant young harvard fellow, stanley hollister. an equally gallant young fellow from yale, theodore miller, had already been mortally wounded. hollister also died. the second brigade lost more heavily than the first; but neither its brigade commander nor any of its regimental commanders were touched, while the commander of the first brigade and two of its three regimental commanders had been killed or wounded. in this fight our regiment had numbered men, as, in addition to the killed and wounded of the first fight, some had had to go to the hospital for sickness and some had been left behind with the baggage, or were detailed on other duty. eighty-nine were killed and wounded: the heaviest loss suffered by any regiment in the cavalry division. the spaniards made a stiff fight, standing firm until we charged home. they fought much more stubbornly than at las guasimas. we ought to have expected this, for they have always done well in holding intrenchments. on this day they showed themselves to be brave foes, worthy of honor for their gallantry. in the attack on the san juan hills our forces numbered about , .* there were about , spaniards against us.** our total loss in killed and wounded was , . of the cavalry division there were, all told, some , officers and men, of whom were killed and wounded. in the division over a fourth of the officers were killed or wounded, their loss being relatively half as great again as that of the enlisted men--which was as it should be. * note: according to the official reports, , officers and men of kent's infantry, and , of the cavalry had been landed. my regiment is put down as strong, instead of the real figure, , the difference being due to men who were in hospital and on guard at the seashore, etc. in other words, the total represents the total landed; the details, etc., are included. general wheeler, in his report of july th, puts these details as about fifteen per cent of the whole of the force which was on the transports; about eighty-five per cent got forward and was in the fight. ** note: the total spanish force in santiago under general linares was , : , regulars, , volunteers, and , marines and sailors from the ships. (diary of the british consul, frederick w. ramsden, entry of july st.) four thousand more troops entered next day. of the , troops, or thereabouts were at el caney, and in the forts at the mouth of the harbor. lieutenant tejeiro states that there were men at el caney, in the forts at the mouth of the harbor, and , in the lines, not counting the cavalry and civil guard which were in reserve. he certainly very much understates the spanish force; thus he nowhere accounts for the engineers mentioned on p. ; and his figures would make the total number of spanish artillerymen but . he excludes the cavalry, the civil guard, and the marines which had been stationed at the plaza del toros; yet he later mentions that these marines were brought up, and their commander, bustamente, severely wounded; he states that the cavalry advanced to cover the retreat of the infantry, and i myself saw the cavalry come forward, for the most part dismounted, when the spaniards attempted a forward movement late in the afternoon, and we shot many of their horses; while later i saw and conversed with officers and men of the civil guard who had been wounded at the same time--this in connection with returning them their wives and children, after the latter had fled from the city. although the engineers are excluded, lieutenant tejeiro mentions that their colonel, as well as the colonel of the artillery, was wounded. four thousand five hundred is surely an understatement of the forces which resisted the attack of the forces under wheeler. lieutenant tejeiro is very careless in his figures. thus in one place he states that the position of san juan was held by two companies comprising soldiers. later he says it was held by three companies, whose strength he puts at --thus making them average instead of men apiece. he then mentions another echelon of two companies, so situated as to cross their fire with the others. doubtless the block-house and trenches at fort san juan proper were only held by three or four hundred men; they were taken by the sixth and sixteenth infantry under hawkins's immediate command; and they formed but one point in the line of hills, trenches, ranch-houses, and block-houses which the spaniards held, and from which we drove them. when the city capitulated later, over , unwounded troops and over , rifles and carbines were surrendered; by that time the marines and sailors had of course gone, and the volunteers had disbanded. in all these figures i have taken merely the statements from the spanish side. i am inclined to think the actual numbers were much greater than those here given. lieutenant wiley, in his book _in cuba with shafter_, which is practically an official statement, states that nearly , spanish troops were surrendered; and this is the number given by the spaniards themselves in the remarkable letter the captured soldiers addressed to general shafter, which wiley quotes in full. lieutenant tejeiro, in his chap. xiv., explains that the volunteers had disbanded before the end came, and the marines and sailors had of course gone, while nearly a thousand men had been killed or captured or had died of wounds and disease, so that there must have been at least , all told. subtracting the reinforcements who arrived on the nd, this would mean about , spaniards present on the st; in which case kent and wheeler were opposed by at least equal numbers. in dealing with the spanish losses, lieutenant tejeiro contradicts himself. he puts their total loss on this day at , including killed, missing, and prisoners-- in all. yet he states that of the men at caney but got back, the remaining being killed, captured, or missing. when we captured the city we found in the hospitals over , seriously wounded and sick spaniards; on making inquiries, i found that over a third were wounded. from these facts i feel that it is safe to put down the total spanish loss in battle as at least , , of whom over a thousand were killed and wounded. lieutenant tejeiro, while rightly claiming credit for the courage shown by the spaniards, also praises the courage and resolution of the americans, saying that they fought, "con un arrojo y una decision verdaderamente admirables." he dwells repeatedly upon the determination with which our troops kept charging though themselves unprotected by cover. as for the spanish troops, all who fought them that day will most freely admit the courage they showed. at el caney, where they were nearly hemmed in, they made a most desperate defence; at san juan the way to retreat was open, and so, though they were seven times as numerous, they fought with less desperation, but still very gallantly. i think we suffered more heavily than the spaniards did in killed and wounded (though we also captured some scores of prisoners). it would have been very extraordinary if the reverse was the case, for we did the charging; and to carry earthworks on foot with dismounted cavalry, when these earthworks are held by unbroken infantry armed with the best modern rifles, is a serious task. v in the trenches when the shrapnel burst among us on the hill-side we made up our minds that we had better settle down to solid siege work. all of the men who were not in the trenches i took off to the right, back of the gatling guns, where there was a valley, and dispersed them by troops in sheltered parts. it took us an hour or two's experimenting to find out exactly what spots were free from danger, because some of the spanish sharp-shooters were in trees in our front, where we could not possibly place them from the trenches; and these were able to reach little hollows and depressions where the men were entirely safe from the spanish artillery and from their trench-fire. moreover, in one hollow, which we thought safe, the spaniards succeeded in dropping a shell, a fragment of which went through the head of one of my men, who, astonishing to say, lived, although unconscious, for two hours afterward. finally, i got all eight troops settled, and the men promptly proceeded to make themselves as much at home as possible. for the next twenty-four hours, however, the amount of comfort was small, as in the way of protection and covering we only had what blankets, rain-coats, and hammocks we took from the dead spaniards. ammunition, which was, of course, the most vital need, was brought up in abundance; but very little food reached us. that afternoon we had just enough to allow each man for his supper two hardtacks, and one hardtack extra for every four men. during the first night we had dug trenches sufficient in length and depth to shelter our men and insure safety against attack, but we had not put in any traverses or approaches, nor had we arranged the trenches at all points in the best places for offensive work; for we were working at night on ground which we had but partially explored. later on an engineer officer stated that he did not think our work had been scientific; and i assured him that i did not doubt that he was right, for i had never before seen a trench, excepting those we captured from the spaniards, or heard of a traverse, save as i vaguely remembered reading about them in books. for such work as we were engaged in, however, the problem of intrenchment was comparatively simple, and the work we did proved entirely adequate. no man in my regiment was ever hit in the trenches or going in or out of them. but on the first day there was plenty of excitement connected with relieving the firing line. under the intense heat, crowded down in cramped attitudes in the rank, newly dug, poisonous soil of the trenches, the men needed to be relieved every six hours or so. accordingly, in the late morning, and again in the afternoon, i arranged for their release. on each occasion i waited until there was a lull in the firing and then started a sudden rush by the relieving party, who tumbled into the trenches every which way. the movement resulted on each occasion in a terrific outburst of fire from the spanish lines, which proved quite harmless; and as it gradually died away the men who had been relieved got out as best they could. fortunately, by the next day i was able to abandon this primitive, though thrilling and wholly novel, military method of relief. when the hardtack came up that afternoon i felt much sympathy for the hungry unfortunates in the trenches and hated to condemn them to six hours more without food; but i did not know how to get food into them. little mcginty, the bronco buster, volunteered to make the attempt, and i gave him permission. he simply took a case of hardtack in his arms and darted toward the trenches. the distance was but short, and though there was an outburst of fire, he was actually missed. one bullet, however, passed through the case of hardtack just before he disappeared with it into the trench. a trooper named shanafelt repeated the feat, later, with a pail of coffee. another trooper, george king, spent a leisure hour in the rear making soup out of some rice and other stuff he found in a spanish house; he brought some of it to general wood, jack greenway, and myself, and nothing could have tasted more delicious. at this time our army in the trenches numbered about , men; and the spaniards in santiago about , ,* their reinforcements having just arrived. nobody on the firing line, whatever was the case in the rear, felt the slightest uneasiness as to the spaniards being able to break out; but there were plenty who doubted the advisability of trying to rush the heavy earthworks and wire defenses in our front. * note: this is probably an understatement. lieutenant muller, in chap. xxxviii. of his book, says that there were "eight or nine thousand;" this is exclusive of the men from the fleet, and apparently also of many of the volunteers (see chap. xiv.), all of whom were present on july nd. i am inclined to think that on the evening of that day there were more spanish troops inside santiago than there were american troops outside. all day long the firing continued--musketry and cannon. our artillery gave up the attempt to fight on the firing line, and was withdrawn well to the rear out of range of the spanish rifles; so far as we could see, it accomplished very little. the dynamite gun was brought up to the right of the regimental line. it was more effective than the regular artillery because it was fired with smokeless powder, and as it was used like a mortar from behind the hill, it did not betray its presence, and those firing it suffered no loss. every few shots it got out of order, and the rough rider machinists and those furnished by lieutenant parker--whom we by this time began to consider as an exceedingly valuable member of our own regiment--would spend an hour or two in setting it right. sergeant borrowe had charge of it and handled it well. with him was sergeant guitilias, a gallant old fellow, a veteran of the civil war, whose duties were properly those of standard-bearer, he having charge of the yellow cavalry standard of the regiment; but in the cuban campaign he was given the more active work of helping run the dynamite gun. the shots from the dynamite gun made a terrific explosion, but they did not seem to go accurately. once one of them struck a spanish trench and wrecked part of it. on another occasion one struck a big building, from which there promptly swarmed both spanish cavalry and infantry, on whom the colt automatic guns played with good effect, during the minute that elapsed before they could get other cover. these colt automatic guns were not, on the whole, very successful. the gun detail was under the charge of sergeant (afterward lieutenant) tiffany, assisted by some of our best men, like stevens, crowninshield, bradley, smith, and herrig. the guns were mounted on tripods. they were too heavy for men to carry any distance and we could not always get mules. they would have been more effective if mounted on wheels, as the gatlings were. moreover, they proved more delicate than the gatlings, and very readily got out of order. a further and serious disadvantage was that they did not use the krag ammunition, as the gatlings did, but the mauser ammunition. the spanish cartridges which we captured came in quite handily for this reason. parker took the same fatherly interest in these two colts that he did in the dynamite gun, and finally i put all three and their men under his immediate care, so that he had a battery of seven guns. in fact, i think parker deserved rather more credit than any other one man in the entire campaign. i do not allude especially to his courage and energy, great though they were, for there were hundreds of his fellow-officers of the cavalry and infantry who possessed as much of the former quality, and scores who possessed as much of the latter; but he had the rare good judgment and foresight to see the possibilities of the machine-guns, and, thanks to the aid of general shafter, he was able to organize his battery. he then, by his own exertions, got it to the front and proved that it could do invaluable work on the field of battle, as much in attack as in defence. parker's gatlings were our inseparable companions throughout the siege. after our trenches were put in final shape, he took off the wheels of a couple and placed them with our own two colts in the trenches. his gunners slept beside the rough riders in the bomb-proofs, and the men shared with one another when either side got a supply of beans or of coffee and sugar; for parker was as wide-awake and energetic in getting food for his men as we prided ourselves upon being in getting food for ours. besides, he got oil, and let our men have plenty for their rifles. at no hour of the day or night was parker anywhere but where we wished him to be in the event of an attack. if i was ordered to send a troop of rough riders to guard some road or some break in the lines, we usually got parker to send a gatling along, and whether the change was made by day or by night, the gatling went, over any ground and in any weather. he never exposed the gatlings needlessly or unless there was some object to be gained, but if serious fighting broke out, he always took a hand. sometimes this fighting would be the result of an effort on our part to quell the fire from the spanish trenches; sometimes the spaniards took the initiative; but at whatever hour of the twenty-four serious fighting began, the drumming of the gatlings was soon heard through the cracking of our own carbines. i have spoken thus of parker's gatling detachment. how can i speak highly enough of the regular cavalry with whom it was our good fortune to serve? i do not believe that in any army of the world could be found a more gallant and soldierly body of fighters than the officers and men of the first, third, sixth, ninth, and tenth united states cavalry, beside whom we marched to blood-bought victory under the tropic skies of santiago. the american regular sets the standard of excellence. when we wish to give the utmost possible praise to a volunteer organization, we say that it is as good as the regulars. i was exceedingly proud of the fact that the regulars treated my regiment as on a complete equality with themselves, and were as ready to see it in a post of danger and responsibility as to see any of their own battalions. lieutenant colonel dorst, a man from whom praise meant a good deal, christened us "the eleventh united states horse," and we endeavored, i think i may say successfully, to show that we deserved the title by our conduct, not only in fighting and in marching, but in guarding the trenches and in policing camp. in less than sixty days the regiment had been raised, organized, armed, equipped, drilled, mounted, dismounted, kept for a fortnight on transports, and put through two victorious aggressive fights in very difficult country, the loss in killed and wounded amounting to a quarter of those engaged. this is a record which it is not easy to match in the history of volunteer organizations. the loss was but small compared to that which befell hundreds of regiments in some of the great battles of the later years of the civil war; but it may be doubted whether there was any regiment which made such a record during the first months of any of our wars. after the battle of san juan my men had really become veterans; they and i understood each other perfectly, and trusted each other implicitly; they knew i would share every hardship and danger with them, would do everything in my power to see that they were fed, and so far as might be, sheltered and spared; and in return i knew that they would endure every kind of hardship and fatigue without a murmur and face every danger with entire fearlessness. i felt utter confidence in them, and would have been more than willing to put them to any task which any crack regiment of the world, at home or abroad, could perform. they were natural fighters, men of great intelligence, great courage, great hardihood, and physical prowess; and i could draw on these qualities and upon their spirit of ready, soldierly obedience to make up for any deficiencies in the technique of the trade which they had temporarily adopted. it must be remembered that they were already good individual fighters, skilled in the use of the horse and the rifle, so that there was no need of putting them through the kind of training in which the ordinary raw recruit must spend his first year or two. on july nd, as the day wore on, the fight, though raging fitfully at intervals, gradually died away. the spanish guerillas were causing us much trouble. they showed great courage, exactly as did their soldiers who were defending the trenches. in fact, the spaniards throughout showed precisely the qualities they did early in the century, when, as every student will remember, their fleets were a helpless prey to the english war-ships, and their armies utterly unable to stand in the open against those of napoleon's marshals, while on the other hand their guerillas performed marvellous feats, and their defence of intrenchments and walled towns, as at saragossa and gerona, were the wonder of the civilized world. in our front their sharp-shooters crept up before dawn and either lay in the thick jungle or climbed into some tree with dense foliage. in these places it proved almost impossible to place them, as they kept cover very carefully, and their smokeless powder betrayed not the slightest sign of their whereabouts. they caused us a great deal of annoyance and some little loss, and though our own sharp-shooters were continually taking shots at the places where they supposed them to be, and though occasionally we would play a gatling or a colt all through the top of a suspicious tree, i but twice saw spaniards brought down out of their perches from in front of our lines--on each occasion the fall of the spaniard being hailed with loud cheers by our men. these sharp-shooters in our front did perfectly legitimate work, and were entitled to all credit for their courage and skill. it was different with the guerillas in our rear. quite a number of these had been posted in trees at the time of the san juan fight. they were using, not mausers, but remingtons, which shot smokeless powder and a brass-coated bullet. it was one of these bullets which had hit winslow clark by my side on kettle hill; and though for long-range fighting the remingtons were, of course, nothing like as good as the mausers, they were equally serviceable for short-range bush work, as they used smokeless powder. when our troops advanced and the spaniards in the trenches and in reserve behind the hill fled, the guerillas in the trees had no time to get away and in consequence were left in the rear of our lines. as we found out from the prisoners we took, the spanish officers had been careful to instil into the minds of their soldiers the belief that the americans never granted quarter, and i suppose it was in consequence of this that the guerillas did not surrender; for we found that the spaniards were anxious enough to surrender as soon as they became convinced that we would treat them mercifully. at any rate, these guerillas kept up in their trees and showed not only courage but wanton cruelty and barbarity. at times they fired upon armed men in bodies, but they much preferred for their victims the unarmed attendants, the doctors, the chaplains, the hospital stewards. they fired at the men who were bearing off the wounded in litters; they fired at the doctors who came to the front, and at the chaplains who started to hold burial service; the conspicuous red cross brassard worn by all of these non-combatants, instead of serving as a protection, seemed to make them the special objects of the guerilla fire. so annoying did they become that i sent out that afternoon and next morning a detail of picked sharp-shooters to hunt them out, choosing, of course, first-class woodsmen and mountain men who were also good shots. my sharp-shooters felt very vindictively toward these guerillas and showed them no quarter. they started systematically to hunt them, and showed themselves much superior at the guerillas' own game, killing eleven, while not one of my men was scratched. two of the men who did conspicuously good service in this work were troopers goodwin and proffit, both of arizona, but one by birth a californian and the other a north carolinian. goodwin was a natural shot, not only with the rifle and revolver, but with the sling. proffit might have stood as a type of the mountaineers described by john fox and miss murfree. he was a tall, sinewy, handsome man of remarkable strength, an excellent shot and a thoroughly good soldier. his father had been a confederate officer, rising from the ranks, and if the war had lasted long enough the son would have risen in the same manner. as it was, i should have been glad to have given him a commission, exactly as i should have been glad to have given a number of others in the regiment commissions, if i had only had them. proffit was a saturnine, reserved man, who afterward fell very sick with the fever, and who, as a reward for his soldierly good conduct, was often granted unusual privileges; but he took the fever and the privileges with the same iron indifference, never grumbling, and never expressing satisfaction. the sharp-shooters returned by nightfall. soon afterward i established my pickets and outposts well to the front in the jungle, so as to prevent all possibility of surprise. after dark, fires suddenly shot up on the mountain passes far to our right. they all rose together and we could make nothing of them. after a good deal of consultation, we decided they must be some signals to the spaniards in santiago, from the troops marching to reinforce them from without--for we were ignorant that the reinforcements had already reached the city, the cubans being quite unable to prevent the spanish regulars from marching wherever they wished. while we were thus pondering over the watch-fires and attributing them to spanish machinations of some sort, it appears that the spaniards, equally puzzled, were setting them down as an attempt at communication between the insurgents and our army. both sides were accordingly on the alert, and the spaniards must have strengthened their outlying parties in the jungle ahead of us, for they suddenly attacked one of our pickets, wounding crockett seriously. he was brought in by the other troopers. evidently the spanish lines felt a little nervous, for this sputter of shooting was immediately followed by a tremendous fire of great guns and rifles from their trenches and batteries. our men in the trenches responded heavily, and word was sent back, not only to me, but to the commanders in the rear of the regiments along our line, that the spaniards were attacking. it was imperative to see what was really going on, so i ran up to the trenches and looked out. at night it was far easier to place the spanish lines than by day, because the flame-spurts shone in the darkness. i could soon tell that there were bodies of spanish pickets or skirmishers in the jungle-covered valley, between their lines and ours, but that the bulk of the fire came from their trenches and showed not the slightest symptom of advancing; moreover, as is generally the case at night, the fire was almost all high, passing well overhead, with an occasional bullet near by. i came to the conclusion that there was no use in our firing back under such circumstances; and i could tell that the same conclusion had been reached by captain ayres of the tenth cavalry on the right of my line, for even above the cracking of the carbines rose the captain's voice as with varied and picturesque language he bade his black troopers cease firing. the captain was as absolutely fearless as a man can be. he had command of his regimental trenches that night, and, having run up at the first alarm, had speedily satisfied himself that no particular purpose was served by blazing away in the dark, when the enormous majority of the spaniards were simply shooting at random from their own trenches, and, if they ever had thought of advancing, had certainly given up the idea. his troopers were devoted to him, would follow him anywhere, and would do anything he said; but when men get firing at night it is rather difficult to stop them, especially when the fire of the enemy in front continues unabated. when he first reached the trenches it was impossible to say whether or not there was an actual night attack impending, and he had been instructing his men, as i instructed mine, to fire low, cutting the grass in front. as soon as he became convinced that there was no night attack, he ran up and down the line adjuring and commanding the troopers to cease shooting, with words and phrases which were doubtless not wholly unlike those which the old guard really did use at waterloo. as i ran down my own line, i could see him coming up his, and he saved me all trouble in stopping the fire at the right, where the lines met, for my men there all dropped everything to listen to him and cheer and laugh. soon we got the troopers in hand, and made them cease firing; then, after awhile, the spanish fire died down. at the time we spoke of this as a night attack by the spaniards, but it really was not an attack at all. ever after my men had a great regard for ayres, and would have followed him anywhere. i shall never forget the way in which he scolded his huge, devoted black troopers, generally ending with "i'm ashamed of you, ashamed of you! i wouldn't have believed it! firing; when i told you to stop! i'm ashamed of you!" that night we spent in perfecting the trenches and arranging entrances to them, doing about as much work as we had the preceding night. greenway and goodrich, from their energy, eagerness to do every duty, and great physical strength, were peculiarly useful in this work; as, indeed, they were in all work. they had been up practically the entire preceding night, but they were too good men for me to spare them, nor did they wish to be spared; and i kept them up all this night too. goodrich had also been on guard as officer of the day the night we were at el poso, so that it turned out that he spent nearly four days and three nights with practically hardly any sleep at all. next morning, at daybreak, the firing began again. this day, the rd, we suffered nothing, save having one man wounded by a sharp-shooter, and, thanks to the approaches to the trenches, we were able to relieve the guards without any difficulty. the spanish sharp-shooters in the trees and jungle nearby, however, annoyed us very much, and i made preparations to fix them next day. with this end in view i chose out some twenty first-class men, in many instances the same that i had sent after the guerillas, and arranged that each should take his canteen and a little food. they were to slip into the jungle between us and the spanish lines before dawn next morning, and there to spend the day, getting as close to the spanish lines as possible, moving about with great stealth, and picking off any hostile sharp-shooter, as well as any soldier who exposed himself in the trenches. i had plenty of men who possessed a training in woodcraft that fitted them for this work; and as soon as the rumor got abroad what i was planning, volunteers thronged to me. daniels and love were two of the men always to the front in any enterprise of this nature; so were wadsworth, the two bulls, fortescue, and cowdin. but i could not begin to name all the troopers who so eagerly craved the chance to win honor out of hazard and danger. among them was good, solemn fred herrig, the alsatian. i knew fred's patience and skill as a hunter from the trips we had taken together after deer and mountain sheep through the bad lands of the little missouri. he still spoke english with what might be called alsatian variations--he always spoke of the gun detail as the "gondetle," with the accent on the first syllable--and he expressed a wish to be allowed "a holiday from the gondetle to go after dem gorrillas." i told him he could have the holiday, but to his great disappointment the truce came first, and then fred asked that, inasmuch as the "gorrillas" were now forbidden game, he might be allowed to go after guinea-hens instead. even after the truce, however, some of my sharp-shooters had occupation, for two guerillas in our rear took occasional shots at the men who were bathing in a pond, until one of our men spied them, when they were both speedily brought down. one of my riflemen who did best at this kind of work, by the way, got into trouble because of it. he was much inflated by my commendation of him, and when he went back to his troop he declined to obey the first sergeant's orders on the ground that he was "the colonel's sharp-shooter." the lieutenant in command, being somewhat puzzled, brought him to me, and i had to explain that if the offence, disobedience of orders in face of the enemy, was repeated he might incur the death penalty; whereat he looked very crestfallen. that afternoon he got permission, like fred herrig, to go after guinea-hens, which were found wild in some numbers round about; and he sent me the only one he got as a peace offering. the few guinea-hens thus procured were all used for the sick. dr. church had established a little field hospital under the shoulder of the hill in our rear. he was himself very sick and had almost nothing in the way of medicine or supplies or apparatus of any kind, but the condition of the wounded in the big field hospitals in the rear was so horrible, from the lack of attendants as well as of medicines, that we kept all the men we possibly could at the front. some of them had now begun to come down with fever. they were all very patient, but it was pitiful to see the sick and wounded soldiers lying on their blankets, if they had any, and if not then simply in the mud, with nothing to eat but hardtack and pork, which of course they could not touch when their fever got high, and with no chance to get more than the rudest attention. among the very sick here was gallant captain llewellen. i feared he was going to die. we finally had to send him to one of the big hospitals in the rear. doctors brewer and fuller of the tenth had been unwearying in attending to the wounded, including many of those of my regiment. at twelve o'clock we were notified to stop firing and a flag of truce was sent in to demand the surrender of the city. the negotiations gave us a breathing spell. that afternoon i arranged to get our baggage up, sending back strong details of men to carry up their own goods, and, as usual, impressing into the service a kind of improvised pack-train consisting of the officers' horses, of two or three captured spanish cavalry horses, two or three mules which had been shot and abandoned and which our men had taken and cured, and two or three cuban ponies. hitherto we had simply been sleeping by the trenches or immediately in their rear, with nothing in the way of shelter and only one blanket to every three or four men. fortunately there had been little rain. we now got up the shelter tents of the men and some flies for the hospital and for the officers; and my personal baggage appeared. i celebrated its advent by a thorough wash and shave. later, i twice snatched a few hours to go to the rear and visit such of my men as i could find in the hospitals. their patience was extraordinary. kenneth robinson, a gallant young trooper, though himself severely (i supposed at the time mortally) wounded, was noteworthy for the way in which he tended those among the wounded who were even more helpless, and the cheery courage with which he kept up their spirits. gievers, who was shot through the hips, rejoined us at the front in a fortnight. captain day was hardly longer away. jack hammer, who, with poor race smith, a gallant texas lad who was mortally hurt beside me on the summit of the hill, had been on kitchen detail, was wounded and sent to the rear; he was ordered to go to the united states, but he heard that we were to assault santiago, so he struggled out to rejoin us, and thereafter stayed at the front. cosby, badly wounded, made his way down to the sea-coast in three days, unassisted. with all volunteer troops, and i am inclined to think with regulars, too, in time of trial, the best work can be got out of the men only if the officers endure the same hardships and face the same risks. in my regiment, as in the whole cavalry division, the proportion of loss in killed and wounded was considerably greater among the officers than among the troopers, and this was exactly as it should be. moreover, when we got down to hard pan, we all, officers and men, fared exactly alike as regards both shelter and food. this prevented any grumbling. when the troopers saw that the officers had nothing but hardtack, there was not a man in the regiment who would not have been ashamed to grumble at faring no worse, and when all alike slept out in the open, in the rear of the trenches, and when the men always saw the field officers up at night, during the digging of the trenches, and going the rounds of the outposts, they would not tolerate, in any of their number, either complaint or shirking work. when things got easier i put up my tent and lived a little apart, for it is a mistake for an officer ever to grow too familiar with his men, no matter how good they are; and it is of course the greatest possible mistake to seek popularity either by showing weakness or by mollycoddling the men. they will never respect a commander who does not enforce discipline, who does not know his duty, and who is not willing both himself to encounter and to make them encounter every species of danger and hardship when necessary. the soldiers who do not feel this way are not worthy of the name and should be handled with iron severity until they become fighting men and not shams. in return the officer should carefully look after his men, should see that they are well fed and well sheltered, and that, no matter how much they may grumble, they keep the camp thoroughly policed. after the cessation of the three days' fighting we began to get our rations regularly and had plenty of hardtack and salt pork, and usually about half the ordinary amount of sugar and coffee. it was not a very good ration for the tropics, however, and was of very little use indeed to the sick and half-sick. on two or three occasions during the siege i got my improvised pack-train together and either took or sent it down to the sea-coast for beans, canned tomatoes, and the like. we got these either from the transports which were still landing stores on the beach or from the red cross. if i did not go myself i sent some man who had shown that he was a driving, energetic, tactful fellow, who would somehow get what we wanted. chaplain brown developed great capacity in this line, and so did one of the troopers named knoblauch, he who had dived after the rifles that had sunk off the pier at daiquiri. the supplies of food we got in this way had a very beneficial effect, not only upon the men's health, but upon their spirits. to the red cross and similar charitable organizations we owe a great deal. we also owed much to colonel weston of the commissary department, who always helped us and never let himself be hindered by red tape; thus he always let me violate the absurd regulation which forbade me, even in war time, to purchase food for my men from the stores, although letting me purchase for the officers. i, of course, paid no heed to the regulation when by violating it i could get beans, canned tomatoes, or tobacco. sometimes i used my own money, sometimes what was given me by woody kane, or what was sent me by my brother-in-law, douglas robinson, or by the other red cross people in new york. my regiment did not fare very well; but i think it fared better than any other. of course no one would have minded in the least such hardships as we endured had there been any need of enduring them; but there was none. system and sufficiency of transportation were all that were needed. on one occasion a foreign military attache visited my head-quarters together with a foreign correspondent who had been through the turco-greek war. they were both most friendly critics, and as they knew i was aware of this, the correspondent finally ventured the remark, that he thought our soldiers fought even better than the turks, but that on the whole our system of military administration seemed rather worse than that of the greeks. as a nation we had prided ourselves on our business ability and adroitness in the arts of peace, while outsiders, at any rate, did not credit us with any especial warlike prowess; and it was curious that when war came we should have broken down precisely on the business and administrative side, while the fighting edge of the troops certainly left little to be desired. i was very much touched by the devotion my men showed to me. after they had once become convinced that i would share their hardships, they made it a point that i should not suffer any hardships at all; and i really had an extremely easy time. whether i had any food or not myself made no difference, as there were sure to be certain troopers, and, indeed, certain troop messes, on the lookout for me. if they had any beans they would send me over a cupful, or i would suddenly receive a present of doughnuts from some ex-roundup cook who had succeeded in obtaining a little flour and sugar, and if a man shot a guinea-hen it was all i could do to make him keep half of it for himself. wright, the color sergeant, and henry bardshar, my orderly, always pitched and struck my tent and built me a bunk of bamboo poles, whenever we changed camp. so i personally endured very little discomfort; for, of course, no one minded the two or three days preceding or following each fight, when we all had to get along as best we could. indeed, as long as we were under fire or in the immediate presence of the enemy, and i had plenty to do, there was nothing of which i could legitimately complain; and what i really did regard as hardships, my men did not object to--for later on, when we had some leisure, i would have given much for complete solitude and some good books. whether there was a truce, or whether, as sometimes happened, we were notified that there was no truce but merely a further cessation of hostilities by tacit agreement, or whether the fight was on, we kept equally vigilant watch, especially at night. in the trenches every fourth man kept awake, the others sleeping beside or behind him on their rifles; and the cossack posts and pickets were pushed out in advance beyond the edge of the jungle. at least once a night at some irregular hour i tried to visit every part of our line, especially if it was dark and rainy, although sometimes, when the lines were in charge of some officer like wilcox or kane, greenway or goodrich, i became lazy, took off my boots, and slept all night through. sometimes at night i went not only along the lines of our own brigade, but of the brigades adjoining. it was a matter of pride, not only with me, but with all our men, that the lines occupied by the rough riders should be at least as vigilantly guarded as the lines of any regular regiment. sometimes at night, when i met other officers inspecting their lines, we would sit and talk over matters, and wonder what shape the outcome of the siege would take. we knew we would capture santiago, but exactly how we would do it we could not tell. the failure to establish any depot for provisions on the fighting-line, where there was hardly ever more than twenty-four hours' food ahead, made the risk very serious. if a hurricane had struck the transports, scattering them to the four winds, or if three days of heavy rain had completely broken up our communication, as they assuredly would have done, we would have been at starvation point on the front; and while, of course, we would have lived through it somehow and would have taken the city, it would only have been after very disagreeable experiences. as soon as i was able i accumulated for my own regiment about forty-eight hours' hardtack and salt pork, which i kept so far as possible intact to provide against any emergency. if the city could be taken without direct assault on the intrenchments and wire entanglements, we earnestly hoped it would be, for such an assault meant, as we knew by past experience, the loss of a quarter of the attacking regiments (and we were bound that the rough riders should be one of these attacking regiments, if the attack had to be made). there was, of course, nobody who would not rather have assaulted than have run the risk of failure; but we hoped the city would fall without need arising for us to suffer the great loss of life which a further assault would have entailed. naturally, the colonels and captains had nothing to say in the peace negotiations which dragged along for the week following the sending in the flag of truce. each day we expected either to see the city surrender, or to be told to begin fighting again, and toward the end it grew so irksome that we would have welcomed even an assault in preference to further inaction. i used to discuss matters with the officers of my own regiment now and then, and with a few of the officers of the neighboring regiments with whom i had struck up a friendship--parker, stevens, beck, ayres, morton, and boughton. i also saw a good deal of the excellent officers on the staffs of generals wheeler and sumner, especially colonel dorst, colonel garlington, captain howze, captain steele, lieutenant andrews, and captain astor chanler, who, like myself, was a volunteer. chanler was an old friend and a fellow big-game hunter, who had done some good exploring work in africa. i always wished i could have had him in my regiment. as for dorst, he was peculiarly fitted to command a regiment. although howze and andrews were not in my brigade, i saw a great deal of them, especially of howze, who would have made a nearly ideal regimental commander. they were both natural cavalry-men and of most enterprising natures, ever desirous of pushing to the front and of taking the boldest course. the view howze always took of every emergency (a view which found prompt expression in his actions when the opportunity offered) made me feel like an elderly conservative. the week of non-fighting was not all a period of truce; part of the time was passed under a kind of nondescript arrangement, when we were told not to attack ourselves, but to be ready at any moment to repulse an attack and to make preparations for meeting it. during these times i busied myself in putting our trenches into first-rate shape and in building bomb-proofs and traverses. one night i got a detail of sixty men from the first, ninth, and tenth, whose officers always helped us in every way, and with these, and with sixty of my own men, i dug a long, zigzag trench in advance of the salient of my line out to a knoll well in front, from which we could command the spanish trenches and block-houses immediately ahead of us. on this knoll we made a kind of bastion consisting of a deep, semi-circular trench with sand-bags arranged along the edge so as to constitute a wall with loop-holes. of course, when i came to dig this trench, i kept both greenway and goodrich supervising the work all night, and equally of course i got parker and stevens to help me. by employing as many men as we did we were able to get the work so far advanced as to provide against interruption before the moon rose, which was about midnight. our pickets were thrown far out in the jungle, to keep back the spanish pickets and prevent any interference with the diggers. the men seemed to think the work rather good fun than otherwise, the possibility of a brush with the spaniards lending a zest that prevented its growing monotonous. parker had taken two of his gatlings, removed the wheels, and mounted them in the trenches; also mounting the two automatic colts where he deemed they could do best service. with the completion of the trenches, bomb-proofs, and traverses, and the mounting of these guns, the fortifications of the hill assumed quite a respectable character, and the gatling men christened it fort roosevelt, by which name it afterward went.* * note: see parker's "with the gatlings at santiago." during the truce various military attaches and foreign officers came out to visit us. two or three of the newspaper men, including richard harding davis, caspar whitney, and john fox, had already been out to see us, and had been in the trenches during the firing. among the others were captains lee and paget of the british army and navy, fine fellows, who really seemed to take as much pride in the feats of our men as if we had been bound together by the ties of a common nationality instead of the ties of race and speech kinship. another english visitor was sir bryan leighton, a thrice-welcome guest, for he most thoughtfully brought to me half a dozen little jars of devilled ham and potted fruit, which enabled me to summon various officers down to my tent and hold a feast. count von gotzen, and a norwegian attache, gedde, very good fellows both, were also out. one day we were visited by a travelling russian, prince x., a large, blond man, smooth and impenetrable. i introduced him to one of the regular army officers, a capital fighter and excellent fellow, who, however, viewed foreign international politics from a strictly trans-mississippi stand-point. he hailed the russian with frank kindness and took him off to show him around the trenches, chatting volubly, and calling him "prince," much as kentuckians call one another "colonel." as i returned i heard him remarking: "you see, prince, the great result of this war is that it has united the two branches of the anglo-saxon people; and now that they are together they can whip the world, prince! they can whip the world!"--being evidently filled with the pleasing belief that the russian would cordially sympathize with this view. the foreign attaches did not always get on well with our generals. the two english representatives never had any trouble, were heartily admired by everybody, and, indeed, were generally treated as if they were of our own number; and seemingly so regarded themselves. but this was not always true of the representatives from continental europe. one of the latter--a very good fellow, by the way--had not altogether approved of the way he was treated, and the climax came when he said good-by to the general who had special charge of him. the general in question was not accustomed to nice ethnic distinctions, and grouped all of the representatives from continental europe under the comprehensive title of "dutchmen." when the attache in question came to say farewell, the general responded with a bluff heartiness, in which perhaps the note of sincerity was more conspicuous than that of entire good breeding: "well, good-by; sorry you're going; which are you anyhow--the german or the russian?" shortly after midday on the th fighting began again, but it soon became evident that the spaniards did not have much heart in it. the american field artillery was now under the command of general randolph, and he fought it effectively. a mortar battery had also been established, though with an utterly inadequate supply of ammunition, and this rendered some service. almost the only rough riders who had a chance to do much firing were the men with the colt automatic guns, and the twenty picked sharp-shooters, who were placed in the newly dug little fort out at the extreme front. parker had a splendid time with the gatlings and the colts. with these machine guns he completely silenced the battery in front of us. this battery had caused us a good deal of trouble at first, as we could not place it. it was immediately in front of the hospital, from which many red cross flags were flying, one of them floating just above this battery, from where we looked at it. in consequence, for some time, we did not know it was a hostile battery at all, as, like all the other spanish batteries, it was using smokeless powder. it was only by the aid of powerful glasses that we finally discovered its real nature. the gatlings and colts then actually put it out of action, silencing the big guns and the two field-pieces. furthermore, the machine guns and our sharp-shooters together did good work in supplementing the effects of the dynamite gun; for when a shell from the latter struck near a spanish trench, or a building in which there were spanish troops, the shock was seemingly so great that the spaniards almost always showed themselves, and gave our men a chance to do some execution. as the evening of the th came on, the men began to make their coffee in sheltered places. by this time they knew how to take care of themselves so well that not a man was touched by the spaniards during the second bombardment. while i was lying with the officers just outside one of the bomb-proofs i saw a new mexican trooper named morrison making his coffee under the protection of a traverse high up on the hill. morrison was originally a baptist preacher who had joined the regiment purely from a sense of duty, leaving his wife and children, and had shown himself to be an excellent soldier. he had evidently exactly calculated the danger zone, and found that by getting close to the traverse he could sit up erect and make ready his supper without being cramped. i watched him solemnly pounding the coffee with the butt end of his revolver, and then boiling the water and frying his bacon, just as if he had been in the lee of the roundup wagon somewhere out on the plains. by noon of next day, the th, my regiment with one of the gatlings was shifted over to the right to guard the caney road. we did no fighting in our new position, for the last straggling shot had been fired by the time we got there. that evening there came up the worst storm we had had, and by midnight my tent blew over. i had for the first time in a fortnight undressed myself completely, and i felt fully punished for my love of luxury when i jumped out into the driving downpour of tropic rain, and groped blindly in the darkness for my clothes as they lay in the liquid mud. it was kane's night on guard, and i knew the wretched woody would be out along the line and taking care of the pickets, no matter what the storm might be; and so i basely made my way to the kitchen tent, where good holderman, the cherokee, wrapped me in dry blankets, and put me to sleep on a table which he had just procured from an abandoned spanish house. on the th the city formally surrendered and our regiment, like the rest of the army, was drawn up on the trenches. when the american flag was hoisted the trumpets blared and the men cheered, and we knew that the fighting part of our work was over. shortly after we took our new position the first illinois volunteers came up on our right. the next day, as a result of the storm and of further rain, the rivers were up and the roads quagmires, so that hardly any food reached the front. my regiment was all right, as we had provided for just such an emergency; but the illinois newcomers had of course not done so, and they were literally without anything to eat. they were fine fellows and we could not see them suffer. i furnished them some beans and coffee for the elder officers and two or three cases of hardtack for the men, and then mounted my horse and rode down to head-quarters, half fording, half swimming the streams; and late in the evening i succeeded in getting half a mule-train of provisions for them. on the morning of the rd the spaniards had sent out of santiago many thousands of women, children, and other non-combatants, most of them belonging to the poorer classes, but among them not a few of the best families. these wretched creatures took very little with them. they came through our lines and for the most part went to el caney in our rear, where we had to feed them and protect them from the cubans. as we had barely enough food for our own men the rations of the refugees were scanty indeed and their sufferings great. long before the surrender they had begun to come to our lines to ask for provisions, and my men gave them a good deal out of their own scanty stores, until i had positively to forbid it and to insist that the refugees should go to head-quarters; as, however hard and merciless it seemed, i was in duty bound to keep my own regiment at the highest pitch of fighting efficiency. as soon as the surrender was assured the refugees came streaming back in an endless squalid procession down the caney road to santiago. my troopers, for all their roughness and their ferocity in fight, were rather tender-hearted than otherwise, and they helped the poor creatures, especially the women and children, in every way, giving them food and even carrying the children and the burdens borne by the women. i saw one man, happy jack, spend the entire day in walking to and fro for about a quarter of a mile on both sides of our lines along the road, carrying the bundles for a series of poor old women, or else carrying young children. finally the doctor warned us that we must not touch the bundles of the refugees for fear of infection, as disease had broken out and was rife among them. accordingly i had to put a stop to these acts of kindness on the part of my men; against which action happy jack respectfully but strongly protested upon the unexpected ground that "the almighty would never let a man catch a disease while he was doing a good action." i did not venture to take so advanced a theological stand. vi the return home two or three days after the surrender the cavalry division was marched back to the foothills west of el caney, and there went into camp, together with the artillery. it was a most beautiful spot beside a stream of clear water, but it was not healthy. in fact no ground in the neighborhood was healthy. for the tropics the climate was not bad, and i have no question but that a man who was able to take good care of himself could live there all the year round with comparative impunity; but the case was entirely different with an army which was obliged to suffer great exposure, and to live under conditions which almost insured being attacked by the severe malarial fever of the country. my own men were already suffering badly from fever, and they got worse rather than better in the new camp. the same was true of the other regiments in the cavalry division. a curious feature was that the colored troops seemed to suffer as heavily as the white. from week to week there were slight relative changes, but on the average all the six cavalry regiments, the rough riders, the white regulars, and the colored regulars seemed to suffer about alike, and we were all very much weakened; about as much as the regular infantry, although naturally not as much as the volunteer infantry. yet even under such circumstances adventurous spirits managed to make their way out to us. in the fortnight following the last bombardment of the city i enlisted no less than nine such recruits, six being from harvard, yale, or princeton; and bull, the former harvard oar, who had been back to the states crippled after the first fight, actually got back to us as a stowaway on one of the transports, bound to share the luck of the regiment, even if it meant yellow fever. there were but twelve ambulances with the army, and these were quite inadequate for their work; but the conditions in the large field hospitals were so bad, that as long as possible we kept all of our sick men in the regimental hospital at the front. dr. church did splendid work, although he himself was suffering much more than half the time from fever. several of the men from the ranks did equally well, especially a young doctor from new york, harry thorpe, who had enlisted as a trooper, but who was now made acting assistant-surgeon. it was with the greatest difficulty that church and thorpe were able to get proper medicine for the sick, and it was almost the last day of our stay before we were able to get cots for them. up to that time they lay on the ground. no food was issued suitable for them, or for the half-sick men who were not on the doctor's list; the two classes by this time included the bulk of the command. occasionally we got hold of a wagon or of some cuban carts, and at other times i used my improvised pack-train (the animals of which, however, were continually being taken away from us by our superiors) and went or sent back to the sea-coast at siboney or into santiago itself to get rice, flour, cornmeal, oatmeal, condensed milk, potatoes, and canned vegetables. the rice i bought in santiago; the best of the other stuff i got from the red cross through mr. george kennan and miss clara barton and dr. lesser; but some of it i got from our own transports. colonel weston, the commissary-general, as always, rendered us every service in his power. this additional and varied food was of the utmost service, not merely to the sick but in preventing the well from becoming sick. throughout the campaign the division inspector-general, lieutenant-colonel garlington, and lieutenants west and dickman, the acting division quartermaster and commissary, had done everything in their power to keep us supplied with food; but where there were so few mules and wagons even such able and zealous officers could not do the impossible. we had the camp policed thoroughly, and i made the men build little bunks of poles to sleep on. by july rd, when we had been ashore a month, we were able to get fresh meat, and from that time on we fared well; but the men were already sickening. the chief trouble was the malarial fever, which was recurrent. for a few days the man would be very sick indeed; then he would partially recover, and be able to go back to work; but after a little time he would be again struck down. every officer other than myself except one was down with sickness at one time or another. even greenway and goodrich succumbed to the fever and were knocked out for a few days. very few of the men indeed retained their strength and energy, and though the percentage actually on the sick list never got over twenty, there were less than fifty per cent who were fit for any kind of work. all the clothes were in rags; even the officers had neither socks nor underwear. the lithe college athletes had lost their spring; the tall, gaunt hunters and cow-punchers lounged listlessly in their dog-tents, which were steaming morasses during the torrential rains, and then ovens when the sun blazed down; but there were no complaints. through some blunder our march from the intrenchments to the camp on the foothills, after the surrender, was made during the heat of the day; and though it was only some five miles or thereabouts, very nearly half the men of the cavalry division dropped out. captain llewellen had come back, and led his troop on the march. he carried a pick and shovel for one of his sick men, and after we reached camp walked back with a mule to get another trooper who had fallen out from heat exhaustion. the result was that the captain himself went down and became exceedingly sick. we at last succeeded in sending him to the states. i never thought he would live, but he did, and when i met him again at montauk point he had practically entirely recovered. my orderly, henry bardshar, was struck down, and though he ultimately recovered, he was a mere skeleton, having lost over eighty pounds. yellow fever also broke out in the rear, chiefly among the cubans. it never became epidemic, but it caused a perfect panic among some of our own doctors, and especially in the minds of one or two generals and of the home authorities. we found that whenever we sent a man to the rear he was decreed to have yellow fever, whereas, if we kept him at the front, it always turned out that he had malarial fever, and after a few days he was back at work again. i doubt if there were ever more than a dozen genuine cases of yellow fever in the whole cavalry division; but the authorities at washington, misled by the reports they received from one or two of their military and medical advisers at the front, became panic-struck, and under the influence of their fears hesitated to bring the army home, lest it might import yellow fever into the united states. their panic was absolutely groundless, as shown by the fact that when brought home not a single case of yellow fever developed upon american soil. our real foe was not the yellow fever at all, but malarial fever, which was not infectious, but which was certain, if the troops were left throughout the summer in cuba, to destroy them, either killing them outright, or weakening them so that they would have fallen victims to any disease that attacked them. however, for a time our prospects were gloomy, as the washington authorities seemed determined that we should stay in cuba. they unfortunately knew nothing of the country nor of the circumstances of the army, and the plans that were from time to time formulated in the department (and even by an occasional general or surgeon at the front) for the management of the army would have been comic if they had not possessed such tragic possibilities. thus, at one period it was proposed that we should shift camp every two or three days. now, our transportation, as i have pointed out before, was utterly inadequate. in theory, under the regulations of the war department, each regiment should have had at least twenty-five wagons. as a matter of fact our regiment often had none, sometimes one, rarely two, and never three; yet it was better off than any other in the cavalry division. in consequence it was impossible to carry much of anything save what the men had on their backs, and half of the men were too weak to walk three miles with their packs. whenever we shifted camp the exertion among the half-sick caused our sick-roll to double next morning, and it took at least three days, even when the shift was for but a short distance, before we were able to bring up the officers' luggage, the hospital spare food, the ammunition, etc. meanwhile the officers slept wherever they could, and those men who had not been able to carry their own bedding, slept as the officers did. in the weak condition of the men the labor of pitching camp was severe and told heavily upon them. in short, the scheme of continually shifting camp was impossible of fulfilment. it would merely have resulted in the early destruction of the army. again, it was proposed that we should go up the mountains and make our camps there. the palm and the bamboo grew to the summits of the mountains, and the soil along their sides was deep and soft, while the rains were very heavy, much more so than immediately on the coast --every mile or two inland bringing with it a great increase in the rainfall. we could, with much difficulty, have got our regiments up the mountains, but not half the men could have got up with their belongings; and once there it would have been an impossibility to feed them. it was all that could be done, with the limited number of wagons and mule-trains on hand, to feed the men in the existing camps, for the travel and the rain gradually rendered each road in succession wholly impassable. to have gone up the mountains would have meant early starvation. the third plan of the department was even more objectionable than either of the others. there was, some twenty-five miles in the interior, what was called a high interior plateau, and at one period we were informed that we were to be marched thither. as a matter of fact, this so-called high plateau was the sugar-cane country, where, during the summer, the rainfall was prodigious. it was a rich, deep soil, covered with a rank tropic growth, the guinea-grass being higher than the head of a man on horseback. it was a perfect hotbed of malaria, and there was no dry ground whatever in which to camp. to have sent the troops there would have been simple butchery. under these circumstances the alternative to leaving the country altogether was to stay where we were, with the hope that half the men would live through to the cool season. we did everything possible to keep up the spirits of the men, but it was exceedingly difficult because there was nothing for them to do. they were weak and languid, and in the wet heat they had lost energy, so that it was not possible for them to indulge in sports or pastimes. there were exceptions; but the average man who went off to shoot guinea-hens or tried some vigorous game always felt much the worse for his exertions. once or twice i took some of my comrades with me, and climbed up one or another of the surrounding mountains, but the result generally was that half of the party were down with some kind of sickness next day. it was impossible to take heavy exercise in the heat of the day; the evening usually saw a rain-storm which made the country a quagmire; and in the early morning the drenching dew and wet, slimy soil made walking but little pleasure. chaplain brown held service every sunday under a low tree outside my tent; and we always had a congregation of a few score troopers, lying or sitting round, their strong hard faces turned toward the preacher. i let a few of the men visit santiago, but the long walk in and out was very tiring, and, moreover, wise restrictions had been put as to either officers or men coming in. in any event there was very little to do in the quaint, dirty old spanish city, though it was interesting to go in once or twice, and wander through the narrow streets with their curious little shops and low houses of stained stucco, with elaborately wrought iron trellises to the windows, and curiously carved balconies; or to sit in the central plaza where the cathedral was, and the clubs, and the cafe venus, and the low, bare, rambling building which was called the governor's palace. in this palace wood had now been established as military governor, and luna, and two or three of my other officers from the mexican border, who knew spanish, were sent in to do duty under him. a great many of my men knew spanish, and some of the new mexicans were of spanish origin, although they behaved precisely like the other members of the regiment. we should probably have spent the summer in our sick camps, losing half the men and hopelessly shattering the health of the remainder, if general shafter had not summoned a council of officers, hoping by united action of a more or less public character to wake up the washington authorities to the actual condition of things. as all the spanish forces in the province of santiago had surrendered, and as so-called immune regiments were coming to garrison the conquered territory, there was literally not one thing of any kind whatsoever for the army to do, and no purpose to serve by keeping it at santiago. we did not suppose that peace was at hand, being ignorant of the negotiations. we were anxious to take part in the porto rico campaign, and would have been more than willing to suffer any amount of sickness, if by so doing we could get into action. but if we were not to take part in the porto rico campaign, then we knew it was absolutely indispensable to get our commands north immediately, if they were to be in trim for the great campaign against havana, which would surely be the main event of the winter if peace were not declared in advance. our army included the great majority of the regulars, and was, therefore, the flower of the american force. it was on every account imperative to keep it in good trim; and to keep it in santiago meant its entirely purposeless destruction. as soon as the surrender was an accomplished fact, the taking away of the army to the north should have begun. every officer, from the highest to the lowest, especially among the regulars, realized all of this, and about the last day of july, general shafter called a conference, in the palace, of all the division and brigade commanders. by this time, owing to wood's having been made governor-general, i was in command of my brigade, so i went to the conference too, riding in with generals sumner and wheeler, who were the other representatives of the cavalry division. besides the line officers all the chief medical officers were present at the conference. the telegrams from the secretary stating the position of himself and the surgeon-general were read, and then almost every line and medical officer present expressed his views in turn. they were almost all regulars and had been brought up to life-long habits of obedience without protest. they were ready to obey still, but they felt, quite rightly, that it was their duty to protest rather than to see the flower of the united states forces destroyed as the culminating act of a campaign in which the blunders that had been committed had been retrieved only by the valor and splendid soldierly qualities of the officers and enlisted men of the infantry and dismounted cavalry. there was not a dissenting voice; for there could not be. there was but one side to the question. to talk of continually shifting camp or of moving up the mountains or of moving into the interior was idle, for not one of the plans could be carried out with our utterly insufficient transportation, and at that season and in that climate they would merely have resulted in aggravating the sickliness of the soldiers. it was deemed best to make some record of our opinion, in the shape of a letter or report, which would show that to keep the army in santiago meant its absolute and objectless ruin, and that it should at once be recalled. at first there was naturally some hesitation on the part of the regular officers to take the initiative, for their entire future career might be sacrificed. so i wrote a letter to general shafter, reading over the rough draft to the various generals and adopting their corrections. before i had finished making these corrections it was determined that we should send a circular letter on behalf of all of us to general shafter, and when i returned from presenting him mine, i found this circular letter already prepared and we all of us signed it. both letters were made public. the result was immediate. within three days the army was ordered to be ready to sail for home. as soon as it was known that we were to sail for home the spirits of the men changed for the better. in my regiment the officers began to plan methods of drilling the men on horseback, so as to fit them for use against the spanish cavalry, if we should go against havana in december. we had, all of us, eyed the captured spanish cavalry with particular interest. the men were small, and the horses, though well trained and well built, were diminutive ponies, very much smaller than cow ponies. we were certain that if we ever got a chance to try shock tactics against them they would go down like nine-pins, provided only that our men could be trained to charge in any kind of line, and we made up our minds to devote our time to this. dismounted work with the rifle we already felt thoroughly competent to perform. my time was still much occupied with looking after the health of my brigade, but the fact that we were going home, where i knew that their health would improve, lightened my mind, and i was able thoroughly to enjoy the beauty of the country, and even of the storms, which hitherto i had regarded purely as enemies. the surroundings of the city of santiago are very grand. the circling mountains rise sheer and high. the plains are threaded by rapid winding brooks and are dotted here and there with quaint villages, curiously picturesque from their combining traces of an outworn old-world civilization with new and raw barbarism. the tall, graceful, feathery bamboos rise by the water's edge, and elsewhere, even on the mountain-crests, where the soil is wet and rank enough; and the splendid royal palms and cocoanut palms tower high above the matted green jungle. generally the thunder-storms came in the afternoon, but once i saw one at sunrise, driving down the high mountain valleys toward us. it was a very beautiful and almost terrible sight; for the sun rose behind the storm, and shone through the gusty rifts, lighting the mountain-crests here and there, while the plain below lay shrouded in the lingering night. the angry, level rays edged the dark clouds with crimson, and turned the downpour into sheets of golden rain; in the valleys the glimmering mists were tinted every wild hue; and the remotest heavens were lit with flaming glory. one day general lawton, general wood and i, with ferguson and poor tiffany, went down the bay to visit morro castle. the shores were beautiful, especially where there were groves of palms and of the scarlet-flower tree, and the castle itself, on a jutting headland, overlooking the sea and guarding the deep, narrow entrance to the bay, showed just what it was, the splendid relic of a vanished power and a vanished age. we wandered all through it, among the castellated battlements, and in the dungeons, where we found hideous rusty implements of torture; and looked at the guns, some modern and some very old. it had been little hurt by the bombardment of the ships. afterward i had a swim, not trusting much to the shark stories. we passed by the sunken hulks of the merrimac and the reina mercedes, lying just outside the main channel. our own people had tried to sink the first and the spaniards had tried to sink the second, so as to block the entrance. neither attempt was successful. on august th we were ordered to embark, and next morning we sailed on the transport miami. general wheeler was with us and a squadron of the third cavalry under major jackson. the general put the policing and management of the ship into my hands, and i had great aid from captain mccormick, who had been acting with me as adjutant-general of the brigade. i had profited by my experience coming down, and as dr. church knew his work well, although he was very sick, we kept the ship in such good sanitary condition, that we were one of the very few organizations allowed to land at montauk immediately upon our arrival. soon after leaving port the captain of the ship notified me that his stokers and engineers were insubordinate and drunken, due, he thought, to liquor which my men had given them. i at once started a search of the ship, explaining to the men that they could not keep the liquor; that if they surrendered whatever they had to me i should return it to them when we went ashore; and that meanwhile i would allow the sick to drink when they really needed it; but that if they did not give the liquor to me of their own accord i would throw it overboard. about seventy flasks and bottles were handed to me, and i found and threw overboard about twenty. this at once put a stop to all drunkenness. the stokers and engineers were sullen and half mutinous, so i sent a detail of my men down to watch them and see that they did their work under the orders of the chief engineer; and we reduced them to obedience in short order. i could easily have drawn from the regiment sufficient skilled men to fill every position in the entire ship's crew, from captain to stoker. we were very much crowded on board the ship, but rather better off than on the yucatan, so far as the men were concerned, which was the important point. all the officers except general wheeler slept in a kind of improvised shed, not unlike a chicken coop with bunks, on the aftermost part of the upper deck. the water was bad--some of it very bad. there was no ice. the canned beef proved practically uneatable, as we knew would be the case. there were not enough vegetables. we did not have enough disinfectants, and there was no provision whatever for a hospital or for isolating the sick; we simply put them on one portion of one deck. if, as so many of the high authorities had insisted, there had really been a yellow-fever epidemic, and if it had broken out on shipboard, the condition would have been frightful; but there was no yellow-fever epidemic. three of our men had been kept behind as suspects, all three suffering simply from malarial fever. one of them, lutz, a particularly good soldier, died; another, who was simply a malingerer and had nothing the matter with him whatever, of course recovered; the third was tiffany, who, i believe, would have lived had we been allowed to take him with us, but who was sent home later and died soon after landing. i was very anxious to keep the men amused, and as the quarters were so crowded that it was out of the question for them to have any physical exercise, i did not interfere with their playing games of chance so long as no disorder followed. on shore this was not allowed; but in the particular emergency which we were meeting, the loss of a month's salary was as nothing compared to keeping the men thoroughly interested and diverted. by care and diligence we succeeded in preventing any serious sickness. one man died, however. he had been suffering from dysentery ever since we landed, owing purely to his own fault, for on the very first night ashore he obtained a lot of fiery liquor from some of the cubans, got very drunk, and had to march next day through the hot sun before he was entirely sober. he never recovered, and was useless from that time on. on board ship he died, and we gave him sea burial. wrapped in a hammock, he was placed opposite a port, and the american flag thrown over him. the engine was stilled, and the great ship rocked on the waves unshaken by the screw, while the war-worn troopers clustered around with bare heads, to listen to chaplain brown read the funeral service, and to the band of the third cavalry as it played the funeral dirge. then the port was knocked free, the flag withdrawn, and the shotted hammock plunged heavily over the side, rushing down through the dark water to lie, till the judgment day, in the ooze that holds the timbers of so many gallant ships, and the bones of so many fearless adventurers. we were favored by good weather during our nine days' voyage, and much of the time when there was little to do we simply sat together and talked, each man contributing from the fund of his own experiences. voyages around cape horn, yacht races for the america's cup, experiences on foot-ball teams which are famous in the annals of college sport; more serious feats of desperate prowess in indian fighting and in breaking up gangs of white outlaws; adventures in hunting big game, in breaking wild horses, in tending great herds of cattle, and in wandering winter and summer among the mountains and across the lonely plains--the men who told the tales could draw upon countless memories such as these of the things they had done and the things they had seen others do. sometimes general wheeler joined us and told us about the great war, compared with which ours was such a small war--far-reaching in their importance though its effects were destined to be. when we had become convinced that we would escape an epidemic of sickness the homeward voyage became very pleasant. on the eve of leaving santiago i had received from mr. laffan of the sun, a cable with the single word "peace," and we speculated much on this, as the clumsy transport steamed slowly northward across the trade wind and then into the gulf stream. at last we sighted the low, sandy bluffs of the long island coast, and late on the afternoon of the th we steamed through the still waters of the sound and cast anchor off montauk. a gun-boat of the mosquito fleet came out to greet us and to inform us that peace negotiations had begun. next morning we were marched on shore. many of the men were very sick indeed. of the three or four who had been closest to me among the enlisted men, color-sergeant wright was the only one in good health. henry bardshar was a wreck, literally at death's door. i was myself in first-class health, all the better for having lost twenty pounds. faithful marshall, my colored body-servant, was so sick as to be nearly helpless. bob wrenn nearly died. he had joined us very late and we could not get him a krag carbine; so i had given him my winchester, which carried the government cartridge; and when he was mustered out he carried it home in triumph, to the envy of his fellows, who themselves had to surrender their beloved rifles. for the first few days there was great confusion and some want even after we got to montauk. the men in hospitals suffered from lack of almost everything, even cots. but after these few days we were very well cared for and had abundance of all we needed, except that on several occasions there was a shortage of food for the horses, which i should have regarded as even more serious than a shortage for the men, had it not been that we were about to be disbanded. the men lived high, with milk, eggs, oranges, and any amount of tobacco, the lack of which during portions of the cuban campaign had been felt as seriously as any lack of food. one of the distressing features of the malarial fever which had been ravaging the troops was that it was recurrent and persistent. some of my men died after reaching home, and many were very sick. we owed much to the kindness not only of the new york hospitals and the red cross and kindred societies, but of individuals, notably mr. bayard cutting and mrs. armitage, who took many of our men to their beautiful long island homes. on the whole, however, the month we spent at montauk before we disbanded was very pleasant. it was good to meet the rest of the regiment. they all felt dreadfully at not having been in cuba. it was a sore trial to men who had given up much to go to the war, and who rebelled at nothing in the way of hardship or suffering, but who did bitterly feel the fact that their sacrifices seemed to have been useless. of course those who stayed had done their duty precisely as did those who went, for the question of glory was not to be considered in comparison to the faithful performance of whatever was ordered; and no distinction of any kind was allowed in the regiment between those whose good fortune it had been to go and those whose harder fate it had been to remain. nevertheless the latter could not be entirely comforted. the regiment had three mascots; the two most characteristic--a young mountain lion brought by the arizona troops, and a war eagle brought by the new mexicans--we had been forced to leave behind in tampa. the third, a rather disreputable but exceedingly knowing little dog named cuba, had accompanied us through all the vicissitudes of the campaign. the mountain lion, josephine, possessed an infernal temper; whereas both cuba and the eagle, which have been named in my honor, were extremely good-humored. josephine was kept tied up. she sometimes escaped. one cool night in early september she wandered off and, entering the tent of a third cavalry man, got into bed with him; whereupon he fled into the darkness with yells, much more unnerved than he would have been by the arrival of any number of spaniards. the eagle was let loose and not only walked at will up and down the company streets, but also at times flew wherever he wished. he was a young bird, having been taken out of his nest when a fledgling. josephine hated him and was always trying to make a meal of him, especially when we endeavored to take their photographs together. the eagle, though good-natured, was an entirely competent individual and ready at any moment to beat josephine off. cuba was also oppressed at times by josephine, and was of course no match for her, but was frequently able to overawe by simple decision of character. in addition to the animal mascots, we had two or three small boys who had also been adopted by the regiment. one, from tennessee, was named dabney royster. when we embarked at tampa he smuggled himself on board the transport with a -calibre rifle and three boxes of cartridges, and wept bitterly when sent ashore. the squadron which remained behind adopted him, got him a little rough rider's uniform, and made him practically one of the regiment. the men who had remained at tampa, like ourselves, had suffered much from fever, and the horses were in bad shape. so many of the men were sick that none of the regiments began to drill for some time after reaching montauk. there was a great deal of paper-work to be done; but as i still had charge of the brigade only a little of it fell on my shoulders. of this i was sincerely glad, for i knew as little of the paper-work as my men had originally known of drill. we had all of us learned how to fight and march; but the exact limits of our rights and duties in other respects were not very clearly defined in our minds; and as for myself, as i had not had the time to learn exactly what they were, i had assumed a large authority in giving rewards and punishments. in particular i had looked on court-martials much as peter bell looked on primroses--they were court-martials and nothing more, whether resting on the authority of a lieutenant-colonel or of a major-general. the mustering-out officer, a thorough soldier, found to his horror that i had used the widest discretion both in imposing heavy sentences which i had no power to impose on men who shirked their duties, and, where men atoned for misconduct by marked gallantry, in blandly remitting sentences approved by my chief of division. however, i had done substantial, even though somewhat rude and irregular, justice--and no harm could result, as we were just about to be mustered out. my chief duties were to see that the camps of the three regiments were thoroughly policed and kept in first-class sanitary condition. this took up some time, of course, and there were other matters in connection with the mustering out which had to be attended to; but i could always get two or three hours a day free from work. then i would summon a number of the officers, kane, greenway, goodrich, church, ferguson, mcilhenny, frantz, ballard and others, and we would gallop down to the beach and bathe in the surf, or else go for long rides over the beautiful rolling plains, thickly studded with pools which were white with water-lilies. sometimes i went off alone with my orderly, young gordon johnston, one of the best men in the regiment; he was a nephew of the governor of alabama, and when at princeton had played on the eleven. we had plenty of horses, and these rides were most enjoyable. galloping over the open, rolling country, through the cool fall evenings, made us feel as if we were out on the great western plains and might at any moment start deer from the brush, or see antelope stand and gaze, far away, or rouse a band of mighty elk and hear their horns clatter as they fled. an old friend, baron von sternberg, of the german embassy, spent a week in camp with me. he had served, when only seventeen, in the franco-prussian war as a hussar, and was a noted sharp-shooter--being "the little baron" who is the hero of archibald forbes's true story of "the pig-dog." he and i had for years talked over the possibilities of just such a regiment as the one i was commanding, and he was greatly interested in it. indeed i had vainly sought permission from the german ambassador to take him with the regiment to santiago. one sunday before the regiment disbanded i supplemented chaplain brown's address to the men by a short sermon of a rather hortatory character. i told them how proud i was of them, but warned them not to think that they could now go back and rest on their laurels, bidding them remember that though for ten days or so the world would be willing to treat them as heroes, yet after that time they would find they had to get down to hard work just like everyone else, unless they were willing to be regarded as worthless do-nothings. they took the sermon in good part, and i hope that some of them profited by it. at any rate, they repaid me by a very much more tangible expression of affection. one afternoon, to my genuine surprise, i was asked out of my tent by lieutenant-colonel brodie (the gallant old boy had rejoined us), and found the whole regiment formed in hollow square, with the officers and color-sergeant in the middle. when i went in, one of the troopers came forward and on behalf of the regiment presented me with remington's fine bronze, "the bronco-buster." there could have been no more appropriate gift from such a regiment, and i was not only pleased with it, but very deeply touched with the feeling which made them join in giving it. afterward they all filed past and i shook the hands of each to say good-by. most of them looked upon the bronze with the critical eyes of professionals. i doubt if there was any regiment in the world which contained so large a number of men able to ride the wildest and most dangerous horses. one day while at montauk point some of the troopers of the third cavalry were getting ready for mounted drill when one of their horses escaped, having thrown his rider. this attracted the attention of some of our men and they strolled around to see the trooper remount. he was instantly thrown again, the horse, a huge, vicious sorrel, being one of the worst buckers i ever saw; and none of his comrades were willing to ride the animal. our men, of course, jeered and mocked at them, and in response were dared to ride the horse themselves. the challenge was instantly accepted, the only question being as to which of a dozen noted bronco-busters who were in the ranks should undertake the task. they finally settled on a man named darnell. it was agreed that the experiment should take place next day when the horse would be fresh, and accordingly next day the majority of both regiments turned out on a big open flat in front of my tent--brigade head-quarters. the result was that, after as fine a bit of rough riding as one would care to see, in which one scarcely knew whether most to wonder at the extraordinary viciousness and agile strength of the horse or at the horsemanship and courage of the rider, darnell came off victorious, his seat never having been shaken. after this almost every day we had exhibitions of bronco-busting, in which all the crack riders of the regiment vied with one another, riding not only all of our own bad horses but any horse which was deemed bad in any of the other regiments. darnell, mcginty, wood, smoky moore, and a score of others took part in these exhibitions, which included not merely feats in mastering vicious horses, but also feats of broken horses which the riders had trained to lie down at command, and upon which they could mount while at full speed. toward the end of the time we also had mounted drill on two or three occasions; and when the president visited the camp we turned out mounted to receive him as did the rest of the cavalry. the last night before we were mustered out was spent in noisy, but entirely harmless hilarity, which i ignored. every form of celebration took place in the ranks. a former populist candidate for attorney-general in colorado delivered a fervent oration in favor of free silver; a number of the college boys sang; but most of the men gave vent to their feelings by improvised dances. in these the indians took the lead, pure bloods and half-breeds alike, the cowboys and miners cheerfully joining in and forming part of the howling, grunting rings, that went bounding around the great fires they had kindled. next morning sergeant wright took down the colors, and sergeant guitilias the standard, for the last time; the horses, the rifles, and the rest of the regimental property had been turned in; officers and men shook hands and said good-by to one another, and then they scattered to their homes in the north and the south, the few going back to the great cities of the east, the many turning again toward the plains, the mountains, and the deserts of the west and the strange southwest. this was on september th, the day which marked the close of the four months' life of a regiment of as gallant fighters as ever wore the united states uniform. the regiment was a wholly exceptional volunteer organization, and its career cannot be taken as in any way a justification for the belief that the average volunteer regiment approaches the average regular regiment in point of efficiency until it has had many months of active service. in the first place, though the regular regiments may differ markedly among themselves, yet the range of variation among them is nothing like so wide as that among volunteer regiments, where at first there is no common standard at all; the very best being, perhaps, up to the level of the regulars (as has recently been shown at manila), while the very worst are no better than mobs, and the great bulk come in between.* the average regular regiment is superior to the average volunteer regiment in the physique of the enlisted men, who have been very carefully selected, who have been trained to life in the open, and who know how to cook and take care of themselves generally. * note: for sound common-sense about the volunteers see parker's excellent little book, "the gatlings at santiago." now, in all these respects, and in others like them, the rough riders were the equals of the regulars. they were hardy, self-reliant, accustomed to shift for themselves in the open under very adverse circumstances. the two all-important qualifications for a cavalryman, are riding and shooting--the modern cavalryman being so often used dismounted, as an infantryman. the average recruit requires a couple of years before he becomes proficient in horsemanship and marksmanship; but my men were already good shots and first-class riders when they came into the regiment. the difference as regards officers and non-commissioned officers, between regulars and volunteers, is usually very great; but in my regiment (keeping in view the material we had to handle), it was easy to develop non-commissioned officers out of men who had been round-up foremen, ranch foremen, mining bosses, and the like. these men were intelligent and resolute; they knew they had a great deal to learn, and they set to work to learn it; while they were already accustomed to managing considerable interests, to obeying orders, and to taking care of others as well as themselves. as for the officers, the great point in our favor was the anxiety they showed to learn from those among their number who, like capron, had already served in the regular army; and the fact that we had chosen a regular army man as colonel. if a volunteer organization consists of good material, and is eager to learn, it can readily do so if it has one or two first-class regular officers to teach it. moreover, most of our captains and lieutenants were men who had seen much of wild life, who were accustomed to handling and commanding other men, and who had usually already been under fire as sheriffs, marshals, and the like. as for the second in command, myself, i had served three years as captain in the national guard; i had been deputy sheriff in the cow country, where the position was not a sinecure; i was accustomed to big game hunting and to work on a cow ranch, so that i was thoroughly familiar with the use both of horse and rifle, and knew how to handle cowboys, hunters, and miners; finally, i had studied much in the literature of war, and especially the literature of the great modern wars, like our own civil war, the franco-german war, the turco-russian war; and i was especially familiar with the deeds, the successes and failures alike, of the frontier horse riflemen who had fought at king's mountain and the thames, and on the mexican border. finally, and most important of all, officers and men alike were eager for fighting, and resolute to do well and behave properly, to encounter hardship and privation, and the irksome monotony of camp routine, without grumbling or complaining; they had counted the cost before they went in, and were delighted to pay the penalties inevitably attendant upon the career of a fighting regiment; and from the moment when the regiment began to gather, the higher officers kept instilling into those under them the spirit of eagerness for action and of stern determination to grasp at death rather than forfeit honor. the self-reliant spirit of the men was well shown after they left the regiment. of course, there were a few weaklings among them; and there were others, entirely brave and normally self-sufficient, who, from wounds or fevers, were so reduced that they had to apply for aid--or at least, who deserved aid, even though they often could only be persuaded with the greatest difficulty to accept it. the widows and orphans had to be taken care of. there were a few light-hearted individuals, who were entirely ready to fight in time of war, but in time of peace felt that somebody ought to take care of them; and there were others who, never having seen any aggregation of buildings larger than an ordinary cow-town, fell a victim to the fascinations of new york. but, as a whole, they scattered out to their homes on the disbandment of the regiment; gaunter than when they had enlisted, sometimes weakened by fever or wounds, but just as full as ever of sullen, sturdy capacity for self-help; scorning to ask for aid, save what was entirely legitimate in the way of one comrade giving help to another. a number of the examining surgeons, at the muster-out, spoke to me with admiration of the contrast offered by our regiment to so many others, in the fact that our men always belittled their own bodily injuries and sufferings; so that whereas the surgeons ordinarily had to be on the look-out lest a man who was not really disabled should claim to be so, in our case they had to adopt exactly the opposite attitude and guard the future interests of the men, by insisting upon putting upon their certificates of discharge whatever disease they had contracted or wound they had received in line of duty. major j. h. calef, who had more than any other one man to do with seeing to the proper discharge papers of our men, and who took a most generous interest in them, wrote me as follows: "i also wish to bring to your notice the fortitude displayed by the men of your regiment, who have come before me to be mustered out of service, in making their personal declarations as to their physical conditions. men who bore on their faces and in their forms the traces of long days of illness, indicating wrecked constitutions, declared that nothing was the matter with them, at the same time disclaiming any intention of applying for a pension. it was exceptionally heroic." when we were mustered out, many of the men had lost their jobs, and were too weak to go to work at once, while there were helpless dependents of the dead to care for. certain of my friends, august belmont, stanley and richard mortimer, major austin wadsworth--himself fresh from the manila campaign--belmont tiffany, and others, gave me sums of money to be used for helping these men. in some instances, by the exercise of a good deal of tact and by treating the gift as a memorial of poor young lieutenant tiffany, we got the men to accept something; and, of course, there were a number who, quite rightly, made no difficulty about accepting. but most of the men would accept no help whatever. in the first chapter, i spoke of a lady, a teacher in an academy in the indian territory, three or four of whose pupils had come into my regiment, and who had sent with them a letter of introduction to me. when the regiment disbanded, i wrote to her to ask if she could not use a little money among the rough riders, white, indian, and half-breed, that she might personally know. i did not hear from her for some time, and then she wrote as follows: "muscogee, ind. ter., "december , . "my dear colonel roosevelt: i did not at once reply to your letter of september rd, because i waited for a time to see if there should be need among any of our rough riders of the money you so kindly offered. some of the boys are poor, and in one or two cases they seemed to me really needy, but they all said no. more than once i saw the tears come to their eyes, at thought of your care for them, as i told them of your letter. did you hear any echoes of our indian war-whoops over your election? they were pretty loud. i was particularly exultant, because my father was a new yorker and i was educated in new york, even if i was born here. so far as i can learn, the boys are taking up the dropped threads of their lives, as though they had never been away. our two rough rider students, meagher and gilmore, are doing well in their college work. "i am sorry to tell you of the death of one of your most devoted troopers, bert holderman, who was here serving on the grand jury. he was stricken with meningitis in the jury-room, and died after three days of delirium. his father, who was twice wounded, four times taken prisoner, and fought in thirty-two battles of the civil war, now old and feeble, survives him, and it was indeed pathetic to see his grief. bert's mother, who is a cherokee, was raised in my grandfather's family. the words of commendation which you wrote upon bert's discharge are the greatest comfort to his friends. they wanted you to know of his death, because he loved you so. "i am planning to entertain all the rough riders in this vicinity some evening during my holiday vacation. i mean to have no other guests, but only give them an opportunity for reminiscences. i regret that bert's death makes one less. i had hoped to have them sooner, but our struggling young college salaries are necessarily small and duties arduous. i make a home for my widowed mother and an adopted indian daughter, who is in school; and as i do the cooking for a family of five, i have found it impossible to do many things i would like to. "pardon me for burdening you with these details, but i suppose i am like your boys, who say, 'the colonel was always as ready to listen to a private as to a major-general.' "wishing you and yours the very best gifts the season can bring, i am, "very truly yours, "alice m. robertson." is it any wonder that i loved my regiment? appendix a muster-out roll [owing to the circumstances of the regiment's service, the paperwork was very difficult to perform. this muster-out roll is very defective in certain points, notably in the enumeration of the wounded who had been able to return to duty. some of the dead are also undoubtedly passed over. thus i have put in race smith, sanders, and tiffany as dead, correcting the rolls; but there are doubtless a number of similar corrections which should be made but have not been, as the regiment is now scattered far and wide. i have also corrected the record for the wounded men in one or two places where i happen to remember it; but there are a number of the wounded, especially the slightly wounded, who are not down at all.] field, staff, and band colonel theodore roosevelt troop a captain frank frantz troop b captain james h. mcclintock troop c captain joseph l. b. alexander troop d captain r. b. huston troop e captain frederick muller troop f captain maximilian luna troop g captain william h. h. llewellen troop h captain george curry troop i captain schuyler a. mcginnis troop k captain woodbury kane troop l captain richard c. day troop m captain robert h. bruce as said above, this is not a complete list of the wounded, or even of the dead, among the troopers. moreover, a number of officers and men died from fever soon after the regiment was mustered out. twenty-eight field and line officers landed in cuba on june nd; ten of them were killed or wounded during the nine days following. of the five regiments of regular cavalry in the division, one, the tenth, lost eleven officers; none of the others lost more than six. the loss of the rough riders in enlisted men was heavier than that of any other regiment in the cavalry division. of the nine infantry regiments in kent's division, one, the sixth, lost eleven officers; none of the others as many as we did. none of the nine suffered as heavy a loss in enlisted men, as they were not engaged at las guasimas. no other regiment in the spanish-american war suffered as heavy a loss as the first united states volunteer cavalry. appendix b colonel roosevelt's report to the secretary of war of september th [before it was sent, this letter was read to and approved by every officer of the regiment who had served through the santiago campaign.] [copy.] camp wikoff, september , . to the secretary of war. sir: in answer to the circular issued by command of major-general shafter under date of september , , containing a request for information by the adjutant-general of september th, i have the honor to report as follows: i am a little in doubt whether the fact that on certain occasions my regiment suffered for food, etc., should be put down to an actual shortage of supplies or to general defects in the system of administration. thus, when the regiment arrived in tampa after a four days' journey by cars from its camp at san antonio, it received no food whatever for twenty-four hours, and as the travel rations had been completely exhausted, food for several of the troops was purchased by their officers, who, of course, have not been reimbursed by the government. in the same way we were short one or two meals at the time of embarking at port tampa on the transport; but this i think was due, not to a failure in the quantity of supplies, but to the lack of system in embarkation. as with the other regiments, no information was given in advance what transports we should take, or how we should proceed to get aboard, nor did anyone exercise any supervision over the embarkation. each regimental commander, so far as i know, was left to find out as best he could, after he was down at the dock, what transport had not been taken, and then to get his regiment aboard it, if he was able, before some other regiment got it. our regiment was told to go to a certain switch, and take a train for port tampa at twelve o'clock, midnight. the train never came. after three hours of waiting we were sent to another switch, and finally at six o'clock in the morning got possession of some coal-cars and came down in them. when we reached the quay where the embarkation was proceeding, everything was in utter confusion. the quay was piled with stores and swarming with thousands of men of different regiments, besides onlookers, etc. the commanding general, when we at last found him, told colonel wood and myself that he did not know what ship we were to embark on, and that we must find colonel humphrey, the quartermaster-general. colonel humphrey was not in his office, and nobody knew where he was. the commanders of the different regiments were busy trying to find him, while their troops waited in the trains, so as to discover the ships to which they were allotted--some of these ships being at the dock and some in mid-stream. after a couple of hours' search, colonel wood found colonel humphrey and was allotted a ship. immediately afterward i found that it had already been allotted to two other regiments. it was then coming to the dock. colonel wood boarded it in mid-stream to keep possession, while i double-quicked the men down from the cars and got there just ahead of the other two regiments. one of these regiments, i was afterward informed, spent the next thirty-six hours in cars in consequence. we suffered nothing beyond the loss of a couple of meals, which, it seems to me, can hardly be put down to any failure in the quantity of supplies furnished to the troops. we were two weeks on the troop-ship yucatan, and as we were given twelve days' travel rations, we of course fell short toward the end of the trip, but eked things out with some of our field rations and troop stuff. the quality of the travel rations given to us was good, except in the important item of meat. the canned roast beef is worse than a failure as part of the rations, for in effect it amounts to reducing the rations by just so much, as a great majority of the men find it uneatable. it was coarse, stringy, tasteless, and very disagreeable in appearance, and so unpalatable that the effort to eat it made some of the men sick. most of the men preferred to be hungry rather than eat it. if cooked in a stew with plenty of onions and potatoes--i.e., if only one ingredient in a dish with other more savory ingredients--it could be eaten, especially if well salted and peppered; but, as usual (what i regard as a great mistake), no salt was issued with the travel rations, and of course no potatoes and onions. there were no cooking facilities on the transport. when the men obtained any, it was by bribing the cook. toward the last, when they began to draw on the field rations, they had to eat the bacon raw. on the return trip the same difficulty in rations obtained.--i.e., the rations were short because the men could not eat the canned roast beef, and had no salt. we purchased of the ship's supplies some flour and pork and a little rice for the men, so as to relieve the shortage as much as possible, and individual sick men were helped from private sources by officers, who themselves ate what they had purchased in santiago. as nine-tenths of the men were more or less sick, the unattractiveness of the travel rations was doubly unfortunate. it would have been an excellent thing for their health if we could have had onions and potatoes, and means for cooking them. moreover, the water was very bad, and sometimes a cask was struck that was positively undrinkable. the lack of ice for the weak and sickly men was very much felt. fortunately there was no epidemic, for there was not a place on the ship where patients could have been isolated. during the month following the landing of the army in cuba the food-supplies were generally short in quantity, and in quality were never such as were best suited to men undergoing severe hardships and great exposure in an unhealthy tropical climate. the rations were, i understand, the same as those used in the klondike. in this connection, i call especial attention to the report of captain brown, made by my orders when i was brigade-commander, and herewith appended. i also call attention to the report of my own quartermaster. usually we received full rations of bacon and hardtack. the hardtack, however, was often mouldy, so that parts of cases, and even whole cases, could not be used. the bacon was usually good. but bacon and hardtack make poor food for men toiling and fighting in trenches under the midsummer sun of the tropics. the ration of coffee was often short, and that of sugar generally so; we rarely got any vegetables. under these circumstances the men lost strength steadily, and as the fever speedily attacked them, they suffered from being reduced to a bacon and hardtack diet. so much did the shortage of proper food tell upon their health that again and again officers were compelled to draw upon their private purses, or upon the red cross society, to make good the deficiency of the government supply. again and again we sent down improvised pack-trains composed of officers' horses, of captured spanish cavalry ponies, or of mules which had been shot or abandoned but were cured by our men. these expeditions--sometimes under the chaplain, sometimes under the quartermaster, sometimes under myself, and occasionally under a trooper--would go to the sea-coast or to the red cross head-quarters, or, after the surrender, into the city of santiago, to get food both for the well and the sick. the red cross society rendered invaluable aid. for example, on one of these expeditions i personally brought up pounds of beans; on another occasion i personally brought up pounds of rice, pounds of cornmeal, pounds of sugar, pounds of tea, pounds of oatmeal, barrels of potatoes, and two of onions, with cases of canned soup and condensed milk for the sick in hospitals. every scrap of the food thus brought up was eaten with avidity by the soldiers, and put new heart and strength into them. it was only our constant care of the men in this way that enabled us to keep them in any trim at all. as for the sick in the hospital, unless we were able from outside sources to get them such simple delicacies as rice and condensed milk, they usually had the alternative of eating salt pork and hardtack or going without. after each fight we got a good deal of food from the spanish camps in the way of beans, peas, and rice, together with green coffee, all of which the men used and relished greatly. in some respects the spanish rations were preferable to ours, notably in the use of rice. after we had been ashore a month the supplies began to come in in abundance, and we then fared very well. up to that time the men were under-fed, during the very weeks when the heaviest drain was being made upon their vitality, and the deficiency was only partially supplied through the aid of the red cross, and out of the officers' pockets and the pockets of various new york friends who sent us money. before, during, and immediately after the fights of june th and july st, we were very short of even the bacon and hardtack. about july th, when the heavy rains interrupted communication, we were threatened with famine, as we were informed that there was not a day's supply of provisions in advance nearer than the sea-coast; and another twenty-four hours' rain would have resulted in a complete break-down of communications, so that for several days we should have been reduced to a diet of mule-meat and mangos. at this time, in anticipation of such a contingency, by foraging and hoarding we got a little ahead, so that when our supplies were cut down for a day or two we did not suffer much, and were even able to furnish a little aid to the less fortunate first illinois regiment, which was camped next to us. members of the illinois regiment were offering our men $ apiece for hardtacks. i wish to bear testimony to the energy and capacity of colonel weston, the commissary-general with the expedition. if it had not been for his active aid, we should have fared worse than we did. all that he could do for us, he most cheerfully did. as regards the clothing, i have to say: as to the first issue, the blue shirts were excellent of their kind, but altogether too hot for cuba. they are just what i used to wear in montana. the leggings were good; the shoes were very good; the undershirts not very good, and the drawers bad--being of heavy, thick canton flannel, difficult to wash, and entirely unfit for a tropical climate. the trousers were poor, wearing badly. we did not get any other clothing until we were just about to leave cuba, by which time most of the men were in tatters; some being actually barefooted, while others were in rags, or dressed partly in clothes captured from the spaniards, who were much more suitably clothed for the climate and place than we were. the ponchos were poor, being inferior to the spanish rain-coats which we captured. as to the medical matters, i invite your attention, not only to the report of dr. church accompanying this letter, but to the letters of captain llewellen, captain day, and lieutenant mcilhenny. i could readily produce a hundred letters on the lines of the last three. in actual medical supplies, we had plenty of quinine and cathartics. we were apt to be short on other medicines, and we had nothing whatever in the way of proper nourishing food for our sick and wounded men during most of the time, except what we were able to get from the red cross or purchase with our own money. we had no hospital tent at all until i was able to get a couple of tarpaulins. during much of the time my own fly was used for the purpose. we had no cots until by individual effort we obtained a few, only three or four days before we left cuba. during most of the time the sick men lay on the muddy ground in blankets, if they had any; if not, they lay without them until some of the well men cut their own blankets in half. our regimental surgeon very soon left us, and dr. church, who was repeatedly taken down with the fever, was left alone--save as he was helped by men detailed from among the troopers. both he and the men thus detailed, together with the regular hospital attendants, did work of incalculable service. we had no ambulance with the regiment. on the battle-field our wounded were generally sent to the rear in mule-wagons, or on litters which were improvised. at other times we would hire the little springless cuban carts. but of course the wounded suffered greatly in such conveyances, and moreover, often we could not get a wheeled vehicle of any kind to transport even the most serious cases. on the day of the big fight, july st, as far as we could find out, there were but two ambulances with the army in condition to work--neither of which did we ever see. later there were, as we were informed, thirteen all told; and occasionally after the surrender, by vigorous representations and requests, we would get one assigned to take some peculiarly bad cases to the hospital. ordinarily, however, we had to do with one of the makeshifts enumerated above. on several occasions i visited the big hospitals in the rear. their condition was frightful beyond description from lack of supplies, lack of medicine, lack of doctors, nurses, and attendants, and especially from lack of transportation. the wounded and sick who were sent back suffered so much that, whenever possible, they returned to the front. finally my brigade commander, general wood, ordered, with my hearty acquiescence, that only in the direst need should any men be sent to the rear--no matter what our hospital accommodations at the front might be. the men themselves preferred to suffer almost anything lying alone in their little shelter-tents, rather than go back to the hospitals in the rear. i invite attention to the accompanying letter of captain llewellen in relation to the dreadful condition of the wounded on some of the transports taking them north. the greatest trouble we had was with the lack of transportation. under the order issued by direction of general miles through the adjutant-general on or about may th, a regiment serving as infantry in the field was entitled to twenty-five wagons. we often had one, often none, sometimes two, and never as many as three. we had a regimental pack-train, but it was left behind at tampa. during most of the time our means of transportation were chiefly the improvised pack-trains spoken of above; but as the mules got well they were taken away from us, and so were the captured spanish cavalry horses. whenever we shifted camp, we had to leave most of our things behind, so that the night before each fight was marked by our sleeping without tentage and with very little food, so far as officers were concerned, as everything had to be sacrificed to getting up what ammunition and medical supplies we had. colonel wood seized some mules, and in this manner got up the medical supplies before the fight of june th, when for three days the officers had nothing but what they wore. there was a repetition of this, only in worse form, before and after the fight of july st. of course much of this was simply a natural incident of war, but a great deal could readily have been avoided if we had had enough transportation; and i was sorry not to let my men be as comfortable as possible and rest as much as possible just before going into a fight when, as on july st and nd, they might have to be forty-eight hours with the minimum quantity of food and sleep. the fever began to make heavy ravages among our men just before the surrender, and from that time on it became a most serious matter to shift camp, with sick and ailing soldiers, hardly able to walk--not to speak of carrying heavy burdens--when we had no transportation. not more than half of the men could carry their rolls, and yet these, with the officers' baggage and provisions, the entire hospital and its appurtenances, etc., had to be transported somehow. it was usually about three days after we reached a new camp before the necessaries which had been left behind could be brought up, and during these three days we had to get along as best we could. the entire lack of transportation at first resulted in leaving most of the troop mess-kits on the beach, and we were never able to get them. the men cooked in the few utensils they could themselves carry. this rendered it impossible to boil the drinking-water. closely allied to the lack of transportation was the lack of means to land supplies from the transports. in my opinion, the deficiency in transportation was the worst evil with which we had to contend, serious though some of the others were. i have never served before, so have no means of comparing this with previous campaigns. i was often told by officers who had seen service against the indians that, relatively to the size of the army, and the character of the country, we had only a small fraction of the transportation always used in the indian campaigns. as far as my regiment was concerned, we certainly did not have one-third of the amount absolutely necessary, if it was to be kept in fair condition, and we had to partially make good the deficiency by the most energetic resort to all kinds of makeshifts and expedients. yours respectfully, (signed) theodore roosevelt, colonel first united states cavalry. forwarded through military channels. ( enclosures.) first endorsement. head-quarters fifth army corps. camp wikoff, september , . respectfully forwarded to the adjutant-general of the army. (signed) william r. shafter, major-general commanding. appendix c the "round robin" letter [the following is the report of the associated press correspondent of the "round-robin" incident. it is literally true in every detail. i was present when he was handed both letters; he was present while they were being written.] santiago de cuba, august rd (delayed in transmission).--summoned by major-general shafter, a meeting was held here this morning at head-quarters, and in the presence of every commanding and medical officer of the fifth army corps, general shafter read a cable message from secretary alger, ordering him, on the recommendation of surgeon-general sternberg, to move the army into the interior, to san luis, where it is healthier. as a result of the conference general shafter will insist upon the immediate withdrawal of the army north. as an explanation of the situation the following letter from colonel theodore roosevelt, commanding the first cavalry, to general shafter, was handed by the latter to the correspondent of the associated press for publication: major-general shafter. sir: in a meeting of the general and medical officers called by you at the palace this morning we were all, as you know, unanimous in our views of what should be done with the army. to keep us here, in the opinion of every officer commanding a division or a brigade, will simply involve the destruction of thousands. there is no possible reason for not shipping practically the entire command north at once. yellow-fever cases are very few in the cavalry division, where i command one of the two brigades, and not one true case of yellow fever has occurred in this division, except among the men sent to the hospital at siboney, where they have, i believe, contracted it. but in this division there have been , cases of malarial fever. hardly a man has yet died from it, but the whole command is so weakened and shattered as to be ripe for dying like rotten sheep, when a real yellow-fever epidemic instead of a fake epidemic, like the present one, strikes us, as it is bound to do if we stay here at the height of the sickness season, august and the beginning of september. quarantine against malarial fever is much like quarantining against the toothache. all of us are certain that as soon as the authorities at washington fully appreciate the condition of the army, we shall be sent home. if we are kept here it will in all human possibility mean an appalling disaster, for the surgeons here estimate that over half the army, if kept here during the sickly season, will die. this is not only terrible from the stand-point of the individual lives lost, but it means ruin from the stand-point of military efficiency of the flower of the american army, for the great bulk of the regulars are here with you. the sick list, large though it is, exceeding four thousand, affords but a faint index of the debilitation of the army. not twenty per cent are fit for active work. six weeks on the north maine coast, for instance, or elsewhere where the yellow-fever germ cannot possibly propagate, would make us all as fit as fighting-cocks, as able as we are eager to take a leading part in the great campaign against havana in the fall, even if we are not allowed to try porto rico. we can be moved north, if moved at once, with absolute safety to the country, although, of course, it would have been infinitely better if we had been moved north or to porto rico two weeks ago. if there were any object in keeping us here, we would face yellow fever with as much indifference as we faced bullets. but there is no object. the four immune regiments ordered here are sufficient to garrison the city and surrounding towns, and there is absolutely nothing for us to do here, and there has not been since the city surrendered. it is impossible to move into the interior. every shifting of camp doubles the sick-rate in our present weakened condition, and, anyhow, the interior is rather worse than the coast, as i have found by actual reconnaissance. our present camps are as healthy as any camps at this end of the island can be. i write only because i cannot see our men, who have fought so bravely and who have endured extreme hardship and danger so uncomplainingly, go to destruction without striving so far as lies in me to avert a doom as fearful as it is unnecessary and undeserved. yours respectfully, theodore roosevelt, colonel commanding second cavalry brigade. after colonel roosevelt had taken the initiative, all the american general officers united in a "round robin" addressed to general shafter. it reads: we, the undersigned officers commanding the various brigades, divisions, etc., of the army of occupation in cuba, are of the unanimous opinion that this army should be at once taken out of the island of cuba and sent to some point on the northern sea-coast of the united states; that can be done without danger to the people of the united states; that yellow fever in the army at present is not epidemic; that there are only a few sporadic cases; but that the army is disabled by malarial fever to the extent that its efficiency is destroyed, and that it is in a condition to be practically entirely destroyed by an epidemic of yellow fever, which is sure to come in the near future. we know from the reports of competent officers and from personal observations that the army is unable to move into the interior, and that there are no facilities for such a move if attempted, and that it could not be attempted until too late. moreover, the best medical authorities of the island say that with our present equipment we could not live in the interior during the rainy season without losses from malarial fever, which is almost as deadly as yellow fever. this army must be moved at once, or perish. as the army can be safely moved now, the persons responsible for preventing such a move will be responsible for the unnecessary loss of many thousands of lives. our opinions are the result of careful personal observation, and they are also based on the unanimous opinion of our medical officers with the army, who understand the situation absolutely. j. ford kent, major-general volunteers commanding first division, fifth corps. j. c. bates, major-general volunteers commanding provisional division. adnah r. chaffee, major-general commanding third brigade, second division. samuel s. sumner, brigadier-general volunteers commanding first brigade, cavalry. will ludlow, brigadier-general volunteers commanding first brigade, second division. adelbert ames, brigadier-general volunteers commanding third brigade, first division. leonard wood, brigadier-general volunteers commanding the city of santiago. theodore roosevelt, colonel commanding second cavalry brigade. major m. w. wood, the chief surgeon of the first division, said: "the army must be moved north," adding, with emphasis, "or it will be unable to move itself." general ames has sent the following cable message to washington: charles h. allen, assistant secretary of the navy: this army is incapable, because of sickness, of marching anywhere except to the transports. if it is ever to return to the united states it must do so at once. appendix d corrections it has been suggested to me that when bucky o'neill spoke of the vultures tearing our dead, he was thinking of no modern poet, but of the words of the prophet ezekiel: "speak unto every feathered fowl . . . . . ye shall eat the flesh of the mighty and drink the blood of the princes of the earth." at san juan the sixth cavalry was under major lebo, a tried and gallant officer. i learn from a letter of lieutenant mcnamee that it was he, and not lieutenant hartwick, by whose orders the troopers of the ninth cast down the fence to enable me to ride my horse into the lane. but one of the two lieutenants of b troop was overcome by the heat that day; lieutenant rynning was with his troop until dark. one night during the siege, when we were digging trenches, a curious stampede occurred (not in my own regiment) which it may be necessary some time to relate. lieutenants w. e. shipp and w. h. smith were killed, not far from each other, while gallantly leading their troops on the slope of kettle hill. each left a widow and young children. captain (now colonel) a. l. mills, the brigade adjutant-general, has written me some comments on my account of the fight on july st. it was he himself who first brought me word to advance. i then met colonel dorst--who bore the same message--as i was getting the regiment forward. captain mills was one of the officers i had sent back to get orders that would permit me to advance; he met general sumner, who gave him the orders, and he then returned to me. in a letter to me colonel mills says in part: i reached the head of the regiment as you came out of the lane and gave you the orders to enter the action. these were that you were to move, with your right resting along the wire fence of the lane, to the support of the regular cavalry then attacking the hill we were facing. "the red-roofed house yonder is your objective," i said to you. you moved out at once and quickly forged to the front of your regiment. i rode in rear, keeping the soldiers and troops closed and in line as well as the circumstances and conditions permitted. we had covered, i judge, from one-half to two-thirds the distance to kettle hill when lieutenant-colonel garlington, from our left flank called to me that troops were needed in the meadow across the lane. i put one troop (not three, as stated in your account*) across the lane and went with it. advancing with the troop, i began immediately to pick up troopers of the ninth cavalry who had drifted from their commands, and soon had so many they demanded nearly all my attention. with a line thus made up, the colored troopers on the left and yours on the right, the portion of kettle hill on the right of the red-roofed house was first carried. i very shortly thereafter had a strong firing-line established on the crest nearest the enemy, from the corner of the fence around the house to the low ground on the right of the hill, which fired into the strong line of conical straw hats, whose brims showed just above the edge of the spanish trench directly west of that part of the hill.** these hats made a fine target! i had placed a young officer of your regiment in charge of the portion of the line on top of the hill, and was about to go to the left to keep the connection of the brigade--captain mcblain, ninth cavalry, just then came up on the hill from the left and rear--when the shot struck that put me out of the fight. * note: the other two must have followed on their own initiative. ** note: these were the spaniards in the trenches we carried when we charged from kettle hill, after the infantry had taken the san juan block-house. there were many wholly erroneous accounts of the guasimas fight published at the time, for the most part written by newspaper-men who were in the rear and utterly ignorant of what really occurred. most of these accounts possess a value so purely ephemeral as to need no notice. mr. stephen bonsal, however, in his book, "the fight for santiago," has cast one of them in a more permanent form; and i shall discuss one or two of his statements. mr. bonsal was not present at the fight, and, indeed, so far as i know, he never at any time was with the cavalry in action. he puts in his book a map of the supposed skirmish ground; but it bears to the actual scene of the fight only the well-known likeness borne by monmouth to macedon. there was a brook on the battle-ground, and there is a brook in mr. bonsal's map. the real brook, flowing down from the mountains, crossed the valley road and ran down between it and the hill-trail, going nowhere near the latter. the bonsal brook flows at right angles to the course of the real brook and crosses both trails--that is, it runs up hill. it is difficult to believe that the bonsal map could have been made by any man who had gone over the hill-trail followed by the rough riders and who knew where the fighting had taken place. the position of the spanish line on the bonsal map is inverted compared to what it really was. on page mr. bonsal says that in making the "precipitate advance" there was a rivalry between the regulars and rough riders, which resulted in each hurrying recklessly forward to strike the spaniards first. on the contrary. the official reports show that general young's column waited for some time after it got to the spanish position, so as to allow the rough riders (who had the more difficult trail) to come up. colonel wood kept his column walking at a smart pace, merely so that the regulars might not be left unsupported when the fight began; and as a matter of fact, it began almost simultaneously on both wings. on page mr. bonsal speaks of "the foolhardy formation of a solid column along a narrow trail, which brought them (the rough riders) within point-blank range of the spanish rifles and within the unobstructed sweep of their machine-guns." he also speaks as if the advance should have been made with the regiment deployed through the jungle. of course, the only possible way by which the rough riders could have been brought into action in time to support the regulars was by advancing in column along the trail at a good smart gait. as soon as our advance-guard came into contact with the enemy's outpost we deployed. no firing began for at least five minutes after captain capron sent back word that he had come upon the spanish outpost. at the particular point where this occurred there was a dip in the road, which probably rendered it, in capron's opinion, better to keep part of his men in it. in any event, captain capron, who was as skilful as he was gallant, had ample time between discovering the spanish outpost and the outbreak of the firing to arrange his troop in the formation he deemed best. his troop was not in solid formation; his men were about ten yards apart. of course, to have walked forward deployed through the jungle, prior to reaching the ground where we were to fight, would have been a course of procedure so foolish as to warrant the summary court-martial of any man directing it. we could not have made half a mile an hour in such a formation, and would have been at least four hours too late for the fighting. on page mr. bonsal says that captain capron's troop was ambushed, and that it received the enemy's fire a quarter of an hour before it was expected. this is simply not so. before the column stopped we had passed a dead cuban, killed in the preceding day's skirmish, and general wood had notified me on information he had received from capron that we might come into contact with the spaniards at any moment, and, as i have already said, captain capron discovered the spanish outpost, and we halted and partially deployed the column before the firing began. we were at the time exactly where we had expected to come across the spaniards. mr. bonsal, after speaking of l troop, adds: "the remaining troops of the regiment had travelled more leisurely, and more than half an hour elapsed before they came up to capron's support." as a matter of fact, all the troops travelled at exactly the same rate of speed, although there were stragglers from each, and when capron halted and sent back word that he had come upon the spanish outpost, the entire regiment closed up, halted, and most of the men sat down. we then, some minutes after the first word had been received, and before any firing had begun, received instructions to deploy. i had my right wing partially deployed before the first shots between the outposts took place. within less than three minutes i had g troop, with llewellen, greenway, and leahy, and one platoon of k troop under kane, on the firing-line, and it was not until after we reached the firing-line that the heavy volley-firing from the spaniards began. on page mr. bonsal says: "a vexatious delay occurred before the two independent columns could communicate and advance with concerted action. . . . when the two columns were brought into communication it was immediately decided to make a general attack upon the spanish position. . . . with this purpose in view, the following disposition of the troops was made before the advance of the brigade all along the line was ordered." there was no communication between the two columns prior to the general attack, nor was any order issued for the advance of the brigade all along the line. the attacks were made wholly independently, and the first communication between the columns was when the right wing of the rough riders in the course of their advance by their firing dislodged the spaniards from the hill across the ravine to the right, and then saw the regulars come up that hill. mr. bonsal's account of what occurred among the regulars parallels his account of what occurred among the rough riders. he states that the squadron of the tenth cavalry delivered the main attack upon the hill, which was the strongest point of the spanish position; and he says of the troopers of the tenth cavalry that "their better training enabled them to render more valuable service than the other troops engaged." in reality, the tenth cavalrymen were deployed in support of the first, though they mingled with them in the assault proper; and so far as there was any difference at all in the amount of work done, it was in favor of the first. the statement that the tenth cavalry was better trained than the first, and rendered more valuable service, has not the slightest basis whatsoever of any kind, sort, or description, in fact. the tenth cavalry did well what it was required to do; as an organization, in this fight, it was rather less heavily engaged, and suffered less loss, actually and relatively, than either the first cavalry or the rough riders. it took about the same part that was taken by the left wing of the rough riders, which wing was similarly rather less heavily engaged than the right and centre of the regiment. of course, this is a reflection neither on the tenth cavalry nor on the left wing of the rough riders. each body simply did what it was ordered to do, and did it well. but to claim that the tenth cavalry did better than the first, or bore the most prominent part in the fight, is like making the same claim for the left wing of the rough riders. all the troops engaged did well, and all alike are entitled to share in the honor of the day. mr. bonsal out-spaniards the spaniards themselves as regards both their numbers and their loss. these points are discussed elsewhere. he develops for the spanish side, to account for their retreat, a wholly new explanation--viz., that they retreated because they saw reinforcements arriving for the americans. the spaniards themselves make no such claim. lieutenant tejeiro asserts that they retreated because news had come of a (wholly mythical) american advance on morro castle. the spanish official report simply says that the americans were repulsed; which is about as accurate a statement as the other two. all three explanations, those by general rubin, by lieutenant tejeiro, and by mr. bonsal alike, are precisely on a par with the first spanish official report of the battle of manila bay, in which admiral dewey was described as having been repulsed and forced to retire. there are one or two minor mistakes made by mr. bonsal. he states that on the roster of the officers of the rough riders there were ten west pointers. there were three, one of whom resigned. only two were in the fighting. he also states that after las guasimas brigadier-general young was made a major-general and colonel wood a brigadier-general, while the commanding officers of the first and tenth cavalry were ignored in this "shower of promotions." in the first place, the commanding officers of the first and tenth cavalry were not in the fight--only one squadron of each having been present. in the next place, there was no "shower of promotions" at all. nobody was promoted except general young, save to fill the vacancies caused by death or by the promotion of general young. wood was not promoted because of this fight. general young most deservedly was promoted. soon after the fight he fell sick. the command of the brigade then fell upon wood, simply because he had higher rank than the other two regimental commanders of the brigade; and i then took command of the regiment exactly as lieutenant-colonels veile and baldwin had already taken command of the first and tenth cavalry when their superior officers were put in charge of brigades. after the san juan fighting, in which wood commanded a brigade, he was made a brigadier-general and i was then promoted to the nominal command of the regiment, which i was already commanding in reality. mr. bonsal's claim of superior efficiency for the colored regular regiments as compared with the white regular regiments does not merit discussion. he asserts that general wheeler brought on the guasimas fight in defiance of orders. lieutenant miley, in his book, "in cuba with shafter," on page , shows that general wheeler made his fight before receiving the order which it is claimed he disobeyed. general wheeler was in command ashore; he was told to get in touch with the enemy, and, being a man with the "fighting edge," this meant that he was certain to fight. no general who was worth his salt would have failed to fight under such conditions; the only question would be as to how the fight was to be made. war means fighting; and the soldier's cardinal sin is timidity. general wheeler remained throughout steadfast against any retreat from before santiago. but the merit of keeping the army before santiago, without withdrawal, until the city fell, belongs to the authorities at washington, who at this all-important stage of the operations showed to marked advantage in overruling the proposals made by the highest generals in the field looking toward partial retreat or toward the abandonment of the effort to take the city. the following note, written by sergeant e. g. norton, of b troop, refers to the death of his brother, oliver b. norton, one of the most gallant and soldierly men in the regiment: on july st i, together with sergeant campbell and troopers bardshar and dudley dean and my brother who was killed and some others, was at the front of the column right behind you. we moved forward, following you as you rode, to where we came upon the troopers of the ninth cavalry and a part of the first lying down. i heard the conversation between you and one or two of the officers of the ninth cavalry. you ordered a charge, and the regular officers answered that they had no orders to move ahead; whereupon you said: "then let us through," and marched forward through the lines, our regiment following. the men of the ninth and first cavalry then jumped up and came forward with us. then you waved your hat and gave the command to charge and we went up the hill. on the top of kettle hill my brother, oliver b. norton, was shot through the head and in the right wrist. it was just as you started to lead the charge on the san juan hills ahead of us; we saw that the regiment did not know you had gone and were not following, and my brother said, "for god's sake follow the colonel," and as he rose the bullet went through his head. in reference to mr. bonsal's account of the guasimas fight, mr. richard harding davis writes me as follows: we had already halted several times to give the men a chance to rest, and when we halted for the last time i thought it was for this same purpose, and began taking photographs of the men of l troop, who were so near that they asked me to be sure and save them a photograph. wood had twice disappeared down the trail beyond them and returned. as he came back for the second time i remember that you walked up to him (we were all dismounted then), and saluted and said: "colonel, doctor la motte reports that the pace is too fast for the men, and that over fifty have fallen out from exhaustion." wood replied sharply: "i have no time to bother with sick men now." you replied, more in answer, i suppose, to his tone than to his words: "i merely repeated what the surgeon reported to me." wood then turned and said in explanation: "i have no time for them now; i mean that we are in sight of the enemy." this was the only information we received that the men of l troop had been ambushed by the spaniards, and, if they were, they were very calm about it, and i certainly was taking photographs of them at the time, and the rest of the regiment, instead of being half an hour's march away, was seated comfortably along the trail not twenty feet distant from the men of l troop. you deployed g troop under captain llewellen into the jungle at the right and sent k troop after it, and wood ordered troops e and f into the field on our left. it must have been from ten to fifteen minutes after capron and wood had located the spaniards before either side fired a shot. when the firing did come i went over to you and joined g troop and a detachment of k troop under woodbury kane, and we located more of the enemy on a ridge. if it is to be ambushed when you find the enemy exactly where you went to find him, and your scouts see him soon enough to give you sufficient time to spread five troops in skirmish order to attack him, and you then drive him back out of three positions for a mile and a half, then most certainly, as bonsal says, "l troop of the rough riders was ambushed by the spaniards on the morning of june th." general wood also writes me at length about mr. bonsal's book, stating that his account of the guasimas fight is without foundation in fact. he says: "we had five troops completely deployed before the first shot was fired. captain capron was not wounded until the fight had been going on fully thirty-five minutes. the statement that captain capron's troop was ambushed is absolutely untrue. we had been informed, as you know, by castillo's people that we should find the dead guerilla a few hundred yards on the siboney side of the spanish lines." he then alludes to the waving of the guidon by k troop as "the only means of communication with the regulars." he mentions that his orders did not come from general wheeler, and that he had no instructions from general wheeler directly or indirectly at any time previous to the fight. general wood does not think that i give quite enough credit to the rough riders as compared to the regulars in this guasimas fight, and believes that i greatly underestimate the spanish force and loss, and that lieutenant tejeiro is not to be trusted at all on these points. he states that we began the fight ten minutes before the regulars, and that the main attack was made and decided by us. this was the view that i and all the rest of us in the regiment took at the time; but as i had found since that the members of the first and tenth regular regiments held with equal sincerity the view that the main part was taken by their own commands, i have come to the conclusion that the way i have described the action is substantially correct. owing to the fact that the tenth cavalry, which was originally in support, moved forward until it got mixed with the first, it is very difficult to get the exact relative position of the different troops of the first and tenth in making the advance. beck and galbraith were on the left; apparently wainwright was farthest over on the right. general wood states that leonardo ros, the civil governor of santiago at the time of the surrender, told him that the spanish force at guasimas consisted of not less than , men, and that there were nearly of them killed and wounded. i do not myself see how it was possible for us, as we were the attacking party and were advancing against superior numbers well sheltered, to inflict five times as much damage as we received; but as we buried eleven dead spaniards, and as they carried off some of their dead, i believe the loss to have been very much heavier than lieutenant tejeiro reports. general wood believes that in following lieutenant tejeiro i have greatly underestimated the number of spanish troops who were defending santiago on july st, and here i think he completely makes out his case, he taking the view that lieutenant tejeiro's statements were made for the purpose of saving spanish honor. on this point his letter runs as follows: a word in regard to the number of troops in santiago. i have had, during my long association here, a good many opportunities to get information which you have not got and probably never will get; that is, information from parties who were actually in the fight, who are now residents of the city; also information which came to me as commanding officer of the city directly after the surrender. to sum up briefly as follows: the spanish surrendered in santiago , men. we shipped from santiago something over , men. the , additional were troops that came in from san luis, songo, and small up-country posts. the , in the city, minus the force of general iscario, , infantry and cavalry, or in round numbers , men (who entered the city just after the battles of san juan and el caney), leaves , regulars, plus the dead, plus cervera's marines and blue-jackets, which he himself admits landing in the neighborhood of , (and reports here are that he landed , ), and plus the spanish volunteer battalion, which was between and men (this statement i have from the lieutenant-colonel of this very battalion), gives us in round numbers, present for duty on the morning of july st, not less than , men. these men were distributed at caney, two companies of artillery at morro, one at socapa, and half a company at puenta gorda; in all, not over or men, but for the sake of argument we can say a thousand. in round numbers, then, we had immediately about the city , troops. these were scattered from the cemetery around to aguadores. in front of us, actually in the trenches, there could not by any possible method of figuring have been less than , men. you can twist it any way you want to; the figures i have given you are absolutely correct, at least they are absolutely on the side of safety. it is difficult for me to withstand the temptation to tell what has befallen some of my men since the regiment disbanded; how mcginty, after spending some weeks in roosevelt hospital in new york with an attack of fever, determined to call upon his captain, woodbury kane, when he got out, and procuring a horse rode until he found kane's house, when he hitched the horse to a lamp-post and strolled in; how cherokee bill married a wife in hoboken, and as that pleasant city ultimately proved an uncongenial field for his activities, how i had to send both himself and his wife out to the territory; how happy jack, haunted by visions of the social methods obtaining in the best saloons of arizona, applied for the position of "bouncer out" at the executive chamber when i was elected governor, and how i got him a job at railroading instead, and finally had to ship him back to his own territory also; how a valued friend from a cow ranch in the remote west accepted a pressing invitation to spend a few days at the home of another ex-trooper, a new yorker of fastidious instincts, and arrived with an umbrella as his only baggage; how poor holderman and pollock both died and were buried with military honors, all of pollock's tribesmen coming to the burial; how tom isbell joined buffalo bill's wild west show, and how, on the other hand, george rowland scornfully refused to remain in the east at all, writing to a gallant young new yorker who had been his bunkie: "well, old boy, i am glad i didn't go home with you for them people to look at, because i ain't a buffalo or a rhinoceros or a giraffe, and i don't like to be stared at, and you know we didn't do no hard fighting down there. i have been in closer places than that right here in united states, that is better men to fight than them dam spaniards." in another letter rowland tells of the fate of tom darnell, the rider, he who rode the sorrel horse of the third cavalry: "there ain't much news to write of except poor old tom darnell got killed about a month ago. tom and another fellow had a fight and he shot tom through the heart and tom was dead when he hit the floor. tom was sure a good old boy, and i sure hated to hear of him going, and he had plenty of grit too. no man ever called on him for a fight that he didn't get it." my men were children of the dragon's blood, and if they had no outland foe to fight and no outlet for their vigorous and daring energy, there was always the chance of their fighting one another: but the great majority, if given the chance to do hard or dangerous work, availed themselves of it with the utmost eagerness, and though fever sickened and weakened them so that many died from it during the few months following their return, yet, as a whole, they are now doing fairly well. a few have shot other men or been shot themselves; a few ran for office and got elected, like llewellen and luna in new mexico, or defeated, like brodie and wilcox in arizona; some have been trying hard to get to the philippines; some have returned to college, or to the law, or the factory, or the counting-room; most of them have gone back to the mine, the ranch, and the hunting camp; and the great majority have taken up the threads of their lives where they dropped them when the maine was blown up and the country called to arms. proofreaders from yauco to las marias a recent campaign in puerto rico by the independent regular brigade under the command of brig. general schwan by karl stephen herrman [illustration: theodore schwan, brigadier-general u.s. volunteers.] to robert smith cobb my brother lord in certain isles of friendship and owner of precious cargo in my ship of dreams contents introduction chapter i the independent regular brigade place of meeting--forces comprised by the command--why we were not like the volunteers--characteristics of the professional soldier--sketches of the more important officers--what we were ordered to do. chapter ii the first day's march disposition of our column--the road to sabana grande--the infantrymen's burden--wayside hospitality--hard tack and repartee--into camp and under blankets--arrival of macomb's troop--a smoke-talk. chapter iii the people of puerto rico their attitude toward the invading americans--the proclamation of general miles--justice and the private soldier--depravity of the native masses--men and women of the better class--local attributes of life--a hint to the weary. chapter iv the second day begins we march to san german--removal of the sick from the ambulances--an approaching spanish force--our scouts and their leader--concerning señor fijardo--visible effects of imminent battle--something about the town of san german. chapter v the engagement at hormigueros topography of the battlefield--macomb's cavalry fired into by spanish skirmishers--our advance-guard comes into contact with the foe--general schwan reaches the firing line--the main body arrives and joins in the fray--subsequent manoeuvres of our column--the spanish retreat--a computation of losses. chapter vi the second day ends a personal résumé of the fight--lack of melodramatic accompaniments--a lost chance of glory--another neglected opportunity--a glimpse of the flag--once more into camp. chapter vii the occupation of mayaguez we enter the city in triumph--an enthusiastic reception--a pretty girl and the star-spangled banner--other memorable incidents--our rags and tatters--a description of mayaguez--we pitch our tents in a swamp--the first kentucky volunteers. chapter viii the engagement at las marias difficulties encountered in locating the retreating enemy--final determination upon pursuit--lieutenant-colonel burke sets forth--discovery of spanish troops near las marias--a one-sided encounter--unwelcome notification of truce--the rest of the brigade comes up--feeding the prisoners--our disappointment. chapter ix the territory won general schwan returns to mayaguez--business and pleasure--a custom we abolished--extent of the district captured by our brigade --aguadilla--facilities for transportation--labor and the laborer--the cost of living--rents and real estate--skilled workmen--a word about investments. chapter x the end of the campaign arrival of the mail-steamer--the soldier-boy and his letters--the greater part of the brigade is quartered in mayaguez--agriculture in puerto rico--material result of our campaign--a farewell order--general schwan departs for the united states. a brief sketch of the life of brigadier-general schwan appendix the illustrations theodore schwan, brigadier-general u.s. volunteers statue of columbus, mayaguez american cavalry entering mayaguez on the th of august the public fountain in aguadilla, a favorite rendezvous for runaway lovers plaza principal, mayaguez. town hall in background spanish prisoners who were brought from las marias to mayaguez plaza principal, mayaguez. a public celebration of the new flag's advent, under the auspices of the local school-teachers and their pupils the plaza of san german on market-day lower quarter of mayaguez a mid-section of the calle mendez-vigo, mayaguez positions occupied by spanish soldiers in the skirmish at hormigueros railroad from mayaguez to aguadilla the theatre, mayaguez custom-house at mayaguez occupied by general schwan as brigade headquarters road from mayaguez to añasco lower end of the calle de mendez-vigo, mayaguez guenar bridge, mayaguez upper end of the calle mendez-vigo, mayaguez the town of sabana grande witch river, near cabo rojo american camp at mayaguez plaza mercado, mayaguez mouth of the mayaguez river a bit of yauco wooden dock at mayaguez. in the offing can be seen the german man-of-war "geier" "eleventh of august" street the officers of the alphonso xiii regiment of cazadores, taken a few days before the fight with the american troops at hormigueros the military hospital, mayaguez part of the village of maricao infantry barracks, mayaguez the rosario river, near hormigueros a street in san german tobacco plantation (cutting leaves), mayaguez the plaza principal in mayaguez looking toward the church a ruined church along our line of march a puerto rican laundry watering the artillery horses at yauco a native bull-team on the road to lares the best outfit in our wagon train "promenade of the fleas" in yauco when only one man gets a letter the "weary travellers' spring," near añasco a crude sugar mill near las marias a very popular spot two knights and a pawn introduction i have ventured to set down in this place the following bald and brief items of our recent history, not because i doubt an already existing common knowledge of their substance, but simply because they serve to illuminate and give finish to the succeeding narrative. major-general miles sailed from guantanamo, cuba, on the st of july, ; and landed at guanica, puerto rico, on the th of the same month. the troops sailing with him numbered , officers and men, mainly composed of volunteers from massachusetts, illinois, and the district of columbia, with a complement of regulars in five batteries of light artillery, thirty-four privates from the battalion of engineers, and detachments of recruits, signal, and hospital corps. on august st he was re-enforced by general schwan's brigade of the fourth army corps and part of general wilson's division of the first corps, raising his numerical strength to , officers and men. the spanish forces in puerto rico at that time numbered some , , about evenly divided between regulars and volunteers, and scattered advantageously over , square miles of territory. by the end of august the american strength had nearly doubled. in the brief campaign that followed, a large part of the island was captured by the united states forces, and the positions of all the spanish garrisons, except that at san juan, were made untenable. there were altogether six engagements,--at guanica road, guayamo ( ), coamo, hormigueros, aibonito, and las marias,--with a total loss to the spaniards of about killed and wounded, while the american casualties of the same nature amounted to . general miles, in his scheme of operations, intended that three columns of our troops--each composed of infantry, cavalry, artillery, and their adjuncts--should march through the eastern, western, and central parts of the island, respectively, diverging at ponce and coalescing before san juan. the entire success of this plan was prevented only by the arrival of the order to suspend hostilities, on the th of august. the column marching east--known as the first division, first army corps--was commanded by major-general james h. wilson, and took part in three engagements. the column sent through the interior--known as the provisional division--was commanded by brigadier-general guy v. henry, and met no opposition of moment. the third column, called the independent regular brigade, and directed to proceed through the western section of the island, was commanded by brigadier-general theodore schwan, and had two engagements with the alphonso xiii regiment of cazadores. it is the story of general schwan's campaign that i am about to relate. chapter i the independent regular brigade _place of meeting_--_forces comprised by the command_--_why we were not like the volunteers_--_characteristics of the professional soldier_--_sketches of the more important officers_--_what we were ordered to do_. yauco, the place selected by general miles as a rendezvous for the troops of the independent regular brigade, is a town of about , inhabitants, and some six miles distant from guanica. it is connected both by rail and wagon-road with ponce, the largest city on the island, and is noted for its spanish proclivities, fine climate, excellent running water, and setting of mountains--luxuriantly green throughout the year. here were assembled on the evening of aug. , , all the forces assigned to general schwan, with the exception of troop "a," fifth cavalry, which did not appear until some thirty hours later. the command was composed of the eleventh infantry, light battery "d" of the fifth artillery, light battery "c" of the third artillery, and the troop of cavalry already mentioned,--all regulars, and as resolute and picturesque a set of men as ever wore the uniform of war. * * * * * because we had no volunteers with us, we were not granted even one little word-spattering newspaper scribe, and so relinquished at the outset any fugitive hopes of glory that otherwise might have been entertained. we were out for business,--hard marching, hard living, hard fighting,--and the opening vista was fringed with gore. we were none of us the darlings of any particular state, nor the precious offspring of a peripatetic statesman with a practised pull. we were at no time decimated by disease through ignorant or insubordinate disregard of the primary principles of hygiene. we didn't write long wailing letters home because we were obliged to sleep on the damp ground, and had neither hot rolls, chocolate, nor marmalade for breakfast. we were ragged, hungry, tough, and faithful. in other words, we were regular army men, and, most distinctly, _not_ volunteers. [illustration: statue of columbus, mayaguez.] there is a personality peculiar to the professional soldier, even though he be but a half-fledged recruit, that defies analysis and baffles description. he is of course built from the same clay as his brother of the volunteers; but the latter is a tin god, and the former is a devil. yet the difference does not spring from anything more fundamental than environment, and therein lies the solace of the other fellow. putting aside all odious comparisons and limiting myself to a view of the regular army man as i know him, i can simply say that in the eight months during which i underwent in his company hard knocks and privations without number i could not have found a more truly satisfactory comrade and friend. he doesn't, on the average, know much about books; nor did he ever hear of the etruscan inscriptions or the pyramidal policy of the ancient egyptians. he takes a grim delight in smashing the english language into microscopic atoms at a single blow. he is more fond of women, horses, and prize-fighting than is good for him. he will steal when he is hungry, lie to save his skin, curse most terribly on trifling provocation, and spend, to his last sou markee, his hard-won wage on adulterated drink. "he's a devil an' a ostrich an' a orphan-child in one." but he will stand his ground in action while there is ground to stand on; he will throw his life away at a moment's notice for the flag, or a chosen comrade, or a worthless girl; he will march and starve and thirst world without end if he has a leader who holds his confidence; and he is, on the whole, a rather fine specimen of the true american--being usually irish or german. [illustration: american cavalry entering mayaguez on the th of august.] our brigade commander, general theodore schwan--silent, upright, tall, and spare--was regarded with affection and respect by every one who came into personal contact with him, officer and man alike. he was shrewd, clever, and distinguished, but never too busy or elevated to listen to the humblest soldier from the ranks, and from first to last a gentleman. of his staff it is the highest praise to say that they were in every way worthy of their chief. bluff captain davison, gruff captain hutcheson, studious major root, saturnine major egan, wounded lieutenant byron, patient lieutenant poore, dashing captain elkins, and courteous lieutenant summerlin, i salute you all in the most military manner of the soldier dismounted! you were my friends in need, you lent me money, you gave me fatherly counsel and passes of freedom to the shimmering tropic dawn--and i shall not forget. at the head of the eleventh infantry was colonel i.d. derussy, who, with his ministerial drawl and dry wit, was a sharp contrast to his blunt, impetuous, and fiery second in command, lieutenant-colonel burke. but, so far as i am aware, perpetual harmony reigned between them; and both were beloved by their men. the battalion of artillery was commanded by captain frank thorp of light battery "d," my own outfit. he was best known in the ranks as "side-wheeler," from a peculiarity of gait, and, though well on in years, was at all times gallant, courageous, and capable. a stiff disciplinarian, he kept his guardhouse well filled from week to week; but he was as quick to reward as punish, when warranted by circumstances. it is worthy of note that although he took each day enough medicine to lay an ordinary man on his back, or in an early grave, yet he was well and fit from start to finish. captain macomb of the fifth cavalry is not an easy man to describe in cold ink. handsome, stalwart, and grave; black-haired, black-eyed, a scarf of yellow knotted at his throat,--he was custer without the vanity or lancelot devoid a guinevere. [illustration: the public fountain in aguadilla, a favorite rendezvous for runaway lovers.] when he clattered through the many quaint little towns abutting on our line of march, he was followed by a billow of sighs from behind the half-closed lattices, though i dare say he knew nothing about it; for indeed he was no heart-breaker, but a true soldier. i recommend him to either rudyard kipling or richard harding davis. said general miles, in a letter of instruction to general schwan under date of august , :-- "you will drive out or capture all spanish troops in the western portion of puerto rico. you will take all necessary precautions and exercise great care against being surprised or ambushed by the enemy, and will make the movement as rapidly as possible, at the same time exercising your best judgment in the care of your command, to accomplish the object of your expedition." and this programme we were now ready to carry out. chapter ii the first day's march _disposition of our column_--_the road to sabana grande_--_the infantrymen's burden_--_wayside hospitality_--_hard tack and repartee_--_into camp and under blankets_--_arrival of macomb's troop_--_a smoke-talk._ [illustration: plaza principal, mayaguez. town hall in background.] the disposition and arrangement of our forces on the first day's march can best be shown by the following document:-- headquarters independent brigade (regulars), camp at yauco, puerto rico, aug. , . general orders no. . this command will move out on the road to sabana grande at ten o'clock tomorrow morning. it will observe the following rules and order of march:-- . macomb's troop of cavalry will act as a screen, and will march about two miles in advance of the point of the advance-guard. the extent of the front to be covered by, and the disposition of the cavalry, will depend upon the nature of the country, and will be left to the judgment of the troop commander. he will communicate freely by means of orderlies with the commander of the advance-guard, who will at once transmit all messages to the commanding general. three mounted orderlies to be furnished by the troop, will march with the advance-guard. . two companies of infantry, one platoon of artillery, and two gatling guns will constitute the advance-guard. a pioneer detachment, consisting of one non-commissioned officer and eight men, to be carefully selected from the advance-guard, will march with the reserve, and will be under the direction of the engineer officer of the brigade. the requisite tools will be carried on a cart. upon arriving in camp, the advance-guard will immediately establish the outpost. . the main body will consist of nine companies of infantry, one battery and two platoons of artillery, and two gatling guns. . the trains following the main body will be under the direction of the brigade quartermaster, and their order of march will be:-- hospital train. ammunition column. supply and baggage wagons. the rear-guard will be composed of one company of infantry. a detachment from it will protect exposed flanks of the train. if horses can be procured for them, the commanders of the advance and rear guards will be mounted. the above disposition for each day's march will be conformed to, unless otherwise ordered. by command of brigadier-general schwan. grote hutcheson, _captain and assistant adjutant-general._ [illustration: spanish prisoners who were brought from las marias to mayaguez.] as captain macomb's cavalry had not arrived at the hour appointed for our start, we set off without him. and in fact there was little need of his services on that day, our march being through a section of the island already cleared of spanish troops, and exceedingly slow and wearisome, besides. the route from yauco to sabana grande lies for some two miles along the level and creditable road leading to guanica, suddenly going off at right angles just beyond a picturesque sugar-mill into as uneven, crooked, and hilly a highway as can well be imagined. i cannot tell you in adequate language just how the tropical sun punishes the unacclimated northerner, especially if he be a foot-soldier tramping along in a blinding dust, parched of throat, empty of belly, and loaded down with a pack that would make a quartermaster's mule to fake the glanders. if you have been there, it needs no words of mine to galvanize your memory; and, if you have not, you cannot understand. this matter of the soldier's pack and what to do with it became a subject of serious consideration during the recent war, in both cuba and puerto rico. on the march, in the charge or pursuit or retreat, it is a senseless, clogging, spirit-shackling incubus, a rank absurdity, and an utter impossibility. as a result, after three days of active campaign the infantryman is seen gayly stalking along with no burden save his rifle, ammunition-belt, and a wisp of gray blanket, which seems to me to be a fatuous and footless condition of affairs that might well be quickly remedied for the benefit of all concerned. [illustration: plaza principal, mayaguez. a public celebration of the new flag's advent, under the auspices of the local school-teachers and their pupils.] as we passed the occasional little hacienda, set in its grove of cocoanut palms or orange-trees, dusky and wrinkled women came forth from the doors, bearing upon their heads huge jars, from which we filled our ever-parched canteens with cool, sweet water. they also brought us mangoes and other native fruits, and queer cigars of most abominable flavor. because we were forbidden to eat of the fruit, we stuffed ourselves with it, and looked for more. from time to time a weary or sick soldier would lay himself down by the roadside, to be picked up later on by an ambulance; but, as the day wore on, the intervals of rest grew longer and more frequent. we had but one opportunity to water the sweating horses of the artillery, and then it was a painful matter of buckets. we munched hard-tack for our noonday meal, and made merry over it, talking of the day when we should go home and feast on beans and beefsteak and countless other things of which the heathen wot not. we were intensely voluble or silent by turns, and invented new nicknames for each other, which were so apt, spite of being touched with bitterness, that they stuck forevermore. and never, so far as i can remember, did any one mention the "maine" or cuba libre. at last, shortly after sunset, we descended a long, steep hillside, and went into camp in the valley of the rio grande, just without the gates of a small town, uninteresting in character, and sabana grande by name. we had marched only twelve miles, but were hungry, limp, and ugly. so, having crammed down a hasty supper of nothing in particular, we made short shift of absent tents, and, pulling our blankets to our chins, lay face upward to the stars that made us homesick, and slept the sleep of tired little children. i was wakened in the middle of the night by a distant jangle of sabres and rattle of hooves. seeing our officer of the day, lieutenant r.e. callan, standing not far away and looming gigantic against the sky, i asked him the meaning of the noise; and he replied that it was captain macomb's troop of cavalry just coming in. i lit my pipe and talked for a while with the lieutenant of other things than war--maude adams and john drew, football, ambition, and books--till finally he went away to make his rounds. my pipe went out, and i dreamed of stranger happenings than my longest thoughts could fashion in the glare of day. and, when i woke again, reveille was soaring from post to post. [illustration: the plaza of san german on market-day.] chapter iii the people of puerto rico _their attitude toward the invading americans_--_the proclamation of general miles_--_justice and the private soldier_--_depravity of the native masses_--_men and women of the better class_--_local attributes of life_--_a hint to the weary._ before proceeding further with the story of our advance, it may interest you to know what manner of people we found the puerto ricans to be, and how they behaved toward us who came to them as dogs of war. when we were first on the island, there is no doubt that the mass of the population regarded us with acute distrust, if not with dislike and fear. but the prompt measures taken by general miles to disabuse their minds of any preconceived ideas of ensuing rape, robbery, or desecration, did much to soothe the more ignorant and childish of the natives, while the intelligent and educated class needed no further assurance than that contained in the proclamation issued by the commanding general from ponce on the th of july, which was as follows:-- to the inhabitants of puerto rico: in the prosecution of the war against the kingdom of spain by the people of the united states, in the cause of liberty, justice, and humanity, its military forces have come to occupy the island of puerto rico. they come bearing the banner of freedom, inspired by a noble purpose to seek the enemies of our country and yours, and to destroy or capture all who are in armed resistance. they bring you the fostering arm of a free people, whose greatest power is in its justice and humanity to all those living within its fold. hence the first effect of this occupation will be the immediate release from your former relations, and it is hoped a cheerful acceptance of the government of the united states. the chief object of the american military forces will be to overthrow the armed authority of spain, and to give the people of your beautiful island the largest measure of liberty consistent with this occupation. we have not come to make war upon the people of a country that for centuries has been oppressed, but, on the contrary, to bring you protection, not only to yourselves, but to your property; to promote your prosperity, and bestow upon you the immunities and blessings of the liberal institutions of our government. it is not our purpose to interfere with any existing laws and customs that are wholesome and beneficial to your people so long as they conform to the rules of military administration of order and justice. this is not a war of devastation, but one to give all within the control of its military and naval forces the advantages and blessings of enlightened civilization. nelson a. miles, _major-general, commanding united states army_. [illustration: lower quarter of mayaguez.] the promises set forth in this document were kept to the letter. indeed, justice sat up so straight for the people of puerto rico that she often toppled over backward and crushed the american soldier. to steal anything, from a kiss to a cow, was almost a capital offence; while houses and churches might have been lined with gold and jasper, or infected with the small-pox, so stringently were we kept out of them--at least during the hostile period. this was all a mighty good thing for somebody, no doubt, but it detracted in large chunks from the glamour of war for the soldier-boy; and i fear that the majority of us felt hurt, if not sorely cheated. nor is it at all certain that the average inhabitant of puerto rico is worth coddling, protection, prosperity, "and the immunities and blessings" accorded him by his new rulers. a thick, stout cudgel or a bright, sharp axe will be more effective than honeyed words in helping him cheerfully to assimilate new ideas; though no one will believe it here at home until the hurrah is all over and some of the truth gets into general circulation. [illustration: a mid-section of the calle mendez-vigo, mayaguez.] about one-sixth of the population in this island--the educated class, and chiefly of pure spanish blood--can be set down as valuable acquisitions to our citizenship and the peer, if not the superior, of most americans in chivalry, domesticity, fidelity, and culture. of the rest, perhaps one-half can be moulded by a firm hand into something approaching decency; but the remainder are going to give us a great deal of trouble. they are ignorant, filthy, untruthful, lazy, treacherous, murderous, brutal, and black spain has kept her hand at their throats for many weary years, and the only thing that has saved them from being throttled is the powerful influence in their discipline effected by the roman catholic church. when our zealous missionaries have succeeded in leading them into the confines of other creeds, we shall have all the excitement we want in puerto rico, and the part of our army stationed there will have no lack of exercise. despite a common belief to the contrary, the color-line is drawn as rigidly in puerto rico as it is in kentucky. the people having nothing but castilian blood in their veins are as proud as virtue; and, while politics and business see a certain mingling of skin-colors, the mixture ceases to exist across the threshold of home. no true spaniard would permit himself to sing of his "coal-black lady" or his "cute little yallar gal"; and, if he did, he would be ostracized. the women are all very pretty or extremely ugly, and never simply plain. the girls of the better class are brought up from babyhood under a constant surveillance that knows no laxity until after marriage, and does not altogether cease even then. the growing bud is taught to play the piano or guitar, to embroider, to sing a little, to dance a little less, to speak and read french, to powder her face with art, and to walk like a very queen. she is usually married before she is seventeen, especially if her father has money; and, until the day of her death, she never sees a modern newspaper, never goes slumming, and never soils her gentle hands with work of any degree. she is apt to love her husband devotedly, and does not think her career fitly rounded until she is a mother. [illustration: positions occupied by spanish soldiers in the skirmish at hormigueros.] the men of the same social footing are not so interesting--to me; but, nevertheless, they possess many characteristics which claim attention and deserve applause. they are never drunkards or wife-beaters; they don't drag their business to the dinner-table and bed; they are not given to profane speech; and they show greater interest in a sonnet than in the price of pork. life for both sexes and all grades in puerto rico is a rose, a kiss, and a cigarette; song, laughter, and mañana. the island is, unequivocally, a paradise; and, if i remember rightly, dwellers in paradise are not expected to labor. these people amply fulfill the expectation. if you are sick of the worry and fret and jar of contemporaneous life here at home, if you care for wide, sweet blue sky, eternal flowers, crystal fountains, and gypsy music, then there is no better place for you to go than to puerto rico. take a bicycle and ride from ponce around the island or straight across to san juan. you will find the roads, when there are roads, superlatively excellent--particularly, if you do not mind an occasional hill or sharp and sudden shower of rain. the larger cities all have comfortable hotels; and, if you can afford to stay a month in ponce, mayaguez, and san juan, you will bring back fragrant memories that will last you many years, or else you will send for your household gods and not come back at all. and, if you don't ride a bicycle, you will be able to get just as much pleasure from the toy railroad or wee horses when you travel about from place to place, while the expense in either case will be marvellously small. [illustration: railroad from mayaguez to aguadilla.] chapter iv the second day begins _we march to san german_--_removal of the sick from the ambulances_--_an approaching spanish force_--_our scouts and their leader_--_concerning señor fijardo_--_visible effects of imminent battle_--_something about the town of san german_. at eight o'clock in the morning on the th of august general schwan's brigade broke camp at sabana grande, and moved out on the road to san german. the order of march differed from that of the day before only in the presence of the troop of cavalry; and, the command being well rested, such progress was made that the advance-guard reached the western side of san german by noon--a good ten miles. the main body halted at the same hour just outside the eastern entrance to the town, preparing a makeshift meal; and at this point the sick, both on their own account and to make room in the already crowded ambulances, were transferred to a private hospital. before quitting san german, word was brought to the commanding general that the entire mayaguez garrison--some , men, chiefly regulars--was marching in our direction, and would contest our advance. this information, which proved to be correct, was at once communicated to the cavalry and advance-guard, with orders to proceed with the greatest care, and to reduce somewhat the distances ordinarily separating the different parts of the column. our source of information at this and other important times was a small body of native scouts, numbering from to men and commanded by lugo vina, a swarthy, wizened little puerto rican, who looked like general gomez and was taciturn as an indian. he was considered by general schwan to be a man of great character and force. these scouts were well mounted, and accompanied the brigade during its entire march, rendering most important and efficient service. three of them were arrested as spies by spanish officials between las marias and mayaguez, and narrowly escaped being shot. eventually, they suffered nothing worse than imprisonment for several months at san juan; and, when the evacuation commission arranged for their release, the united states reimbursed them to the full extent of their wages for the period of their captivity. [illustration: the theatre, mayaguez.] for the position of "alcade" or mayor of the city of mayaguez general schwan had a most difficult task. someone thoroughly acquainted with the country and its people was wanted and the selection fell to a prosperous planter residing within the jurisdiction of mayaguez--who had been--while not properly speaking, a scout--was yet of considerable service to general schwan as an interpreter and guide up to the taking of mayaguez. and because he had in addition been exceedingly useful to our government before the actual breaking out of the war, it was the wish of general miles to confer upon him some suitable reward immediately hostilities were suspended. general schwan was prepared to make this appointment, but so strong an opposition to the plan sprang spontaneously from the inhabitants of the municipality most interested that the appointment was held up. after a careful consideration of all the remonstrances and the strenuous denial by the candidate of all and every allegation and his desire that the promised honor be conferred upon him at once and without delay, it was decided by general schwan that in the face of so much opposition there was nothing to do but to leave the residents of mayaguez to decide the question for themselves which they did in a most emphatic manner by refusing to endorse the planter as a possibility, and presenting the name of señor santiago palmer as an acceptable party. this latter gentleman subsequently received the appointment, which was satisfactory to all concerned. * * * * * the news that we were about to meet the spanish forces face to face spread rapidly among the men in the ranks, and aroused more enthusiasm than terrapin and champagne could have done. nobody any longer complained of the heat; and, when it began to shower by fits and starts, nobody complained of that, either. there were no more stragglers casting a windward eye to an empty ambulance, nor growls because we pressed forward so rapidly. [illustration: custom-house at mayaguez occupied by general schwan as brigade headquarters.] on that particular afternoon i was with the advance-guard; and, when we had learned what we might expect before sunset, i studied the men about me with a lively curiosity as to what effect the probability of immediate action would have upon their visible emotions. most of them, in our platoon of artillery at least, were boys, or little more than boys, and almost without exception recruits of less than six months' standing. it might have been expected that some degree of gravity would have crept over them in the nearness of such unpleasant possibilities; but never were they more gay and care-free, to all appearance. old jests already worn to shreds before we left the transport at guanica were once more revived, and capered with new life. good-natured irony flew from lip to lip in fantastic speculation as to probable promotions in case all the officers should be killed at the first go-off. the horses were told, individually and with great tenderness, just what every man expected of them in the approaching crisis. and no comrade gave another any instructions regarding mother or the girl at home, if he were to bite the dust. for my own part, i found my mind so busy in going over the cadences of a waltz i had danced with somebody months before that i could not bring myself to consider anything else but the beauty of its refrain--or was it her eyes?--try as i might. and, besides, it is not profitable to shake hands with the devil until you are within reach of his claw. [illustration: road from mayaguez to añasco.] the wagon-road leading from san german, over which we were now marching, follows the valley of the rio grande, whose flats, varying in width from a few hundred to a thousand yards, extend on each side to a chain of hills. on either hand, in the immediate distance, are fields of sugar-cane, bounded wherever they touch the road by wire fences. san german, the city through which we had just passed, is a place of nearly , inhabitants, with a jurisdiction numbering , . it has three very fine markets, a charity hospital, a seminary, good school buildings, theatre, and casino. there is a railroad in construction, a post-office and telegraph station. it is situated on a long, uneven hill, at the foot of which lies the beautiful valley of the juanjibos and boqueròn rivers, which is made a veritable garden of enchantment by the orange, lemon, and tamarind trees, together with various other plants, growing there in abundance. the town was founded in by captain miguel toro, and has borne the title of city since . the principal streets are called luna and comercio. its chief plaza is of notable size, its church is quite regular in architecture, though of old construction, and the barracks of the infantry and civil guard merit mention. finally, it may be said that its citizens have held a distinguished record for bravery and patriotism ever since their decisive victory over the english forces in . [illustration: lower end of the calle de mendez-vigo, mayaguez.] chapter v the engagement at hormigueros _topography of the battlefield_--_macomb's cavalry fired into by spanish skirmishers_--_our advance-guard comes into contact with the foe_--_general schwan reaches the firing line_--_the main body arrives and joins in the fray_--_subsequent manoeuvres of our column_--_the spanish retreat_--_a computation of losses_. the ensuing account of our fight with the alphonso xiii regiment of cazadores, on the th of august, is taken bodily from the official report made by general schwan to major-general miles under date of august :-- at a distance of about seven miles from mayaguez the rio rosario, coming from the east, parallels the road for nearly a mile, and empties into the rio grande just south of hormigueros. a sugar-mill stands just off the road to the left; and a wagon-road branches off to the right, lined with hedge and brush, and, crossing the rosario on an iron bridge, leads to the hamlet of hormigueros, which is located on a side hill , yards from the main road. the ground to the south of hormigueros is covered with banana groves and cane fields. at about yards from where the hormigueros road leaves the main road the latter crosses the rio grande on a wooden bridge. just beyond this bridge the road to cabo rojo branches off to the south. from this point, for nearly a mile, the main road passes through very low, flat ground, cut up with deep furrows, which extend to the hills on the left and the river on the right, and contain considerable water from recent rains.... to resume the narrative of the day's events, near a point on the main road where it is flanked by sugar-mills our cavalry was fired into, though without effect, by the enemy's scouts, who were concealed behind a hedge lining the hormigueros road. they were easily dispersed. the infantry and advance-guard having passed this point, the cavalry took the latter road, and, crossing the rosario, turned westward, and advanced under cover of the railroad embankment until--taking every opportunity to damage the enemy by its fire action--it reached a position beyond the covered wooden bridge. [illustration: guenar bridge, mayaguez.] the brigade commander had left san german at the head of the main body. when he heard the firing in his front, he sent word to commanding officers to advance without further halt, and to keep their commands closed up. similar orders were sent to the train. he was informed and approved of the route taken by the cavalry before reaching the bridge. he crossed the latter about half-past three o'clock, being at that time about yards in advance of the main body. [illustration: upper end of the calle mendez-vigo, mayaguez.] a staff officer, who had been sent ahead to select camp, reported at this time the ground west of the cabo rojo road as suitable for this purpose; but owing to the suspected proximity of the enemy, whose position had not yet been determined, it was decided to push ahead and beyond the iron bridge. this, despite the fact that the men had now marched miles and were very tired. once in possession of the bridge and the high ground to the north of it, the command would occupy a strong position, which would make it hard to check its advance on mayaguez. accordingly, the advance-guard, under captain hoyt, moved forward, deploying its advance party as skirmishers and its supports into a line of squads. in this formation it continued until it had approached the bridge within about yards. at this juncture the enemy opened fire, at first individual fire. the firing aimed at the advance-guard accelerated the march of the eleventh infantry, which ... reported to the brigade commander, whose staff had already commenced the demolition of the wire fences enclosing the road. about the time that the brigade commander caused the deployment of two companies to re-enforce the advance-guard,--major gilbraith in command,--the enemy, from his position in the hills to the right front, fired volleys at the main body through the interval separating the infantry advance-guard from the cavalry, wounding a number of men, also an officer and several horses of the brigade staff. meanwhile the artillery battalion, under the authority of the brigade commander, had taken up a position to the left of the road. as the powder used by the enemy was absolutely smokeless, and his position being, moreover, for the most part screened by the trees along the rio grande, the question of the exact direction to be given major gilbraith's detachment, and to the lines of battle about to be formed from the main column, became a most perplexing one. luckily, this uncertainty did not last long, those of the enemy's bullets that struck the ground near us solving the problem. some slight confusion was caused by a premature and hurried deployment of the remaining companies, which interfered somewhat with the brigade commander's intention of forming two additional lines, one to support the fighting line and the other to act as a reserve, or as the changing conditions of the combat might render expedient. but under his supervision this defective formation was soon rectified, three companies being placed on the right and four companies on the left of the road, the former, under lieutenant-colonel burke, moving forward in support of major gilbraith, and the latter being held back for a time. major gilbraith and colonel burke's troops, being unable to cross the creek, passed over the bridge that spans it by the left flank, the former's companies having previously occupied a sheltered place in a ditch parallel to and to the right of the main road. about this time the advance-guard, one of the companies of which (penrose's) had previously held for a short time a knoll on the left of the road, moved forward and crossed the iron bridge, the advance sections of the companies being led by lieutenants alexander and wells, respectively. after ... a time the entire advance-guard, including the two gatling guns, was concentrated on the right of the railroad. it dislodged the enemy, and with the cavalry troop to the right,--the troop had arrived about this time, after doing effective service in threatening the enemy's flank,--and with the companies of major gilbraith pushed forward in the centre, took up a position on the northern line of hills. here they were rejoined by the infantry and by two pieces of artillery under first lieutenant archibald campbell, which the brigade commander had ordered forward, and which by their fire added to the discomfiture of the enemy. the two gatling guns under lieutenant maginnis, with the advance, did good work, at first in a place near the creek where the gunners had a good view of the enemy, and later on at the various positions of the advance-guard. the two guns from the main body were also operated from the crest of the hill during the latter stage of the combat. [illustration: the town of sabana grande.] the affair ended about six o'clock; and the troops, including all the artillery, bivouacked on or near the position occupied by the enemy. the wagon train afterward went into park between the railroad and the rio grande, near enough to enable the men to get what was necessary for their comfort during the night. before darkness set in, captain macomb with his troop was directed to make an effort to capture a railway train in plain sight from the hill occupied by the command; but the train got under way before he could reach it. it also escaped some shots that were fired at it by the artillery. although it had now become quite dark, the captain picked up a few prisoners, including a wounded lieutenant. the difficulty in locating the enemy, and hence in giving proper direction to the attack formations, has already been alluded to. another cause of anxiety during the earlier stage of the fight were the reports that came to the brigade commander from different parts of the field, through officers, that the enemy was getting around our right (or left) flank, and endeavoring to capture our train. there may have been some foundation for these reports; but, if so, the flanking parties were probably small, and deterred from pursuing their design by our steady advance. it may be added that the train was well guarded. [illustration: witch river, near cabo rojo.] our loss embraced enlisted man killed and officer and men wounded. all the wounded, the surgeons say, will recover. the enemy's loss cannot be definitely ascertained, but it is estimated at killed alone. it probably did not fall short of in killed and wounded. the command continued its march at an early hour the following morning, the advance-guard and the main body proceeding slowly and with great caution. this extra care was unnecessary. those of the enemy's forces that were held in reserve (some of them not far from the city) had fled precipitately as soon as they realized the extent of their defeat. in connection with the foregoing report i consider the subjoined document as being of interest:-- headquarters united states military expedition in camp at mayaguez, puerto rico, aug. , . general orders no. . the brigadier-general commanding desires to convey to the officers and soldiers of his command his thanks for their excellent conduct in the engagement they had on the th instant, near the town of hormigueros, with the spanish forces in that vicinity. concealed in a strong position, they poured a murderous fire into our troops about to go into camp after a fatiguing march. had the disposition of the cavalry screen and of the advance-guard--which latter included both infantry and artillery--been less perfect, or had the command been deficient in discipline or other soldierly qualities, such an attack might have proved disastrous. as it was, it was promptly and gallantly repulsed, the repulse resulting in the enemy's precipitate evacuation of the city of mayaguez, though it had been placed in a state of defence. [illustration: american camp at mayaguez.] the major-general commanding the army has been pleased to commend the troops for their gallant action on this occasion,--a fact which it affords the brigade commander genuine satisfaction to announce. by command of brigadier-general schwan. grote hutcheson, _captain and assistant adjutant-general._ chapter vi the second day ends _a personal résumé of the fight_--_lack of melodramatic accompaniments_--_a lost chance of glory_--_another neglected opportunity_--_a glimpse of the flag_--_once more into camp_. at the risk of being considered tautological, i cannot refrain from devoting another chapter to the hormigueros fight: first, because it was my initial experience under fire; and, second, because there are more things in a soldier's memory than are set forth in the official report of his commanding general. [illustration: plaza mercado, mayaguez.] our advance-guard, after leaving san german, marched rapidly along the level road leading to mayaguez until about three o'clock in the afternoon. as the head of our column came into view, the country people living along the route gathered their most precious possessions into huge bundles, and hurried away across the fields,--a sure sign that we were approaching the enemy's position. at the hour mentioned we were suddenly set upon by a blinding shower, and a halt was made for about fifteen minutes, when, the fury of the downpour having somewhat abated, we once more began to move ahead. the cavalry had gone off on a side road for some purpose not known to me, and the infantry was deployed in long lines to the right and left, while the artillery brought up the rear at an interval of about a hundred yards. at half-past three the skirmishers came to the rio rosario, but, being unable to ford it, were called back to the road and started across the iron bridge, already described by general schwan. it was at this moment that the spanish forces opened fire, concealed in a dense undergrowth about yards in our front. all jammed together as we were, it would seem that we might have been absolutely slaughtered by the leaden hail which was poured in upon us; and the only explanation of our marvellous immunity probably lies in the fact that the enemy were surprisingly bad shots. bullets whistled by our heads, or kicked up the dirt at our feet; but, though the pop of rifles made up a continuous sound like the opening of a hundred thousand beer-bottles, not a vestige of smoke rose in the clear air, not a patch of hostile uniform was to be seen. for some reason our infantry did not at once reply to the spanish fusillade; and during this brief interval two men and two horses were wounded in the platoon of artillery which stood idly just behind the foot-soldiers,--too close, in fact, to be of any service, and in the way of everybody. then the two gatling guns under lieutenant maginnis went off into the field at our right, where they began to speak for themselves; and gatling guns in action have a mighty cheerful effect upon your nerves, if they happen to be on your side of the fracas. next, an order from the general sent the artillery galloping to the rear for about an eighth of a mile, where, after a short detour to the left and a mad race across swampy, ditch-dug fields, it took up a temporary position on a convenient knoll. the main body of our command had meanwhile arrived, and got into the row without ceremony, the firing now being heavy on both sides. my memory serves me with no clear impression of the sequence of events after this period. [illustration: mouth of the mayaguez river.] during the first hour of our fighting all the powder used by us was as smokeless as that of the foe, and again and again the remark was passed that this did not seem like the real business of war. in other respects as well there were few of the accompaniments that we conjure up in our stay-at-home imagination of battle scenes. there was a little galloping of hooves, not long sustained; an occasional sharp cry of command or sharper oath; an intermittent rumble and jar from the infrequently moved artillery, not yet in action; and perhaps a groan or two from the wounded. but, even when the field-rifles began to boom and shroud the landscape in drifting smoke, the make-believe aspect of the affair did not in any degree diminish. there were no clouds of dust, no heaps of slain, no cheers, no desperate charges, and not even a glimpse of the stars and stripes. away to our right we could see crowds of spectators on the elevated platform surrounding the sanctuary of montserrate; and i remember thinking it was well no admission fee had been charged for the spectacle upon which they gazed, else they would have murmured themselves defrauded. [illustration: a bit of yauco.] my own most thrilling moments came about in this way: the platoon of artillery to which i belonged had, as already related, decided that its position directly behind the hotly beset infantry was untenable, and consequently fell back at speed, for some distance. standing at the head of the first piece, with all my faculties engrossed by the scene before me, i did not hear the order which should have sent me scampering to my seat on the limber-chest, and so suddenly found myself alone, with my comrades mounted and away in full career. a glance about me disclosed the fact that no other living thing was standing up within a radius of five hundred yards. i was a conspicuous mark for the eager slayers in the adjacent underbrush; and i ought, of course, to rejoin my section as quickly as possible. so i ran. it occurred to me that here was my chance to show what i was made of. i would stop running, fill and light my pipe, and stalk in a leisurely manner down the white road, thus winning, perhaps, comment and applause from high places. i say all this occurred to me; but i also happened to recollect the story told of the survivor of bull run, who replied to a sneering criticism anent the federal retreat from that famous field by the sententious rejoinder that "all them as didn't run was there yet,"--and i felt that i could fully appreciate the point. so i continued to sprint as fast as i could, leaving the bubble reputation for other seekers, or for myself upon some other day and field. i was not afraid, and i was simply doing my duty; but i sometimes think that i may have neglected the flood-tide of opportunity, and i often wonder why, in melodramatic crises, a man's mind is not always able to control his legs. i was not alone in the disregard of romantic possibilities. later in the afternoon i saw a wounded private propped up against a fence, and bleeding copiously from a bullet-hole that extended through both cheeks. his eyes were closed, and he was making queer noises in his throat. as i happened to be idle at the instant, i stepped to his side, and inquired compassionately if i could do anything for him. he opened his eyes with a jerk, spat forth a couple of teeth, and replied: "if you'll tell me how the beginning of 'sweet marie' goes, i'll give you a piece of my face for a souvenir. i've been trying to get that blame tune straight for the last fifteen minutes, but keep getting off my trolley." and he laughed a ghastly laugh. i stared at him in amazement, and then, seeing that he was not delirious, strode moodily away. what that man ought to have said was, "how goes the fight?" or "a drop of water, for god's sake"; but it is the painful truth that he didn't. [illustration: wooden dock at mayaguez. in the offing can be seen the german man-of-war "geier."] a striking feature of the engagement was the thoroughly matter-of-fact manner in which both officers and men went about their work. there was no strutting, no posing, no shirking, but an evident intention on the part of all concerned, from general schwan down, to do whatever had to be done without unnecessary fuss and feathers, promptly and well. i have seen far more excitement displayed on an ordinary drill-ground at home, in the piping times of peace. a sudden appearance of the flag just after the trumpets had sounded "cease firing" brought moisture to the eyes of many a toughened veteran; but even then, with victory still glowing in our grasp, there was not the ghost of a cheer. we were simply more tired and hungry than usual, and until matters had been straightened out for the night had no time for sentiment. and, when we finally went into camp on the very field where we had just ceased fighting, we found our chief interest centred in hot coffee, crisp hard-tack, and comfortable blankets. we had begun to realize that we might have lain stiffer and starker that night but for the whim of chance, and were silent with the clacking tongue. * * * * * hormigueros, the village which gave its name to this engagement, is a place of about , inhabitants, whose houses cluster about the base of the mountain crowned by the sanctuary of montserrate. this church is visited by an endless stream of pilgrims, and many wild legends are told concerning it. [illustration: "eleventh of august" street.] chapter vii the occupation of mayaguez _we enter the city in triumph--an enthusiastic reception--a pretty girl and the star-spangled banner--other memorable incidents--our rags and tatters--a description of mayaguez--we pitch our tents in a swamp--the first kentucky volunteers._ as early as half-past eight on the following morning--august --our scouts entered the city of mayaguez, some three or four miles distant from our camp of the night before. about an hour later captain macomb marched his troop through the streets, accompanied by the brigade headquarters staff. many prominent citizens greeted general schwan at the casa del rey, and declared themselves subject to his orders. at eleven o'clock the entire brigade entered mayaguez, with the general riding at its head, colors flying, and band playing. we had been through this triumphal entry business several times before; but i, for one, never grew tired of it. it was for all the world like being in the procession of a great circus. the sidewalks, balconies, windows, and roof-tops were packed with wide-eyed humanity, of all ages and conditions, hues, sizes, and degrees of beauty. at every street corner, and in every square, great crowds of the lower classes rent the air with vivas and bravos, regulating their enthusiasm by the size of the guns that swung past them. it is easy enough for some grades of mankind to cheer with frenzy the appearance of a victor, no matter who he be; and a chinese host would have been received with just as much acclaim as we were, had they come as conquering heroes. the houses of the aristocrats sent us no demonstration of feeling one way or the other, with a single startling and highly dramatic exception. we had turned from the calle mirasol into the calle candalaria, and the head of the column had almost reached the plaza principal. the band had just crashed into "the stars and stripes forever." suddenly the crowd on an upper balcony of a stately house to the left was seen to sway violently; and a moment later a beautiful young girl, tears streaming from her eyes, leant far out over the rail, and waved a crudely made old glory over the ragged ranks below. for a breath we were struck dumb by this apparition. then every hat came off; and for the first time that day we split the heavens with a cheer,--lustily and long. the outbreak was infectious, and from every side the clamor swelled and burst till it seemed as if the universe had vaulted into mad tumult at the touch of a girl's hand. her name was catalina palmer, and she has since married an american lieutenant. but that, as kipling would say, is another story. [illustration: the officers of the alphonso xiii regiment of cazadores, taken a few days before the fight with the american troops at hormigueros.] at one corner a richly dressed old woman threw handful after handful of small silver coins among us. in several places we trod upon great quantities of flowers thrown in our path by peasant girls. the flags of england, germany, france, and italy, were everywhere to be seen. the quaintly uniformed corps of firemen turned out in splendor to do us honor, and we saluted with grave dignity the immense statue of columbus standing in the centre of the town. by those who entered mayaguez that day none of these things will ever be forgotten. from a spectacular point of view i am inclined to believe that kiralfy would have regarded us with scorn and derision, though jack falstaff might have been better pleased. we were gaunt, bronzed, and dishevelled, unshaven, dirty, and tattered. toes protruded from shoes, our hats were full of holes, our trousers hardly deserved the name, and we limped disgracefully. it was the popular impression in puerto rico that every american soldier was a full-fledged millionaire, but even they expressed some disappointment at our evident disregard for the external superfluities of elegance. but, when you stop to consider it, we did not go to the antilles to make love to the pretty girls. we were quite sufficiently clothed and fed to march through tropical underbrush, take several cities, and put our more gaudily equipped enemies to ignominious flight. and that is what we were there for. [illustration: the military hospital, mayaguez.] in the early part of the afternoon we went into camp about a mile and a half outside the city lines, and the main body remained here until august . the camping-ground was a bad one, lying as it did in a bowl formed by a circle of low hills; and it was soaked and spongy to a degree approaching absolute swampiness. as we were not allowed to go into the city, we grudgingly sat still, and chanted our misery to the unresponsive wilderness, getting our feet wet and gathering the frolicsome malaria germ by way of interlude. on the evening of our arrival a transport steamed into the bay, having on board the first kentucky volunteers, who for some weeks afterward were quartered in the town, doing provost duty and breaking hearts. later on we came to know them well; and, when they marched away to ponce, we missed them sadly. they had lots of money, and they spent it freely. we of the regular brigade had not been paid for three months. * * * * * mayaguez is a darling little city on the western coast of puerto rico,--a place of lattices, balconies, and walled-in gardens ablaze with blossoms. behind it lies a semicircle of green hills, and before it is the laughing sea. columbus touched here in one of his earlier voyages, and historical associations have been accumulating ever since. it is the third largest town on the island, having a population of , , the majority of whom are white. the harbor is next best to that at san juan,-- miles distant,--and is an open roadstead formed by two projecting capes. it is a seaport of considerable commerce, and exports sugar, coffee, oranges, pineapples, and cocoanuts in large quantities,--principally, with the exception of coffee, to the united states. of industry not much can be said, save that there are three manufactories of chocolate, solely for local consumption. the climate is excellent, the temperature never exceeding ° f. [illustration: part of the village of maricao.] the city is connected by tramway with the neighboring town of aguadilla, and by railroad with lares on one side and hormigueros on the other. it has a civil and military hospital, two asylums, a public library, three bridges, a handsome market,--the best on the island, constructed entirely of iron and stone, at a cost of , pesos,--a slaughter-house, a theatre, a casino, and a number of societies of instruction, recreation, and commerce. it also has a post-office and telegraph station; was founded in , and given the title of city in . a river called the mayaguez divides the town into two parts, connected by two pretty iron bridges named marina and guenar, respectively. the sands of this river formerly yielded much gold; and there is gold still to be had from the same source, if one has energy enough to seek it. there are no less than streets and squares,--the principal, mercado, iglesia, and teatro,--all adorned by dainty fountains, and, in one instance,--the plaza del teatro,--a veritable ocean of flowers as well. the calle mendez-vigo is one of the most picturesque and attractive streets in the world. it stretches from one end of the town to the other, wide and beautifully clean; and it is lined on either hand by the handsome houses of rich merchants. in the middle of its length lies the plaza del flores, between the theatre and the hotel paris. moreover, it is in the calle mendez-vigo that there lives the prettiest girl in puerto rico,--a little maid of sixteen years, esperanza bages by name, and already famous for her charms. the church was built in . it is of masonry, with two towers and magnificent altars. the town hall, situated on the plaza principal, is a good stone building of two stories. annexed to it is the casa del rey, built in , and serving for offices of the military commandancy. the infantry barracks--cuartel del infanteria--is also a building of modern construction, dating from ; and, though of simple architecture, it is very capacious. and now let us leave mayaguez for a little while, and get on with the war. [illustration: infantry barracks, mayaguez.] chapter viii the engagement at las marias _difficulties encountered in locating the retreating enemy_--_final determination upon pursuit_--_lieutenant-colonel burke sets forth_--_discovery of spanish troops near las marias_--_a one-sided encounter_--_unwelcome notification of truce_--_the rest of the brigade comes up_--_feeding the prisoners_--_our disappointment_. headquarters independent brigade (regulars), mayacuez, puerto rico, aug. , . general j.c. gilmore, headquarters of the army, ponce, p.r. _sir_,--... detachments from the cavalry troop went out (from mayaguez) in the afternoon of the th on both roads leading to lares; but the left hand or westerly of these roads was followed only a short distance, information, thought to be reliable, having been received to the effect that the bulk of the enemy's force had taken the more easterly road, on which the town of maricao is situated. this part of the force was reported as making fair headway, having only a pack-train as transportation. reports also came to brigade headquarters that spanish troops in large numbers, coming from different places,--including aguadilla and pepino,--were concentrating to attack my command. while not impressed with the accuracy of these reports, i had the outposts strengthened, and placed a field officer in charge of them. a party from the outposts, sent to reconnoitre the las marias road, brought word on the afternoon of the th that the rear-guard of the spanish was still within five miles of mayaguez, and proceeding slowly. [illustration: the rosario river, near hormigueros.] i immediately determined to pursue and, if possible, to capture or destroy this force, and at first resolved to move out with the entire command. on reflection, however, i realized that there were objections to such a course. the city and surrounding country were in an unsettled and excited state, the latter swarming with guerillas, deserters, and bushwackers. i had no accurate knowledge of the spirit, strength, and location of the enemy's forces, supposed to be within easy reach of mayaguez. then, too, the rest of my command, already worn down by the exhausting marches and operations beginning on the th, had been seriously broken in upon by heavy outpost duty and drenching rains, which latter had made their camp a veritable mud-hole. furthermore, the road to lares, except for the first eight miles out, was said to be all but impassable for wheeled vehicles; and this reminded me that the major-general commanding had intimated that i might have to go to lares by way of aguadilla. i therefore concluded to despatch a reconnoissance in force, under lieutenant-colonel burke, eleventh infantry, to harass the enemy and to retard its progress in every way. the detachment was made up of six companies of infantry and one platoon each of cavalry and artillery, and started at ten o'clock a.m. on august . it was given ample transportation for its three days' rations and the infantrymen's packs. it was therefore as mobile as it could be made without a pack-train. hindered by excessive heat, followed by heavy showers, it marched only to a point where the two roads, above mentioned, are joined by a cross-road,--or about nine miles. i did not hear from colonel burke during the night, as i had hoped to; and the remainder of my command had its wagons packed, and was preparing to pull out on the morning of the th, when a courier came to me from him with a report of the difficulties that had retarded his progress, and of the presence of a spanish force near las marias, variously estimated at from , to , . this force, the colonel said, had taken up a defensive position; and he was moving toward it... respectfully submitted, theodore schwan, _brigadier-general commanding_. [illustration: a street in san german.] mayaguez, puerto rico, aug. . _my dear gilmore_,--availing myself of the first breathing-spell i have had for some time, i wish in this informal way and in advance of my regular report to say a few words to the general and yourself regarding our last saturday's work (august ). as soon as the result of the hormigueros fight became known in mayaguez--about nine o'clock on the th--colonel soto, the commander, "pulled up stakes." that the spanish troops left in the greatest hurry the condition of their barracks abundantly evidenced. our advance-guard found the city entirely clear of the spanish, and i ordered my cavalry to keep in touch with them. the cavalry took the right-hand road of the two roads leading to lares, over which some of the spanish troops had actually gone; and in the evening the troop commander reported that they were between seven and ten miles off, and still retreating. my command was thoroughly tired. no one without witnessing it can conceive the distress an infantry soldier suffers while marching in this hot climate, in a deep column, weighted down as he is even without his pack; and some rest seemed actually imperative. but the next morning i found that the main body of the spanish had taken the westerly (or left hand) road to lares, and early on friday--there being many other things to engage the attention of myself and troops--i started burke out in pursuit, with about men, all told. i overtook him saturday morning about three and one-half miles north of las marias. his infantry had pulled his guns over roads that were almost perpendicular. his troops were exchanging shots at long range across a deep valley with the retreating spaniards, most of whom had forded (losing a lot of men, who were drowned) a deep and rapid river known in that country as the rio prieto. our fire had already demoralized the thoroughly disheartened and half-famished spanish soldiers; and their rear-guard, at least, was also disorganized and hiding in the hills. [illustration: tobacco plantation (cutting leaves), mayaguez.] a company of infantry i had sent out brought in, about ten o'clock in the evening, forty odd prisoners, a number of pack-animals, etc. our men were thoroughly worn out by the day's work. early the next morning i had four companies of infantry, the cavalry, and two guns ready to resume the pursuit. and there cannot be the shadow of a doubt that, had i had five more hours, i should have taken lares; for that the flying spaniards had prepared to abandon it at once i have the most reliable information. but at this particular juncture the notice that hostilities would be suspended came to me. no troops ever "suspended" with worse grace. we had given the spanish no peace, and had taken all the starch out of them. the colonel and lieutenant-colonel had surrendered. their troops were utterly demoralized and disintegrated. it seemed a pity to deprive us of the full fruits of a victory for which we had labored so hard; but of course we had to bow to the inevitable. please let the general read this. faithfully your friend, theo. schwan. the part of our command left under colonel derussy set out on the morning of the th to join the rest of the column, whose movements you have already followed in the preceding documents. the last detachment found it no less difficult to make headway than had the first; and on the morning of the th the entire brigade was so broken up and strung out that its head and tail were a good nine miles apart. so much trouble had been experienced in getting the artillery up the incredibly steep mountain-sides that no one had been able to give assistance or even thought to the hopelessly embarrassed wagon-train, and consequently we were practically without food for over twenty-four hours. when at last something to eat did come plodding along, we were obliged to put up with half-rations in order that our little collection of recently acquired prisoners might be fed. at a conservative estimate, those prisoners must have been the hungriest lot of men that ever laid down their arms. there were less than sixty of them, and they drew rations for about , . however, they were fed; and we had the consolation of realizing that victory, like some other things of less familiar acquaintance, is its own reward. by noon on the th, everything was once more in order; and i have not yet ceased to wonder how those in authority managed to erase so quickly the chaos of the night before. [illustration: the plaza principal in mayaguez, looking toward the church.] the engagement at las marias, while not particularly momentous in itself, was note-worthy as being the last between our forces and those of spain during the recent war. i do not believe that the knowledge of this fact--even had we possessed it at the time--would have materially consoled us for the disappointment we felt in being obliged to stop shooting just when we had learned to do it so beautifully; but, still, it is something to have been in at the finish. chapter ix the territory won _general schwan returns to mayaguez_--_business and pleasure_--_a custom we abolished_--_extent of the district captured by our brigade_ --_aguadllla_--_facilities for transportation_--_labor and the laborer_--_the cost of living_--_rents and real estate_--_skilled workmen_--_a word about investments_. on august , in obedience to orders from army headquarters, general schwan left the bulk of his troops in the positions they had respectively occupied at the time of the receipt of the truce, and, accompanied by the artillery, returned to mayaguez. the people of this city had not yet recovered from the ferment into which they had been thrown by our advent, and went about in a state of tremulous titillation, expecting i know not what. at any rate, it did not seem to arrive; and after a day or two had passed without any sign of fell intent upon our part the merchants allowed themselves to be coaxed back into their places of business. the cafés were once more thronged. semi-weekly concerts were given in the plaza principal by the band of the eleventh infantry and the banda del bomberos, in alternation. balls, dinner-parties, and flirtations resumed their interrupted course, gathering new zest and brilliancy from the foreign element within the gates. all the americans began to study spanish, and all the puerto ricans to study english, without particularly gratifying results on either side. cocking-mains, local games of chance, and more hectic immoralities were set forth for the delectation of the private soldiers; while i have personal knowledge of at least one quasi-clandestine bullfight, that may be best described as a furtive fizzle. strict measures were taken by the brigade commander to prevent anything resembling disorderly conduct among his men, and though these laurel-crowned heroes, under the influence of a wonderfully cheap rum, were seized at odd moments with an evident desire to start the war all over again, there was not much difficulty encountered in maintaining a degree of decorum that was highly satisfactory. the sanitation of the municipality was rigorously inquired into, and regulated; but it is only justice to the residents of mayaguez to say that little reform was necessary in this regard, as the current statistics of mortality and disease amply proved. of the few changes made, however, one may be specifically mentioned. [illustration: a ruined church along our line of march.] [illustration: a puerto rican laundry.] it was the custom whenever a peasant died to carry the corpse to the cemetery in a coffin hired at transient rates, and then, having dumped the deceased into a shallow grave, to return what is facetiously known as the "wooden overcoat" to its original owner, for further service. this was bad enough, considering the danger of infection thus engendered; but much worse remains behind. it seems that the plot of ground reserved for dead paupers was very circumscribed. so it had become necessary to bury four or five bodies in the same hole, the last one in being perhaps no more than six inches from the light of day. and, as if this state of affairs were not already sufficiently horrible, we found that the congestion was sometimes still further relieved by a wholesale emptying of graves, the bones thus removed being thrown into some adjacent corner above ground, where they lay undisturbed in the hot sunshine and smelt to heaven. this ghastly practice was summarily stopped. * * * * * if you will take a map of puerto rico and cut off the western section by drawing a line from guanica through lares to camuy, you will see at once the extent of the territory brought under american control by general schwan. the principal towns of this section, in addition to those already described, are aguadilla, maricao, añasco, cabo rojo, lares, and las marias; but none of these places are important enough to call for detailed notice, with the possible exception of the first-named. this city, aguadilla, while it has a population of only , , is notable as being the most picturesque town on the entire island. it is the capital and port of the surrounding district; and, though the climate is hot, it is remarkably healthful. the site is a stretch of shore facing mona channel, between cape borinquen and the rio culebrinas. directly behind rises the steep green-crested jaicoa mountain, its slopes covered with orange, lemon, and palm trees in bewildering profusion; while half-way to the summit there gushes forth a fairylike, crystal stream, which flows directly through the town before emptying into the bay. an antique church and a little fort of guns, called conception, add to the scenic beauty of the picture, when viewed from the sea. tourists will probably spoil this lovely town before the end of another decade, but at present it is a quivering page of romance. [illustration: on the road to lares.] [illustration: the best outfit in our wagon train.] of the facilities for transportation in this part of puerto rico, it may be said that they are either extremely good or extremely bad. the former condition prevails generally in the valleys, and the latter among the hills toward the interior. there are several interrupted lines of railroad, and burros are used to a considerable extent by the inland planters; but far the greater part of communication and carriage is accomplished by way of the sea. labor here, as elsewhere in the tropics, is to be had very cheaply, but is uncertain, sluggish, and dishonest. a man for plantation work can be hired for almost nothing a day, but he will not earn even that unless he is driven at the point of a machete. the local peon desires to toil no longer than is necessary to obtain the bare wherewithal to fill his belly. then he dreams away the remainder of the day, smoking the eternal cigarette; perhaps rousing himself sufficiently to pick the strings of a guitar in the cool of the evening--and this, at least, the beggar does well. he is not at all ambitious to improve his condition, and he will never be any better than he is to-day. probably he will be much worse. he will cut throats and burn haciendas all the gay year round if he is not allowed to gang his ain gait. we are going to reform him, of course; but--the day will come when we shall be ashamed to look spain in the face. in cuba this man's brothers were known as "patriots"; which meant that they were soldiers when there was any work to be done, and laborers when fighting was on hand. in my opinion, they are vicious beasts. the cost of living naturally hinges upon the price of labor; and so one may eat and drink in puerto rico for a trifle more than a song. fruit and vegetables are cheap and plentiful, though flour is so costly as to be almost a luxury; while the meats are neither low in price nor good in quality. excellent fowls are to be had for very little money. milk is dear and dangerous; butter is only known as it appears in cans from denmark; and all the other dairy products are of the meanest description. still, one can live with pleasure and comfort upon the many peculiarly native articles of subsistence in common use. [illustration: "promenade of the fleas" in yauco.] [illustration: when only one man gets a letter.] rents are low, but satisfactory houses are seldom to be had when they are wanted. there is always room in the hotels of the larger towns; and, until one can build for himself, a hotel offers a very pleasant substitute--at a slightly increased expense. land, for building purposes, or in an unimproved state, can be leased for a sum that is almost nominal, except in a few highly favored localities. purchasers of land are more than likely to find themselves immediately embroiled in a lawsuit over the title. if no flaw exists in your title, then it does exist in one that was drawn up a hundred years ago; and in either case the result is the same--you lose. skilled workmen in any branch of industry will not find a good field for their abilities in puerto rico, at least not for a few years to come. if there were any demand for their services,--which there isn't,--they would not be able to command anything approaching the standard of wages usual in the united states. to the investor, dairy farms, ice-plants, transportation schemes, and bar-rooms offer tempting possibilities,--i reserve agriculture for separate consideration,--but it cannot be too forcibly emphasized that plenty of money, good-health, patience, and a smattering of the spanish language are absolutely indispensable requisites to the foreigner trying to do business on this island. [illustration: the "weary travellers' spring," near añasco.] [illustration: a crude sugar mill near las marias.] chapter x the end of the campaign _arrival of the mail-steamer_--_the soldier-boy and his letters_--_the greater part of the brigade is quartered in mayaguez_--_agriculture in puerto rico_--_material result of our campaign_--_a farewell order_--_general schwan departs for the united states_. on the th of august a steamer came into the harbor, bringing us a mail, the first we had received since the beginning of july. if the people who wrote those letters could have seen the happiness they wrought upon their distant boys, i am sure they would have been surprised and touched. again and again we read the simple news of home,--the cat was dead, or little sister had the mumps, or father had built a new fence around the back pasture,--and wars and kings and presidents faded into forgetfulness before the heart to heart talks that had come from over-seas. i don't suppose there is anybody that knows the value of a letter better than a soldier does. a few blotted lines from his mother or sister or sweetheart are meat and drink and fine raiment for his soul. he feels brave again and good again and--homesick again. he makes life a burden for the whole camp until he has borrowed or stolen a scrap of paper and a stubby pencil wherewith to make reply. he sits down in some convenient spot, with emotion fairly oozing from every pore, and for a solid hour he wrestles with his tools and vocabulary. the result probably does not altogether please him. he feels that he has said too much about his lack of socks, the toughness of his fare, the flatness of his purse. all the love and tenderness he meant to set down have somehow refused to leave him, even in description. but he knows he will be massacred if he goes howling for more paper; and so he sends off what he has written, counting the weary days until his answer comes. the man who first invented writing was, without doubt, the greatest man that ever lived. [illustration: a very popular spot.] [illustration: two knights and a pawn.] on august it was decided to bring all but four companies of the brigade into quarters at mayaguez, chiefly because a great deal of sickness had begun to spring up in the outlying camps. this was accordingly done. * * * * * scientific agriculture and prosperity have long been regarded as almost synonymous terms in puerto rico. the provincial government established and maintained an experimental station at rio piedras, for the purpose of promoting a technical knowledge of the native soil-products; and the results of this step have proved invaluable. the recent director of the station, señor fernando lopez tuero, wrote, while in office, several monographs on tropical agriculture; which i have been at some pains to translate in my search for absolutely reliable information relating to that subject. señor tuero is considered, to be a high and conservative authority by those of his compatriots who are best able to judge; and i feel confident that the following estimates are nearly, if not entirely, correct:-- the chief agricultural products of the island are cotton, rice, cacao, corn, cocoanuts, pepper, bananas, tobacco, vegetable dyes, coffee, sugar, pineapples, and vanilla. of all these i shall only pause to deal here with the last four. coffee and sugar are regarded by the puerto ricans as their most valuable crops. the first takes six years to come into full bearing, and during this time will cost an expense of about pesos an acre, with a return in the last year of pesos an acre,--a net deficit for the full period of pesos. afterward the expense should be about pesos an acre, and the return pesos. sugar requires a heavy investment at the start. a plantation of acres, together with the necessary buildings and machinery, will call for about , pesos. the total cost of a crop, from beginning to end, should be pesos an acre, and the return about . a pineapple plantation, for the investor of limited means, ought to prove profitable and encouraging. the first year of cultivation will produce a crop, at a final cost of pesos an acre, including the land-rent. the return is put down at pesos, leaving a gorgeous net profit of pesos. it would seem perhaps that under such circumstances it is odd that there is not a more general raising of this fruit by the local planters; but the reason for an apparent neglect of a golden opportunity lies in the difficulties heretofore encountered in finding swift and adequate transportation from field to market. with this handicap removed there is little doubt that pineapple-growing will become a tempting industry. the vanilla bean, however, is king-pin of the list in the claim of profit to be derived from its culture. it is said that the yearly cost of raising the crop will be pesos an acre, chiefly for manure and irrigation. and the annual return for every acre is figured at pesos,--a net profit that is fairly dazzling. while all these details--which i have digressed so many times to give--do not properly form a part of the story of our campaign, yet it is by no means unusual for one who has put his hand into a grab-bag to look carefully and well at the prize withdrawn. and that is what i have been doing. the material result of general schwan's campaign may be briefly summarized thus: he marched his command ninety-two miles in eight days; fought two successful engagements; expelled the spanish forces from the entire western part of puerto rico; captured and occupied nine towns; and took prisoners, including colonel villeneuve, a lieutenant-colonel, and four other regular officers. in addition he seized stands of arms, , rounds of ammunition, and ten thousand dollars in silver coin. his loss was killed and wounded against a total of killed and wounded on the side of the enemy. on august the general issued a farewell order to his brigade, from which i briefly quote:-- "on relinquishing his command to return to the united states, the brigadier-general commanding desires to congratulate, and to return his heartfelt thanks to, the officers and soldiers of the regular brigade for their achievements and excellent conduct during the last eighteen days.... our troops have continued to hold their advanced positions and outposts until now, when, peace being assured, all but a small fraction have been brought to comparatively comfortable barracks near this city. the hardships endured on the march and at these outposts have been great.... but these hardships have been cheerfully borne by officers and men. not a murmur has been heard, despite the fact that nearly one-fourth of the strength of most organizations is on sick-report, their ailments being directly caused by the exposure incident to this campaign. "less than three weeks have been occupied by the campaign, yet a bond of sympathy between officers and soldiers has been established that years of peace could not have engendered." on the following morning, accompanied by lieutenant g.t. summerlin, his aide-de-camp, general schwan left mayaguez for ponce, where he boarded the transport "chester," and returned to the united states. the campaign of the independent regular brigade was thus brought to an official end. a brief sketch of the life of brigadier-general schwan. theodore schwan was born in germany, july , . he received his earlier education in the preparatory schools of his native land, but came to the united states when he was about sixteen years old. he enlisted as a private in the tenth infantry on june , ; and served successfully as corporal, sergeant, first sergeant, and quartermaster-sergeant until october , , when he received his commission. he was made a first lieutenant, tenth infantry, april , ; regimental quartermaster in december, ; a captain, march , ; a major, eleventh infantry, and assistant adjutant-general, july , ; a lieutenant-colonel and assistant adjutant-general, february , ; a colonel and assistant adjutant-general, may , . two weeks before his last promotion in the regular army he was appointed brigadier-general of volunteers, and in accordance with the act of congress, approved march , , he will retain that rank until july , . he was brevetted several times during the war of the rebellion, and his whole military career, covering a period of forty-two years, is absolutely devoid of blemish. appendix i the following officers received distinguished mention in general schwan's reports, for service rendered under fire during the campaign in western puerto rico:-- lieutenant-colonel burke, eleventh infantry. [a] major gilbreath, eleventh infantry. captain p.m.b. travis, eleventh infantry. captain r.w. hoyt, eleventh infantry. captain a.l. myer, eleventh infantry. captain penrose, eleventh infantry. captain macomb, fifth cavalry. acting assistant surgeon savage. lieutenant odon gurvoits, eleventh infantry. lieutenant t.f. maginnis, eleventh infantry. lieutenant alexander, eleventh infantry. lieutenant wells, eleventh infantry. lieutenant w.s. valentine, fifth cavalry. lieutenant rogers f. gardner, third artillery. [footnote a: died of apoplexy on august , , while in camp near las marias.] in addition to those named above, special and valuable efficiency was displayed by major e.a. root, engineer; major h.h. benham, ordnance; major egan, brigade-surgeon; captain buchanan, collector-of-the-port at mayaguez; captain davison, brigade-quartermaster; captain hutcheson, assistant adjutant-general; and captain elkins,[a] lieutenant byron, and lieutenant summerlin, aides-de-camp. [footnote a: wounded at battle of hormigueros.] ii in connection with the present writer's expressed opinion regarding the relative practical value of regulars and volunteers in modern warfare, the following excerpt from the chicago _record_ of november , , is worth reading. captain avid wester, the swedish officer who accompanied the american army in cuba, in order to study the war, has just returned to sweden. during his stay in gothenburg he was interviewed, and he seems now to have a more sympathetic view of the americans--the volunteers excepted--than former reports indicated. captain wester greatly praised the treatment he had received from all the american officers, and the bravery of the americans in the regular army. "of the , men under the command of general shafter," he says, "only , were volunteers or militiamen; the rest consisted of regulars, which had had an average service of six years on the borders of the indian territory. they were very good and well-disciplined soldiers, who went into battle with complete disregard of death. the militia regiments, however, could not be got within range of the spanish bullets, and all the stories about the heroism of volunteers are untrue. the only volunteers who distinguished themselves were the 'rough riders,' who, in spite of their name, fought on foot, but these men were not a militia regiment. the troop consisted of cowboys and adventurers, who cared neither for life nor death, but rushed blindly into battle. brave fellows withal." after praising the bravery of the spaniards and the accuracy of their fire, captain wester expresses the belief that with modern rifles in use it is of the greatest importance to have well-trained soldiers, who in the heat of battle retain their coolness and listen to their officers' directions and commands,--in a word, soldiers who retain good firing discipline. this, he says, cannot be expected of men with short time of training, on whom the din of battle often has so paralyzing an effect that the soldier can neither hear nor see. iii the question concerning the quality of the beef served as a ration to our troops during the recent war--in cuba and puerto rico, and aboard the transports--has already been pretty thoroughly answered, one way or the other. yet, though the topic is worn nearly threadbare and admittedly has nothing in particular to do with general schwan's campaign, i venture to make, in this place, a personal contribution to the discussion in the form of an extract from a letter, written by me from mayaguez on september , . our rations [on the transport "comanche"] consisted of hard tack, coffee, canned baked-beans, canned tomatoes, and canned "roast beef." before we arrived at key west the baked-beans had all been eaten and the water in the tanks had gone rotten--we carried no condenser--so that we were reduced to the rather monotonous diet of tomatoes for breakfast, tomatoes and canned roast beef for dinner, and tomatoes again for supper; with a full allowance of coffee and hard tack at all three meals. anybody will be able to understand that we were pretty hungry at the end of the second day. we were thirsty too--i paid as much as fifty cents for a glass of ice-water from the cabin--but i will skip the mass of details. we had seen the piles of neat cans, labelled "roast beef," stacked up on the dock at port tampa, and we were impatient for the first mess-call that made us acquainted with the contents of those cans. i regret that i cannot adequately describe to you the appearance of the stuff. i will simply say that it looked filthy, was covered with a sort of slime, and emitted a nauseous odor. it was very hard to even gaze at it and remain unmoved, but we did more than that--we tried to eat it. i managed to swallow three mouthfuls and immediately became wretchedly sick. the example seemed to be popular. on the succeeding day we were each given an unopened can of the meat, which was supposed to last us for twenty-four hours. most of the men threw their portions overboard at once; a few packed away the "corpse"--as we already called it--for purposes of trade with the unsophisticated cubans; and i kept my can as a souvenir. i did not, however, keep it long; for, chancing to drop it upon the deck, the contents exploded with a distinct report, startling me not a little and covering my person with the débris. at the time i thought this experience was going to be altogether unique, but i discovered afterward that the same thing happened in a great many other instances. having abandoned the beef, we were forced to subsist on hard tack and tomatoes for the rest of the voyage, and hailed with joy our anchorage at daiquiri. but we were too previous. during our ten days' stay in cuba we found the "corpse" still waiting for us in the mess, and we carried the ghastly burden along when we finally steamed away for puerto rico. we landed at guanica on the th of july, which meant that we had been half-starved for twenty-two days. we had forgotten the "maine" and would have greeted weyler himself with a glad sweet smile, had he come bearing in his hands food fit for a human being. once more disembarked, we lost sight of the canned roast beef for good--save at extremely rare intervals while on the march. we found no difficulty in eating the beef obtained from puerto rican steers, although it was tough and bloodless; and we received salt pork often enough to furnish variety. after the cessation of hostilities we began to get american beef instead of the native article, and, while it was by no means so impossible a food as its canned cousin, it certainly could not be called delicious. it smelled badly before it was cooked, was rigid and stringy when served, and had a rank taste, like--well like nothing else on earth. our sick-list doubled at this time. iv a list of the killed and wounded on the american side, at the battle near hormigueros, puerto rico, on the th of august, . _killed_. fred fenneberg, private in company "d," eleventh infantry. _wounded_. lieutenant j.c. byron, eighth united states cavalry, r.d.c. john bruning, corporal in light battery "d," fifth artillery. george curtis, private in light battery "d," fifth artillery. samuel g. frye, private in light battery "d," fifth artillery. willard h. wheeler, sergeant in company "a," eleventh infantry. joseph p. ryan, corporal in company "a," eleventh infantry. arthur sparks, private in company "c," eleventh infantry. john l. johnson, corporal in company "d," eleventh infantry. j.a. sanders, private in company "d," eleventh infantry. harry e. arrick, private in company "e," eleventh infantry. henry gerrick, private in company "e," eleventh infantry. paul f. mitzkie, private in company "e," eleventh infantry. william rossiter, private in company "g," eleventh infantry. lemuel p. cobb, private in company "i," eleventh infantry. d.j. graves, private in company "m," eleventh infantry. amos wilkie, corporal in company "m," eleventh infantry. _injured_. frank muller, private in company "e," eleventh infantry. augustus h. ryan, private in company "f," eleventh infantry. [illustration: first lieutenant browning captain groome second lieutenant mcfadden] campaign of the first troop philadelphia city cavalry april --november james cooper philadelphia: hallowell co. ltd., publishers south fifth street _for all that is good in this little book acknowledgment is due to captain john c. groome, lieutenant j. frank mcfadden, lieutenant j. willis martin, sergeant john wagner, jr., sergeant robert e. glendinning, f. b. neilson, t. wallis huidekoper, hugh craig, jr., and the publisher. they have provided the photographs and practically all the material used. many passages are taken entirely from letters and other writings of these troopers. the writer's personal observations merely covered the time of the troop's stay at mt. gretna, camp alger and newport news._ contents. chap. page i. the call to arms ii. the troop at mt. gretna iii. departure for camp alger iv. first days at camp alger v. camp alger and newport news vi. life aboard a troop ship vii. in the enemy's country viii. the fight that failed ix. after the battle x. home again illustrations. page captain groome, lieuts. browning and mcfadden, _frontispiece_ troopers camp at mt. gretna, pistol practice at camp hastings, a lesson in horse throwing, having fun with "hazel," glimpse into a troop ship, cathedral virgin del carmen, bivouac outside cathedral virgin del carmen, bringing the horses ashore at ponce, camp at arroyo, en route to the battlefield.--military road from guayama to caney, "camp esperanca,"--guayama in the distance, at the beach near guayama, return along the road from guayama to ponce, hacienda carmen, sergeant's club at guayama, chapter i. the call to arms. when the members of the first troop of philadelphia city cavalry were summoned to prepare for the annual inspection, on april rd, , there was but one great topic of conversation among the people of the united states. early in february, the u. s. battleship maine had been destroyed by an explosion in havana harbor, and two hundred and forty-eight american sailors had lost their lives. a board of naval officers, after daily sessions for seven weeks, had decided that the destruction of the vessel was not due to an accident; confirming the popular opinion that the blowing up of this vessel was an act of spanish treachery. both branches of congress were debating measures regarding american intervention in the cuban rebellion, which the natives of that island had successfully carried on against spanish rule for three years. the question of the hour was whether war with spain was at hand. that the annual inspection of the troop occurred just at this time was merely a coincidence--six months before the plans had been made. nothing was changed by the exciting rumors of the day, for the troopers belonged to that conservative class of business men, which even at this time, did not believe in the likelihood of a resort to arms over the disputes pending between the united states and spain. in former years it had been the custom of the troopers to drill saturday afternoons, throughout the spring, in fairmount park. this plan had proven so troublesome that it had been decided to give up every afternoon for one week previous to the annual inspection for manoeuvres at fort side grounds and omit the saturday drills in the park. the wednesday before the date set for the first practice, some new horses for the city troopers were sent to fort washington, and rooms were secured for the men at fort side inn. on monday, april th, the troop having assembled at fort side, in service uniform, fully equipped and mounted, were formed in line promptly at four o'clock, and at the command of captain groome trotted off to their first drill, which was held in a fine broad meadow bordering on the wissahickon, opposite the inn. after two hours of troop and squad movements they returned to the inn, where they learned that while they had been drilling the house and senate conferrees had agreed to a joint resolution in regard to intervention. throughout the week the drills continued, and each afternoon showed a marked improvement, both in the men and horses. the latter soon became accustomed to the noise of the firing during the skirmish drill, and one hour each day was spent in drilling in extended order and "as skirmishers." as each twenty-four hours passed the reports from the nation's capitol showed war to be closer at hand than upon the preceding day. on wednesday despatches from washington were printed in all papers saying that the national guard would be called out within forty-eight hours and sent to camp at mt. gretna, pa. captain groome quietly passed word along the line to make ready, and arrangements were completed with the pennsylvania railroad to transport the troopers to the state camp, direct from fort washington, should need arise. in fact there was a general hope among the men that in this way the dreaded farewells from loved ones might be avoided. thursday night the president signed the resolutions of congress, which stated that american troops would be sent to cuba at once to end the war. at the same time an ultimatum was sent to spain to withdraw her troops from the island quietly or prepare for invasion. it was announced that spain had been given forty-eight hours in which to answer. her only reply was to despatch her best fleet westward. on saturday, the day of the troopers inspection, president mckinley issued a call for , volunteers. while this fact overshadowed all others, the troopers made a splendid showing that afternoon, and were heartily congratulated upon their high state of efficiency by major sweeney, inspector of the first brigade. sunday was the last day of rest at home that the troopers were to enjoy for months to come. on the following monday, governor hastings ordered the state troops to mobilize at mt. gretna thursday. president mckinley's call had made no requisition for cavalry, but captain groome received a personal telegram from governor hastings saying that the troop would be wanted without question, and the usual printed notices were sent out, ordering the men to be at the armory ready to start at five o'clock thursday morning. as a matter of fact, a majority of the troopers spent the two preceding days there, helping pack the stores and equipments, and getting everything in perfect condition. wednesday night all was in readiness, and the cavalrymen's spirits were high as they read in the evening papers how sampson's fleet was engaged in bombarding matanzas, and how the spaniards were rushing work upon their fortifications in cuba and porto rico. war had been begun without any formal declaration. spain had refused to answer the american ultimatum and had given minister woodford his passports, thus breaking diplomatic relations. at once the united states fleet, off the cuban coast, began to capture spanish vessels. then, at the request of the president, congress passed a declaration to the effect that a state of war had existed between the united states and spain since monday, april th. at this time spain was credited with having two powerful fleets of a strength almost equal to that of the united states navy, and with possessing an army in cuba and porto rico of , well seasoned, splendidly drilled men; war problems were admittedly assuming a graver aspect each day. all the forces of nature seemed combined, on thursday morning, to deter the city troopers from their expressed intention of joining the volunteer army. faint-hearted men would surely have been terrified at the first view presented of the hardships of a soldier's life. it was freezing cold, yet a sort of rain was falling that at times became hail and at times came down as snow. whatever form the downfall took, it soaked through all coverings and chilled to the bone those compelled to endure its pelting attack. an icy wind was twisting and cutting through the streets of the city. when the troopers stepped from their comfortable homes into the storm, it was not yet five o'clock. daylight was scarce as strong as the light from the lamps still burning in the streets; deep slush covered the streets and sidewalks. singly, and by groups of two or threes, the cavalrymen slipped and splashed their way to the old armory on twenty-first street. roll call at five o'clock found, out of the sixty-six active members of the troop, the following present: captain john c. groome, first lieutenant edward browning, assistant surgeon charles h. frazier, cornet richard tilghman, first sergeant j. willis martin, quartermaster sergeant william c. lott, sergeants r. e. glendinning, john wagner, jr., frederick thibault, c. emory mcmichael and william h. hart; corporals william e. bates, charles h. smith, john houston merrill and francis a. thibault; trumpeters pugh and singer; privates a. mercer biddle, frank b. bower, ward brinton, thomas cadwalader, jay cooke, d, francis l. cramp, herman a. denckla, george l. farnum, j. edward farnum, william i. forbes, persifor frazier, jr., h. percy glendinning, henry s. godfrey, samuel goodman, francis e. green, robert e. griffith, guston a. heckscher, t. wallis huidekoper, francis a. janney, charles k. lennig, george mcfadden, percy c. madeira, richard w. meirs, frederick b. neilson, edward p. rawle, benjamin b. reath, samuel k. reeves, j. ridgway reilly, james m. rhodes, jr., thomas ridgway, henry d. riley, thomas robb, jr., adolph g. rosengarten, mitchell g. rosengarten, jr., edward k. rowland, reginald k. shober, james starr, j. c. stevens, edward c. taylor, nelson b. warden, william g. warden, bromley wharton and alexander w. wister, jr. the absentees were: second lieutenant j. frank mcfadden, who was coming to rejoin his command as fast as the "lucania" could bring him from europe; george thayer, who had cabled from ireland that he would return upon the first available vessel; h. c. butcher, who was in the mountains near cripple creek beyond the reach of telegrams, and who at that time did not know war was talked of; w. goodman and s. chew, who were in a similar condition of ignorance somewhere in the klondike regions of alaska, and corporal borie, sick in bed with typhoid fever. just at . the ringing notes of the bugle sounded assembly. at six o'clock came "boots and saddles." ten minutes later the men mounted and rode out into the icy rain, each man wearing the service uniform, heavy overcoat and poncho, and armed with saber, springfield carbine (cal. ) and colts' revolver (cal. ), and with the blanket, mess outfit, haversack and nose bag, and two days' rations securely strapped to the saddle. with bowed heads they slowly passed to the reading siding at the corner of twenty-third and arch streets, where the long troop train was waiting. quartermaster sergeant lott and his detail having loaded all the stores and camp equipage before the arrival of the troop, there was nothing for the men to do but load their horses on the cars. inside of half an hour the last horse had been loaded, and the troop was ready to start. for nearly an hour, however, they remained in the cars at the siding, and "last" good-bys were said over again to the few remaining friends who had braved the weather to see the cavalrymen off. finally at . the engine gave a warning toot, and the train pulled slowly out amid prolonged cheers. delays innumerable and inexplainable occurred on that journey, and a trip which ordinarily requires less than three hours consumed, in the troopers' case, an entire day; so that the shades of evening were added to the gloom which had prevailed all day when camp hastings was reached. from the cars the troopers tramped a half mile, up and down hill, to a little valley which had been designated as their camp site. [illustration: troopers camp at mt. gretna.] after the flood of the day the valley was ankle deep in mud, and a more discouraging prospect than confronted the troopers would be hard to imagine. no shelter had been prepared for them, nor could any be secured. by some mistake, on the part of others, their tents had not yet arrived from the state arsenal. all buildings about the camp grounds were crowded with the constantly increasing throngs of infantrymen, each troop train upon its arrival adding to the thousands of shelterless soldiers. a half dozen of the largest troopers were sent out to forage, and while they were gone arrangements were made, through the courtesy of captain warburton, with the men of battery a to share their tents for the night. the battery had arrived the day before and was comfortably located. of course the doubling up of quarters caused crowding, but the grateful troopers, wet and tired as they were, were soon dreaming their first soldier dreams, while the rain beat a mournful tattoo on the canvas overhead. chapter ii. the troop at mt. gretna. had the troopers not known from experience that mt. gretna was an ideal spot for a camp, their impressions of the place, gained from observations taken the morning after their arrival, would have been disagreeable beyond expression. in the words of "longfeller," as one trooper expressed it, in a letter to the _press_, "we saw the tents of the others, gleam through the rain and the mist, and a feeling of sadness came o'er us, that our hearts could not resist." for, to the disgust of the troopers, daylight brought no news of the missing canvas, and visions of another night in the mess tents of the battery and sheridan troop began to disturb the men. captain groome and his lieutenants had planned plenty of work for the men, however, and as soon as their minds were once occupied they began to feel better. details were sent to relieve the guard that had been placed over the baggage car, to secure wagons to haul the luggage to the camp grounds and to do regular sentry duty. while the spot selected for a camp by captain groome had its disadvantages in rainy weather, it proved to be on the whole, the most desirable spot on the entire grounds; one of its greatest advantages being the nearness of lake conawago, where later in the season the men enjoyed a daily bath. the philadelphia infantry commands had been assigned the worst quarters at mt. gretna. they occupied a deep basin, fully a mile and a half from the station and telegraph office, and during the entire time the first, second, third regiments and battalion of state fencibles remained there, the valley was a sea of red mud. every other regiment was encamped on rising ground, where the sandy soil was well drained and kept comparatively dry despite the long continued rains which set in. in the afternoon the troopers tents arrived, and went up with astonishing rapidity. the men worked hard arranging wooden supports for their straw-filled canvas bags, so they would not be obliged to sleep on the wet turf. the horses had been well sheltered in the woods near the camp, but men and beasts alike were glad when they saw the bright sun on saturday morning. these weather conditions quickly wrought a great change throughout the miles of tented streets. soldiers faces brightened and the troopers, who had kept up their pluck splendidly under a stress of unfortunate circumstances such as no other organization had been obliged to face, could not help showing their pleasure at the improved prospects. sunday was spent for the most part in straightening up the camp. in the afternoon there were a number of visitors on hand from philadelphia, although rainy weather had set in again. all kind of rumors were current as to what would be done with the state organizations, and many feared that the troop would not be allowed to enlist as a whole, but that the men would be called upon to enter the volunteer service as individuals. these rumors soon died away, however, and on monday when the men were lined up and asked if they were willing to enter the service of the united states there was but a single dissenting voice. one private refused to volunteer, and he at once resigned from the troop. as there was no provision in the call for volunteers for an assistant surgeon, with a troop of cavalry, dr. charles h. frazier could not be mustered in. after the privates and non-commissioned officers had expressed their willingness to volunteer, colonel morrell addressed the officers as follows: "is it your desire that i should request the governor of pennsylvania to issue to you a commission for the same places you now hold in the volunteer army of the united states?" captain groome and lieutenants browning and mcfadden signified their desire to serve, and governor hastings at once responded that it would give him great pleasure to have the commissions made out as requested. after this inspection the men settled down to camp life with zest. on the day they had signified their willingness to enlist, the great news had come of commodore dewey's victory in the harbor of manila. the destruction of the entire spanish fleet in the east, gave a new turn to the war, and it was soon whispered that it would not be long before some of the men encamped at mt. gretna would be on their way to these distant islands in the pacific. daily drills were taken up with added interest. wednesday and thursday were rainy. the brigade surgeons were being examined, and all was put in readiness for the physical examination of the soldiers, preliminary to their being mustered into the volunteer service. friday the city troopers were examined and four men were rejected by the surgeons, chiefly for defects in eyesight. two of these were afterward reinstated by direct orders from washington. saturday, april th, the troopers were marched down to division headquarters to be mustered in. a heavy scotch mist hung over the camp, and objects at a short distance were invisible. the men were lined up before a long wooden platform upon which stood major william a. thompson, of the first u. s. cavalry, the officer detailed by the war department to muster the pennsylvania national guard troops into the volunteer service of the united states; governor hastings and his staff, and hundreds of spectators. as the roll was called, each trooper stepped forward and answered to his name. then the mustering officer told the men and officers to raise their right hand. up went the hands and the spectators removed their hats while major thompson repeated this oath: "do you solemnly swear that you will bear true faith and allegiance to the united states of america, and will serve them faithfully against all their enemies whomsoever, and that you will obey the orders of the president of the united states and the orders of officers appointed over you, according to the rules and articles of war?" "i do!" shouted each man in the same breath, and as the hearty response went up, the spectators applauded and the third regiment band, sheltered in a building near at hand, struck up "the star spangled banner." the officers' commissions were then filled in by the governor and handed to their owners. back to their camp marched the troopers, no longer their own masters but servants of uncle sam, and as they filed past the mustering stand, a company of infantrymen stepped up to go through the same ceremony. noah is credited with being the only man who ever saw it rain for forty days and forty nights, but the city troopers ran him a close race in the month that followed. the intervals between showers were almost too brief to be noticed, and it became a popular jest that the weather man was trying to break the men in for a campaign in cuba during the rainy season. the worst storm of the lot was reserved for the sunday following the muster-in of the troopers. in regular cloud-bursts the floods descended upon camp hastings. the camp of the troopers was surrounded by hills on three sides, and down these hills came innumerable streams, all headed for the troop street. visitors in large numbers had come out from the city on the long excursion trains, and many were half ferried, half driven to camp in an old wagon which seemed especially designed to do service as a boat. bad as was the troopers' lot, it was almost nothing compared to what the philadelphia infantrymen were compelled to endure. the foot soldiers in the first place had not taken the same precautions as the troopers in raising their mattresses from the ground, and in some cases they actually found their beds under water by nightfall. mud in the streets of every camp in the first brigade was six inches deep, and so sticky that to attempt to walk through it, invariably meant the loss of a boot. on monday morning, drills were resumed by the troopers, and upon tuesday they were called to bid farewell to the men of battery a, who had been ordered to newport news for guard duty. although the rain spoiled all attempts at systematic drill, captains throughout the camp were gradually getting their men in better shape, and the work of mustering-in had proceeded uninterruptedly. on friday, the th, the last of the pennsylvania troops had entered the volunteer army. there were at that time , in all, and a grand review by the governor was planned for the next afternoon. as if to compensate for past sins and sins to come, the weather for that day was perfect, and by three o'clock on saturday afternoon the various troops and regiments throughout the camp began wending their way from the tents to the parade ground. the troopers took up their stand on a little hill near their camp, but the rising ground prevented their seeing the miles of blue ranks, glittering with steel, that stretched away just beyond. the governor and his staff rode at full gallop along the lines, while a little band, the only one in camp, kept blowing out the strains of "hail to the chief." the lack of proper music was the only drawback to this occasion. then the order to march came; the many commands swung past the reviewing party, and the finest display ever made by pennsylvania troops since the civil war was at an end. the second command of philadelphia soldiers to leave camp hastings was the third regiment. colonel ralston received his orders the sunday following the review, and attempted to get off that afternoon, but railroad facilities were wanting and it was not until monday evening that the boys of the third got away. tampa was their destination. the next day captain groome received an order to report to general merritt, of the department of the east, and this order gave the reporters of the various papers material for many scare stories, as it became known the next day that general merritt had been ordered to take command of the expedition to the philippines, and it was supposed by some that he would take the troopers with him. this rumor was in a measure substantiated by the orders which came for the tenth regiment to prepare to take a journey to the islands. for, like the troopers, the tenth had just previously been ordered to report to general merritt, and when the orders came regarding the philippines, the men of the tenth had struck tents preparatory to going to meet general merritt in new york. on this same tuesday the first regiment, made up of philadelphia men, left mt. gretna for camp thomas, chickamauga, and the ninth regiment started for the same camp. from the movement of the infantry regiments it seemed probable that they would soon be required for active service, but the cavalry troops were detained at mt. gretna waiting for the issue of arms and equipments from the government. as the city troop was fully armed with the carbine, saber and pistol, uniformed, equipped and mounted, and owned all their equipments and horses, captain groome offered to governor hastings, and through him to the secretary of war, to transfer immediately all the horses and troop property of every description to the united states, to be settled for at any time and price satisfactory to the government. the troopers hoped by this offer to be enabled to take the field at once, but unfortunately this was not accepted, although the spirit which prompted it was warmly commended in the return message from the war department. after this there was nothing to do but wait for the government to provide new horses and equipments. on the afternoon of wednesday, the th, captain groome was called to washington and lieutenant browning remained in charge of the city troopers camp. he put the men through a long dismounted drill and followed it up with another the next day. while the captain was away, a report came from washington, through the associated press despatches, that the pennsylvania cavalry were to be ordered at once to hempstead, l. i., to camp there until wanted. saturday noon captain groome returned. he borrowed thirty horses belonging to the sheridan troop and took one-half of the city troopers out for drill. when they returned lieutenant browning took out the other squad. in the evening there came an inquiry from the war department as to how many horses were needed by the city troop. this did not arouse any enthusiasm, however, as the same request had been made two weeks before and nothing had come of it. sunday was a pleasant day, for a change, and the troopers spent it quietly. there were not many visitors on the grounds, as all the regiments had departed except the fourteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth and eighteenth. most of these men came from distant parts of the state. in the afternoon sergeant glendinning tried some experiments in kite flying that were watched with interest, and others of the troopers planned to go into the kite manufacturing business to be ready for sport on the next clear day. there was a novelty in the way of drill in store for thirty of the troopers, on monday, as they were sent out in search of tramps who had settled in a nearby mountain, and were said to be moonshiners on a small scale. the exercise was splendid, but no tramps were found. that night a baby cyclone struck the camp. the wind got in its fine work about one o'clock in the morning, and the troopers had to jump out of bed and hold their tents down. some of the tents were sent flying before the alarm was given, and as rain immediately followed the blow, there were many men who passed an uncomfortable night. at this time the order of the day, in camp, was as follows: . a. m. first call. a. m. reveille roll call. . a. m. setting up exercises. . a. m. mess. a. m. police camp. a. m. guard mount. . a. m. drill. . a. m. inspection of quarters. m. mess. p. m. drill. . p. m. mess. p. m. retreat roll call. . p. m. tattoo. p. m. taps. all the men contributed to the mess from their pay, so that the meals did not consist solely of salt pork and hard tack. in the mornings the drill covered the manual of carbine or saber drills, and pistol practice by squad or troop, also dismounted drill by the troop; this drill lasted as a rule two hours. the afternoon drill as a rule extended over three hours, and was chiefly in outpost and skirmish work. one platoon would start, under the command of an officer, telling the general direction it would take, and having gone a certain distance would establish outposts of an imaginary camp, twenty minutes later a second platoon would start on a march through the country, throwing out flankers and advance guard. the men of the two platoons wearing different colors on their hats so as to distinguish them. up hill and down dale the men would crawl their way until the crack of the pistols would show that one platoon had been unmasked. then it was left to the officers to decide which side had the best of the manoeuvres. while two platoons were thus engaged a third was always left in charge of camp. each morning half the troop would be taken over to the rifle range for pistol and carbine practice. one piece of work had been done by the troopers, during the early days of their stay at camp hastings, that has not been referred to. it was a squad of city troopers that went over the triple muster rolls of the entire quota of pennsylvania volunteers, for major thompson, and their quick, accurate work helped greatly in the rapid mustering-in of the men. when he discharged these troopers from further duty, major thompson wrote a cordial letter to captain groome, giving the troopers high praise. and so the days passed on. sometimes the troopers felt that their peaceful camp life was pretty slow, but as the drills became harder day by day they realized that it was not only a great school of experience, but that each day's drill was part of a general plan of their officers, that would gradually improve their physical condition and bring them to a high state of efficiency as a troop when they were needed for active service. and so each night, when at the last note of "retreat" the guidon was taken in, they felt they had not only earned a good night's rest, but that they had learned something during the day. [illustration: pistol practice at camp hastings.] on may th, president mckinley issued his second call for troops, and it was announced that the men thus called for would be added to the organizations already in the field. the city troop was to be recruited up to a complete war footing of one hundred men, and arrangements were made to notify the men upon the waiting list of the opportunity that would be thus offered. two days later the paymaster reached camp for the first time. three members of the troop were sent to harrisburg to secure the cash, and that night the men had their first look at government money; for in their previous campaigns, as a troop, their pay had come from the state. a board was appointed, consisting of major w. a. thompson, first u. s. cavalry, and captain paxton, sixth infantry, u. s. a., to purchase horses for the three troops of cavalry, and the last day of may captain groome left camp to join them in new castle, pa. chapter iii. departure for camp alger. june first found captain groome back again, with the information that if possible the horses for the city troop would be grey. a large number of that color had been found and accepted by the board, and as grey was the color best suited for service in tropical countries, the captain had bespoken the greys for his troop. on june th the captain rejoined the horse board, and the first animals purchased reached camp. the greys were tied to the picket line, which was extended in front of the troop's long row of tents. on the seventh of the month the city troop received orders from major-general graham, commanding the second army corps, to proceed at once to camp alger, and report as a part of that corps. to do this would be to leave the camp with but a part of the troop's horses and equipments, so captain groome requested that the troop be allowed to remain until fully equipped, if possible. however, all arrangements were made in compliance with the first order, and camp was broken on the afternoon of june th. some of the officers' wives, who had taken cottages at chautauqua, had dismissed their servants, and the troopers were ready to march to the train, when an order came granting the captain's request, and ordering the troop to remain until fully equipped. recruiting officers were at once sent to philadelphia, and two days later twelve new troopers arrived, fully uniformed. captain groome was too busy to remain with the horse board any longer, and lieutenant browning went in his stead. the drills increased in length each day, and the new recruits as fast as they arrived were sent out in squads to learn the first principles, and then were given a turn with the entire troop. the officers had a class in tactics daily, and the men took up the study of bugle calls. the recruits were given much guard duty to perform, and wherever they went they carried their books of regulations, learning the paragraphs by heart. on june th, samuel chew arrived at camp, direct from the klondike gold regions, and took up his duties as if he had done nothing unusual, yet he had made the long journey in record-breaking time simply to rejoin his comrades. twenty new tents arrived that day, affording accommodations for the new men. on the th, the last of the regiments of infantry left, and the troopers were monarchs of all they surveyed. while the infantrymen were good fellows, there were many reasons why the troopers were glad when they had gone. some time previously the troopers had erected a rough shed in which they had placed shower baths, but now that they had undisputed possession of the lake, they enjoyed long daily swims. upon the departure of the last infantry regiment captain groome became the commanding officer at camp hastings, by virtue of seniority, he having been the first volunteer cavalry officer to be sworn into the united states service. he at once formed the three troops, governor's, sheridan and city troop, into a squadron and assumed command. a change in the camp routine at once went into effect. squadron drills were held daily, and other features of camp life, which interested all visitors, were squadron guard mount and evening parade. the new horses were utterly unused to cavalry exercises, in fact many of them had never been ridden before, and the troopers had lively times training their steeds. one of the sights which visitors to the camp were never tired of watching was the skill with which the troopers "threw" their horses, to accustom them to the exercise in which the horses are supposed to lie down and afford forts for the riders. the throwing is exciting sport. the left fore leg of a horse is strapped up so that the animal stands upon three legs, a strap is attached to the other fore leg and grasped by the rider, who suddenly turns the horse's head way around to one side and pulls the other fore leg from the ground. the animal is obliged to fall to his knees and is then coaxed over. when once the horse realizes that the rider means him no harm, the work is more than half done. [illustration: a lesson in horse throwing] on the th of june, private edward carpenter was notified of his appointment, by the president, as a second lieutenant in the regular service. he had long been anxious to make the army his profession, and was greatly pleased. the first khaiki uniform in the trooper's camp appeared the next day upon lieutenant mcfadden, and was the subject of much attention. fifteen men from each troop were constantly on guard duty over the camp grounds and railroad property. "two hours on and four hours off," was the rule with the men during their day's duty. a blacksmith's forge was set up at the foot of the trooper's camp, and men were detailed each day to act as assistants. the horses had all been unshod upon their arrival, and it was a long job getting them properly fitted out. june passed into july, and still the troopers remained at mt. gretna. by this time the troop had practically its full number of horses, and the men were drilled almost to the point of perfection. they were as fit for service as soldiers could be, and the orders to move, which came july th, were welcome indeed. the squadron was to go to camp alger, but all the men felt that this was but a preliminary move, and that soon they would be at the front. tents were struck the same day. no countermanding orders came this time, and all the camp luggage was despatched to the station ahead of the cavalrymen. the squadron at this time consisted of three troops and nine officers. each troop consisted of one hundred men and one hundred and six horses. the men of the three commands had become well acquainted with one another during their long wait at camp hastings, and upon their camp sites left mementoes of their stay which will be seen for years to come. two of the troops names are cut deeply upon great rocks, together with the dates of their arrival and departure. the men of the governor's troop erected a huge monument of stones, held together with mud, and great pride was taken by the harrisburg troopers in this "work of art." chapter iv. first days at camp alger. from the little valley, in which the troopers had pitched their tents seventy-one days previous, they rode away late in the afternoon of thursday, july th, in the best condition of any command which had been mustered in at mt. gretna. no comrades in arms remained to be drawn up in line to give the cavalrymen a parting cheer, but fully two hundred cottagers of the chautauqua grounds were at the station to witness the departure. the train was in waiting, made up in two sections; the baggage, horses and horse detail were to go in the first, and the work of loading was at once begun. while the greys were being led aboard the cars, many friends of the philadelphia men gathered upon the railroad platform to say a last good-by. among those from whom the troopers parted with sincere regret were t. dawson coleman and william t. smith, president of the cornwall and lebanon road, both of whom had done much to contribute to the pleasure of the men in camp during their long stay. at seven o'clock the first section pulled out of the station, stable sergeant wagner and troopers t. cadwalader, goodman, pemberton and rogers being detailed to accompany the horses. an hour later the remainder of the troop was allowed to start. the train arrangements were excellent, every man in the squadron having a full seat to himself. it was interesting to note the various ways in which the troopers prepared for their night of travel. a trip through the train showed all sorts of games in progress--cards, checkers, dominoes and the like. the good story tellers of the various troops were the centre of laughing groups; many of the business men had their heads buried in the commercial page of the evening papers; some of the more stolid warriors attempted to go to sleep the moment the train started; in all it formed a picturesque grouping, and furnished rich material for the students of human nature among the troops. the discussions of the men regarding the general campaign were interesting, as the war fever was then at its height. four days before the atlantic squadron, under sampson and schley, had destroyed the fleet of admiral cervera during its attempt to escape from the harbor of santiago. general shafter's men were then pressing upon santiago, and its surrender was hourly expected. then it was believed that the word would come "on to havana," and many of the troopers believed that their command would surely have a part in this movement. [illustration: having fun with "hazel."] so far the war had been one of surprises, scarcely an engagement having taken place at a point where a few months before the military leaders would have deemed it possible to expect one. spain's navy had proven no match for that of the united states, but her little army about santiago had made a good showing, and hard fights seemed probable before the main army would be driven from cuba. the train first came to a stop in harrisburg, in the midst of a mass of enthusiastic men and women, assembled to greet the members of the governor's troop and sheridan troop. the crowd rushed pell-mell through the cars containing the troopers of the other organizations, knocking down carbines and sabers, and upsetting things generally. but sentries had thoughtfully been placed by lieutenant browning at the doors of the city troop cars, and this company's share in the demonstration was conducted through the windows. "hazel," the goat presented to the troop during its service at the time of the hazelton riots, gravely surveyed the scene from her outlook, and came in for a lion's share of attention. just as the train started an enthusiastic young woman, who had been fighting her way toward the train, thrust a white kitten into the hands of corporal wister, with instructions to be good to it. in all it was a pleasant break in the monotony of a long ride. by midnight the state line was passed, and at baltimore the first section of the train was overtaken. the troopers, with the exception of the officers, were in day coaches, and made a picturesque sight, asleep in all conceivable attitudes. enough were awake, however, to chat for a time with the members of the horse detail. by half-past four the men aroused, and thirty minutes later reached the station at dunn loring, va. a breakfast of milk and sandwiches was eaten on the train, and then the unloading began. this work was speedily accomplished without a hitch or accident, and by nine o'clock the canvas of the three troops began to go up on the site of the camp formerly occupied by the eighth ohio infantry, commonly known as "the president's own." all day long the cavalrymen worked upon the sun-baked slope, and by nightfall the grounds were in splendid order. in one regard the troopers were fortunate, an artesian well being within fifty feet of their camp. this, however, supplied the wants of the men only, the horses, at first, having to be led more than a mile for water. shade was abundant near the camp, the horses being better off in that respect than at camp hastings. after a good night's sleep the men were called upon for disagreeable duty, which was at once cheerfully taken up. the "doughboys" who had occupied the grounds previously had left the woods in the rear in such a condition as to menace the health of the camp, and twenty men from each troop were detailed by captain groome to police the woods, and at the end of the second day the grounds were comparatively clean, and the men were then called upon for their first drill at camp alger. there was a great crowd around the parade grounds when the troopers made their first appearance, and the repeated cheers and applause of the spectators came as an unexpected and pleasing surprise. upon return to camp private j. edward farnum was notified of his appointment, by the president, as an assistant commissary, with the rank of captain. the new government carbines, saddles and spurs were also received and distributed, but by some mistake no saddle blankets were sent, so the troopers continued to use their regular blankets. sunday the khaiki uniforms arrived, and were at once donned by all the men. the universal verdict seemed to be that the new uniforms were not particularly adapted for cavalry service, and were as ugly as they well could be. right from the moment of their appearance at camp alger the city troopers were in demand by the headquarters officers. large details were required each day for orderlies at camp, division and brigade headquarters, and for mounted patrol duty. on july th quite an addition was made to the camp of the city troop. eight government mules, with all the largeness of ears, friskiness of feet and sweetness of voice, possessed by their race, were assigned to captain groome's command. the men gathered about the new comers in an admiring group, wondered how fast they could trot, what would happen if a trooper twisted one of their tails, and just what they were good for anyway. before the campaign was over mules had ceased to arouse any admiration whatever, but the troopers at camp alger could not see into the future, with its endless mule train and trials, so they made the most of their new possessions for the time being. besides the mules, two wagons and two teamsters were assigned to the troop, and these aids were greatly appreciated, as up to this time there had been a constant struggle to find conveyances for troop supplies and baggage between different points of the camps. although the mules were in a thriving condition, the troopers had troubles of their own with their greys. a majority of the horses had contracted shipping colds, and incessant doctoring was the order of the day and night. all of the animals came through all right, however, with the exception of the horse ridden by sergeant hart, which died the fifth day after the troop's arrival at the new camp. the first detachment of mules was soon followed by another, until a full score had been sent to the troop. other commands throughout the camp had also received supplies of mules, and the animals showed a great fondness for communicating with one another in the early morning. far away on one side of the camp a mule would raise his silvery voice to heaven; somewhere from the headquarter's mules would come an answering bray, and in a moment the chorus would resound throughout the camping grounds. at first the novelty of these sounds appealed to the troopers' sense of humor, but the best jokes grow wearisome by repetition, and it was not long before the men were mentally offering all sorts of rewards for the man who could devise a plan to silence the long-eared singers. on the morning of july th, corporal hecksher and troopers coulston, wheeler and mills were sent by the provost marshal to escort back from washington fifteen foot soldiers who had overstayed their leave of absence. the derelicts were turned over to the tender mercies of the headquarters guard, to be dealt with as military regulations direct. a private of a western regiment, who had evidently been in washington, returned to camp about eleven o'clock this night. after some parley with the troop's sentinel, then on guard on the main road back of captain groome's headquarters, he proceeded to mix things up with the sentry, and was promptly marched to the guard house, where he spent a repentant night. since the arrival of the squadron at camp alger captain groome, who was in command, had posted orders for squadron guard mount every morning, and for troop drill and squadron parade every evening. the number of spectators upon these occasions kept increasing daily, and the reputation for excellence in drill on the part of the squadron spread rapidly. the officers of all the commands in the camp were attracted by these reports, and the evolutions of the cavalrymen were frequently watched with a critical eye by many of the best known officers of the army. though they came as critics they remained to praise, and many admitted that they gained a vast amount of useful knowledge by an inspection of the camp of the squadron. the paymaster put in an appearance july th. the troop lined up and received their portions of hard-earned government money, and then promptly turned the cash over to the quartermaster. in the afternoon general butler honored the troopers by riding out especially to watch their drill, and he warmly commended captain groome for the fine showing of the cavalry. chapter v. camp alger and newport news. at retreat roll call, on the evening of july th, an example was given of the affectionate regard the rest of the pennsylvania militia feel and show toward the philadelphia horsemen. the battalion of state fencibles, which formed a portion of the sixth regiment, marching in fours, came tramping into the troop's street. once there they halted and gave repeated cheers for the cavalrymen. then away they trudged, after being assured that their compliment was appreciated by the troopers. two members of the city troop served on the provost guard the night of the th, and great was their amazement, when, amid the drunks and disorderly prisoners turned over to their charge, they found a chaplain. he was escorted to the guard house by a very disgusted squad. that same night, private robert fell returned to camp, after two weeks confinement at his home with a kicked knee. his place on sick report was taken by private rowland, who had been slightly ill for several days, although he kept that information to himself until scarcely able to stand upon his feet. inspection of arms and equipments of the troopers came on saturday, and, as the arms just issued were uniformly dirty, a large number of the men put in an hour or two of hard cleaning and polishing. in the evening a dozen of the city troopers attended the camp alger theatre, the tent for which had been pitched right at the foot of the company's street. the price at that popular resort was twenty-five cents for all seats, and the audience generally contained two rows of troopers, who joined heartily with the vaudeville performers in singing the choruses and making things lively. every feature was first-class in all respects, and good temper always prevailed on and off the stage. an incident occurred at the theatre that night, which served to show the frame of mind of the american volunteers. a portion of the performance consisted of an exhibition of moving pictures. finally a large flag was thrown on the sheet, and the man in charge said: "there's the flag you are fighting for, boys!" instantly a dry western voice called out from the audience: "i wish to god we could get the chance!" and the immediate and tremendous cheer which followed, showed how heartily his wish was echoed by all present. on monday and tuesday several details were sent out to do some work upon a site for a new camp nearer the station. time began to hang heavy on all hands, and a strong rumor that the troop was soon to go to puerto rico, failed to excite the interest that it would have a month before. not that the men were less anxious to get to the front, but simply that they hated to let their hopes rise for fear of another disappointment. on tuesday night, while watching corporal chew throw his horse, in order to put a bridle on the unruly animal, private wetherill received both heels of the beast on his left thigh, the horse having succeeded for a moment in getting away from the big corporal. the injuries were not of a serious nature, however, and the bruised trooper refused to put in a plea of sickness. it was expected by the men that the camps would be shifted on the th, and the failure to do so was regarded as lending color to the puerto rico rumors. on this morning the troop dismounted and drilled finely. their excellent work culminated when lieutenant browning rallied the men. standing in close order, they fired three volleys that produced long cheering from the crowd. about two minutes later an orderly rode over from general graham and reported to lieutenant browning that the commanding officer wished to know what company had fired those volleys. the general expressed himself as delighted to hear that it was a troop of cavalry dismounted. nearly every horse in camp at this time had distemper, and at night it was decided to give each of the invalids a pretty stiff drink, consisting of a pint of whiskey and sixty grains of quinine. the dose was shot down the animals throats from a great syringe, and the stable guard was advised to be on the lookout for any unusual hilarity; but no behavior out of the ordinary was noticed. j. l. wetherill was granted sick leave on the st. he had been ill for several days, and it was thought best for him to return home. shortly after he had done so his sickness took a serious turn, and he was unable to rejoin the troop until its return from puerto rico. squadron guard mount, drills and evening parade continued throughout the troop's stay, under orders of acting major groome. the day before the cavalry troops left camp alger, however, captain jones, of the sheridan troop, was commissioned major. captain jones held the longest record of any officer in the pennsylvania state troops, and had served as a captain in the civil war. as his commission did not arrive until after the squadron had left camp alger, his appointment made no difference in the camp routine, and as the sheridan and governor's troops were left behind at newport news, the city troopers were not affected in the least by the change in the officer commanding the squadron. the night of the st one more of the greys died, but the rest of the animals were in splendid condition, and the men felt that they could make a good showing, so far as their mounts were concerned, in the foreign service soon to come. there were many occurrences to make friday, july d, an eventful day. in the morning one hundred krag-jorgensen carbines arrived for the city troopers; there was an unusually interesting skirmish drill in the afternoon, and late in the evening came the eagerly awaited orders for the troop to proceed forthwith to newport news to take transports for puerto rico. needless to say the camp was at once thrown into a thoroughly happy mood, and dozens of telegrams were sent notifying philadelphia friends of the good luck of the troop in securing active service, when fully , regular cavalrymen were fretting in camps of mobilization. post quartermaster hugh craig, jr., arrived the next day, and announced his intention of staying with the troop until it left for the front. the men could not help feeling better when they saw his jolly face in the camp. tents were struck at five o'clock sunday morning, and an hour later the squadron boarded a special train waiting to carry it to newport news. the journey occupied the entire day, it being nearly nine o'clock when the cars reached their destination. instead of trying to find a camping ground that night, the men curled up in the cars and slept as best they could. in a pleasant spot on the coast, about two miles outside the city, the troopers went into camp the next day. even before the tents went up there were several visitors from philadelphia who had hurried down to bid the troopers "god-speed" upon their departure for the seat of war. an unexpected guest was charles wheeler, an old member of the organization, but off the active list for years. he had just returned from a trip through japan. he was anxious to rejoin his old comrades, and as there was one vacancy in the troop it was promptly filled. tuesday morning captain groome received orders to have his men ready to embark at four o'clock. tents were struck at noon, the operation being watched by scores of friends who had reached the camp by that time. promptly at the hour mentioned in the order the captain marched his men down to the wharf, where they found no transport awaiting them. hour after hour passed, and still no sign of a vessel. night found the troopers still lounging about the dock. during this long wait a full score of prominent philadelphia ladies, who had come down to say a last good-by to their relatives and friends in the troop, had an opportunity to show the traditional spirit of american women. the ladies had stood around the camp all morning, had followed the troop into the city and to the wharf, where they had shared all the discomforts of the situation. it began to rain, but they only laughed and refused to seek shelter. not a mouthful had they eaten since breakfast, but tired, wet and hungry as they were, they smiled bravely to keep up the spirits of the men; all unconsciously they afforded fine illustrations of what the mothers, wives and sisters of american soldiers have been in all hours of need. when six o'clock came, and it was evident that the troopers were in for a tough time of it, the ladies went in a body to the nearest restaurant and secured some sandwiches and coffee. walking fearlessly through the crowd upon the dock, dodging under horses' heads and around mule packs, they brought the food to the cavalrymen, and even waited upon them. in the language of one trooper whose young bride was among the number of ladies upon the wharf, "there was only one regret at going to the front, and that was the leaving behind of girls like those." until seven o'clock the city troopers were kept upon the wharf. at that hour captain groome was informed that no transport could then be secured, and that he should return with the troop to newport news and report to general fred. grant. captain groome ordered the troop to _bivouac_ in the grass in front of the hotel for the night. there was a general rush for shelter. the ladies sought their rooms in the hotel, from the windows of which they could see the cavalrymen lying in the grass of a field opposite, rolled up in their blankets. captain groome did not retire however. he returned to the wharf and spent several hours arguing with various captains, in order to find a speedy way in which to embark the troop. it was not easy work to make headway against the seemingly endless array of objections and red tape, but perseverance won out, and the captain was at last informed, that if he would have his men on hand at four o'clock they would be taken aboard. this last _bivouac_ upon american soil was exceedingly picturesque to the spectator, but hard upon the men. every trooper had been thoroughly soaked by the rain while standing upon the wharf. in their wet clothes they had been obliged to wrap their blankets about them and lay down to slumber in the midst of a damp grass plot under a cloudy sky, which threatened another downpour at any moment. with the exception of some pretty tough sandwiches the men had been without food since morning, and the easy way in which they accepted the situation spoke volumes for the value of the training in camp life received at mt. gretna and camp alger. the troop at this time consisted of three officers, one contract surgeon, ninety-nine men, one hundred and four horses and twenty mules. the sheridan and governor's troop had not received orders to sail, and the members of these commands were extremely disappointed. they remained at newport news under the command of major jones. captain groome arranged for an early breakfast of coffee and sandwiches for his men, and at . a. m. the next day the city troopers were again ordered to the wharf. this time there was no disappointment. the transport "massachusetts" was there taking on a great load of men, horses and mules. all was bustle and confusion. within a short time the troopers went aboard, and almost at once the vessel made ready to sail. last words to the faithful friends ashore were shouted, there was a waving of hands and handkerchiefs, and a little after midday the "massachusetts" began ploughing her way toward the southern isle, where general brooke's army and the spanish forces were reported to be already face to face. chapter vi. life aboard a troop ship. life aboard a troop ship is not a round of pleasure at the best. long tales of woe, regarding the trials and hardships upon transports of various infantry commands, quickly found their way into print within a few weeks after active war operations commenced. not one word, however, regarding the discomforts of the city troop on the trip to puerto rico was written. yet, if existence upon a transport ship, crowded with men is disagreeable, what would the complaining infantrymen have said had they found themselves in the troop's plight, on a vessel containing more animals than men. truly discouraging was the situation in which the cavalrymen were placed. their hammocks were swung between decks, and but eighteen inches were allowed between the hammock of each man and the hammocks above and on each side of him. two feet is the regulation distance in the navy, but circumstances alter cases, and what might be a fair allowance on a carefully kept, well-ventilated war vessel, became a distinct hardship aboard the "massachusetts." especially was this the case where several of the tall, broad-shouldered men found their hammocks adjoining one another--for the men's bodies touched at all times, and bumped together vigorously at every lurch of the vessel. the transport upon which the troopers found themselves had been built to carry about four hundred horses and an ordinary crew, yet when pressed into government service seven hundred men and fourteen hundred horses and mules were considered about her proper capacity. when the troopers first boarded the vessel their bundles of clothing and equipments were scattered about in great confusion, and a good part of the first day was spent by the men in collecting their belongings and bringing them into some sort of order. the weather during the first day at sea was exceedingly hot, although fairly pleasant until toward evening, when the wind began to show itself and the sky became cloudy. a majority of the men prepared to sleep upon deck, but as the vessel came off cape hatteras about midnight she struck a regular squall. the air became cold, the "massachusetts" began to pitch about violently and then rain came rushing down in great volumes, driving the men below in a hurry. there they found many of their fellow passengers with their dreams of glory swallowed up in seasickness. the horses, too, succumbed to the complaint in large numbers, and required much care. aboard the "massachusetts" there were, in all, seven hundred horses and a like number of mules. hundreds of the mules were fastened just below the deck to which the troopers had been driven by the squall, while above could be heard the constant stamping of horses. between these two layers of animals the cavalrymen passed a restless night. but if their first attempt at sleep was disturbed, the conditions prevailing the second night can better be imagined than described. despite the best efforts to keep the quarters of the animals clean, the odor which arose from the hundreds of horses and mules was sickening, and a majority of the philadelphia men found sleeping in the hammocks impossible. early the next morning captain groome took the matter in hand, and secured permission for his men to sleep upon the baled hay, which was piled high on the main deck. there, under the stars, swept by refreshing sea breezes, the troopers slept well--if not comfortably--the remaining nights aboard. special sentries were appointed to see that no tired trooper rolled from his hay mattress into the sea. but the greatest hardship of the voyage to puerto rico was the lack of drinking water. dirty, yellowish fluid was all that could be had. this would not have troubled the men a particle had it been cool enough to be refreshing. but the water was warm; sometimes it was positively hot, and always insipid and filthy looking. a skirmish by the commissary brought to light a case of beer, although there was no ice to make it palatable. the beer lasted but a day, and to keep alive the water had to be accepted and made the best of. worse came to worst on sunday. the pumps of the "massachusetts" broke down, and the troopers were obliged to go into the hold of the offensively fragrant vessel and bring up water bucketful by bucketful for the animals under their charge. [illustration: glimpse into a troop ship.] sergeant martin and corporal wagner, stripped to the waist, were at the bottom of what looked like a deep well. the atmosphere was stifling, and in order to enable the men at the bottom to stand the heat, their comrades kept pouring water down upon their heads and bodies. as fast as pails could be filled from the bottom they were passed up along a long line of men composed of details from the various commands aboard. it was exhausting labor, but of all the men on board the city troopers stood the work best. the water thus brought up was of a kind absolutely dangerous for a human being to drink, and all through the day's trying struggle the troopers silently endured the added pangs of thirst. there was more real suffering for twenty-four hours than any man in the troop will admit, but when the pumps resumed operations in the morning, the thankful air with which the formerly despised yellowish warm water was accepted spoke volumes. the days passed along slowly. no extremely rough weather was encountered, but on several occasions the old transport reeled sufficiently to send a few of the troopers to their hammocks with slight attacks of _mal de mer_. the motion of the vessel was sufficient, however, to completely disarrange each night the outfit of the troopers, and it was their duty each morning to gather together their equipments for inspection, the same as though they were in camp. this constant readiness was in marked contrast with the arrangements among other commands aboard. many of the troopers will never forget the first time the alarm of fire was given aboard the ship. it was the third morning out that a guard discovered smoke slowly curling from between the crevices of the baled hay piled high on deck. the guard was startled, and his call for the corporal and statement of the discovery of the fire was given in a loud tone, which instantly caused the alarm to spread throughout the ship. it was no pleasant thought for the men, who knew so well the inflammable nature of the cargo and the crowded condition aboard, and there was a rush for the point from which the alarm had come. fortunately the blaze was a trivial affair easily extinguished, and the excitement was speedily at an end. three other times, however, during the trip the same alarm was given, but the careful watch kept prevented the fire, in a single instance, from gaining any headway. although the "massachusetts" was supposed to be one of the fastest transports, she found the entire flotilla, which had left newport news about the same time she did, awaiting her arrival off guayama. a despatch boat came puffing down to meet her, flying the signal, "follow me," and troopers in the bow saw a man armed with a megaphone mount the bridge of the despatch boat and shout: "'the massachusetts' will lead the way, landing at ponce." these instructions as to the exact landing place were somewhat contrary to those before given captain pitcher, who was in charge of the transport, so he shouted back, "by whose authority do you give those orders?" and the reply promptly came, "by the authority of major general nelson a. miles, commanding." this was at three o'clock, and the "massachusetts" at once went ahead. at . the harbor of ponce was sighted, and several of the philadelphia cavalrymen in the bow saw that the transport was steering directly into shoal water, at the bottom of which a coral reef could be plainly seen. they shouted to the man at the wheel, but too late--the great transport drove bow on into the reef, and at last, on the afternoon of august th, the troopers were upon hostile soil, hard and fast. instantly upon the stoppage of the "massachusetts," a period of suffering began for the troopers, in comparison with which all former experiences went as nothing. deprived of all breeze, exposed to a torrid sun, half stifled by the fumes from the hundreds of horses and mules aboard, without water, the situation was well nigh unbearable. up to the moment of grounding not an animal aboard had died. within two hours after the motion of the vessel had stopped three horses perished, and two more died before they could be taken off. fortunately none of these belonged to city troopers. this suffering among the animals shows slightly what the men had to contend with. [illustration: cathedral virgin del carmen.] [illustration: bivouac outside cathedral virgin del carmen.] captain groome secured permission to send lieutenant browning ashore to select a camp site, and report. he made quick work of it, choosing a spot beside the cathedral de la carmen, and returning with an order from general miles that the first troop philadelphia city cavalry, should land at once. this order amazed the new york cavalrymen, who had been heard to boast frequently that they would surely be given the preference in all military arrangements. the orders were received with great joy by the philadelphians, who were ready to disbark in short order, owing to the constant readiness in which they had kept. a rope tied about their outfit was all that was necessary, and the men were only too eager to leave the grounded vessel and its disagreeable quarters. the troopers were rescued by the little lighter "whitney," sent by general miles to bring the philadelphia men ashore. as soon as the troopers reached land themselves they set to work to bring their horses off the transport. the air was full of rumors that the cavalry were needed in a hurry for active service, and the men went at the task of unshipping horses with a will. some amusing attempts at interference on the part of the men of c troop, brooklyn, were simply ignored. at three o'clock the next morning sixty-one of the one hundred and seven horses belonging to the troop had been landed. the men not on duty had gone into the camp selected by lieutenant browning the day before, on the flagstones outside of the little cathedral. all day rain came down in torrents, introducing the troopers to the duckings which were to be their lot several times each day during their stay upon the island. [illustration: bringing the horses ashore at ponce.] chapter vii. in the enemy's country. the morning of august th broke clear, however, and the day was one of the few without rain that the troopers enjoyed while in puerto rico. a fine breeze was blowing, and the cavalrymen's ideas of the country began to take on a roseate hue. everywhere their eyes met deep green tropical foliage and the cute little yellow houses without windows; strange old churches and curious natives made the entire scene appear more like a theatrical setting than a reality. in the morning before five o'clock the blaring of trumpets announced a hurry call. as soon as the men came to their senses they heard the non-commissioned officers shouting: "fall in without arms." the troop never appeared to better advantage. the guard, the fourth platoon, tumbled out fully armed, and were standing in place in two minutes, and one minute later the entire troop, in column of fours, with the captain in command, was double-quicking toward the dock. when the men got there, ten or fifteen minutes ahead of anyone else except the regulars, who arrived shortly after the troop, they found that a lighter loaded with five thousand rifles for the infantry was sinking close to shore. no example of the discipline, which always prevails in the city troop, could be more striking than the one then witnessed by a score of other commands, which came rushing, all disorganized, to the scene. while the men in other companies were hesitating and wondering what to do, the city troop broke into regular squads, under the command of the non-commissioned officers, and began methodical relief work. every rifle was saved. regular army officers on the spot warmly complimented captain groome upon the showing made by his men. that afternoon captain groome, with major flagler and major mcmichael, of general wilson's staff, rode out from ponce into the country looking for a suitable camp site. the heat was intense, the dust thick, and a place which would fulfill all requirements was not easily found. the officers kept at it, however, until satisfied; although they were in a state of complete exhaustion upon their return. indeed, all the men's faces for the first few days in puerto rico showed plainly the enervating influence of the climate, to which they could not easily get accustomed. their tasks done, the troopers would throw themselves down upon bales of hay, piles of boards or even the pavements, too weary to care where they were or how they looked. men famed for their strength and endurance at home, would sit by the hour with their heads in their hands, rendered listless and weak by the heat and moisture. that night again the men spread their blankets on the stones outside the cathedral. a citizen placed his front porch at the disposal of the troop as a guard house. this furnished protection for the sentries on duty from the heavy showers which invariably occurred about midnight. on saturday morning more horses were unloaded, and in the afternoon all the men who had mounts rode out beyond ponce, on the highway which leads to barros, to the camp selected by captain groome. while riding along the troopers excited great interest among the natives because of the size of the american horses. in puerto rico all the horses are small, mere ponies in fact, less than fourteen hands high, and the islanders never failed to stare with open mouth at the city troops handsome greys. the size of the troopers themselves also caused many expressions of amazement, and as some of the broad-shouldered men in the second and third platoons passed, the spectators would make admiring signs with their hands, indicating the men's height and breadth. the first trial of the horses proved that the sea voyage had done them good in one respect. many were suffering from distemper when they left newport news, but there was not a case noticed after the animals landed. they were thin, stiff and sore, however, so that they were led over most of the six miles leading to the new camp. those troopers still without horses remained aboard the "massachusetts" unloading the seemingly endless string of horses and mules, and their energetic efforts were crowned with success late saturday night, when the last of the animals were landed. sunday morning was cool, but cloudy--and as the last detail of city troopers were packing and saddling their horses, they heard the voice of a priest conducting early mass in the tiny cathedral close by. the cavalrymen walked with their horses' bridles over their arms. as they passed through ponce they encountered many scowling faces, but once in the country a majority of the natives shouted a welcome. by noon they reached the spot chosen for a camp; the troopers were together again in a magnificent bit of country, blue mountains everywhere, and brilliant, luxurious foliage on all sides. "hazel" manifested a striking fondness for all things puerto rican, and had to be tied in a rather barren spot to prevent overfeeding. reveille sounded at four o'clock monday morning, and the packing of saddles began at once. at seven o'clock the order came to join with h troop as escort to a train of one thousand mules, headquarter horses, signal and ambulance corps, and as quickly as possible to join general brooke's command at guayama. mounted for the first time, off the troop went, retracing its steps through a glorious stretch of country to ponce, where on the main southern road the long supply train for general brooke's army was overtaken. thus hampered, the march became slow. it was terrifically hot, and the dust blew about in clouds. at one o'clock the cavalrymen passed through santa isabella, where a half hours stop was made to bring up the stragglers of the mule train, and to take a turn at the hard tack and dried beef. then the march began through the enemy's country, the city troop acting as advance guard, and h troop, of the sixth regular cavalry, acting as rear guard. flankers were sent out, and the advance guard was frequently informed by natives that quite a large number of spaniards were retreating a short distance ahead. the city troopers came upon many signs of the enemy's presence along the road, and at four o'clock the troops went into camp at the hacienda fortuna, a rich sugar plantation. an outpost of city troopers was immediately established, and all barns and outbuildings were thoroughly searched before night. just before midnight a hurry call sent six city troopers and six h troopers, under captain groome and lieutenant ryan, scouring a neighboring cane brake for spaniards, spies having reported their presence there in force. no lurking dons were found, however, and at four o'clock the next morning camp was broken and the march resumed in dead earnest. the city troopers acted as rear guard to the train. no american troops had passed through this part of the island before, and as it was said to be a spanish stronghold, great watchfulness was observed. on both sides of the ragged road were cane breaks and great growths of underbrush, and it was a tiresome ride and no small task looking out for spaniards, stubborn mules and foolish drivers. late that afternoon a camp was reached at the foot of the caney mountains, on the hacienda magdelane, an english estate. there the two cavalry troops and the tremendous mule train went into camp again. they had passed through selinas in the early afternoon. [illustration: camp at arroyo.] in the blackness of wednesday morning the roll was called at . , and an hour later saw the march resumed, with the city troopers acting as advance guard. lieutenant mcfadden commanded the advance guard and corporal merrill commanded the point. reports of native spies left no doubt as to the serious character of the situation, and the march was of necessity slow. every two or three miles the sight of small bands of armed spaniards would cause a halt, while out the skirmishers would go to report. about nine o'clock the point came to a twelve-foot bridge, freshly torn up. this was quickly replaced and on the column moved. about . a few shots were heard, which fact was at once reported to captain groome, who gave orders for the troop to advance at a gallop. in a few minutes the point came in sight, talking with armed men, and like a flash the word came back through the chain of advance supports that the troop had at last reached general brooke's outposts, the fourth illinois. orders were given captain groome to proceed through guayama, toward arroyo, one mile from which place the troop went into camp. a few hours later h troop came up and camped alongside. thursday, august th, was a day of wild rumors. all sorts of movements were about to take place, according to report, and a majority of the plans had some trooper, who believed in them. from the philadelphia men's camp a spanish blockhouse could be seen on the mountains two miles away. several batteries, encamped near the troop, wheeled into position in the morning and indulged in target practice. many of the troopers witnessed this stirring sight, and returned to camp with the announcement that the practice was superb. the daily rain was unusually heavy, and the men turned in early to fight the bugs, mosquitoes and stifling heat. all conditions were unfavorable to comfort at arroyo. great clouds would come drifting in from the sea toward the mountains, and rain and wind would beat in at one side of the troop's shelter tents. within an hour the clouds would come rolling back to the sea, and the wind and rain would besiege the opposite side of the tents. thursday night the troopers slept in soaking blankets, inches deep in rain and mud. nothing but good-natured chaffing over the discomforts was heard however. friday afternoon the troopers went in a body to the beach, about a mile away, and took a dip in the caribbean sea. rumors of an engagement close at hand kept growing in force, and when a careful inspection of carbines took place upon their return from bathing, the troopers were fully prepared for the orders which came to them at retreat that evening, to be ready to move in heavy marching order at . in the morning. this was formal notice that a battle would take place on the morrow, and members of the city and h troops offered mutual congratulations. chapter viii. the fight that failed. much has been written and more said about "the night before the battle." then it is, that sentiment is supposed to seize upon a soldier; thoughts and talks of home, wife and mother are proper, and in fact necessary, according to all writers of fiction. but even in the face of this traditional outline of a soldier's last hours before an engagement, it must be written that the city troopers retained their characteristic coolness. on that friday evening a close observer of the troopers' camp would have supposed that the men were upon familiar ground, and that a battle was months in the future, instead of being as sure to take place on the morrow as anything could be in human foresight. all down the line the saddle packing went on amid jests and laughter. had the troopers been preparing for a homeward journey they could not have seemed more light-hearted. few men spoke of the coming battle at all, yet it was in every heart, and many men felt a lump rise in their throats as the popular first sergeant blurted out these words: "in a scrap like this the cavalry is sure to be heavily engaged. a good many of us are bound to be stopped, and, good god! just think of digging a hole to chuck one of this outfit in." captain groome paced in front of company headquarters for nearly an hour, with only his inevitable cigar as a companion. dozens of the men watched him, and speculated as to his meditations. lieutenants browning and mcfadden passed through the camp several times, speaking with the men on minor matters, and avoiding absolutely all talk of the coming day. later in the evening they wrote letters. within an hour after taps the heavy rumbling of artillery began to be heard. five batteries, numbering thirty guns, passed near the camp during the hours between midnight and four o'clock, and many a sleepless trooper listened anxiously to the bumping, thumping and rattling as the guns, caissons and ammunition wagons kept rolling by. when the troopers tumbled out at four o'clock it was pitch dark, and the everlasting rain was descending in torrents. a few feeble glimmering lanterns supplied just enough light to show the rain-filled plates, in which bacon and potatoes floated unconcernedly about. coffee was consumed in quantities that only troopers know how to master; and then, in the midst of the darkness and flood, feeding, saddling and loading of ox carts was accomplished. on this morning of battle little attention had been paid to uniforming. some men wore khaiki breeches, others the old familiar blue. hats and caps of all varieties were seen, several men wearing broad straw hats secured from the natives. all wore blue shirts of various ages and conditions of cleanliness. sleeves were rolled up, and scarcely two men appeared in the same kind of boots. the closest friends of the troopers would never have recognized the rain-bedraggled warriors as the same men who so often had shone resplendent in the streets of philadelphia as the guard of honor of the president or distinguished soldiers. at last the command came, "prepare to mount," and a moment later the cavalrymen had swung into the saddle, where they found themselves seated in good-sized puddles. the city troop mounted ninety-five men and three officers, the only absentees being privates wetherill and rowland, on sick report in philadelphia; brooke, in the red cross hospital at ponce, and trumpeter brossman, in a hospital at guayama. captain groome, in a blue silk shirt, khaiki breeches, rode at the head of the column, while on his left rode lieutenant browning, in full khaiki, and lieutenant ryan, commander of h troop of the sixth regular cavalry. behind them came h troop's trumpeter and the city troop's faithful trumpeter, dick singer. then the head of the column, sergeant wagner, with the guidon, and sergeant thibault and private bower leading the long line of two's. each saddle had a poncho strapped upon it, the carbine swung from the off side, saber opposite to the carbine; each man wore a belt of one hundred krag-jorgensen cartridges, with his revolver strung in his belt. on the cantle behind, each man carried his blanket wrapped in his half of a shelter tent. [illustration: en route to the battlefield. military road from guayama to caney.] without warning the sun came out in all its fury, and then occurred the phenomena, often witnessed there, of rain falling from an apparently clear sky. the hot sun made the rain come down much like steam, but it ceased to fall after a few minutes. at six o'clock the two troops were in guayama, and halted by the custom house, while captain groome reported to general brooke for orders. half an hour was spent by the troopers watching the passing of artillery, infantry, hospital and signal corps men. sometime before seven o'clock captain groome returned with orders to go into line of battle and cover the left flank of the americans. simultaneous with the movement of the cavalry the entire brigade of four regiments, consisting of the third ohio, third illinois, fourth pennsylvania and sixth illinois, were also off. as the troop passed along the road at a trot it overtook the sixth illinois and fourth pennsylvania. the infantry received orders to let the cavalry through, and the mass of soldiers parted. away at a trot, between this friendly gauntlet of cheering infantrymen, the troopers rode amid all sorts of shouts. the foot soldiers thought the cavalry was going in to deploy as skirmishers and start the fight, so they gave the troopers a good, hearty american cheer, and from each company came encouraging yells, such as: "give them bullets, boys!" "we will follow you!" and the fourth pennsylvania gave three times three for the city troop and old pennsylvania. all in all it was a moment that the philadelphia riders will not soon forget. the spanish earthworks, as nearly as could be made out by the troopers, were something in the form of an s. after a two-mile ride the fresh dirt on these trenches was plainly visible, and it seemed that a few minutes more riding would bring the troop within the range of the spaniards. suddenly the course turned abruptly to the left and the troop came upon major general brooke and his staff, standing on a little hill to the right of the road, waiting for the artillery to get into position. captain groome reported to general brooke, and received orders to take the two troops of cavalry into an adjoining field, to dismount the men and unsaddle the horses. there, surrounded by beautiful tropical flowers and heavy foliage, the men awaited the boom of the cannon, which had been agreed upon as the signal for opening the battle. strangely out of place looked the grim weapons and warlike trappings in that garden spot. beneath the towering palm and rubber trees, amid hundreds of crimson blossoms the philadelphia men gathered in groups to discuss the outlook, while their horses grazed at their feet. it began to rain again about eleven o'clock, a dark, steaming drizzle. in the midst of it mr. davies, of the new york _sun_, came over to inspect the cavalry. he informed captain groome that major redmond, in charge of the artillery, had just announced that he would open fire in a half hour. a look down the line of the city troopers at this crucial moment revealed still an absolutely amazing indifference to the conflict now all but upon them--most of their men were asleep. the three officers were sitting by the roadside chatting together a couple of hundred feet away from the remainder of the troop. at the head of the column, with his arm through his bridle rein, lay sergeant wagner asleep. sergeant martin and private robb were entertaining a dozen or so of the men with an argument as to the relative charms of a philadelphia girl and a native girl, "fat, black and greasy, with a cigar stuck in her face." a little farther back, sitting on the ground, was harry riley, holding the big bay mule he had been riding since reaching the island; he was quiet, but the mule was not. next came a group composed of billy bates, whose beautiful little grey was lying at his feet like a faithful dog, charlie smith, hecksher, cliff pemberton, harry godfrey, bromley wharton, the two warden boys, fred neilson and "doug" jacobs. charlie smith was inviting them all to lunch with him on the mountain where the spaniards were encamped. coulston and woodman were talking spanish to each other, and mills and wheeler were asleep. way in front were jim starr and frank bower, standing on a knoll and trying to see the batteries get into position, while carroll smyth, george mcfadden and charlie brinton went about among the different groups distributing crackers. in a nearby field a corps of field telegraph operators could be seen stringing their wires from tree to tree, and at times making use of the wire fences for continuing their lines. about one o'clock lieutenant reynolds rode into camp at a furious rate and gave an order to general brooke, who was standing in the road about three hundred yards to the right of the troopers camp. at once the assembly sounded, and with many a sternly muttered, "at last," the city troopers mounted and took their places. lieutenant browning rode up, and all ears were strained to catch the order to advance. the lieutenant looked as if he was thoroughly disgusted with life, as in a calm tone he said: "the men will fall in and ride back to camp; general miles has ordered all military operations to cease." "oh, hell!" exclaimed a trooper near the lieutenant, throwing down his carbine as the pent up disappointment and suspense in his heart sought expression almost involuntarily. this forcible exclamation, and more particularly the tone in which it was uttered, seemed to represent the feelings of the entire troop. listlessly the men mounted, grumbled "one, two, three, four," and sought a new camping ground at hacienda de placida. a more downcast lot of men than turned in that saturday night, of august th, would be hard to find. by night it was told through camp how a messenger, on a played-out horse, had reached general brooke with the order from general miles, just as the gunners of battery b, of pittsburgh, had their hands on the lanyards awaiting general brooke's orders to pull and give the signal for attack. mr. davies, of the new york _sun_, afterward told captain groome that general brooke had given the messenger a scanty welcome, and had remarked that he might have spared his horse a little, although his haste undoubtedly saved many lives. chapter ix. after the battle. sunday morning captain scott brought an order to captain groome to send a commissioned officer, a sergeant and six privates to establish an outpost two miles beyond the farthest infantry outpost, and to maintain a flag of truce. this outpost was necessary because of the general fear of spanish treachery. the spaniards had a white flag flying over their blockhouse, but there was no telling at what moment they might pull it down and charge into the american ranks; so the watchers at the outpost were entrusted with an important duty. the detail first selected was in charge of lieutenant browning, who took with him sergeant glendinning, corporal thayer and privates s. and w. goodman, strawbridge, wheeler, mills and ridgeway. captains scott and groome accompanied the detail to select the ground for the outpost. as the men were about to start, it was found that they had nothing to serve as a flag of truce. captain groome informed captain scott that the troop was just out of such articles, and for a moment the officers were at a loss to know what to do. a handkerchief was too small and too frail, but suddenly lieutenant browning had an inspiration. his wife had supplied the officers' mess with some fine, large napkins. one of these was therefore pressed into service as a flag of truce, and the detachment rode forth. it was early morning, and the rain was pelting down as usual. on through the town, along the road the troops had tramped ready for the fray, around the mountain side, past the place rodney had planted his batteries, past the pickets, past the last infantry outpost, under a ridge dotted with spanish sentries, the detachment, with the now historic napkin, went on until, coming around a sharp turn in the road, they saw a mile and a half across the valley the spanish outpost with its flag of truce already up. then the little band of troopers halted and chopped down a stout sapling. to this they lashed the flag of truce for the american army, and set up the pole in a little clearing. two troopers were left on guard, while the rest retired a couple of hundred yards around a bend in the road and put up the little dog tents, beginning at once the routine work of a vidette outpost. the flag was pitched squarely upon the top of the mountain, so that it rained there continually, but the discomforts were swallowed up in a sense of the responsibility felt by all on duty there. [illustration: "camp esperanca." guayama in the distance.] the six men were divided in pairs, and each pair stood guard by the fluttering flag as vidette for two hours and then rested four, throughout the day and night. through field glasses the spanish troops could be plainly seen standing on guard or idling about the trenches. thirty minutes after the flag first went up a group of spanish officers were seen approaching. as they came nearer it was plain that the party consisted of a general and six aids. captain scott advanced to meet the spaniards, and was informed that the general carried a message for general brooke. the spaniard declined to entrust the message to captain scott. captain groome was informed of the difficulty, and at once galloped back to the american camp, returning in a short time with general sheridan and others of general brooke's staff. after much formality the spanish general delivered his message to general sheridan and ceremoniously retired. at eight o'clock the next day lieutenant ryan and a like detachment from h troop relieved lieutenant browning. the next day lieutenant mcfadden, with sergeant bates, corporal butcher and privates green, newbold, wilson, fell, woodman and armstrong relieved the h men. the day following, at eight o'clock, lieutenant heiberg and his detachment of regulars, and relieving them on the morrow went lieutenant browning, sergeant smith, corporal thibault and privates jacobs, wharton, neilson, barclay, cramp and shober. thus, as in all cavalry work for general brooke's army at guayama, h troop and the city troop took share and share alike. meantime the troopers, in camp near guayama, had little besides routine duty to keep them occupied. the rainy season was on hand with a vengeance. day and night, with but slight intervals of clear weather, it rained and poured. good-sized creeks would be formed in a half hour by the floods of rain, and these little streams seemed always aimed straight at the troopers' camp. to change clothing was useless, and at times it was impossible to obtain dry garments. flannel shirts would be spread out in the hot sun to dry at eleven o'clock, and at half-past they would be lying in pools of water, getting more thoroughly drenched each minute. since leaving the united states, a wonderful change had taken place in the appearance of the city troopers. at the time of sailing from newport news, all the cavalrymen were bronzed and weather beaten. after but little more than two weeks in southern puerto rico, exposed daily to natural steam baths and kept in a constant state of perspiration, the men were bleached out. faces once ruddy became as white as paper, and all the men had lost rapidly in weight. [illustration: at the beach near guayama.] the horses, too, showed the effect of the tropical climate. when herded together there was not one head that did not droop, and their eyes were without spirit. the change in men and beasts had come quickly, but until after it was known that hostilities were over the troopers had been too busy to notice the change in one another. each day the horses had to be herded, and the tidings that an animal had broken away and must be pursued was always hailed with delight, as the chase was a welcome break in the slow camp life. as there was a splendid beach about three miles from the camp at guayama, and about the same distance from arroyo, captain groome issued orders to the city troopers for one platoon to bathe in the morning, each day, and a second platoon in the afternoon. at the beach the trees and foliage extended clear to the water's edge. in some places the water was deep right from the tree line, but there were three or four sand bars that extended way out, so that a bather could walk as far out in the water at some points as at atlantic city. there was always a heavy surf at the beach, that made bathing a good sport. it was also great fun to take the horses into the surf. at first the greys did not take kindly to surf bathing, but under the wise guidance of their riders they soon were taught that waves would not hurt them, and in some of the deep water places they quickly learned to take long swims with the troopers. in all their manoeuvres in puerto rico, the city troopers were divided into four platoons. no drills were held, but, as a matter of record, the roster of the troop at this period of the campaign is here given, passing from right to left in the line: captain, john c. groome. first lieutenant, edward browning. second lieutenant, j. frank mcfadden. first platoon. _right squad._--sergeant, frederic thibault; privates, frank bower, alfred pardee, alfred bright, thomas cadwalader, h. percy glendinning, thomas robb, jr., henry j. wetherill, t. wallis huidekoper, edward gregg; corporal, j. houston merrill. _left squad._--privates, edward e. stetson, charles wheeler, edward rawle, william i. forbes, william west, williams biddle cadwalader, charles c. brinton, frank a. janney, james de kay, edward cann; corporal, adolph g. rosengarten. second platoon. _right squad._--sergeant, william h. hart; privates, robert fell, william farr, samuel k. reeves, thomas j. orbison, samuel goodman, jr., henry s. godfrey, clifford pemberton, jr., maitland armstrong, george wilson; corporal, gustav a. heckscher. _left squad._--privates, n. b. warden, stuart wheeler, m. g. rosengarten, j. warren coulston, jr., charles coates, james m. rhodes, jr., francis c. green, john conygham stevens, john zimmerman, norman risley; corporal, samuel chew. third platoon. _right squad._--sergeant, william e. bates; privates, edward lord, henry g. woodman, c. king lennig, trenchard newbold, thomas ridgway, benjamin b. reath, carroll smyth, james starr, edward brooke; corporal, george c. thayer. _left squad._--privates, john strawbridge, william e. goodman, jr., william g. warden, jr., george l. farnum, j. clifford rosengarten; hospital steward, william h. cornell; privates, s. frederick mills, francis rawle, edward b. cornell; corporal, henry c. butcher, jr. fourth platoon. _right squad._--sergeant, charles h. smith; privates, george h. mcfadden, jr., harry c. barclay, reginald h. shober, francis l. cramp, carroll hodge, h. austin smith, ward brinton, edward rogers, charles b. lewis; corporal, francis a. thibault. _left squad._--privates, herman a. denckla, henry drinker riley, edward c. taylor, w. b. duncan smith, bromley wharton, lightner witmer, frederick b. neilson, douglas h. jacobs; commissary corporal, a. mercer biddle; corporal, alexander w. wister, jr. private ranson, farrier. private newlin, cook. private kirk, cook. private gibbons, saddler. private halbustadt, wagoner. private nilon, blacksmith. trumpeter, brossman. trumpeter, r. singer. stable sergeant, john wagner, jr. ordnance sergeant, robert e. glendinning. quartermaster-sergeant, dr. william c. lott. first sergeant, j. willis martin. while the troopers were in camp at guayama, under orders from general brooke, they changed their old style of camp life a little by using a number of large hospital tents, loaned by general brooke's headquarters, which were occupied by six or seven men each, instead of the little dog tents intended for two men. the larger tents made life more bearable during the heavy rains, and were greatly appreciated by all. although each duty was taken up with uniform cheerfulness, and nothing was slighted, it soon became evident that for the first time there was a unanimous desire on the part of the city troopers, now that peace was assured, to get home as quickly as possible. so there was great rejoicing when, on thursday morning, august th, captain groome received orders to proceed at once to ponce with the troop, there to take passage for new york. just before this order came, a detachment of troopers had gone from camp on a hunt after spanish guerrillas. they were promptly recalled by general brooke's command. the packing of saddles and stowing away of tents was attended to with a will, and on friday morning the march of thirty-seven miles to ponce was begun. this distance was to be made in two stages, as marching was slow at the best with skirmishers out, and the weather was so sultry that for most of the distance the men trudged along on foot, leading their horses. although buoyed up by the prospect of soon seeing home and friends again, the troopers found the first day's march the hardest work they had undertaken since enlistment. spaniards could be seen in the hills all about, and a close outlook had to be kept. the march led through deep cuts in the road, where there was not a breath of air stirring, where the terrific heat seemed determined to beat to the ground all living things that ventured to brave its fury. rain--hot, steam-like rain--alternated with the blazing sun, and uniforms were one hour drenched with rain, the next hour dried by the sun, and a few moments later soaking wet with perspiration. at midday a halt was made at the same plantation visited on the way out. there was a grove of what the troopers styled "united states trees," and in its shade they lay around and ate canned stuff and dried their clothes. then the tramp was resumed with all its fatigue, and at night a camp fire was built on another sugar plantation. three of the men living there spoke english, and the first use of it they made was to notify captain groome that a number of the laborers were sick with small pox, and that the spot selected for a camp was particularly infected. the captain had quite a consultation with various people before selecting the final camping ground, and the weary troopers had no sooner attended to their horses than they dropped off to sleep. like dead men they lay in their blankets, totally oblivious of the swarms of mosquitoes which gathered about them, or of the land crabs, little snakes and other queer creatures that all night long crawled over their bodies in a familiarly inquiring manner. [illustration: return along the road from guayama to ponce.] the second day began with a cool shower, which left the atmosphere in a splendid condition, and the advance was more rapid. while all the men had been supplied with khaiki uniforms, it was noticeable that on this last day's march in the enemy's country a majority clung to the blue. a short rest was taken at midday. late in the afternoon the heavens began to let loose a flood of rain, and streams sprang up beneath the feet of the cavalrymen. twenty minutes after the troopers passed the bridge leading to playa de ponce, the structure was swept away by a raging torrent one hundred feet wide. at nightfall the city troopers had just put up their small tents and gone into camp for the night, when, at . p. m., the signal service sent word to captain groome that the tents would have to come up and the men get away quickly, as a river would soon be rolling over the spot where the troopers were preparing to turn in. indeed, by the time the warning came, trickling streams innumerable were sweeping through the field below the camp. assembly was sounded, and in forty-five minutes tents were struck, bags packed, horses saddled, four wagons loaded, and the troop moved out. when the tents were first pitched, it was the intention of the troopers to name the camp after hugh craig, jr., but this idea was given up after the message from the signal corps, and the name "_mala aqua_"--wicked water--substituted. mr. craig's name was afterward bestowed upon the last camp occupied by the troopers on foreign soil. no sheltered spot could be found that night after the retreat from the oncoming river, so the troopers philosophically wrapped themselves in their blankets and lay down in the streets of playa, unmindful of the beating rain. despite the downpour there were soon a number of fires burning about the camp, for the philadelphia men had become experts in the art of getting a cheery blaze out of wet wood, and damp matches no longer possessed any terrors. while the men slept on the pavement, their horses were tied to logs along the curb. some of the troopers induced their mounts to lie down and be used as pillows. it was a strange sight, more picturesque than it was comfortable for the men who made up the tableau. if any one incident in the campaign could be said to illustrate better than another the clean grit which actuated every move of the troopers, this night spent in the streets of playa, amid drenching rain, would probably be selected by a historian. in the morning captain groome marched the troopers into "dolorales" lumber yard, where the sheds, roofed over with galvanized iron, looked extremely inviting to the rain-soaked men. blankets were spread on the top of lumber piles, under the roof, and perched up there the troopers were sheltered from the alternate sun and showers. for one week there was a hard struggle to kill time. there was nothing to do but look after the horses, and no place to go. several times members of the troop took carriage rides about the city, and had all the points of interest explained by guides. hope was high in the hearts of officers and men alike that a start for philadelphia could be made by september st, but the first came and still no orders. relief was close at hand, however, for on friday, september d, orders came to turn the troop's horses and equipments over to the headquarter officers at ponce, and to embark the troopers upon the transport "mississippi," which was lying a half mile out in the harbor. before turning over the horses to other hands, the old greys were given a careful rub down, and then a thorough cleaning was bestowed upon halters, bridles, carbines, scabbards, sabers, pistols and holsters. the troopers were complimented upon the condition of their mounts, for they came out of the campaign much the best of any other horses, although admittedly they had been given the hardest work to do. while there was naturally much regret expressed by the cavalrymen at parting with the horses and equipments, which had formed so close a part of their lives during the summer, yet there was a bright side to the matter, inasmuch as the troopers on their homeward trip were saved most of their hard work. no longer were they obliged to feed and water their horses twice a day, and do stable duty each morning; they were also rid of all the tugging on and off of lighters, transports and trains of saddles and equipments, and they were through spending their spare moments polishing up the numerous small belongings of a trooper. in the turning over of all these things there was a great relief. all day friday a and c troops, of new york; the governor's and sheridan troops, of pennsylvania; and pennsylvania a battery, loaded the transport with their horses. finally at six o'clock in the afternoon, the city troop, their canvas and commissary having been lightered to the ship, fell in and marched to the dock. at eight o'clock captain groome ordered them on a big lighter, and drawn by the tug "sarah," of philadelphia, they went out in the harbor to the "mississippi." there, with blanket rolls over one shoulder, and haversacks and saddlebags over the other, they tumbled up the ladder to the deck of the slow, but comparatively commodious transport. not until midnight did general wilson's headquarter horses get aboard, and the vessel was soon afterward steering for new york. no demonstration was made during the embarking of the troops. the cavalrymen were too tired to do any cheering themselves, even at the thought of home. the natives about the dock did some cheering, but as they were always ready to hurrah over anything, their yells did not particularly inspire the departing soldiers. the city troop had its quarters forward on the "mississippi," with a battery alongside and a troop on the deck below. this was pleasant all around, as the new york and philadelphia troopers were the best of friends, and in addition the troopers had many friends in the philadelphia battery. for this ocean trip of one thousand, three hundred and ninety miles the city troopers were better prepared than on their voyage to ponce. of course, there were great hardships to be endured, but the commissary had laid in a supply of ice, so that the drinking water could be kept at a reasonable temperature, and the men had gained enough experience to hustle for good sleeping places on deck and not bother with the hammocks. the old transport averaged about two hundred miles a day, which seemed particularly slow to the impatient troopers. at the time the "mississippi" had been forty-eight hours out, it became clear that the sea voyage was doing all the cavalrymen a vast deal of good; the unhealthy pallor, induced by tropical weather, began to wear off, and the men felt that they would be in good condition to receive the welcome which they knew was awaiting them. daily routine aboard ship was established as follows: reveille at o'clock, stables at . , mess at , sick at , fatigue at . , guard mount at , mess at , and again at , tattoo at , and taps at . . fair weather remained with the "mississippi" throughout the entire trip. guidons of each troop aboard were affixed to the foremast head. [illustration: hacienda carmen.] chapter x. home again. from the time the jersey coast was sighted the troopers began to realize how glad they really were to get back home. early on the morning of saturday, september th, the "mississippi" passed sandy hook, and was soon cleaving the waters of new york bay. it was rather misty, and objects at any great distance were very obscure. the philadelphia cavalrymen were often obliged to smile at the airs which some of the members of the new york and brooklyn troops assumed as they found themselves in familiar waters. the men of gotham boasted much of the fine reception which they felt sure was in store for them, and looked rather pityingly upon the philadelphia cavalrymen. when, through the mist, a tug was made out, with flags flying, approaching the "mississippi" at full speed, several of the new yorkers pointed to it and said to the quaker city men, "here comes the advance guard of our escort." while the tug was still too much surrounded by mist to make out her identity, there came floating from her deck the ringing notes of a bugle. at the first sound the philadelphia troopers became all attention, and a moment later the air of the troop march--strains known to city troopers for two generations--could be clearly distinguished. "it's our friends," shouted the city troopers with glee, while the new york riders did not attempt to conceal their surprise at the fact that citizens of their city had been out-generaled by the philadelphia visitors in the effort to give the first greeting to the returning troopers. but while the later recruits among the troopers shouted "it's our friends," the older members cried out, "it's ellis pugh," for they knew almost by instinct from whose lips had come the welcoming blast. dick singer was upon the deck with his bugle in a twinkling, and tooted back a response. nearer and nearer the two vessels approached, until at last the two buglers joined together in the long final note. then other tugs appeared--six in all--five of which were filled with enthusiastic philadelphians. the troopers crowded to the rail and occupied all points of vantage in the rigging. up the bay the transport and her shrieking escort continued their course. from the whistle of every vessel met there came a welcome, until the din became almost deafening. while the health officer boarded the transport, friends on the tugs and troop ship yelled greetings back and forth. a port hole in the "mississippi" was opened, and an avalanche of boxes and bottles poured into the hands of the soldiers aboard. the moment quarantine was raised, there was a general scramble of male visitors onto the deck of the transport, followed by a whirlwind of affectionate greetings. fathers proudly hugged their brawny, dirt-stained sons; chums and brothers shook each others' hands off. soon there came along another tug, and governor hastings and major richardson clambered over the rail amid loud cheers of the pennsylvanians. and so the big reception went on until the "mississippi" pulled into dock at jersey city. there the cavalrymen looked down from the high decks upon a sea of men and women, the great majority of whom were philadelphians. the hospital train was run in on a siding right under the ship, and the sick were unloaded with but little delay. meanwhile, captain groome had accepted an invitation from the philadelphia councils committee, to participate in a public reception upon the troop's arrival home, and word to that effect was telegraphed to mayor warwick. the troopers partook of a light lunch before unloading their camp equipage, and after two hours hard work the last piece of canvas was loaded on the cars, and late in the afternoon they finally found themselves rolling rapidly homeward. in the new york _sun_, the day after the city troop's arrival, there appeared the following paragraph by a reporter of reputation, who had been in puerto rico during the campaign: "in commissariat, general intelligence and knowledge of tactics, the first city troop of philadelphia outranked any volunteers i saw at the front. they were the only company to take a water filter with them, so were the only men to drink pure water. they were the only soldiers with forethought enough to provide salt, mustard and the other little things that help make army rations palatable. then they knew how to cook. they kept their camp clean. they kept their horses in good condition, in fact they neglected nothing, and shirked no duty, no matter how disagreeable. so much for the dude soldier." it was eight o'clock when the train bearing the city troopers, every man ready and fit for duty, came puffing into the broad street station. outside the building and along broad, chestnut and market streets, the route over which it had been planned to have the cavalrymen march, dense throngs packed the sidewalks, and were only kept from the streets by ropes in charge of hundreds of policemen. [illustration: sergeant's club at guayama.] captain groome was the first man to alight from the cars, and he was at once requested by general morrell and director riter to permit a street parade of the command before going to horticultural hall, where a banquet had been prepared. the captain said his men would be pleased to do anything the reception committee wished, and the line was immediately formed for parade. police horses had been secured and were on hand for the troopers. the procession was led by a file of mounted policemen and carriages containing the citizen's reception committee, which had gone to new york to meet the troop. following them came the third regiment band and the second city troop. last of all came the veterans in their khaiki uniforms, and cheer after cheer went up everywhere as they came into view, mingled with enthusiastic shouts of "here comes the rough riders!" up broad street, through an endless multitude, the procession moved, through brilliant displays of fireworks and past brightly illuminated residences. on chestnut street the scene was repeated with the added effect of booming cannon from the roof of the union republican club. down chestnut to eighth, and up eighth to market, and thence to the city hall, the troop passed, and when horticultural hall was reached the riders had the satisfaction of knowing that they had participated in the greatest parade ever given by the troop in its century and a quarter of existence. as the troop drew up in front of the hall, amid wild cheering, the men dismounted and turned the horses over to the mounted police. the men then filed into the banquet room between lines of the battery a men, who stood at "present arms." while standing at their designated seats mayor warwick addressed the troopers as follows: "welcome home! we are here to-night to greet you with all our hearts. god bless you, and god keep you. the republic is proud of you, and the city thrown open to you." while the cavalrymen were eating, their relations and friends crowded in upon them. there was much laughing and much hand-shaking. the men had all been granted a sixty-day furlough, and they took their time about punishing the good things, leaving the hall at a late hour in groups of two's and three's--home at last. within a short time after their return, and before their muster-out, the troopers participated in a number of interesting events. several receptions and dinners were given in their honor by individuals and clubs, and the one hundred and twenty-fourth anniversary of the troop's organization was celebrated. the cavalrymen took a leading part in the military parade, on the second day of the jubilee celebration, october th. president mckinley reviewed the parade, and as the tradition of the troop required that its members should act as the president's escort while in the city, the following honorary members of the troop were appointed to act in that capacity: captain general e. burd grubb, captain joseph lapsley wilson, captain edmund h. mccullough, first lieutenant james rawle, second lieutenant major j. edward carpenter, second lieutenant frank e. patterson, second lieutenant edward k. bispham, cornet charles e. kelly, cornet richard tilghman, surgeon j. william white, surgeon john b. shober, surgeon charles h. frazier, quartermaster hugh craig, jr. all of these occurrences were joyous occasions, but one day in october the troopers were called upon to perform a duty which saddened every heart. on that day, for the first time since the outbreak of hostilities, there was a voice missing at roll call which would never respond again. stuart wheeler had fallen a victim to typhoid fever, contracted while in puerto rico, and to the grave of this lost comrade the troopers marched in silent sorrow to pay the last military respects. mr. wheeler had seemed in good health upon his arrival in the united states after the campaign, and, with several friends, had gone upon a hunting trip in the maine woods. there the fever seized him, and he died a few days after his removal to a boston hospital. of the departed young hero, the troopers will ever speak with affection and praise. in college he was an unusually earnest student, on the athletic fields he won laurels that will long remain green, at home he was a loving son and brother, with the troop he showed the mettle of a gallant soldier. he died for his country--as surely as though his body had been found on a puerto rican battlefield, pierced with a spanish bullet. at noon on the eleventh day of november, the city troopers gathered at their armory to bid farewell to the united states volunteer service. their sixty-day furlough had expired, and while there was not one who would have hesitated to re-enlist should need arise, it is safe to say that none were sorry that the moment for ending their terms as warriors had arrived. six men were unable to be present because of sickness. lieutenant b. f. hughes, of the tenth u. s. cavalry, was on hand to muster-out the men, all of whom were first obliged to report to doctors spelissy and brinton for physical examinations. for a week preceding captain groome had made every preparation calculated to expedite the work, and before the men were drawn up for roll call, all the muster-out rolls, the descriptive lists and discharge papers had been prepared for the mustering officer. even the computations of pay for each man had been figured out. as soon as each trooper had received his physical examination he was dismissed until the following monday. on the morning of that day discharge papers and pay were ready for all the troopers, and so far as they were concerned the war was over. it was not until twenty days later that the spanish commissioners, in paris, agreed to accept the american terms, and surrendered to the united states , square miles of territory, with a population estimated at , , . a treaty of peace between the nations was then prepared. practically, however, peace had existed since that day in august when but a few minutes separated the city troopers' _bivouac_, in a field of flowers, from a charge which would have made desolate hundreds of homes. [illustration: decoration] * * * * * transcriber's notes: typographical errors silently corrected except those listed below. spelling has been made consistent throughout where the author's preference could be ascertained. page "less than three hours consumed, in the troopers case," added apostrophe "in the troopers' case". page "from the headquarters mules would come an answering bray," added apostrophe "headquarter's mules." page "these sounds appealed to the troopers sense of humor" added apostrophe "troopers' sense". page "dodging under horses heads" added apostrophe "horses' heads". page "with their horses bridles over their arms" added apostrophe "horses' bridles". page "indicating the mens heighth and breadth" changed to "men's height". page "brothers shook each others hands" added apostrophe "each others' hands". under the star-spangled banner _a tale of the spanish-american war_ by captain f. s. brereton, r.a.m.c. author of "with rifle and bayonet," "the dragon of pekin," "a gallant grenadier," etc., etc. new york stitt publishing company [illustration: "the bows of the maine were crushed into shapeless wreckage."] contents chapter page i. the marchant foundry ii. "face troubles like a man" iii. an eventful voyage iv. a call for volunteers v. no rest for the weary vi. a friend in need vii. all but killed viii. the loss of the "maine" ix. "the ever-faithful island" x. a sudden attack xi. a bold course xii. a risky undertaking xiii. in danger and distress xiv. a dash for liberty xv. with the american fleet xvi. the beginning of hostilities xvii. a baptism of fire xviii. a desperate undertaking xix. fortune favors the brave xx. the invasion of cuba xxi. nearing the end	 xxii. the flower of the hacienda under the star-spangled banner chapter i the marchant foundry the city of birmingham was wrapped in a mantle of fog so dense that the inhabitants found it difficult to move about. the thick, soot-laden atmosphere covered everything, and only a few faintly glimmering lights showed that they really existed. the clock in the church tower had just struck two, and yet the street lamps were ablaze. the pedestrians moved with the utmost care. trudging along the soppy pavements, their footsteps sounded hollow and unreal, and were heard long before they themselves put in an appearance. one of the inhabitants, however, contrived to find his way with comparative ease, for he was such an old resident that his feet would not go astray, however absent-minded their owner happened to be. there was a certain air of authority about him; yet there was that about the stern, calm features that denoted a warm heart and a kindly disposition. but still, as if the fog was not in existence, he hurried on, turning from the main street to the lower part of the town. ordinarily he could never accomplish this walk without meeting many an acquaintance, for mr. thomas marchant was a well-known man. he was one of the magnates of this busy town, a wealthy employer of labor, and it was to the work his foundries gave that many of the inhabitants owed their prosperity. mr. marchant was troubled; for only a year ago he was one of the wealthiest men in the city. his foundries were working night and day, and even then could hardly keep pace with the orders. "i've never known such a rush," he said to his manager when discussing the matter. "it gives me great satisfaction, for our men will benefit by the increased orders as well as ourselves." that was a short year ago, and now there was a different tale to tell. true, the iron foundry was still in full swing, but cotton mills, which mr. marchant owned in addition, were losing money every day, and in those few months he had been ruined; and he knew that the world would know him and speak of him as a bankrupt, while his possessions would be seized upon by the creditors. the marchant iron-works were in full swing. as mr. marchant entered, a mass of sputtering iron was dragged by a powerful man, dressed in rough trousers and thin vest, and protected by an apron of leather. another dark and perspiring figure came to his aid, and the weight was dropped onto a small trolley, on which it was run to the big steam hammer standing near at hand. mr. marchant watched them a moment, and then walked to his office, in which a somewhat untidily dressed gentleman was sitting. "good-day, mr.tomkins," he said. "good-afternoon, sir," mr. tomkins, who was the manager of the foundry, responded. then, in a doubtful manner, he said, "there have been some visitors to see you this morning, and i told them to come again. one was steinkirk." "does hal know? has he been told?" mr. marchant asked abruptly. "no one has liked to break the news to him yet, sir. we weren't certain, and we hoped that things would turn out all right. i suppose it's hopeless now, sir?" "absolutely!" mr. marchant replied. "i am irretrievably ruined. the mills are gone, and to obtain money when the times were bad, i had to mortgage these works. i have nothing left. but i have seen to one matter; if trouble has come upon me, there is no reason why it should swamp all whom i employ. the creditor will carry on the work, and you and all the others will remain as at present. poor hal! he is the one who will suffer, more even than his father. he is a beggar!" he sank his face into his hands and groaned. "it's not so bad as that, sir," said mr. tomkins. "hal's got plenty of spirit, and if there's no money, why, he'll put his shoulder to the wheel. you should see how he works here. he's in the casting-shed, and to look at him any day you'd think he had his bread to earn." "which he has from this moment," mr. marchant exclaimed. "you do me good, tomkins. when i was a lad i had nothing. i had literally to slave for years, and to deny myself many a long day. then fortune came with a rush which almost overwhelmed me. it has gone almost more quickly, and i must learn to make the best of my troubles. as for hal, i think you are right. let us go across and see him." they left the office and entered a shed in which a number of men were at work. in a corner one of them was ramming a plug of clay into the orifice of a furnace, and was replacing the lining of similar material which protected the trough down which the molten metal was destined to run. at the end of the trough was an enormous bucket, suspended from a crane, which traveled backwards and forwards overhead. the remainder of the shed was occupied with castings, or rather, with molds in various stages of preparation. here and there were artisans at work, and amongst them, kneeling on the sand which covered the floor, was a youth who might well be taken for the son of a foundry hand. he was between seventeen and eighteen years of age, and of more than medium height. dressed in a pair of rough trousers and a flannel shirt, he was to the casual observer merely an ordinary employee. but there was a certain something about this young fellow that made him different from the others at work in the shed. there was a grace about his figure, while his features were more refined than those commonly met with amongst the working classes. this was the son of the owner, and he was known to all at the foundry as hal marchant. it was delicate work upon which he was engaged. with a special tool he was smoothing down the mold, carefully rounding off corners, building up a portion here which had broken down. finally he sat up, and, surveying the work with an air of satisfaction, exclaimed: "that's finished, and i think it'll do. now i'll get the foreman to pass it, and then we'll see it cast. hallo! the guv', as i live! why, you made me jump. what do you think of that?" "very good, old boy," mr. marchant replied. "you are an adept at the trade. what says the foreman?" "he knows what he's up to, he does," the latter remarked. "another week or so of this work and he'll be fit to boss the shed." "ah, that's satisfactory," said mr. marchant. "but i've something to say to you, hal, so come to the office." he turned and walked from the shed, taking no notice of the friendly glances his workmen threw in his direction. "what can be wrong with the guv'?" he asked, looking after mr. marchant, and then at the manager. "what is it, tomkins? tell me." for a moment the manager of the works wavered, uncertain whether to tell the truth. "after all, he's got to know, sooner or later," he murmured. "something's wrong, hal," he continued. "there's no use in beating about the bush any longer. my only surprise is that you haven't seen for yourself that things were completely upset. i suppose every workman here knows what is going on, and it seems strange that they haven't dropped you a hint. the fact is, the foundry is broken, and the owner has lost every penny he possessed. he's ruined, and the works go to a creditor." "ruined! part with the works! why, we are full of orders, and by all accounts are in the most thriving condition!" "just so, hal, that's the bitter pill about this matter. the cotton mills up preston way have broken. for two years they have been working at a dead loss. your father mortgaged the mills, hoping to tide over bad times. but instead of improving they became even worse. then the foundry had to go to raise the money. the folks who advanced the money have claimed it, and your father is unable to pay; so the long and short of it is that he no longer owns these works; and, to put it bluntly, he has scarcely a sixpence left, and both he and you must work for a living." hal attempted to stutter out some answer, but a big lump rose in his throat, making him almost choke. and yet, had it been possible to read his thoughts at this trying time, there would have been found nothing selfish about them, for the question as to what was to become of himself had not crossed his mind. no; only the deepest sympathy with his father was felt, for they were the very best of friends. "i can scarcely believe all you tell me," hal said at length. "what will father do? it is a terrible blow for him." "it's bad, and there's no denying that," mr. tomkins replied. "but come along and hear what the guv' has to say." hal followed the manager to the office and seated himself at the desk beside which his father had taken a place. they looked at each other in the most painful silence. then hal stretched out his hand and took his father's. "i'm sorry, dad," he said. "i've heard all now, and only wish that i could help you." "there is no help; nothing can mend what has happened," answered mr. marchant, in despondent tones. "i have lost everything, and now that you know, i only wish to discuss what is to happen to you. what will you do for a living? for myself, i shall probably remain to conduct the business for the new owner, and, of course, if you wish it, you may also stay." "it is a difficult question to answer, dad," said hal. "for the present, at any rate, i shall remain where i am, as if nothing had occurred. perhaps later on, it will be better for me to go elsewhere." "i think you are right. stay where you are for a while, and later i will contrive to get a good post for you. there are reasons why i do not wish you to stay at the foundry longer than can be helped. now i will go, for i have other matters to attend to." "good-by, dad. don't be too downhearted," said hal cheerfully. "remember what you were when you were my age, and you will see that there is no reason why matters should not improve." "young men do not feel so acutely as the middle-aged," mr. marchant replied. "nor do the latter set their faces against adversity as easily as they did in their earlier days." he smiled half tearfully, and, waving his hand, went out into the dense fog. "it's a bad business--a cruel affair altogether," said mr. tomkins, at length. "if the failure had been of his own doing, one might not have felt the same for him. but i know that he has been the most cautious and far-seeing of owners, and his mills have been patterns of well-ordered establishments. but now it is all finished with." "one moment," exclaimed hal. "why should i leave the foundry?" "ah, i thought you'd want to know," the manager answered. "the fact is we are now the servants of a hard-fisted fellow. the gentleman who advanced the money sold the mortgage, and the buyer has a very evil reputation. it is because of this that your father advises you to quit. moses steinkirk is the fellow who has bought us up, and i fear we shall all have an uncomfortable time of it. now we'll go back to the casting-pit. that wheel's got to be finished." quitting the office, they struck across the yard and entered the shed, to find that the mold upon which hal had been engaged was completed. "all ready for the metal, sir," said the foreman. "the top cover of mr. hal's wheel was slung on a few minutes ago, and it will be as good a job as we ever put out. what do yer say, sir?" "i don't know that it will be as good as the castings usually turned out from here," hal replied. "still, i hope it will do us credit." "that it will, sir. joe finished it up when you and the guv' cleared off, and he said as it was the best he'd seen for many a day." "jack, boy, you can let her go," sang out the foreman at this moment. "right yer are," was the gruff answer. "now then, all of yer, bring the bucket closer, and mind yer toes." grasping a long iron rod, he thrust it into the lump of clay which closed the orifice of the furnace, and which was by this baked almost as hard as stone. a second later a jet of white-hot fluid poured out with a gurgle, and, emitting showers of sparks, rushed in a broad stream into the bucket. "she's full. up with her, boys!" cried the foreman. at once the big crane creaked, and hoisting up the bucket, swung it towards the mold. meanwhile two of the men had grasped the handles, and drawing the bucket to the orifice, tipped it. the fiery stream disappeared into the depths of the mold. then it began to well up in the opening, and a moment or two later the empty bucket was whisked away. "that's finished, so far. now, tom, up yer get, and see that she cools as she ought to," cried mason. tom, the man he had beckoned to, stepped onto the framework, and, taking a rod, commenced to ram it into the opening through which the metal had been poured. "that's finished, and we may as well go," said tomkins. "it will take five hours for that to cool. come along, hal. good-night to you, mason." "good-night, sir. good-night, mr. hal." the words came from all parts of the shed, and replying to them cheerfully, hal repaired to the office with the manager. chapter ii "face troubles like a man" seen in the glare of the furnace flames as he emerged from the foundry, hal marchant was a very different individual from the workman who had been so diligent in the casting-pit. then he had been much like his fellows--just a roughly clad artisan, covered with sand, and with hands and face streaked with soot and dirt. now that he was ready to go into the town, however, he was a spruce and dapper young gentleman. he had the manners of his father, and though not a prig, nor less given to mirth than others of his age, he was a very respectable and creditable member of society. but hal was genuinely grieved about his father, and as he walked home, his thoughts were busy wondering what he would do, and how he could possibly extricate himself from his difficulties. "surely this man will allow father to work off the debt," he murmured. "i know for a matter of fact that we have numerous orders, and must be making money. why, then, should he not be allowed to remain? it might take a few years to work off the amount, but it would be done." but hal did not know the world very well. if he had he would have realized that this was a business transaction, and that when the creditor had a power over the profits of the foundry, and particularly one with such a reputation, he was not likely to forego his claims. "we must just make the best of a bad matter," hal at length remarked. "i'll do my utmost to help, and all i make shall go to the funds to keep up the house." he turned into the gates of the big mansion and, mounting the steps, opened the door with a latch-key. he paused on the threshold to listen, but there was not a sound in the house. "strange!" he murmured. "the guv' said he was returning at once, and these last few weeks one has usually known immediately whether he was at home by hearing his steps as he paced up and down the floor of his room. that was what first gave me an idea that something was wrong. but perhaps he is in, and has fallen asleep in his chair, as i have often known him to do." hal walked across the fine hall, and opening the door on the left, looked into an apartment which was evidently library and smoking room in one. he put his head through the doorway and inspected the apartment. but there was no sign of his father, and he was about to withdraw when a faint groan fell upon his ear. in an instant he darted in, and discovered a figure huddled in a chair in a dark portion of the room. it was mr. marchant. hal sprang to his side and looked eagerly in his face, but there was no sign of recognition, for the eyes were closed. he placed his hand on the wrist and felt for a pulse without success. then the truth dawned upon him--slowly at first, and then with a whirl, and with all its cruel force. "dead!" he gasped. "father dead!" there was no doubt about it, and hal had to face the matter. once more he felt for a pulse, and then he went to the bell and pressed the button. "send for the doctor at once, please," he said when the servant arrived. "i am afraid that my father is dead." "dead, sir? dead!" the girl exclaimed in a whisper. "yes, that is the case," hal answered. "send for dr. harding." five minutes later the doctor arrived. he pronounced life extinct. "a stroke," he said. "he died painlessly and swiftly. may we all do the same, for it is a merciful ending. but tell me, hal, was there cause? was there any sudden shock that you know of?" "yes; there was a great one," hal answered slowly. "father was ruined. to-morrow he would have been in the position of his manager, instead of the employer of hundreds of hands." "then he has had a merciful escape," said the doctor. "the blow was a heavy one, and the life to follow would have been extremely hard. and what of yourself, my boy?" "i, too, have lost all my prospects," hal answered steadily. "but i am hardly more than a boy. the world is before me, and i will make my way in it. this house will be sold, i suppose, and if all the debts cannot be met, someone will have to wait. it shall be my business to work, make money, and clear my father's name." "a resolution to be proud of. face troubles like a man, and half the battle is already won," exclaimed the doctor. "but i hope that when all is sold no debts will remain. then you will be free to rise solely on your own account." he pressed hal's hand and left the house. a week passed and found hal in lodgings in the town, for mr. marchant's house had been sold, and, to hal's relief, it was ascertained that not a penny was owing to any man. "now for myself," he said as he sat over the fire. "what to do is the question." there was a knock at the door, and mr. tomkins put his head into the room. "hallo!" he said. "do you feel inclined for a chat?" "yes; come in. i'm wondering what to do with myself." "and so am i," was the answer. "that is, i'm wondering what would be good for you. how about the foundry? will you stick to it?" "on no account," hal replied. "i could not bear to go there now. in fact, i mean to leave birmingham, for it would bring back these last few days every time i passed the old home. i must work, and pay my way, for at present i possess fifteen pounds and a few suits of clothes; that is all." "i thought you'd not go back to the works," said mr. tomkins. "i've been there boy and man these twenty years, and i've risen to be manager. but i am leaving with my old master, for i cannot fancy the new. i'm lucky, too, for i've accepted the post of manager to another foundry in the north. come along with me, and i'll see that you get something good." hal thanked him, and thought the matter over before answering. "i scarcely know what to say," he said. "but i am determined to leave birmingham. i couldn't stand it." "it would be rough, i own," mr. tomkins said. "but what about coming north?" "it is very good of you to suggest it, tomkins," hal answered, "but, before deciding, there is something that i should like to know about. of course, i am not very well up in trade affairs, but i do happen to know that the americans are very go-ahead in the matter of iron-works. they undertake bridge-building to a great extent, and i thought that it might be worth my while to cross the water. i certainly ought to get a job. they pay well out in america, tomkins. what do you say to the plan?" "those yanks are hard at work," he said. "they are go-ahead people, as you say, and there's no doubt that they can show us a thing or two in the way of bridges. yes, anything to do with iron and engineering is booming across the atlantic, and there must be lots of openings for youngsters. there's something else besides. in good old england we're overcrowded, but in america there's a demand for chaps who know a little above the ordinary. i should say it would be a good thing, hal, and if you decide upon it, the traveling there, and the new life, will rouse you a bit, and help you to forget present troubles." "you think well of it," said hal. "then i shall go to america and try my luck. i may as well start as soon as possible, and i wish very particularly to do so, for while in this city i run the chance of meeting old friends. besides, if i went to see any of them, they might think that i was looking for help, and i want to make a place for myself." "and quite right too. independence is the thing," the manager cried, patting him on the back. "now, look here, youngster, are you willing to rough it from the very commencement? if so, i can help you get to america." "quite," hal answered promptly. "then come along with me to the office of a shipping firm i know. they've carried many a time for the foundry, and i've only to drop the manager a hint that you are wanting to get across at the cheapest rate possible, and i'll be bound he'll arrange." "i've no cousins or relatives of any sort," he said, "and i've come to the conclusion that this is the best thing i can do." "that's good! i'm certain you are doing what is right," mr. tomkins answered. they went into the street, and within a few minutes were at the shipping office. "good-day, mr. tomkins. what can we do for you this time?" asked the clerk. "a good deal, if you care. can we come in behind? i want to speak to you about my young friend here." "to be sure," the clerk replied. "step in. now, what is it?" he asked. "i recognize your companion. he is the son of the late mr. marchant." "quite so; and he wishes to go abroad to america, to make his way in the world. can you do anything for him in the way of a cheap passage?" "he could go for nothing, or rather, could earn a pound and food besides the berth. but he'd have to rough it." "i'm ready for that, any day; in fact, i'd like to start right away," hal said, eagerly. "then i may as well tell you that there is a vacancy for a greaser aboard the _mohican_. will you take that? there! a passage, your grub, and a pound at the end of the trip." "you can put my name down for it," said hal. "i'll go on the _mohican_; and i thank you for your kindness." "not at all; it's nothing after the freights we got from your father's foundry. good-day, sir; good-day, tomkins. excuse me, but i'm very busy." the clerk nodded in a friendly way, and departed. "i put that down as a good omen," said tomkins as they emerged into the street. "you're in luck, hal, for right from the commencement you get what you want. the rest will come just the same, let us hope. now i'll leave you, as i have matters to attend to." he shook hal's hand and walked up the street. hal returned to his rooms, and hunted out his belongings. it was getting dark as he went into the street with a bundle over his shoulder. he entered a shop which he had noticed on former occasions, wondering what class of people patronized it. "how much for these?" he asked, opening his bundle, and displaying five suits which he had been in the habit of wearing in birmingham. "they're not much good to me," he said. "they're not the class o' togs i want. six shillings the lot." "six shillings!" said hal quietly. "they cost four times as many pounds, and that quite recently. bid again." "six the figure. not a penny more," exclaimed the man. "i'll take four pounds for the lot," said hal. "you may, but not from me, young man. good a'ternoon to yer." "good-day; i'll go elsewhere," said hal quietly, and at once did up the fastenings of his bundle. then he lifted it, and walked calmly out of the shop. "hold hard there!" cried the man, arresting him at the door. "let's see the togs again." he inspected them closely; but it was merely a pretense, for anyone could see with half an eye that they were really good. "i'll make it three ten," he said. "very well, you can have them," hal replied, glad to get so good a price. next day he was told that the _mohican_ would sail on saturday. "she's one of the intermediate boats," said the clerk. "of course, she carries very few passengers--some thirty in all. you'd better be aboard on friday, for she leaves the river early the following day. good luck to you." "and many thanks to you," hal answered. "i'll do my best to fill the place you have obtained for me." hal took a cheap ticket to liverpool, and trudged from the station to the dock in which the _mohican_ was lying. hal picked his way to the wide and slippery gangway, and began to cross it. a notice above an alleyway caught his eye. "engineers only," it said. he entered the alleyway, and walked along it till he came to a door on the left, where he knocked. "who's there? come right in," someone cried in a sleepy voice. hal entered, and found a big man reclining full length on the settee. he was dressed in an old uniform, and had a handkerchief tied round his neck. "wall, what aer it?" he asked. "a feller can't no more get ter sleep upon this hulk than fly. who aer yer?" he sat up and surveyed hal sleepily. "i'm sorry i roused you. i'm the new hand--the greaser," said hal. "oh, you're the greaser! wall, yer aint the sort as ships aboard the _mohican_ every time. what aer it? rows with the boss? high jinks at home? broke; aint that it?" "not quite, but nearly," hal answered with a smile. "i'm working my passage." "so; then you've come to right ship ter do it. but you'd better get to your quarters; there, along the alleyway. so long, young 'un, and when yer want a bit of a help, come along to me. i'm old yank, the boss of the engine-room." closing the door, hal went along the alleyway till he came to a large cabin, above which was painted "greasers." no one was in, but one of the bunks had evidently not been appropriated. "that will do for me," thought hal. "i'll put my bundle here, and then have a look round." five minutes later he descended the ladder which led to the depths of the ship. beneath him was a maze of machinery. down below were one or two figures moving about. a wave of hot air ascended, while a loud whir, caused by the revolving armature of the dynamo, filled the engine-room. hal felt somewhat out of his element; but, congratulating himself on the fact that he had some right to be where he was, he hastened down the ladder, and dropped to the floor. chapter iii an eventful voyage lost in bewilderment, hal stared at the machinery, wondering at its size and complexity, and which were the main and which the auxiliary parts. then someone addressed him: "fine engines, and as clean as waste will make them," remarked a little man, who was dressed in naval uniform. "what can i do for you? i'm the 'second.'" hal turned round to find himself face to face with the second engineer. "they are, indeed, very fine, and i have never seen anything like them before," he said. "but perhaps you will think i have no business here, so i had better tell you i am the new hand. i have shipped as a greaser." "ah, then you're the fellow i was told to expect. now, tell me what you know about engines. mind you, if you are ignorant of your surroundings, you have picked a very dangerous job. i've seen more than one man maimed for life, simply because he did not know where to look out for accidents, and therefore could not avoid them. on the other hand, i've known a greaser who had been at the game for many years meet his end simply and solely on account of carelessness. but i'm going ahead. what experience have you had?" "i am sorry to say that i have never been in the engine-room of a ship before," hal replied; "but i've worked amongst the machines we had at the foundry, and have learned to grease them, and also how to effect small repairs. then i have spent some time in the turning shops, and, latterly, have been in the casting-pits and in the drawing-office." "that's a record to be proud of. but it will be different here, and you will have much to learn. come along with me. i'll take you round. whip off your coat, and get hold of a handful of that cotton waste. after this you'll never be without it, for it's always wanted down here, and fellows get so used to having it; in fact, prefer it to a handkerchief." mr. stoner, as the second in command of the ship's engines was known, smiled in a friendly way, and patted hal on the shoulder as if to show that he had already made up his mind to patronize him during the voyage to america, so as to make it as pleasant as possible. "when do you sail?" asked hal, returning from the corner in which he had placed his coat. "late to-night, or to-morrow morning, i should think. we are due on the other side in about nine days, and put out again a week later." leading the way, he passed to the back of the nearer of two enormous pillars, which supported the cylinders above the revolving parts of the machinery. then he pointed to the pistons, which drove the propeller shaft, and from these to the hundreds of other parts which it would be useless to attempt to describe. "chockful of bits that make the old girl go, isn't it?" said mr. stoner. "now we'll get into the stoke-hole. the dirty part first, and afterwards the job you'll have to tackle. but it's as well for you to see all that we've got down here." he passed into a lower part of the ship. a wave of heat fanned hal's face as he followed, and he was conscious of stepping into a warmer atmosphere. "yes, it's warm," said the "second," "but nothing to what i've known it in the suez canal or in the red sea. that's where it _is_ hot. now for the coal bunkers," he said. "we've one here, and another amidships, which we usually keep in reserve. look out for your head again, and follow closely." after inspecting the bunkers, mr. stoner then led the way back to the engine-room, and began to show hal round it. "this'll be your particular job," he said, "and you will have to keep your ears open. i'll tell you all i can, and then hand you over to our 'fourth.' his name is masters, and he's been with us only a few trips. he's our electrical expert, and is as mischievous as a monkey." for half an hour longer the "second" devoted himself to hal, and instructed him in his duties. then, as someone came swarming down the ladder, he led him forward to the foot. "here's masters," he said. "i'll hand you over at once. he'll tell you about the life, and will let you know your hours of duty, and when you grub. good-by, and bear in mind what i have told you." hal thanked him, and was then introduced to the "fourth," a young fellow of his own age, but shorter and slighter than himself. "there," said mr. stoner, "i've brought you a pal. he's not exactly green, and he's only a temporary hand. he's tramping it to the other side." "right; i know the sort. out of work at home, and bitten with the yanks," laughed the youth known as masters. "by the way," he continued, "what's your name, and where do you come from?" "as we are to be comrades," said hal, "i'll tell you something about myself. but i must not forget that you are an officer, so that comrade is not quite the word i should have used." "officer!" masters cried hotly. "officer be hanged! you've got to remember nothing of the sort. i am an officer if you like, but we're not going to talk about it. we are aboard a vessel plying to america, and the yanks don't take too much notice of officers. everyone as good as his fellow, whether millionaire or pauper, is what they think. but i interrupted you." "you asked me who i was," said hal, "and i may as well tell you. things have gone rather badly for me, and you will realize the truth when i tell you that, barely a week ago, i had a fair prospect of some day becoming the owner of a flourishing foundry. but there was a smash, and the shock killed my poor father. i had to do something for a living, and it occurred to me that i might manage to get employment over the water. a friend helped me to get this berth, and here i am, ready to be guided by you, and prepared to rough it to any extent." "which shows that you are starting with the right kind of spirit," exclaimed the "fourth." "this is no drawing room, i can assure you, and at times the work is very hard indeed. but you'll get used to it. but, i say, this isn't work. come along with me." masters gathered up a handful of cotton waste and led the way amongst the engines. hal followed, taking pains to listen to all that was told him. after all, he found that the duties of a greaser were not onerous, for the parts of the machinery requiring constant oiling were not numerous, and in most cases were automatically lubricated. half an hour was sufficient for his lesson, and then he left the engine-room. "say, young feller," said masters, who, on the strength of a few trips over to america, was much given to aping its ways and speech, "suppose we knock off now. you've had a tidy teaching, and by the time we're over you'll have had your fill of machinery. let's get something inside, for the old ship sheers off precious soon, and then there won't be so much as a bite for us still we're out of the river. come on, and i'll show you to your mess, and fix it for you with your mates. they are a rough set, but good fellows." climbing out of the engine-room and turning to the left till he came next to the room in which hal had already deposited his belongings, then glancing into a cabin, ushered his companion in. it was a tiny place, and a fixed table in center of it seemed to fill it almost entirely. round it sat some five or six men, dressed in blue cotton overalls, and for the most part with sleeves rolled to the elbow and grimy hands. they were the greasers, or rather, half of them. "here's a new pard," masters sang out. "look after him, men. he's tramping it." "walk in, and make yerself comfortable," one of the men answered. "sit right down there, pard, and fall to at it." thus bidden, hal entered and took a place at the table. there was a dish of smoking and extremely appetizing sausages before him, and within a minute the man who had welcomed him had forked one on to a plate, and had added a pile of potato to it. "there yer are," said the first. "we're sailin' ter day, and coffee and tea aer the stuff we drink. it's a kind er rule on the line. fall to, pard, and look lively, for the standby'll be soundin' afore long." hal took the advice given him, and after eating heartily felt like working again. for a few minutes he remained in the cabin chatting with the men, then rose from his seat, and was in the act of leaving, when a bell sounded far away, and he, as well as the other greasers, hurried to the engine-room. "the signal's gone to 'stand by,'" said masters, who stood on the plates below. "keep your optic on that dial, and watch 'old yank' when he comes. another thing, mind you touch your cap to him. he's boss down here, and knows it." a few minutes later the first engineer made his appearance, and stood to look round at the engines and men, ere he went to inspect all more closely. hal stood near him, and at once touched his cap. "helloo! that you?" cried the "first" in a friendly voice. "hang me, but you've took to it like a duck. cappin' the chief and all. wall, come a few hours more, and we'll see the stuff you're made of." he made a round of the engines, and then returned to the bottom of the long iron ladder, where he waited talking to the third officer, by name mr. broom. suddenly the bell tinkled, and the hand on the dial placed on the wall pointed to "stand by." again the gong sounded, and, looking up, hal saw that the hand now indicated half steam ahead. he saw the "chief" place his fingers on a big wheel and revolve it rapidly to the right. then he moved a lever, and the big piston-rods shot downward, the crank plunged forward, swished round in a circle, and sent the propeller shaft rolling round. the _mohican_ trembled all along her length, and hal felt her move ever so slightly. after that he had little time for observation, for his services were required. about three in the morning the _mohican_ cleared the bar, and slowed up to allow the pilot to leave. then the gong sounded again, and the lever was pushed right over, giving full steam to the engines. "there, she'll stick at that if we've ordinary luck," said masters. "your watch is up, marchant, and i'd advise you to turn in and make the most of the off time, for you'll feel pretty boiled in four hours if you don't get a rest." hoisting his weary body up the long ladder, hal made for the greasers' cabin, and, without troubling to undress, threw himself on the bunk. he was asleep almost immediately, in spite of the proximity of the engines. four days passed uneventfully, and meanwhile the _mohican_ had been steadily forging a course towards america. the weather had been fine, but for the past two days a fresh breeze had been blowing from the north, and now a fine sleet was accompanying it. when hal turned in at night, and lay down to make the most of the respite allowed him, the _mohican_ was wallowing in the seas, and our hero was anything but comfortable. but he resolutely forced himself to swallow his evening meal. and now he lay down on the hard bunk, and at last he fell into an uneasy doze, when there was a terrific crash, and the _mohican_ was thrown on to her side. hal was hurled from his bunk, and was brought to a sudden stop by striking against the wooden wall, now in the position of the floor. close beside him was the door, and he struggled to it, aided by the light given by the electric burners, which still did their work. then shrill cries and a loud thumping proceeded from the engine-room. "there's trouble down there. she's on her beam ends," thought hal, in a half-dazed way. "i suppose she's sinking." next moment his soliloquy was cut short by the sudden righting of the ship. there was a tremendous tearing crash as the weight of water on her decks wrenched the rails and bulwarks away; then she swung into her proper position, throwing hal violently to the other side of the cabin. instantly he sprang to his feet, and darted towards the engine-room. it was dangerous work descending, but hal did not pause, and soon gaining the iron plates below, he saw a sight that made him pause in consternation. "good gracious!" he exclaimed. "what a wreck!" close beside the door leading to the stoke-hole lay the "second," motionless. just within the door stood one of the stokers clutching the ironwork, and looking upon the scene as if in a dream. farther to the right lay two other figures, while in the center was the most ghastly sight of all. up and down, thrusting with irresistible force, the piston-rod of the low-pressure cylinder worked, revolving the crank which still hung loosely to its bearings, and tossing six feet of broken propeller shaft from side to side. thump, thump, thump! time and again the sharp end crashed upon the plates, tearing them like paper. bang! the bearing gave way, and the shaft of steel plunged downward, threatening to crash through the bottom of the ship. what was to be done? cut off steam? yes. but who would take the risk? for still that giant shaft swung like a flail, smashing the floor of the engine-room; and all the while a huge jet of scalding steam shrieked from a severed pipe close by. "it must be done," said hal to himself, taking in the situation at once. "i'll do it." he waited a moment while the ship rolled her rails under, when he let his fingers slip from the ladder, and darted to the lever which cut off the steam. bang! crash! the shaft struck the plates just beside his foot, and, giving him a violent blow upon the shoulder, sent him flying to the other side of the engine-room. "i won't be beaten!" hal exclaimed recklessly. "it must be done, or the ship will go to the bottom." once more he approached the lever, and with a jerk threw it over to the notch above which was stamped the word "off." a moment later hal felt a stunning blow on the side of his head, and fell to the floor as helpless and as unconscious as the "second." what happened afterwards he did not know, but when he came to, he found himself lying in a corner of the engine-room, with masters leaning over him, while a short length of rope secured him to a bolt in the wall, and prevented him from rolling with the ship. "pull yourself together now," said the latter. "there, sit up, and say how you feel. all right? then i'll get off. we're in an awful mess below here." he went across the iron plates, clinging to anything that would give him a holding. hal watched him dreamily at first, and then with awakening interest. then he moved, and a violent pang shot through his shoulder. "george!" he groaned, "i feel badly knocked about. that shaft has given me a nasty bang, for my head's aching as if it would burst, and i am sore all over." he lay back again, but thinking his services might be of use soon, sat up again and struggled to his feet. "there's work to be done," he said doggedly, "and i am going to take a share of it." chapter iv a call for volunteers hal stood up and looked about him, feeling still dazed. shouts filled the engine-room, and figures were hurrying to and fro. suddenly the voice of "old yank" rang out clear: "boys," he said hoarsely, "this here ship's done for right away ef we're not precious slippy. that 'ere shaft'll be breaking clean away with the next big roll, and will sweep the whole room. bustle there, and let's get cables and anything that's handy to shear things up. here, masters, skip off, and see what's to be had." the latter, who was behind the massive pillar that supported one end of the cylinders, started for the ladder. "i'll help," cried hal. "hold on, masters; i'll come with you." "so; that aer the way--that aer the style of grit," answered the young engineer. "come along then," he continued; "there's precious little time ter lose. that shaft has cracked the base of the big pillar, and ef another of those rolls catches her, she'll carry away every cylinder in the place." he ran up the ladder, and hal followed, feeling at first so stiff and sore that he could scarcely move. "we want cables badly," said masters. "look here, marchant, i'll skip along for'ard while you go aft. find the quartermaster, and get him to help you. if he's my way i'll send for you, and if not i'll return. savvey? then off, and mind your toes as you cross the decks, for i've heard that there has been a clean sweep." turning on his heel, he groped his way along the passage, clinging to the rail to keep himself upon his feet. hal went in the opposite direction, until he reached the alleyway, which led to the well-deck. and here another sight was presented to him. "a clean sweep, as masters said," he murmured. "derricks the only things remaining, and not a sign of bulwarks. ah! it's going to be a nasty place to cross." of this there could be no doubt, for the waist of the ship had filled to overflowing as she lay on her beam ends, and on righting, the water had torn the rails away on either side, and hurled overboard everything that was not built into the frame of the ship, or securely bolted to it. only the derrick engine remained in the center, and hal looked across a level sweep of wet and soppy deck between himself and the poop. at that moment an enormous wave curled over the side, and fell with all its force upon the _mohican_. she shivered at the blow, and then recovering, reared her bows high in the air, sending the water rushing across the waist and over the side. now was the time, and hal made the most of it. he darted from the alleyway and raced across the slippery deck. bump! the _mohican_ buried her bows deep in the sea, and at once a fresh wave rose high in the air, to fall with a crash upon the deck. it was a moment of peril, and hal sprang towards the derrick engine, and, passing his arms through the spokes of the fly-wheel, clung there with might and main. instantly he was buried in a foaming mass of water. his limbs were almost pulled from his body, so great was the drag, but just as his strength was exhausted, the ship lurched and tossed the water off. a minute later hal gained the poop, and clambered upon it by means of the hydrant pipes, for the ladders had long since gone overboard. "now for the quartermaster," he gasped. he crossed to the deck-house, and pulled open a door. it shut to upon him with a bang, and he was precipitated across the narrow cabin. "hallo! what's up?" cried a man who was seated on the floor in one corner, busily preparing some lashings. "one of the greasers! what is it, lad?" "i want some lengths of cable for the engine-room," hal answered. "the propeller shaft has broken, and the cylinders may carry away. can you help me?" "help! why, i'm full up with work already," the quartermaster replied, "but ef yer want cables there's plenty of ten-foot lengths under the floor, in the lockers. now you can see to it yourself, though how on airth you're going ter get 'em across to the engines is more than i can guess." hal knelt at the opening in the floor, and laboriously dragged five lengths of cable out. "that's about all you'll manage," said the quartermaster. "you'd better get along with them." "that will keep them from slipping when she rolls," he said to himself. "and now to get them across. they're heavy. ah, i have it; a piece of rope will settle the matter." he dived into the locker again, and finding a long cord, he at once passed it through the last link of the cables. then he ran across to the edge of the poop, and having dragged them after him, he prepared to cross again to the alleyway. "it's got to be done," hal muttered. "here goes!" he dropped to the waist, and at once commenced to run across. crash! a monstrous wave bumped on board, and catching him midway across the deck, washed him dangerously near the side; but a roll of the ship sent it in another direction, and gathering pace as the _mohican_ suddenly shot her bows into the air, the mass of water carried hal aft, and finally flung him down, breathless, at the entrance of the alleyway. "by george, that was a near one!" said masters, who was standing near. "you're always in the wars. first you get smashed up by the shaft, and now you nearly sail overboard. look here, if i hadn't gripped hold of your collar that time, you'd be a hundred yards astern by this. hallo! what's this?" "that? oh, that's the rope i made fast to the cables," exclaimed hal, struggling to his feet, to find that he still retained the length of cord in his hand. "tell you what, marchant," said masters, "for a greaser, and a green 'un aboard a ship, you walk right off with the prize! it takes no small allowance of grit ter do that rope trick. come along, now; the 'chief' is waiting for the cables." he shook hal's hand heartily, then helped him to haul the cables to the engine-room. "good boys!" said the chief engineer, coming towards them. "where did you get a hold of them?" "he did it," answered masters, pointing to hal. "i can tell you, sir, that he has grit. he just clung to the rope after going across to the poop, and when i saw him he was within an inch of being over the side. he got caught by a sea, and got badly flung about. but still he hung on to the rope, and that's how it is that you see the cables here so soon." "so; aer that so?" said the "chief." "reckon you're a good 'un, young marchant. i don't forget as it wur you as turned the steam off the old girl. ef it wasn't fer that we'd all be down below by this. wall, this aint the time fer gassing, but 'old yank' won't let it slip, and when the time comes round we'll let the right folks know. now, you had better skip, and fetch a second heap. we shall want them, and more. look extry slippy, boys, while we get these bits fixed." hal and masters sprang to the ladder again, and prepared to cross the waist in search of more cables. there was little time to lose, for as they stood in the engine-room both had noticed a big crack in the massive pillar that supported the cylinders. the end of the propeller shaft had evidently struck it a tremendous blow, and had fractured it. "it looks very nasty," said masters, as they climbed to the alleyway; "and ef the old girl rolls like she did when the shaft went, why, it'll be a case of all up. we'd better hurry up." they stood at the opening of the alleyway for a few moments then raced across the deck. this time hal was more fortunate, for he, as well as his companion, escaped injury. they reached the poop in safety, and were soon hauling out more cable. a rope was run through the end links as before, and they started to return. "now's the time, and mind you run for it," exclaimed masters, lowering himself to the waist. darting across as rapidly as he could, hal had gained the shelter he aimed at before masters was halfway there, and he turned just in time to see his companion caught by a mighty wave which came aboard at that moment. it hoisted the poor fellow high in the air, tossing him from his feet. then it swept him along and dashed him violently against the corner of the alleyway. hal just managed to grasp his coat as the water receded, and dragged him into the shelter. but masters was badly hurt, for there was a long red seam along the side of his head, and he was bleeding profusely. picking him up, hal carried him to the cabin and laid him on one of the bunks. "now for the rope and the cables," he said. stepping into the alleyway, he was retracing his steps when the _mohican_ rose high in the air, trembled violently as a sea struck her, and at once rolled heavily on to her beam ends. "good gracious! that will finish it!" exclaimed hal. "ah, what was that?" a loud crash reached his ears, coming from the open door of the engine-room. he ran to the entrance and swarmed down the ladder. once more he was to see a sight that seldom meets the eye. the chief engineer had feared the effect of another roll, and though this one had lasted for only a few seconds, and the _mohican_ was now back in a more or less upright position, yet the sudden movement, the weight of so much metal thrown violently to one side, had proved too great a strain upon the fractured pillar. it had given way, and had carried the cylinders with it, the whole was bringing up against one of the massive ribs of the ship. one sharp angle, projecting beyond this support, had struck the steel plates and ripped them open. a fountain of water spurted in as hal reached the engine-room, swamping the place. turning his eyes to other parts, he saw that the disaster was even greater than it at first seemed, for lying upon the floor were three greasers, while the "chief" was huddled at the foot of the broken pillar. at this moment mr. broom emerged from the stoke-hole. "what a calamity!" he cried. "we are doomed. nothing can save the _mohican_. the next roll will shake those cylinders free, and then they will go through the side to the bottom, and we must follow. we are under-manned as it is, and now so many of our hands have been injured that we are helpless. what is to be done?" he clung to the rail which surrounded the crank-pit, and looked despairingly at hal. "they are the same on deck," the latter answered. "the quartermaster told me that four of the hands had been swept overboard, while others had been seriously injured. but, wait. you want helpers, sir? why not call upon the passengers? there are about forty aboard." "the very thing!" cried the third engineer. "the work we want done can be managed by anyone with courage and muscle. cut off, marchant, and see what you can do. i shall be surprised if the whole lot don't volunteer to a man." hal at once darted up the ladder again, and, reaching the alleyway, turned to the right, and entered the big dining saloon. it was filled with ladies and gentlemen, the former reclining on the settees which ran round the side, while the latter were gathered in a group in the center discussing the probable fate of the ship. hal at once walked up to them and dropped into a seat, for it was difficult to keep on one's feet owing to the movement of the ship. "what is it? has something more terrible happened?" asked a tall gentleman, who occupied the center of the group. "i suppose we must prepare for the worst?" "no; i think not," hal answered. "gentlemen, i am sorry to have to bring you bad news. the propeller shaft broke, and before steam could be cut off the main support of the engines was fractured, and now the ship is in the greatest danger; for the cylinders have crashed against the side, and have made a large rent in the plates. if the wreck is not secured and the hole made tight, we shall certainly founder. the last roll the ship made completed the break." "then it is bad news!" exclaimed one of the passengers. "what will become of us all?" "wait; let us hear what this young fellow has to tell us," said the first speaker. "perhaps he has something to propose." "i have," hal replied. "all our engine-room hands are injured, and we want help. will any of the passengers volunteer?" "yes, here is one," exclaimed the tall passenger. "here is a strong arm and a ready will. command me, and i will do all that i can." "and i, and i," came from each of the others in quick succession. "you see that all are ready," said the first speaker, whose name was mr. brindle. "now, what can we do?" hal thought for a moment before answering. then he turned to the passengers and said: "it is likely to be a long job, and therefore i propose that you divide into two parties--the first to commence work at once, and the others to come down in two hours' time. the first party had better bring all the blankets and bedding they can. we shall want something with which to stop the rent." he rose from his seat, and staggered out. "well," said mr. broom, as our hero swung himself on to the floor below, "what luck?" "they have volunteered to a man." "i thought they would," was the satisfied answer. "but how are we to employ them? tell you what, marchant, some of the passengers will have to set to trimming. we've been taking coal from the starboard bunker, and this side is full, so that it will all have to be put over to the other. will you boss the gang? i'm the only officer left down here, and most of the greasers have been hurt. i'll look to the engines, and will shear them up, if you'll take the other job." "i'll do my best," said hal. "ah, here they come." at that moment fifteen passengers began to descend the long ladder, each carrying a roll of blankets under his arm. "hallo, what's this?" the engineer exclaimed. "bedding! what's that for?" "i thought you'd want something to plug the rent," said hal. "don't you think it might do?" "do! of course it will! young fellow, you've a head on those shoulders. you're a puzzle. do! here, pile it all over by the dynamo; and let me thank you now, gentlemen, for the manner in which you have come forward." "not a bit of it," answered mr. brindle. "we're here for our own sakes as well as yours; though i own that we should have volunteered in any case. now, what are we to do?" "put yourselves in his hands," said mr. broom. "he's shown that he has a head; he's got no end of pluck, too. take your orders from him, and you'll be doing your very best for all hands." he waved to the volunteers, and at once went to a group of stokers and greasers near by. hal turned to the stoke-hole without a word, and, passing through the tunnel between the boilers, entered the place set aside for coal. it was divided down the center by a bulkhead, which reached from the floor to the deck above for the greater length of the bunker, but was cut down to a height of four feet some six yards from the door. "now, gentlemen," said hal, "all this coal wants to be moved to the other side so as to check the list. i propose that a few toss the stuff down from above, while the others pitch it over the bulkhead." a minute later all were engaged, plying the implements as if they had been accustomed to them and to no others all their lives. "we'll have a breather now," said hal, an hour after he and his comrades had set to work. "let us have a five minutes' interval, and then at it again, for you will do better if you have a short rest." the trimming gang stood there breathing heavily, and making the utmost of the respite. some sat down upon heaps of coal, while others leaned against the sides, and placing their hands upon their hips, supported them there, as if their weight was too much for them. "time's up, gentlemen. we'd better set to again," said hal. "my hat, sir, but you are a stern taskmaster," cried mr. brindle, giving vent to a hearty laugh. "here are we poor fellows ready to drop, and you give us a bare five minutes. but the lad is right. gentlemen, think of the lives depending upon us." an hour later the second batch of volunteers descended, and replaced the first, but hal and mr. brindle remained at work. all day long the two parties took it in turns to labor in the coal-bunker, and when night came, hal was able to dismiss his gang, and inform mr. broom that the task was finished. "good!" exclaimed the latter. "your fellows have worked like bricks, and have well earned a sleep. you, too, had better get one. cut along up to your bunk, and leave this to me. i'm used to long hours, and will keep watch below. the _mohican_ is steering now. that sea-anchor is overboard, and we're able to keep fairly clear of water. now, off you go." he waved to the ladder, and hal at once took his advice. he was, indeed, worn out with his labors, for all day long he had shoveled coal, till the skin was worn off his hands. accordingly, he did not argue with the "third," but, going to the ladder, climbed to the alleyway. he went to a locker, and finding the remains of a loaf, tore a portion off, and went, munching it, to his bunk. less than five minutes later he was so sound asleep that he would have slept the clock round had not a violent thirst from the coal-dust he had inhaled caused him to leave his bed in search of something to drink. chapter v no rest for the weary an uncouth object hal looked as he left his bunk and sought something with which to quench his thirst. he went to a filter which was kept near the stairway leading to the saloon. it was full, and he took a long and satisfying drink. that done, he returned to the alleyway, where he stopped and looked out. "good!" he exclaimed. "the sea is falling, and there is scarcely any wind. that gives the _mohican_ a better chance. but mr. broom will be wanting me." he looked about, and seeing the nozzle of a hydrant at hand, gave it a turn by means of the key. whipping his shirt off, he bent beneath the spouting water which gushed out, and thoroughly soused himself. "that's better," he said, catching a glimpse of himself in the glass. "i look more like a christian again. now for masters." he went to the engineer's cabin and knocked. "come in," someone cried. hal entered, to find the ship's doctor engaged in dressing masters' wounds. "well, what now, my lad?" asked the doctor. "more casualties? if so, i shall be overwhelmed." "it's nothing, sir," hal answered. "i came to inquire after my friend. how is he? i left him here yesterday morning, with a big cut across his head, and haven't been able to come near him since." "and we only discovered him a matter of half an hour ago. he has been lying here ever since. he has a crack across the top of his head that would kill the average nigger; but, thanks to an extraordinarily thick skull, he's none the worse." hal looked on for a few moments, then he left the cabin and climbed down to the engine-room. how changed the place was since the day he first descended! then all was bustle, and after the ship had left port, the noise, the whir of machinery had been unending. that was barely twenty hours ago, and now all was still. the wreck of a portion of the fine engines was piled against the side, wound round with innumerable lengths of cable. then, at the end of it all, a mass of blanket and bedding bulged into the room, looking peculiarly out of place. as hal glanced at the rent which had been plugged during the night, a mass of water struck the ship on that side, and drove in the caulk, a flood of water flowing in immediately. "that's scarcely safe," thought hal. "i had better find the 'third,' and tell him about it." but there was no need to do so, for at this moment mr. broom appeared from behind part of the machinery. "there's more work for us," he said wearily. "i've had my eye on that rent all night, and the plug has gone at last. how are you, youngster?" "fit and well," hal answered. "but you look worn out, sir. why not turn in? leave this job to me. i'll get the same hands as i had before, and we'll soon see to it." "you can't work without something to keep you going," the "third" replied. "besides, i don't know that i am willing to have the job done by someone else. the poor old chief is dead, and the 'second' was knocked out of time by the first smash, so i'm in sole charge. i want a sleep, i own, but i'm not done yet. you cut up now, and perhaps when you return i'll take a turn at the breakfast table." "but i'm as fresh as a lark," exclaimed hal, "whereas you are completely done up. give me directions what to do, and then turn in and have a sleep. there will be heaps to get in order when you awake, and as you are the only engineer officer left on the active list, you ought to take care of yourself." "you're right there, lad," the "third" replied, sitting down suddenly upon a step of the ladder, and turning a deathly gray, his pallor showing through the thick layer of grime which covered his face. "i'm done, and need a good rest to put me right. i'll tell you how we'll manage it. you slip up and get a bite and a cup of tea; then you can relieve me. you know what i want done. plug this rent, and brace the wrecked machinery still more. then, if another gale springs upon us, we shall feel secure." "very well, sir; i'll get my breakfast and relieve you," said hal briskly. he hastened in search of breakfast. the mess-room was empty, and when hal looked into the cabin occupied by the engineer officers, he found that it had been converted into a hospital, in which the wounded were being treated. "everything seems to be disorganized," he said. "i'll go to the pantry and see what the stewards can do." he passed through the alleyway, and mounted the narrow stairs. "can i have some breakfast?" he asked of one of the stewards, who happened to be there. "breakfast! of course you can," was the hearty answer. "you fellows down below have worked like bricks, and deserve something good. "did you ever see such a smash?" he proceeded, pointing to the shelves of the pantry. "everything is upside down, and more than half the crockery has been shattered." while speaking to hal the steward had been plying a tin-opener, and at this moment turned out a big tongue on to a plate. he cut off a slice, and making a sandwich, handed it to hal. then a bowl of tea was put in his hand, and hal was on the point of retiring when mr. brindle appeared. "my young friend the greaser, i think," he exclaimed. "ah, how are matters down below this morning? i assure you that i and my comrades were so fatigued by the healthy exercise you gave us, that we retired immediately the trimming was completed, and have slept like so many logs ever since. but, thank heaven, all looks well to-day, and hope is high in everyone's heart." "yes, all is well," hal responded; "but there is still work to be done." "that sounds as though another call might be made for volunteers," said mr. brindle. "come, now, is that not the case?" "that is what i propose to do, mr. brindle. you see, the engine-room is practically deserted. but for a few stokers who keep steam in two of the boilers, and the third engineer, the place is quite empty. mr. broom is done up, and when i return will place me in charge, and go to his bunk. as soon as he has gone, i propose to replug the rent." "then you will most certainly want us," said mr. brindle. "come in here, lad, and talk the matter over. no; you must not refuse. we are all equals and comrades on this ship, and no one could object to your taking a meal in the saloon, particularly at this time. now, come along in, and take your breakfast comfortably." it was useless to attempt to refuse compliance with mr. brindle's request simply on the ground that he was only a greaser in the engine-room. in ordinary circumstances, the presence of such a person in the saloon would have led to a scene, and the fact would have been reported to the captain. but things were changed now. the _mohican_ was little better than a wreck, her crew diminished, and those who were left were incapable of carrying on the work. the call for volunteers had at once placed regular hands and passengers on a common footing. many of them had heard mr. brindle speaking to hal, and they at once supported his request. "you must come in, young sir," one of them cried. "come along, or you will be offending everyone in the saloon." hal blushed, grasped the bowl of tea firmly, and tucking the roll of tongue and bread beneath one arm, made his way to a seat. the passengers gathered round him and plied him with eager questions. "now, what is wanted?" asked one of them, with a laugh. "the lives of all on board depend upon our exertions," hal answered. "with good weather we need not fear, but if the gale blows up again, the _mohican_ may very easily go to the bottom. that rent has opened again, and must be closed. will anyone help me do it?" he looked round at the group of passengers, and was rewarded with an emphatic nod from each. "we shall all be there," said mr. brindle. "and when the rent is patched, what follows?" "the cylinder covers should be taken off and the piston-rods and cranks removed. i fancy i know enough about engines to instruct you, and if not, we must wait till to-morrow." "perhaps i could help you there," remarked mr. brindle. "on the plantations in cuba a trained engineer is a rarity. as a consequence, one becomes something of an expert one's self. many a time i have had to effect some minor repair, so that i have picked up some knowledge of machinery. now, when shall we come?" "as soon after breakfast as possible, and i would suggest that you bring more blankets." "very well, marchant. we'll divide into two parties as before, and you can expect the first in a quarter of an hour." hal thanked him, and left the saloon. then he went for'ard, and looked up the carpenter. "we want some planks, a few hammers, and a saw down in the engine-room," he said. "can you let us have them, chipps?" "you can take what you can find," was the answer. "there, the store is under the poop. take a look round and help yourself." hal went into the space set apart for carpenter's stores, and dragged out two long planks. these he carried to the engine-room. then he made other trips, bringing hammers, nails, a roll of canvas, a saw, and many useful things. "now for mr. broom," he said. "i'll get down and free the poor fellow, for he looked worn out with hard work and want of sleep." glad of the relief, mr. broom climbed the ladder, swaying from side to side, and looking as if he were incapable of controlling his limbs. but he was not the one to give in easily. he reached the top with an effort, went to the cabin, and, tumbling upon a bunk, fell into a deep slumber. a few minutes later the first batch of passengers appeared, and a consultation was held. "how are you going to do it, lad?" asked mr. brindle, looking at the rent in the vessel's side, and at the mass of blankets displaced by the sea. "it seems to me that something stronger is wanted--something behind the bedding, to force it into the opening and keep it in position." "i thought of that," said hal, "and i've got planks from the carpenter. i suggest that we cut lengths, which will go from end to end of the rent. then back them with cross-pieces. if nailed together in that position, we shall have a fairly solid board, which can be pressed against the bedding and wedged in place." "that's about as good a way as any," exclaimed mr. brindle. "but i've one idea. get your canvas soaked with tar, and stretch it over the blankets. when the edges are squeezed into the rent they will keep the water out. undoubtedly our first job is to get the plugging done. now, young sir, put us at it." it was work which was urgently needed; and the passengers, looking very business-like in their shirt-sleeves, set to at it so heartily that the rent was safely filled by afternoon. "now we'll tackle the cylinders and cranks," said hal. "it has to be done, and better now than later on." the work was tackled willingly, and when the "third" descended to the engine-room he found the rent safely plugged, the wreck of the engines securely braced, and the cylinder covers and all movable parts taken away, and made fast elsewhere. he stopped abruptly at the bottom of the ladder, and fell back a pace in astonishment. "why, what's this?" he cried, as though he could not believe his senses. "the hole plugged as tight as a barrel, the wreck stayed up with yards of cable, and all the movable parts unshipped and set aside. here, what's been happening? have we fallen in with another ship, and borrowed a crew of engine hands?" "it means that we carried out your orders, sir," said hal. "you were dead tired, and left the engine-room to me. our friends, the passengers, came to our aid again, and this is their handiwork." "yes, that is so, and glad have we been to help," mr. brindle interposed. "but allow me to tell you, mr. broom, though we have carried out your orders, it was under the direction of this lad. it seems extraordinary that he, who never saw the machinery of a big ocean-going steamer until a week ago, should so soon be placed in a position of responsibility. few would have been so level-headed. the lad has won our admiration, for he is as free from conceit as he is full of resolution. he will get on in the world." "so he will," the "third" responded. "the lad's got grit, sir--the stuff that won't give way whatever the danger. who stopped the engines, and nearly got knocked into so much pulp? why, this kid. i'm not going to say one word about the other part, though we don't forget in a hurry that it was he who stuck like blazes to the trimming. and now he just goes and packs me off to my bunk, and then coolly tidies the whole place up, and there isn't anything more to be done! why, i might just as well have had my sleep out!" "ha, ha, ha! so you might," laughed mr. brindle. "but come along to the saloon. we are all in need of a meal." "by george, we are!" mr. broom replied. "come, marchant; we'll defer the discussion of your good works till later. but when the time comes for you to seek for a job on the other side, you've one here who is your friend, and who will gladly help you." "and here is another," exclaimed mr. brindle. "but to dinner now." early next day passengers and crew ascended to the deck, for the time had come to commit to the deep the bodies of those who had been killed. it was a sad group that stood upon the planks, hats reverently in hand, and peered into the sea, soon to become the grave of those unfortunate comrades stretched still and motionless at their feet. swathed in blankets, with fire-bars to bear them down to their last resting-place, the chief engineer and two hands lay awaiting the last rites at the hands of their friends. very earnestly, and as if he would emphasize every word, the captain read the burial service, while the ship's bell tolled mournfully. then, at a sign from the quartermaster, the grating upon which the bodies lay was tipped by two of the hands, and the three forms slipped from beneath the pall, and disappeared forever. chapter vi a friend in need it would be tedious to describe the manner in which the _mohican_ finally reached new york, for from the date of the accident to her machinery, and the successful plugging of the enormous rent in her side, all went well. but what had once been a fine-looking vessel was now little better than a bare hulk, with smoke-stack and masts rising from a deck which was clear of everything save the broken remnants of fixtures which had defied the fury of the seas. "there's one thing about her," said mr. broom to hal, "she's been stripped clean, and looks dismantled, but she's right and tight still, and will well repay the overhauling which will be necessary before she can put to sea again. wait till we get alongside the dock; there will be no end of excitement! and when it is known through what dangers we have come, we shall be the talk of new york; and won't the newspaper correspondents rush for us!" and, indeed, this was the case. no sooner was the _mohican_ moored than thousands came down to look at her, and roamed all over her decks, marveling at the manner in which she had been buffeted, and at the pluck and skill which had brought her safely into port. "i call it wonderful!" said the line manager, addressing the crew after their arrival. "two weeks ago business called me across from england to new york, and i experienced the full fury of the same hurricane which wrought such destruction here. i know what your difficulties have been, and i am glad to be here to congratulate you all. it is difficult to thank you sufficiently, and it is almost impossible to single out any individual for special praise when all have worked so well. your captain, however, has done remarkably; he has shown such seamanship, skill, and courage, that i at once promote him to the command of one of our big passenger ships. your second and third engineers have well earned promotion, and, by all accounts, so has one of their subordinates. i refer to the youth called marchant. he, too, shall be rewarded. and now, as by bringing the _mohican_ safely to port you have saved the company a considerable loss, i am glad to be able to tell you that two thousand pounds will be divided proportionately amongst you." the manager bowed and retired, leaving the crew to discuss the matter. next morning hal found that his share was ten pounds, and to this a further sum of ten was added for stopping the engines at the time of the accident. "you're a rich man," said mr. brindle chaffingly. "at any rate, you have made more in one trip than you would have earned in three or four months. what do you propose to do with yourself, may i inquire?" "really i cannot say, mr. brindle; of course, i am awfully lucky! the twenty pounds, with what i had before, will enable me to live while i am looking for a job." "and have you any decided preference?" asked mr. brindle. "i mean, must the employment be in america? i have a proposal to make, and you must consider it before you decide. i am a cuban planter. i told you that i had some rough engineering knowledge. it has been acquired amongst the machinery on my plantations. i want an engineer, one who can act as master in my absence. will you accept the post? the pay shall be good. you shall have a percentage on the profits, and where your department is concerned i will give you a free hand. but in addition to the engines, i shall want you to help me with the management of the plantation." he sat on the rail of the ship, and looked curiously at hal; for he had taken a fancy to our hero, and was impressed by his behavior on the ship. "it is very good of you, mr. brindle," hal exclaimed. "i never expected to be offered such an important post, and i accept with pleasure. tell me when i am to sail, and where i am to go to." "i am glad you fall in with the plan," mr. brindle answered. "to tell you the truth, i have been itching to get hold of you ever since you set us to work at that trimming. you showed a fine example. you see, appearance and manner is everything when dealing with blacks; and the natives of cuba, who are anything from genuine negro to almost pure spanish, recognize and look up to a european who knows how to treat them, and can show them what to do. now, as to marching orders, i have business which will keep me in new york for a few days; after that we'll go to florida, where i have another plantation. from there we will sail to havana, and three days later we shall reach the hacienda, which goes by the name of 'eldorado,' and is one of the most beautiful spots i have ever seen. but when can you leave the ship? i should be glad to take you with me this evening." "i can get away whenever i wish," hal answered, overwhelmed by the prospect before him. "but where do you stay? i am sorry to say that my clothes are rough, and scarcely fitted for polite society." "that is a matter that is easily arranged, my lad. now, pack your traps, and come along. leave the clothes to me, for as my engineer you are given a free kit, just as they say to the soldier." mr. brindle smiled pleasantly, and, turning away, hurried to his cabin to collect his baggage. left to himself, hal went below, and soon had his few belongings packed in a bag. then he went the round of his friends, and took farewell of them. "lucky beggar!" exclaimed masters, whom hal found propped up in his bunk, with his head enveloped in bandages. "you are a fortunate fellow, marchant! but you deserve it all. i wish you were staying, for, after what has passed, i am sure we should have been capital friends, and had some splendid trips together. and now you say you are off to cuba, and i suppose in a few weeks' time you will be lording it over hundreds of niggers. well, old man, must you go? good-by, and the best of luck." "thank you," hal answered, with a laugh. "a rapid recovery to you. as to my looking a swell and doing the grand, why, that's all humbug. ta, ta; and if ever you come to cuba, look me up." whatever idea hal may have had of his appearance in the future, the matter was soon settled when he and mr. brindle had left the ship. "there, in you hop," said the latter, motioning him to enter the cab which had pulled up beside the wharf. then he mentioned the name of a fashionable hotel, to which they were driven. they obtained rooms, then emerged from the enormous building, which rose for many stories into the air, and entered one of the numerous electric cars that run through the streets of new york, and within ten minutes they were entering the doors of a big tailoring establishment known as riarty's store. "i always get my clothes here," said mr. brindle. "it is not more expensive than obtaining them locally in cuba, and as they have my measure for suits, boots, and hats, i can get anything by writing. ah, good-day, mr. riarty." he suddenly stepped towards a florid man, whose enormous proportions almost dwarfed his own. "this young gentleman is my overseer, and requires suitable clothes for plantation life," he said. "you can take his measure, and i should like the things in four days. but he wants a ready-made suit for wearing in town, and an evening one as well. can you do it?" "to be sure i can," was the ready answer. "step this way. one of the assistants shall attend to you." hal was astonished at the extent of the order. in the old days--which already seemed so very long ago, though only a few weeks had actually elapsed--he would have thought nothing of it. then he was the son of a wealthy man, and had no need to stint himself; now it was totally different, and a gentleman, who was not much more than a stranger, though one with a kind heart, would pay whatever was called for. "but you are ordering too much," expostulated hal. "i shall never need all these clothes. besides, think of the cost!" "the cost, my dear young sir; that is my affair," mr. brindle laughed pleasantly. "i can assure you that if you only do your duty by me you will rapidly repay the outlay. as to there being too many things, you will want every suit i have ordered. i am an old hand, and know now exactly what will be useful." hal was silenced, but determined to do his utmost to repay the kindness of his benefactor. fortunately, mr. riarty had a smartly cut plain suit which fitted his youthful customer, and another of evening clothes which required but slight alteration. "we'll take the first with us," said mr. brindle, "and mr. riarty can send the other to the hotel in time for dinner. good-day, sir, and please do not disappoint me. remember, in four days' time we require the bulk of the order. come along now, my friend. by the way, i must have some shorter name for you. marchant is far too long. how are you usually called? hal? ah, that is short, and sounds well. it fits your character, and is a good one." five days later they boarded the railway cars running south, and hal had his eyes opened as to the possibilities of traveling in comfort. the saloons and dining-cars were decorated in sumptuous fashion; and when night came, the accommodation had nothing of the make-shift about it. americans, he discovered, did not consider that discomfort went hand-in-hand with travel. their railways were designed for speed, safety, and easy running, and their cars for rest and freedom from vibration. mr. brindle led the way into the smoking-room at the end of the cars, and pressed the button for the porter. "we shall want two compartments through to florida," he said. "see that it is a good one, and take our small traps there." when the man had gone mr. brindle turned to hal, and, pointing to a hand-bag, said: "all save that may remain in the sleeping saloon, but the bag you see contains notes, gold, and valuable securities. now, i am going to give you a job. your duties will commence from this moment, for i place you in charge of the bag, and will beg of you never to allow it out of your sight." "then you may rely upon me to look after it, and wherever i go your bag shall come with me." hal was as good as his word. hour after hour the train hurried on. occasionally the cars would pull up at some wayside station to allow a change of locomotives, and then the passengers would descend and take a short walk to stretch their legs and take the stiffness out of them. on such an occasion hal strolled along the platform, leaving mr. brindle reading in the car. it was a sultry morning, and, feeling hot and fatigued, he sat down on a bench, being joined first by one passenger and then by a second, the former entering into conversation with him. "busy scene, sir," he said with some foreign accent. "traveling alone, sir?" continued the stranger. "i should say you're not. the gentleman with you is señor--i mean, mr. brindle of cuba?" hal felt annoyed at the catechism through which he was being put. "well," he answered curtly, "and what if he is?" what reply the dark-bearded stranger was about to give was cut short by the sudden clanging of a bell, and by the cry from the conductor, "all aboard!" starting from the seat, hal ran some dozen paces, when he remembered the bag intrusted to him, and which he had placed by his side. to his consternation it was not where he had left it on the bench; a moment later, however, he noticed with a thrill of surprise that the stranger had it, and was hastening with it along the platform. "hi, there! stop!" cried hal, running after him. "what do you mean by taking my bag?" he demanded indignantly, rushing up to the man, and grasping the handle. "señor's bag! pardon, but this is my friend's," replied the dark, spanish-looking stranger, feigning astonishment and some amount of anger. "your friend's! nonsense! it's mine! give it up!" hal cried, and without more ado wrenched the bag away. "sir, how do you dare? ah, but here is my friend himself. he will explain," the stranger replied hotly. "then, señor, you shall answer." "what is this? what is the trouble?" the second man, a short, swarthy-looking fellow, asked, joining them at this moment. "come, the cars are about to start." "the trouble!" his friend replied. "see; we hasten to board the train, and you forget your bag. i would rescue it for you when this fine gentleman wishes to prevent me." "but the bag is not mine; it belongs to him," the second man replied blandly, indicating hal with a wave of his hand. at once the face of the first speaker changed. he smiled, showing an excellent set of teeth, and made a profuse apology. "my dear señor, but you must pardon me," he said. "it was my error, and a grievous one indeed. a thousand pardons. señor must have thought me a thief!" hal certainly did, but it was not quite wise to admit it, and as the cars were moving, he acknowledged by a curt nod the theatrical bow with which he was favored, and hurriedly exclaiming, "i am glad the matter is settled," turned on his heel and boarded the cars. but one thing struck his attention at the last moment and filled his mind with suspicion. in the hurry of replacing his hat the spanish-looking stranger had displaced a coal-black beard, and disclosed for the fraction of a minute a clean-shaven chin. next moment the beard was back in its place, and the two men had leaped on to the train. "i don't like the look of those fellows," thought hal, as he took his place beside mr. brindle. "it was a trick to steal the bag, and from what was said i feel sure that they know who we are, and what valuables i was in charge of. do you happen to know either of those two men who were speaking to me on the platform?" he suddenly asked, leaning forward to address his companion. "do you mean those who joined the cars after you? no, i cannot say that i do; and yet something about the bearded one struck me as familiar. what about them? they seemed to me to be holding a heated conversation with you." "they very nearly walked off with your bag," hal answered. then he described the facts of the case. "yes, it looks nasty," said mr. brindle at last. "it appears to me that those two are scoundrels. strange, but one certainly seems to have a familiar face. pshaw! it cannot be! but we must be on our guard in future." chapter vii all but killed undoubtedly an attempt had been made to deprive hal of his charge. had hal waited another minute before discovering the absence of his possession, the thieves would certainly have escaped with the valuables. "yes, they are rogues," said mr. brindle that evening, returning to the subject as he and hal sat down to dinner, "and the more i think about it the more certain i feel that i am right. after dinner we will endeavor to ascertain who they are." accordingly, half an hour later, they rose from their seats, just as the train drew up at a platform, and walked from end to end of the long string of cars, failing, however, to see the two adventurers. "they've gone; and, after all, it was to be expected," exclaimed mr. brindle. "i suppose they slipped off a few minutes after boarding the train. there can have been no difficulty, as we crawled out of the station. well, we shall not be troubled again; but let it be a lesson to you, hal. nowadays, one ought to be most careful when dealing with strangers." sauntering back, they took their seats once more, and looked at the people on the platform. at length the bell clanged, and to the familiar cry of "all aboard!" the cars were once more set in motion. "hallo! those fellows were here all the time," said hal, glancing at two figures on the platform. "look, mr. brindle! there are the men who tried to steal the bag!" "ah, is that so, hal?" exclaimed mr. brindle. "precious scoundrels they look too, and the one with the beard strikes me again as being a man i have met before. well, we need not trouble, for the train is off, and they are left behind. now, lad, we'll have a good sleep, and to-morrow, when we leave our berths for breakfast, we shall be within an hour of sable bay." ten minutes later our hero was lying between the sheets, looking sleepily at the shaded electric light above him. meanwhile, what had become of the two men who had attempted to deprive hal of the bag? no sooner had the car passed in which mr. brindle and his young engineer were seated, than the swarthy-looking foreigners leaped on to the step of the following one, and hastily passing through the smoking-saloon, entered a small cupboard set apart for the porter. "that was well managed, señor capitan," the darker of the two at once exclaimed, seating himself. "ha, ha, did you not see them look at us? it is clear that they suspected our game, and no doubt their inspection of the cars was to discover us and have us ejected. we have played our cards well. while they fancy that we are miles behind them, we are in reality but a few yards away. no doubt this negro will entertain us till the time for action arrives, and then we will have the gold you say the bag contains, even though that stalwart young englishman objects." he spoke in spanish, gesticulating and gabbling the words, and introducing a tone of marked disdain when alluding to the porter. there was little doubt that he was a half-caste, and owed some part of his existence to the negro race to which he had alluded with such contempt. "when do we make the attempt, señor capitan?" he asked. "see, it is half-past eight now, and the majority of passengers are thinking of going to bed. shall you try at midnight, or will you think it best to wait till the early hours of to-morrow?" the man addressed did not answer for the moment, but, removing the beard from his chin, slowly rolled a cigarette. he was a small, active-looking man, of undoubted spanish blood. at first sight he would have been called a handsome fellow, but a glance at his eyes and mouth altered that impression. there was something not altogether pleasing about him. "you are overhasty, and forget yourself, pedro," he said at length. "one would have thought that it was all of your planning. remember that it was i who decided how we would act; and do not forget that in undertaking to abstract this bag, i am risking far more than you." "for which you will, no doubt, extract a proportionately large share of the booty," grumbled the one who had been called pedro. "perhaps. and why not? am i not the leader? and are you not the servant? but do not let us argue so, or we might quarrel, and that would be bad for one of us. listen to me, and see that you do not interrupt. this english brat, who just awoke in time to upset the plan which i had devised so carefully, is still in charge of the precious bag for which we have traveled so far, and from which we hope to recoup ourselves. we know that he is about to retire for the night, for the porter has told us so. very good. what of the others? they are weary, and will turn in early, so as to awake fresh and rested to-morrow. our accomplice here, the negro whom you scowl at so heavily, will tell us when all in that car have retired. that will be our time. any noise we may make will be unnoticed, owing to the fact that it is so early; while if this young fool of an englishman shouts--well, perhaps the rattle of the train will drown everything!" "perhaps," pedro growled. "and what if the sounds are heard?" he asked. "supposing the señor englishman cries loudly for help?" "ah! then he must look to himself. we will deal gently with him till then; but if he refuses to be silent----in any case, you have the revolver and some inches of steel? now we understand each other," said the spaniard. "we will wait till all is clear, when we will enter the señor englishman's compartment and bind him. that done, this porter will signal for the cars to stop and will raise an alarm. of course he will not know precisely what has happened, nor, if questions are asked will he have an idea of the appearance of the two mountebanks who have dared to commit robbery on the cars. our friend, the señor brindle, will not dream of us; for did he not see us descend from the cars some miles back? by the time the passengers have collected their senses we shall be a mile behind, hidden in the forest, and it will be evil luck indeed if the bag which we covet is not with us. then back to 'the ever-faithful island,' cuba, the island of freedom, where a spaniard who is poor may live in contentment, certain of being able to return to his native country with provision for the remainder of his life, and all plucked from the islanders. yes, pedro, we will return home and, later on, we will repeat the process of bleeding the señor brindle." "buenos, señor capitan! you are a veritable wonder!" pedro cried excitedly, waving his cigarette in the air, and patting his comrade on the knee. "and now to pass the time. it is dull sitting here doing nothing but smoke and listen to the rattle of the train. here, boy, bring glasses and a bottle." thus addressed, the porter produced a decanter of liquor and two tumblers, and for an hour or more the two conspirators refreshed themselves, and carried on an eager conversation in low tones, in the voluble, gesticulating manner common to their countrymen. at length the porter, who had departed and left them to themselves, returned to inform them that all was clear. "now for the money, pedro!" the spaniard exclaimed. "wait, though; let us pay this good fellow for his services." taking a purse from his pocket, he placed four dollars in the porter's hand, and led the way into the smoking saloon. two minutes later they were standing at the end of the car in which hal was sleeping. they paused for a moment as if in fear, then they opened the door, and crept along the passage till they were outside the compartment he occupied. "no, not there, señor capitan. the english boy has gone into the other bunk," pedro whispered, pointing to the next compartment, in which mr. brindle lay. "see, i am sure of it, for here is his coat, hanging outside the door." "are you quite sure, pedro?" the spaniard asked doubtfully. "the porter said we should find him in the fifth from the forward end of the car, and this is certainly the one." "that is as you say," was the reply. "but here are the young man's boots. it is clear the negro is mistaken." for more than a minute the two crouched silently in the corridor, doubtful as to the compartment in which hal slept, and in which lay the bag they hoped to capture. it was, indeed, a puzzle, and it was long before they could come to any solution. to enter the wrong compartment meant ruin to all their hopes. but more than that might come of it, for mr. brindle was a powerful man, and to be caught in his clutches would be no joke. it was not a pleasant thing to think about, and it troubled the spaniard. he ground his teeth, and, muttering an oath, whispered in pedro's ear: "keep the revolver," he said, "and give me the knife. whatever happens, we must contrive to get away." convinced by the boots which hal had placed too far to the right when leaving them in the corridor for the porter to attend to, they crept on a pace, and grasped the handle of the compartment in which mr. brindle was sleeping. "quick, the key!" whispered the spaniard, trying the door, and finding it locked. there was a grating sound and a faint click as the key was introduced, and the bolt thrown back. but slight though the noise was it reached hal's ears, even amidst the rattle of the wheels, and startled him from his sleep. ignorant as to what had disturbed him, he lay on his back, his eyes wide open. another minute, and he would have turned over to sink into sleep once more, when something bumped heavily against the woodwork which separated his compartment from mr. brindle's. "don't move, or it will be the worse for you, señor englishman!" he heard a hoarse voice exclaim in threatening tones. it took a few seconds for hal to comprehend what was happening. "don't move, or it will be the worse for you!" that meant that someone was in difficulties next door. "by jove, those rascals are making another attempt!" he exclaimed; and at once sprang from his bunk. flinging the door open, he rushed into the next compartment, to see kneeling on the floor, in the full glare of the electric light, which had been switched on by the spaniard, pedro, revolver in hand, the muzzle of which was pressed into mr. brindle's ear, while the other hand was placed over his mouth. hal had just time to notice that the other scoundrel was busily searching for the bag beneath the bunk, when both men turned and rushed at him, pedro pressing the trigger of his revolver. there was a blinding flash, followed by a loud report, and hal felt something strike him on the left shoulder with stunning force. next second the spaniard's face, with the long, coal-black beard, suddenly appeared before him in the smoke, and he struck at it with all his might, sending the ruffian staggering back; but he recovered himself in a moment, and rushed towards the doorway, throwing hal to the floor as he passed. "how is that now, lad? how do you feel, old boy? better? that's it; you're smiling. that's the way. pull yourself together, and drink this off." it was mr. brindle who was speaking, and, scarcely understanding what was said, but feeling dazed and queer, and much inclined to close his eyes and sleep, hal swallowed the contents of the tumbler which was placed to his lips. but suddenly mr. brindle's well-known voice brought him to his senses. "by jove, what a fright you gave me!" he said. "how do you feel, hal? come, pull yourself together and look at me." "eh, what? i'm all right! what's happening? here, let me sit up!" exclaimed hal, suddenly suiting the action to the word, and looking about him with wide-open eyes. "why, what's this? i was asleep, and then----those thieves! what is it, mr. brindle? i dreamed that they had made another attempt, and that i happened to hear them. it looked as though all was up with you, and i remember feeling in a terrible way. after that, everything seemed to stop, and i fell into a glorious dream." "that is just about what has happened, my lad, and very fortunate it was for me that you awoke when you did; though for you, poor lad, it has meant trouble. those spanish scoundrels did make a second attempt, but, in their endeavor to get possession of the bag, they pitched upon the wrong compartment. i can tell you that it was a ticklish moment for me. as i lay there, not daring to move, i saw you come in. the only wonder to me is that the gentleman called pedro did not have his revenge at once by shooting me. at any rate, he managed to put a bullet into your shoulder, and then he escaped from the car. the other rascal, whom you tackled so gamely, and who will have a splendid black eye for his pains, also got clear away, leaving some of his property behind him. here it is." he held up a mass of black hair, which had formerly covered the chin of the spaniard. "now, hal, you have the whole story," he continued. "you were wounded and fainted from loss of blood. a fellow passenger, who happens to be a doctor, has already examined and dressed the shoulder, and reports most favorably. a week will see you up and about, so he says, for the bullet was of very small caliber." "what? a week in bed, mr. brindle!" exclaimed hal, aghast. "why, i am fit to get up now. see here, i feel quite myself again." he struggled to his feet, but next moment he was glad to sit down again, and was forced, though much against his inclination, to confess that he was shaken. however, with his old dogged determination, he resolved not to give way, and not to submit to being put ignominiously to bed. "i am a bit groggy," he admitted. "my legs don't seem quite to belong to me; but it's only a temporary matter. thank you, i will have another sip." the tumbler was raised to his lips, and he drank deeply, for the loss of blood had induced a violent thirst. "there you see for yourself how fit you are," said mr. brindle. "and now, as the thieves have escaped, and your wound has been seen to, you will lie down and sleep till morning." there was no gainsaying this direct order, for mr. brindle waited to see that hal lay full length on the bunk. then he left the section, and entered his own. as for hal, though badly shaken, he suffered little pain. the injured shoulder felt numbed, but nothing more. after lying awake for half an hour, thinking over the little adventure through which he had passed, he, too, dozed off, and finally sank into a deep sleep, from which he was awakened by the opening of his door. "breakfast in half an hour," said mr. brindle, putting his head into the compartment. "how goes it with you this morning, old boy?" "i feel quite myself," said hal briskly, sitting up in his bunk. then, to demonstrate the truth of his words, he stood up. "yes," he continued, "i feel ever so much stronger than i did last night. i suppose the excitement and the shock had unnerved me, but now i am perfectly steady." "that's good, hal, and i am glad to see you making an effort. after all, there is no reason why a bullet wound in the shoulder should lay you up. last night, as you say, the shock and suddenness of the injury had upset you, and no doubt you felt the rapid loss of blood. a few hours' sleep have made that good, so that you will quickly mend. i have no fear of the wound going wrong, for it was skillfully treated from the first. now, let me lend a hand, and help to put your clothes on." half an hour later, with his left arm in a sling, and his empty sleeve pinned to the coat, arm in arm with mr. brindle, hal entered the breakfast saloon, where they took their places at one of the many small tables. numbers of other passengers were already there, and they looked at our hero with curiosity and admiration. an hour later the engine steamed into a large station, and the passengers descended from the cars. "just look out for the youngsters, hal," said mr. brindle. "they'll be coming to meet their dad." "youngsters? your youngsters?" asked hal, in surprise; for mr. brindle had never mentioned that he was married and had a family. "why, mine to be sure! there's dora, the dearest blue-eyed girl that ever breathed; and gerald, the biggest and most mischievous monkey that ever wore clothes. you'll know them at once. ah, there they are, or i am mistaken." "hallo! there you are, dad!" cried the boy, a sturdy young fellow of some sixteen years. "hi! come along, dora! here he is, looking as fat and jolly as possible." breathless, and with hat tossed to the back of his head, the lad rushed at mr. brindle and embraced him, a graceful and pretty girl, looking charming and dainty in a white frock, following suit quickly. "there, there, how glad i am to see you both again, my dears!" exclaimed mr. brindle. "both of you looking as well as ever too. but i am forgetting my duties. dora--gerald--come here and let me introduce you a very great friend, who is to be my overseer. steady now, shake hands gently, for he has been in the wars. hal, my dear boy, let me present you to my dear children." each in turn shook hal heartily by the hand, dora looking sympathetically, and, at first, somewhat shyly at him; while gerald, boy-like, took good stock of the new overseer, not fearing to look well into his face. "what has happened to your arm, mr. marchant? what war have you been in? and are you very much hurt?" dora asked these questions in rapid succession. "dora," said her father, "this young gentleman was shot by a ruffian who attempted to steal my bag. he has risked his life for me, and he is helpless. i place him in your charge. you have had some experience of nursing and will do your best. now, let us get to the carriage." dora was a young lady about whom there was no nonsense. here was a fellow-being who was obviously suffering; somehow he had come by his injury in protecting her father. that was enough for any daughter. for his sake she would look after hal. so she marched our hero from the platform, chuckling secretly at the blush which had now changed his cheeks from dullest white to brilliant red. they stepped into the comfortable carriage, and at a crack of the whip, the team of mules set forward at a hand-gallop. what thoughts were hal's as he was driven to his new home? it seemed like a dream, for, a few weeks back, he was an orphan, with few friends. then he had decided to start to america, where he would be entirely unknown. but what had happened? friends seemed to have risen up on every side. yes, it was good fortune. at least, that was what he thought as his eyes wandered from mr. brindle and gerald to dora. never before had hal taken notice of any girl. and here he found himself unconsciously glancing at dora, and listening eagerly to every word she said. it was sense too. indeed, she discussed everyday matters with her father in a manner which opened hal's eyes. "she's clever," thought hal, "and she's a pretty girl. how kind she was to me!" and what of dora? she, on her part, was taking stock of the overseer. beneath her lashes she stole many a glance at him, always to meet his steady eyes, and turn away in confusion. but still, she was able to come to a conclusion. she saw a stalwart young man, who had yet an inch or more to grow. he had an open face, and eyes which never flinched or turned away. "i like the new overseer," she said to herself. "he looks honest, brave, and kind. but how pale he is!" chapter viii the loss of the "maine" thanks to a healthy constitution, and to the fact that, though painful, his wound was really a simple one, hal marchant was very soon off the sick-list, and in the stage of convalescence. from the railway station at which the train had set them down, he and mr. brindle, together with dora and gerald, were driven into the country, along dusty roads which were fenced in on every side by luxuriant vegetation of every description and hue. sometimes a long, flat, and unsightly marsh came into view, and at the sound of the wheels thousands of wild-fowl rose, screaming, into the air. but they soon began to ascend, though at a gentle slope, which the mules galloped up, still at the same steady pace. up and up the road mounted, curved suddenly to the left, and then quickly disappeared into a dense jungle of trees and growth, from which the delicious perfume of orange blossom was wafted. "here we are, and very thankful we ought to be, my lad," said mr. brindle, addressing hal. "look over there. welcome to the 'barn.' this is our winter residence, and here i guarantee that you will soon get back that color which you have lost." he pointed with his cane to a fine bungalow which appeared at that moment at the end of an open glade, nestling beneath a wreath of foliage. it was, indeed, a perfect place for an invalid. perched high up on sandy soil, and surrounded by a forest of gorgeous orange trees, the house peeped over the top of the leaves at a scene beautiful beyond description. in the veranda, arm in sling, and with legs lazily stretched along the sides of a big cane chair, hal could lie the whole day long, gazing across a sea of green shrubs and leaves--a sea which rustled musically, and was ever changing from brightest green to shimmering blue in the rays of the southern sun. and if he but lifted his eyes an inch or two, a rocky, irregular coast, and an ocean beyond, looking for all the world like a strip of brightly burnished steel, filled him with a sort of rapture, so that to lie there was no hardship, and the hours never dragged, but flew by almost too rapidly for his liking. "you are an exceedingly good patient," said dora one day, more than two weeks later, coming on to the veranda and taking a seat which stood vacant by his side; "but i suppose this obedience will not continue for long. the doctor who has been attending you says that your wound is merely a pin-prick--how he can be so very unfeeling i do not know! still, he is convinced that it is now so far healed that it requires very little attention or dressing. that means, i suppose, that you will throw off my authority, and do your best to get into trouble again at the very first opportunity. what have you to say to that, sir?" "pin-prick! quite so, dora," hal answered, with a smile. "the wound is, of course, quite a simple affair, and i am really fit for anything. as to more trouble, i can only say that, if it comes, i hope you will be there to nurse me again." it was an unusual thing for hal to indulge in pretty speeches, and it was as much as he could do to get the words out. his bashfulness made them stick in his throat, though he meant every syllable. "i'm sure you've been awfully good to me, dora," he said. "how can i repay you?" "oh, nonsense! good, indeed! i have only done what any other girl would gladly have undertaken; and you forget, hal, that you were wounded in helping my father. there, we are evens! we owe nothing to each other, though, if you ever have an opportunity, i am sure you will do your utmost for us." "hallo! what's this? pretty speeches, and from my dora, too! who would have thought it!" mr. brindle stepped on to the veranda just in time to overhear the end of the conversation between the young people, and burst into a hearty fit of laughter. "there, it is only my chaff," he added with a smile. "a little gratitude on either side is what one would have expected. but how are you, hal? when do you think you could travel?" "now; as soon as you like, mr. brindle," exclaimed hal, springing to his feet. "take a look at me. i am as well as ever; and as for the arm, beyond a little stiffness, which will soon pass away, i have no trouble with it." "then, we'll clear for the ever-faithful island of cuba, and for our gay little hacienda, eldorado. hal, you shall see a spot which compares favorably with this. i built this house in which we are living more than fifteen years ago, but the hacienda not for some time later. to my eyes the latter is perfect. it is a gentleman's country residence, and, with its grounds, is a beautiful oasis in a desert of impenetrable jungle and burnt-out plantations--not to mention swamps innumerable, for which the eastern end of the island is notorious. but you shall judge for yourself. to-morrow we will make our preparations, and on the following day the steamer will sail with us from tampa for havana." accordingly, all at the "barn" were extremely busy, hal even taking his arm from the sling to lend a hand on occasion. by the second morning their packing was completed, and, leaving the house in possession of a negro caretaker, the party was driven away in the mule cart to the harbor at tampa. three days later they sighted the coast of cuba, the biggest and one of the oldest of spanish colonies in the west which remained at that moment in the hands of spain. "it is at once the finest and the most unfortunate island in these seas," remarked mr. brindle to hal and gerald, as they gazed towards the distant shore. "for years--i cannot at the moment recollect how many--the bulk of the inhabitants have been in rebellion. fighting has taken place almost incessantly between the spanish rulers and the native population; and things have come to such a pass that ruin stares everyone in the face. planters and their laborers have had hard times indeed, but i trust a brighter future is in store for us. america has intervened between insurgents and spaniards, and it seems that her influence will avert further bloodshed, and peace and prosperity will then return to this smiling land. i am sure i hope it will be so. personally i have not lost, though others have. but it is a long story, lads, and i will reserve it for another time. take a look through my glasses, hal, and tell me what you see." mr. brindle suddenly handed his field-glasses to hal, and pointed towards the harbor. "i see a big passenger boat in there," the latter said, after taking a long and steady look. "she is lying against the quay, and close beside her are two ships, which look like men-of-war--one flying spanish colors, and the other the stars and stripes of america." "good! i thought so," mr. brindle exclaimed. "that vessel sailing beneath the colors of yankee land is the battleship _maine_, and she is here on a special visit, which it is hoped will cement a long friendship between the two countries. now, i fancy we had better go below and prepare for dinner. the gong sounds in half an hour." by half-past eight that night, the ever-memorable th of february, , the ship upon which hal and his friends were passengers had anchored in the harbor of havana. on the upper deck, beneath the glare of the electric light, they made a group that was interesting and pleasing to the eye. stretched in hammock chairs, mr. brindle cigar in mouth, and all dressed in white, relieved in dora's case by a sash of palest blue, they chatted in low voices, now and again lapsing into silence and listening to the sounds that came from other ships across the placid water and from the dimly lit streets of the town. some sailor lad aboard the _maine_ was delighting his fellows with banjo and song, and our hero and his friends listened as if enchanted. "ah, honey, my honey"--the words came clear and strong; then they died down and became merged with the notes of the banjo, only to burst forth again as the audience took up the chorus, and sent it swelling across the harbor. "how nice it sounds! how peaceful!" exclaimed mr. brindle, thoughtfully. "god grant that this visit from america to a spanish port may settle every squabble. i am sure braver and more agreeable fellows could not have been sent; and if only the dons are as friendly, all will be well. listen! how those lads love that song! they would sing it by the hour if they were able. but there sounds the bugle, and away they go to their hammocks. i think, dora dear, that it is time you and gerald also went to your bunks. remember, we have a long and tiring day before us to-morrow, and you will be in need of all your energies. now, off with you! hal and i will stay on deck a little longer, as i wish to speak to him." the two young people looked somewhat disappointed, but strict obedience being amongst their virtues, they said "good-night" and retired. "now for a stroll, hal," commenced mr. brindle. "i have much to say to you, and you have a great deal before you, for which a little advice given now will prepare you. within three days we shall be at eldorado, and new duties and new faces will confront you. i want you to have some knowledge of them beforehand, for it will be better if my overseer can come to the plantation ready for any emergency. you will thus make a better start, and will be held in higher estimation by the men. that is the secret of plantation work. respect yourself, show that you are capable, fair, and strong, and the negro hands will be ready to obey you in every particular." mr. brindle took hal by the arm, and walked him up and down beneath the awning. at length, having communicated to him all the information he wished, he led the way aft, and the two leaned against the rails at the stern of the ship. havana, one of the oldest harbors in the west, lay wrapped in the black mantle of night, dotted here and there by the riding light of some small fishing schooner, bobbing gently to the swell which ran through the harbor channel. closer at hand were other lights, flashing, tier above tier, from the state cabins of the _city of washington_--a leviathan which was filled to overflowing with passengers. she was a contrast to the _maine_, aboard which all those who had been so merry and lighthearted seemed now fast asleep. but for her riding lights, and the reflection from her gunroom, she was enveloped in darkness, into which a flicker from her smoke-stacks sometimes flew, to disappear in a moment. not a sound came from her deck. all was still, and every soul beneath her armor-plates, save the few who kept the watch, lay wrapped in sleep--sleep, alas! to extend forever and ever, to hold them in its cold embrace till the end of everything. what was that? crash! a second or two's interval, and then a nerve-shaking boom, an appalling explosion, a rush of flame into the night, that lights up the surroundings for miles. and then? ah, heavens! shriek upon shriek, the clatter of scattered wreckage and rent iron upon quay and neighboring ships, and the hissing of flaming woodwork falling into the sea. a minute before there floated as fine a vessel as ever sailed from the shores of america, carrying, too, as gallant a crew as ever shipped under the famous star-spangled banner. where were they now? clinging to the rail, stunned by the roar of the explosion, and dazed by the suddenness of it all, hal and mr. brindle looked at a heap of flaring wreckage, and wondered what had happened. then the explanation burst upon them with a shock and a rush which almost unmanned them. "she has blown up! the _maine_ has been smashed to pieces! how dreadful!" exclaimed mr. brindle, in a breath. "yes, something awful has happened," hal answered. "quick, sir; there may be men to be saved. let us help; everyone will be required, and we may be of use. come; i see them manning one of the boats." without waiting for further conversation, he sprang towards the gangway, followed closely by mr. brindle. "that's it! more lads for the work. slip along down that 'ere gangway, and get fixed up to your places," sang out a quartermaster, who stood on the deck close to the ladder leading to the boat below. as cool as if nothing unusual had happened, he waited a few moments to collect more men, and then hurried down to the boat in which hal and mr. brindle had taken their places. "get hold of them there oars," he cried hoarsely. "some of yer aer new at the game, but yer can pull for what we want. there, shove her off, my lad, and out oars all of yer. bust me! aer some of yer goin' ter take two weeks about it? bustle yourselves! aer yer ready? then fetch hold of your time from me. now--pull--again--once more, my hearties--pull--at it, lads--we are nearer--good boys--with a will;--pull ho--all together--ah, steady there all." never could an amateur crew have had a better coxswain. there was no confusion, and no desperate hurry. instead, coached by the quartermaster, they sent the boat flying through the water, and before they could have expected it, were close beside the _maine_. "she's down by the head," cried mr. brindle, who sat next to hal. "keep a look-out for any man in the water." "aye, she's down, and will go more too," the quartermaster shouted. "she's flaring like a torch, so i reckon we ought ter see any poor feller who happens ter be about in need of help." indeed, the bows of the _maine_ were crushed into shapeless wreckage, which was burning fiercely, the flames lighting up the whole of the harbor. by this time, too, the death-like silence, which had fallen immediately after the first cries for help, was broken by a roar of frightened voices from the town. people rushed from their houses demanding what had happened. bells clanged the alarm, and the fire-brigade turned out, ready for any emergency. and, meanwhile, every ship in the harbor sent her boats on an errand of mercy, and soon the sailors, who but a few short minutes before had been sleeping peacefully, were being lifted from the water. but not all were there to be helped; numbers of the poor fellows had sunk, others still slept--the everlasting sleep--beneath the shattered plates of the _maine_. "look, there is one sailor," cried mr. brindle suddenly, pointing to a figure struggling close beside the _maine_, and seeming to be almost enveloped in flame. "quick, quartermaster; let us row in and rescue him." "no; can't be done. it's hard ter say it, but it can't," was the curt answer, given with a sad shake of the head. "that 'ere chap don't scorch, because he's under water. we should, though. we'd be blistered and dried like so many herrings. it's hard, sir, but it's out o' the question." "not quite," muttered hal. "hold on to my oar, mr. brindle. i'm going for him." next moment there was a splash, and he was overboard, swimming towards the flaming wreck as strongly as though he had never suffered a wound on his shoulder. a few lusty strokes took him close to the man, who by this was spinning round and round in the water, wholly unconscious, and on the point of sinking. his hand shot in the air, his fingers clutching desperately, while his eyes seemed on the point of bursting from their sockets. a sudden flare from the burning woodwork lit up the ghastly scene, and showed the poor fellow's mouth wide open in the act of giving vent to a cry for help. but just then the water swirled about him, overflowing his face, and hiding all but the pair of hands, which still grasped despairingly at the air. "i'll save him whatever happens," said hal to himself, sinking for a moment to escape the fierce heat of the flames, which burst forth furiously from the deck and sides of the unfortunate _maine_. he swam beneath the water, and rising a minute later beside the man, grasped him by the shoulders, and easily turned him upon his back. from that moment all was plain sailing, for it was not for nothing that hal had learned to swim. floating beside the drowning sailor, he kicked out with his legs, and towed him towards the boat. before he thought it possible they were alongside, and were being hauled on board. "good lad! you're one of the right sort!" sang out the quartermaster. "there, sit right down and get hold of your wind. perhaps yer'll be wanting it again in a minute. hillo! aint that another poor feller?" he shielded his eyes from the glare by placing his hand to his forehead, and looked towards the _maine_ once more. a piece of wreckage floated into the light, and on it was seen another poor sailor, clinging for his life. "ah, there he aer! can't yer see him, boys? he's right under the ship, and she's scorching the life out of him." "yes, he's too close to the fire again; and if we row in there we should all be shriveled," remarked hal, very quietly. "here, i'm for it again, so keep a look-out for me, quartermaster." once more he slipped overboard, and, pursuing the same tactics, escaped the heat by diving beneath the water. when he reached the plank upon which the sailor was lying, it was to find him, like the other, unconscious, and almost dead from the combined results of heat and smoke. he did not trouble to take the man from the float, but pushed it towards the boat, and in due time had the satisfaction of seeing him lifted from the water with the aid of many willing hands. then the boat pulled round the flaming wreck, and, finding no one else in the water, went beneath the stern, which was free of flames, and made fast to a rope. "now, right aboard, my hearties!" cried the quartermaster. "if there's chaps blown into the sea, there's safe ter be a tidy few knocked silly between the decks, and they'll want helping. aer there any man aboard this boat as feels like coming up? it's ticklish business, for this craft has tons of powder in her magazines, and i reckon the fire'll soon find it out. aer anyone following?" he sprang at the rope ladder which dangled overboard, and swarmed up it, followed by everyone who had accompanied him in the boat, save, of course, those who had been rescued from the sea. "what, aer the whole crew of yer coming?" exclaimed the quartermaster. "george, but yer aer the finest set of pards i ever come across! every blessed soul of yer itchin' ter get blow sky-high!" he waved to them, motioning to them to scatter in all directions, which they did at once, diving below, and penetrating as far forward as the heat would allow. "there is danger of the magazines exploding right aft here," hal heard someone exclaim in the calmest tones. "say, men, who is for it? i want six of the boldest and best." the voice, which was that of a young man, came from an officer standing beside him. at the words a number of dark figures sprang forward from a group occupied in lowering a boat, and hal promptly pushed his way in amongst them. "that's the way; and now for the buckets, boys," the officer who had spoken first exclaimed. "fill 'em up, and follow down below. quick's the word, for there isn't much time to lose." grasping the rope attached to a wooden bucket, one sturdy sailor flung it overboard, and soon filled a couple of others, which stood at his feet, while four more were taken to a sea-cock close at hand. hal quickly possessed himself of one, and at once hurried below to the magazine. "hillo! and who's this?" the officer asked, stepping up to him and lifting a lantern to his face. "i'm a volunteer from a ship alongside," hal answered. "and a britisher?" "yes." "good! put it right there." the lieutenant shook him heartily by the hand. a moment later the men threw open the magazine, in spite of the terrible risk they ran, and flung the contents of their buckets upon the explosives. then they raced to the deck again for a fresh supply of water, and did not cease from their arduous labors till all danger of another explosion was at an end. flinging his bucket away, hal now made a tour of that part of the ship which was not in flames. then, having helped to lift three injured men into the boat, he descended himself, and at the quartermaster's order they returned to their own ship. a few minutes later, captain sigsbee, the commander of the _maine_, stepped sadly from her deck, and was rowed away, the last living man to leave the terrible scene. as for hal, he slipped into a fresh suit of clothes, and for hours worked with the other passengers endeavoring to alleviate the sufferings of the poor fellows brought aboard the ship. then, tired out with his labors, for he had taken a prominent and a large share in the work of rescue, he retired to the upper deck, with mr. brindle, gerald, and dora, and flung himself into a chair. but though utterly fatigued, he was too horrified by the ghastly tragedy he had witnessed, and too shaken by all that had happened in the past few hours, to be able to get to sleep. it was out of the question, so that instead of going straight to his bunk, he felt that he must stay in the open air, where he could rest, and at the same time talk over the occurrence with his friends. "i've a weight here," he cried peevishly, striking himself on the chest. "the horror of it all distresses me. what a terrible calamity!" "aye, what a misfortune! what an inhuman deed!" replied mr. brindle, in a voice which faltered in spite of himself. "think of it; try to realize the cruelty of it all. in the times of peace, in the cause of good-will, and in the earnest attempt to bring alleviation of suffering to a long-stricken people, the poor lads of my adopted country are cruelly blown to pieces, sent into eternity at the very door of those who have invited them. they came with nothing but friendship in their hearts, expecting to meet with the same. the shock of the news will be felt from east to west, and from north to south, and everywhere will be received at first with incredulity, and later with loathing and scorn, for never was such a dastardly deed committed." "committed by whom? what do you mean?" asked hal, in astonishment. "do you really think that the explosion was arranged--that it was not a pure accident?" "i do; unhappily, i do," answered mr. brindle sternly. "how could it have been otherwise? it is sad, far too sad for words, and i shall be mistaken if to-night's work does not prove the cause of a war between spain and america." "but why war, mr. brindle? had matters come to such a pass that the destruction of the _maine_ would set the countries at each other's throats?" "perhaps not that, hal, for the aspect of affairs of late was distinctly brighter. still, i think i am right in saying that the wrath of the american people will be so great when the news is known, that serious trouble will be inevitable. but come, let us to our bunks. to-morrow we will talk the matter over." "to our bunks, dad! i could not possibly sleep!" exclaimed dora. "nor i," chimed in gerald. "and i must confess that i am too troubled and too disturbed to sleep," said mr. brindle. "then why not fill the time in till morning dawns by telling us about this affair?" cried hal. "we are all agreed that we cannot sleep; we have done our utmost for those who suffered during or after the explosion, and now we have nothing to do but to lounge here, and fume and fret till to-morrow. be kind to us, mr. brindle. stir your memory, and let us know the ins and outs of the whole story." "well, i will; and if i try your patience, bear with me a little," replied mr. brindle. "the quarrel is not of a day's making, nor does it turn upon one single point. cuba is the cause of it all, and as we are here, perhaps no more fitting spot could be selected for a description of the rebellion and bloodshed which have caused trouble between spain and america." chapter ix "the ever-faithful island" dressed in a clean suit of white, with wide-open waist-coat and expanse of glossy shirt, the whole set off by a black evening bow, mr. brindle stalked moodily up and down the deck for several minutes, his hands thrust into his pockets, and his chin resting upon his chest. he was evidently in deep thought, and hal, with dora and gerald close at hand, watched him curiously, wondering when he would commence to speak. "it is hard to know exactly where to start," he said at last, coming to a stop in front of them, where he leaned against the ship's rail, and producing a cigar, bit off the end with a nervous snap. "it is difficult, i confess, to fulfill my promise. to begin with, i am shaken by the horrible calamity we have witnessed to-night. my grief is great and heartfelt for those poor fellows who have been so ruthlessly slain, and loathing and contempt for the inhuman wretches who perpetrated the ghastly deed are so much in my thoughts that i find it difficult to fix my mind upon the subject before us, or grasp its details with sufficient clearness to narrate them to you in lucid form. "still, a promise is a promise, and i will therefore do my best to tell you why there is bad blood between spain and america, and why i fear war in the immediate future. "just fancy, this, the most beautiful, and once the most prosperous, of western isles, is still known in spain as 'the ever-faithful island of cuba'! and yet there is scarcely a single spaniard who is not conversant with the true state of affairs, and is not very well aware that cuba is in revolt, and has been so for close upon fifty years. go to the country of the dons and question her lower classes--i mean the poor people who exist by tilling the soil, or earn a livelihood in factories or workshops. i will answer for it that hundreds, aye, thousands even, curse this fair isle, curse the government that rules it so evilly, and the necessity that has called, and still calls, for their sons to go across the seas and die, in the depths of jungle and morass. "looking back as i do at this moment, i feel that all this suffering, all this misery and heart-ache, are spain's just reward. the great man of genoa, christopher columbus, who explored these western seas in the fifteenth century, would have passed by the lovely shores of this gorgeous island and refused to annex it for his adopted king and queen, if he had foreseen the future. "in those days a race of comely men and women, the carib indians, inhabited the land, and their descendants might be here to-day had not the lust for gold and riches led spanish adventurers to disembark in the hopes of satisfying their greed. as might have been expected, trouble followed, and the better armed invaders hunted the indians till they were exterminated. that unnecessary bloodshed has cost spain dear. she occupied the island, and made it the headquarters of the african slave trade. little by little other people and races were attracted here, till at the present moment the population amounts to about a million and a half. of these a third are negroes, and the remainder anything you please to call them. you can pick from amongst the populace distinctive races, whose color ranges from negro black to almost pure white. of the latter there are but few in the island, for even the proud old castilian families which came here years ago, and throve and made money by the sweat of these imported negroes, are now no longer spanish. scarcely one of their descendants but has some trace of african blood. "of white inhabitants there are few, i said, and these are only temporary residents. they come across the seas to cuba with one object in view, namely, to make money and return home at the earliest possible date. they are mainly the military and officials, and it is from this greed of theirs, from the careless, thoughtless rule which has allowed matters to go anyhow, and from the gradual fall from bad to worse, that the present trouble arises. greed and the craving to be rich beyond the dreams of avarice, obtained for spain this lovely island, to the misfortune of thousands of harmless caribs; and the same vice has cost her dear already in lives and treasure, and will demand much more, even the loss of the land itself. "what can you expect? put a puppet in command, far from observation, and over a race which in his pride he deems utterly inferior to himself, and he becomes a jack in office and an oppressor. i do not say, mind you, hal, that all rulers here have been unscrupulous; but many have, while others who have been honest in their dealings have failed to bring content to the people through sheer incompetence. you cannot satisfactorily rule a conquered people unless you study their prejudices. give them some liberty, respect their customs if possible, and their religion, if not harmful and barbarous, and you will make them willing and contented subjects. "but you have the facts; the cubans have been misgoverned. they have been fleeced and ground down by their rulers, both civil and military, and, as a natural consequence, they have become rebellious. "that was the position in , when, following the example set by mexico, chili, and peru, and other western colonies of spain which had successfully revolted, the colored inhabitants of the island raised the standard of revolution. they attacked their white masters, and galled them by sudden and ugly rushes. when fighting in the forests and swamps which are to be found everywhere, they poured a scathing fire into bands of soldiers brought against them, and disappeared like ghosts, only to return and harass the foe at the next opportune moment. "how long this particular revolt lasted it would be difficult to say, but no doubt it dragged on for many months, subsiding here only to burst forth elsewhere with redoubled fury. but end it did at length, and the island enjoyed peace for a time. "then once more the natives took up arms, and, while spain strove to put down a rebellion at home, had things much their own way, for the mother country had her hands full. for ten long weary years that rebellion lasted, and many a conscript from the fair land stretching from pyrenees to mediterranean bit the dust in this far-away spanish possession. "it is, perhaps, a coincidence that america in those days came into conflict with spain, so that war very nearly resulted, the cause of quarrel being then, as now, aggravated and brought to a climax by an act of peculiar cruelty. for in those days the condition of the poor natives aroused the sympathy of americans, many of whom, moreover, had already settled in the island. their pity took the form of substantial help, for they dispatched various filibustering expeditions to cuba, and thus supplied the natives with arms and ammunition. unhappily, a certain ship known as the _virginius_ was discovered attempting to land her cargo, and failed to make good her escape. capture was inevitable, but before being taken by the spanish gunboat, the americans on board managed to get rid of all their warlike stores. it made no difference, however, for once landed at santiago, little time was given for friends to intervene. all were condemned to death; and as a preliminary, a number of cubans who formed part of the expedition were shot, their heads being severed from their bodies by the mob, and paraded round the town. fourteen were executed on the following day, and others on the next, including the commander of the expedition and other americans. then the butchery was put a stop to by telegraphic orders. "but the mischief was done, and i ask you to think how you would have felt had such a deed been perpetrated nowadays. i can assure you that america cried loudly for retaliation, and war was only narrowly averted. "for ten years the insurrection flourished, subsiding in the winter to a mere nothing, for then the spanish troops were able to take active measures to suppress it. in the summer, however, from may onwards, when the rainy season commences, the insurgents had the best of the fighting. themselves immune from fever, and acclimatized, they could live and fight in the 'manigua,' as the bush and swamp in the interior are named, while the spaniards were helpless. drenched by constant tropical downpours, and plodding along a narrow, irregular track which was thick with mud, they were fired upon by unseen foes from the trees and jungle on either hand. what use to charge into the thickness of the vegetation? it was sheer suicide, for they were at once separated and split into small parties upon which the cubans fell with unspeakable fury, armed always with a deadly chopping weapon, the 'machete.' "cold steel did the grewsome work silently and mercilessly, sending many a poor lad of castile to his end. "imagine the conditions for a moment, hal, and you too, gerald and dora. you all know what a thick forest is like, for the 'barn' in florida is built in the midst of the jungle. think what it must be to be weary with trudging along a path thick with mud; to be footsore, drenched to the skin, and hungry; and then to be wounded by some unseen hand. no wonder that the spanish troops died in their hundreds, poor lads! scarcely able to crawl themselves, was it wonderful that the transport of food and ammunition was difficult? it was impossible, and i can tell you that, though the cruel machete accounted for many, exposure, want, and disease killed thousands more. "it was a wearisome rebellion, and it, too, died a natural death in . "and now to bring you and my tale to more modern times. following peace came renewed prosperity, and with it myself, for it was then that i purchased a plantation. as i became acquainted with the ins and outs of the island life, i learned that the appearance of tranquillity was false after all. discontent was manifest everywhere, and matters were beginning to wear an ugly look. factions were openly at work stirring up the people; and of these, one clamored for a system of home government under spanish guidance, while the other would have none of it, and openly advocated a free cuba--cuba for its native people, exempt from all interference. "i need not tell you that the haughty, careless officials who had come from the home country formed another party, which sneered at all things native, and, mindful of the fat purses to be made from their several appointments, cried loudly for military rule, less consideration and less conciliation, and, as a change, a tighter grip of the hand which had already cost spain so dear. "it is wasting breath to recount what happened. of course, discontent grew to active rebellion, till the island was once more swept by fire and sword. to describe every detail of this new insurrection would be wearisome, for it has dragged on ever since, and not once has there been anything in the way of a battle. minor skirmishes have been the order of the day; in fact, it has simply been guerrilla warfare. "on the spanish side the main scheme has been to divide the island into three parts, and so separate the rebels. for this purpose two continuous lines of forts, called 'trochas,' have been constructed. they stretch from north to south, cutting cuba into three long strips. you will see one as we drive from santiago to our destination, but i may tell you that they are of enormous strength, that a double fence of barbed wire protects a road cut through the jungle, and that along the latter innumerable forts have been erected, while a railway stretches from end to end. "but these trochas have proved almost useless. the enormous force at the disposal of the general is swamped in garrisoning them, while the mortality is very high. and the insurgents are more active than ever. trains are blown up with dynamite, the trochas cut, and the men in the forts forever harassed. "and now i come to the stage in the rebellion which is the real cause of trouble with america. determined to conquer, the insurgents have adopted the custom of burning the villages, so as to force those who were wavering, or who were faint-hearted, to throw in their lot with them. in addition, they have taken to destroying plantations, thus depriving the working classes of the means of livelihood. this naturally led to much misery and hardship, but the condition was as nothing when compared with that produced by the spanish general, weyler, who now came on the scene. finding that the peaceful laborer of to-day was the insurgent of yesterday, he ordered all living in the country to come into the towns, a concentration order excellent in its intentions, but heartlessly carried out. thousands were congregated together and starved--literally and actually starved. there was no method in feeding them and looking to their well-being. the spanish authorities had made utterly inadequate provision for them, and as a consequence they sickened and died in their thousands. "and there you have the cause of trouble between spain and america. my adopted brethren have warm hearts beneath a calm exterior, and their sympathy for the poor cubans is deep. they resent this perpetual bloodshed occurring so close to their coast as a slur upon their humanity; and they demand, for the sake of all, that it be put a stop to. correspondence has passed between the governments, and seeing that america means business, spain has promised to amend, and do her utmost to end the sad condition of affairs. as an assurance of the truth of her words and the honesty of her intentions, she has dispatched a warship to new york, and the unfortunate _maine_ was here on a similar friendly errand. "and she was blown up by a mine. there were two definite and distinct explosions: the first produced beneath the keel of the ship, and the second in her forward magazine. that is my opinion, and others share it. i am sorry even to think it possible, and i say now, that it is my firm belief that spaniards in general are too honorable, too chivalrous to attempt such a dastardly deed. but there are black sheep in every flock, and some inhuman scoundrel has this night sent numbers of his fellow-men to an untimely end, and at the same time has, in all probability, plunged two countries into war, the ultimate consequences of which one cannot even dream of." "but why should you think so, mr. brindle?" hal asked eagerly. "i know that the blowing up of a steamer is an unusual occurrence, but still it has happened before to-night, and why not again? accidents come when least expected." "true, hal; but in the chapter of mishaps likely to befall a war-vessel, explosion of the magazine is almost unknown, save in battle-time. what are the conditions now? we are at peace, and i who know the spirit of discipline in the american navy can tell you that the same careful look-out and the same precautions are taken in everyday life as during a war scare. it is a strict rule of the service that the officer on watch shall inspect the ship at a certain hour at night, and report all lights dowsed, and magazines in a safe condition. it was done this very night, you may be sure; and see what follows! the men we have rescued say that they were awakened by a violent shock, and that a second and more powerful one threw them from their hammocks. we, too, noticed the same, and i can swear to it that the first sent a column of water into the air, while the second shattered the forward portion of the _maine_ to fragments. "i fear it must be the case," said hal, after a few thoughtful minutes; "and i suppose that the next item of news will be that war is declared." "yes, almost without doubt; and it should be so, then all my plans will be altered. i must get through to eldorado, to see that the plantation and hacienda are safe, and then i shall probably send dora and gerald back to tampa. no, don't try to dissuade me," he cried, lifting a warning finger as they both began to expostulate. "i shall take time to come to a decision, and it must be considered as final. "and now let me tell you of another matter which concerns you, hal, more than the others. you bear the mark of a bullet on your shoulder, and shall learn what i have hitherto kept from you. the scoundrel whom you heard addressed as señor capitan is no less a person than captain josé d'arousta, a gentleman of very evil reputation. i may inform you that he came to the island many years ago--quite twenty, i should imagine--when only a lad; that his father had a position under the government; and that the man of whom we are speaking first disgraced him by his riotous living, and then broke his heart by marrying a half-breed girl. poor thing! she was too good by far for such a reckless fellow. she owned a plantation, and i need scarcely tell you that he quickly ran through her ready money, and then all that could be possibly raised upon the estate. what happened to her later i do not know, but he became captain of an irregular spanish band near santiago, and rumor reports that his cruelties made him hated by insurgents and friends alike. i know that he burnt down plantations wholesale, and that if one wished to escape, it was necessary to bribe him with large sums of money. i paid heavily at first for my immunity, and then, tired of his constant threats, i one day horsewhipped him before all the hands, and afterwards defied him; but i was careful at once to organize a band of armed men, to keep a watch over the plantation and house. "money seems to josé d'arousta a dire necessity, for that is the class of man he is. he even thought it worth his while to come to tampa, knowing well that he would not easily relieve me of my valuables in the island. you foiled him, and i warn you solemnly, hal, beware of the fellow. he possesses that love of vengeance and ferocity common to his race, and he will surely repay you when he has an opportunity. therefore take care, and as the times are unsettled i advise you to arm yourself at once with a revolver. carry it in a hip pocket, and use it if your life is threatened." "i will," hal answered quietly. "i am not afraid of the fellow, but he looked a nasty customer, and it is always best to be on the safe side. if he happens to knock up against me, he will be less inclined to quarrel when he sees that i am armed." "quite so, and i am glad you fall in with my views," said mr. brindle. "gerald, too, while at the hacienda, had better carry a weapon, while i am sure that the three of us will be easily able to defend dora from all harm." "that we will!" hal blurted out enthusiastically; and then, seeing mr. brindle smother a knowing smile, he became suddenly silent. but dora heard, and presently, when her father's head was turned, she flashed our hero a grateful glance from her eyes, which seemed to say, "yes, i am sure you would do all that was possible"; a message which hal must have appreciated, for he tingled strangely from head to foot. "by george!" he murmured, as he lay back in his chair and conjured up the dark, forbidding features of josé d'arousta, "i would smash the beggar into little pieces if he even attempted to harm one of my friends." then his lips tightened, and his fingers gripped the arm of the chair. "thinking of our acquaintance, the railway thief, i'll be bound," said mr. brindle suddenly, looking critically at hal. "all the better, my boy. take my warning to heart, and beware of the spaniard as you would of the plague. he is a rogue, and is not to be trusted. if you should chance to meet him, and see him put his hand in his pocket, cover him with your revolver. and if pedro, his accomplice, is with him, be doubly cautious; for here, in cuba, they are capable of any atrocity, knowing well that, owing to the unsettled condition of the island, they can defy the law. indeed, i more than suspect that they are the head of a gang of desperadoes who rob both insurgents and spaniards, and care for one side as little as they do for the other. but, dear me! this has been a very long yarn, and i am tired. what do you all say to a short rest in our bunks? dawn will break in a couple of hours." he yawned loudly and rubbed his eyes, as if to drive the sleep out of them. "come," he continued, "we have done all that is possible for these poor fellows from the man-o'-war. let us sleep and prepare for to-morrow." hal, dora, and gerald also were feeling tired and sleepy; therefore, rising from their seats, they took another look at the wrecked and half-submerged _maine_, which was now burned at the for'ard part to the water's edge, while sheets of flame still belched upwards from the after-decks, and sent columns of dark smoke into the air. then, with a sigh for the poor lads who had met their fate that night, they shook hands silently and descended to their cabins, where all four were soon wrapped in sleep. chapter x a sudden attack when hal and his friends appeared on deck on the morning following the disaster to the _maine_, the city of havana was in mourning. shops, exchanges, and public offices were closed, while flags hung half-mast from the poles on all big buildings, and from the tops of the shipping in the harbor. projecting from the water a hundred yards away was the half-submerged wreck, now blackened and unsightly, and covered with a pall of dense smoke. ashore the hospitals were crowded to overflowing, and surgeons were still busily at work, amputating mangled limbs, and doing their utmost for the sufferers; for more than half the ship's company had been either killed or sadly injured. even then the news had reached america, and peaceful cities, opening their morning papers, read with a shock of the terrible calamity. away in the country districts, farmers and cowboys learned the tidings some hours later. it was flashed east and west across the wires. the dire event was discussed in every drawing room, in hotels, restaurants, and cars. men whispered the news to comrades as they descended in the cages to the deep levels of coal-mines, while others shouted it from the foot-plates of outgoing trains, as they steamed through the stations. and everywhere there was but one thought. punishment must be meted out to the nation which had caused the disaster. oh, yes, it was a crime. not a man but knew it, though the bare facts had hardly reached him. there had been foul play, and the villains who had been guilty of it must pay. on the part of the government, arrangements were at once made for a board of inquiry to sit at havana, and for the wreck to be examined by divers. the report, which could not possibly be issued for many a day to come, was awaited with feverish impatience, many of the hotter-blooded people of the states demanding instant war with spain, and an examination and explanation afterwards. in havana, nothing could have been more marked than the sorrow of the spanish. they grieved for the unfortunate seamen, but there was no treachery, they vowed; and those who saw them on that day were confident that if the explosion had been previously arranged, it was by some miscreant who acted for himself, and against the wishes of the people. and in this position the two nations must be left while we follow our friends to the hacienda. "the train departs at midday," said mr. brindle, when they were collected at breakfast. "we will disembark in an hour's time, and make a few purchases in the town. then we will get on board the cars, and, with luck, shall be at the hacienda in three days' time." accordingly, they packed their baggage and embarked in the boat which hal and mr. brindle had helped to man on the previous night. by noon they were comfortably in the train, the intervening hours having been employed in buying provisions, and in obtaining revolvers and ammunition for the three men of the party. "we shall want them more than ever now," said mr. brindle, slipping his weapon into a hip pocket which had been specially contrived for the purpose. "as soon as we reach eldorado, i will get one of the negro women to make similar receptacles for you two lads, for it is as well to keep these toys out of sight till the critical moment arrives." three days later they descended from the cars at a wayside station some miles from santiago, and in a beautiful part of the island. mounting mules, they left their baggage in charge of two of the plantation hands, and before long reached the hacienda, of which mr. brindle had not boasted when he declared that it was the most lovely in all cuba. and now hal's duties commenced in earnest. "you are to be my right-hand man, remember that," exclaimed his kindly employer a day or so later. "you will live with us, of course, and will be considered as one of the family. early in the morning i ride round the place, which is some miles in extent; and i shall expect you to accompany me. then, during the day, you will be about the place, and will look in here and there. the cane is now ripe for cutting, and we shall have our hands full with it in a matter of two weeks. then the tobacco crop is unusually promising, and we shall have to harvest it immediately after the cane. now, as to workmen. the majority of my hands are negroes, whom i imported from the estate in florida. they are reliable, honest men, who look to me as to a father. i treat them well, and they reward me by being obedient and working hard. they are re-enforced by a few local natives; but i have purposely employed very few of the latter, for they are discontented, idle fellows, and since the insurrection started, there is never any knowing when they may be off with their brethren. ah, here is black peter, my foreman, a faithful fellow, who has spent many years in my service. pete, this is my overseer, and from to-day you will treat him as myself, and will take your orders from him." the negro thus introduced was a white-haired man of over fifty. he looked hal critically up and down, and then doffed his ragged cap. "sar, you my master from right away," he said simply. "what you say i do, and de oders follow pete." "that's good," hal replied, smiling and stretching out his hand, an offer which the negro at once responded to by shaking it heartily. "now that you know each other, we will make a round," exclaimed mr. brindle. "how has everything gone on in my absence, pete?" "velly fine, massa. crops him big and plenty, and boys working, oh, so hard! dey say de weather fine, so do all we can. come winter and de rain and we take him easy, and sleep and smoke till de heart am full." "that's your way, is it?" answered mr. brindle, with a laugh. "well, work now is the motto, for when the winter comes there is little to be done. one thing, though, tell all the men to keep their eyes open. you'll remember the spaniard? he may come our way again, and if he does, it would be bad for us. do you follow me, pete?" the negro nodded his head vigorously, and went off promising to warn the other hands. mr. brindle then took his overseer on a tour of the plantations, returning by way of the machinery sheds, which occupied a central position, and which were to be hal's special care. each one of the laborers as they came up to him dropped the implement he was using, and, unslinging a rifle carried across his back, raised it to his shoulder in salute. "that is a sign of the times," said mr. brindle. "i have been so often threatened, particularly by that amiable fellow josé d'arousta, that i have found it advisable to arm my negroes. they are all drilled and instructed in the use of their weapons, and i fancy would fight staunchly if it came to a struggle. fortunately, however, we have been left severely alone, though we must never relax our vigilance, particularly now that war is imminent. but come along and see the sheds in which we dry the tobacco leaf. if all goes well i shall make a fortune this summer, for the ground has been fertile, and the crops are of excellent quality." as the days passed, hal found little cause to grumble at the position he had taken. in the house he was at once at home, and, indeed, was just like one of the family. in the plantations he found that the negroes respected him, and did what he told them willingly. over the mulattoes, too, he seemed to have perfect command, and seldom had cause to find fault with them. once, however, he discovered a burly, impudent fellow ill-treating a mule, and promptly dismissed him, mr. brindle heartily approving of the course he had taken. the man left uttering threats, saying that before long he would return with some of his comrades, and burn the hacienda down. meanwhile, little of the squabble between america and spain was heard of. two months later, as hal and gerald were returning from a distant part of the plantation, they were startled by a figure suddenly emerging on to the track in front of them. the man darted from the trees which grew thickly on either side, and waved his arms wildly. it was evening, and the darkness was so great beneath the leaves that it was not easy to see him; but gerald called hal's attention to him. "hist, massa! am dat massa hal?" a voice called softly through the darkness. "yes. what is it? what is the matter?" hal asked eagerly. "gently, boss; not speak so high. me take johnson, and come along to tell you dat massa and de missie am troubled." "mr. brindle and dora? impossible!" exclaimed hal. "why, you must be dreaming, for we left them in the hacienda having tea not two hours ago." "yes, sar, and bad men watch de boss and young massa ride away. den, as jake work in field, he see first one and den twenty men ride across to house. he see black pete run to call de boys, and hear de rifle go crack, crack, crack! pete, him lie over dere so quiet on his face, and two ob de boys wid him. oders make run into trees and hide, so not get hit wid bullet." "yes; and then, what occurred?" asked hal eagerly, springing at the same moment from his saddle. "what did these ruffians do next? quick! the safety of the boss and his daughter depend upon my hearing at once." "dey laugh at black pete as he lie dere," continued the negro. "den dey fire again into de trees, and ride on to de house. jake him lie in bush and t'ink. him say to himselb, 'de bad men am come to take all. dey not find de young boss, and dey wait to shoot him when him come along. me stop dat. me go along right now and find de massa hal, and tell him. den, p'raps, all come right.' me run dis way, and when me see you and de young massa riding along, me hop on to de path, and shout and wave de arm. oh, sar, get back quick and kill dem all! jake willing to help and do what him can." the good fellow lifted his hands as if beseeching, and looked appealingly into hal's face. "you have done very well, jake, and i shall remember," said hal. "these men have evidently been here some time, and the trees on the plantation must have prevented us from hearing the firing. but, in any case, i don't suppose these ruffians, whoever they are, would care much who heard, for we are right away from civilized parts, and have no neighbors, while they are in force, and have driven the hands away. no doubt they feel perfectly secure, for the hacienda is so far from santiago that they would have done all they wished and cleared away before we could get help. no; we can expect no one to intervene, and must act for ourselves." "but how? what can we do?" asked gerald in dismay. "do? that is a difficult question to answer on the spur of the moment, old boy. but this is certain, we must make a move, and that at once, for these fellows have already shown that they mean to stop at nothing. they have fired at, and apparently killed, some of the hands. there is no saying to what extent they might carry their bullying. we must stir up the men, and turn them out as soon as possible. let me think a moment. yes; there are thirty armed negroes. some of them have probably never seen the gang who fired at their friends, for they will have been on the other side of the plantation, at work in the fields. but you may be sure that they will now be on the _qui vive_; for though we failed to hear the shots, the hands are too old, and have had too good a training to make any mistake. their hearing is far more acute than ours, and everyone knows what wonders they are at tracking, and at following a trail in the dark. of the thirty, three are killed or wounded. that leaves twenty-seven, and with such a number we ought to be able to accomplish something. listen, jake. run off as fast as you can, and tell the boys to collect at the crushing shed. how long will it take you to find all of them?" "p'raps quarter hour, p'raps longer, sar," the negro answered quickly. "but jake him know a little ting. him make sounds dat all de boys know. dey hear and follow wid de same, so's oder boys know. me be in hurry, boss. you see how quick me hab dem all, ebery one." he turned, and, without another word, dived into the forest, leaving hal and gerald listening to the crash of the underwood as he forced his way through. "of course, it is absolutely impossible to know what has happened, and equally difficult to determine what to do," said hal thoughtfully. "but i think our best plan will be to creep towards the house, and see what these men are doing. then we may learn how matters stand, and can arrange our plans accordingly. if they know the plantation, and all about it, they will certainly be on the look-out for us on our return. i fancy if we went forward without taking the precaution to remain silent and in hiding, we should be greeted with a bullet, for they evidently care little what murder they do. walk softly, old fellow, and keep a careful watch ahead, and your ears wide open. i am not anxious to get shot again; and besides, i want to turn the tables on these marauding rascals, and teach them a lesson which they will not be likely to forget in a hurry." he looked calmly at gerald, and then, motioning him to follow, led the way along the track. soon he came to a path which was almost invisible, for it was so little used that the jungle which grew closely around the hacienda had obliterated it, just as it would have overrun the tobacco fields and the clearings meant for the cultivation of cane, if constant and arduous labor with the machete did not keep it down and within strict bounds. but hal knew the path, for he was now well acquainted with the ins and outs of the whole plantation. pressing forward, and closely followed by gerald and by the two mules, he pushed the creepers and vegetation to one side, and rapidly approached the neighborhood of the hacienda. soon the trees opened, and judging that he was near the central clearing which surrounded eldorado, he came to a halt, and turned to his young friend. "you stay here and look after the mules, gerald," he said, in a voice that showed no trace of excitement. "i'll do a little prospecting. remember that your father's safety depends as much on your caution as on anything i may do." "right; you can trust me, old boy," answered gerald, taking the reins and seating himself at the feet of the mules. "i'll stay here as quiet as a mouse, and will keep the animals beside me. they will be too busy eating these green leaves to care to proclaim their presence by whinnying to their friends." "then i'll get off," and suiting the action to the word, hal started once more along the path. a hundred yards farther on it suddenly emerged into the clearing, close beside a large outhouse used as a stable for the many mules kept to work on the plantation. as hal approached this building, he heard voices, and at once turned into the forest, and crept forward amongst the trees till he was close enough to hear all that was said. thirty mules were tethered in the shed, and some men were feeding them. all were natives of the island save two, who seemed to be in charge. they chatted volubly with one another, and seemed to be highly pleased. but, though hal strained his ears, he could make nothing of the conversation, for the men were speaking in spanish. lying close to the edge of the forest, he watched them for ten minutes or more, wondering what to do. to attempt to reach the hacienda would have been foolhardy and quite impossible, for it was sixty yards away, and several armed men were marching up and down in the clearing, evidently having been told off as a guard. "i shall have to wait till it is dark, that is all," he murmured. "to try to get over to the hacienda just now would be simply to give myself into the hands of these ruffians, and throw all chances of rescue away. of course, if we can get hold of the hands, we could shoot every one of these fellows down, just like so many birds. but would that do any good to our friends--to--er--dora? i wonder who they are? the fact that there are spaniards with the gang makes it look as though they were not insurgents. and yet there are natives too. perhaps they are servants; and i shall be greatly surprised if our old enemy, josé d'arousta, and his rascally accomplice, pedro, do not turn out to be the ringleaders. i know that this is the kind of band they have been working with. irregulars they are called. scoundrels every one of them, i should say. hallo! who are these?" at this moment two men, whip in hand, and with rifles slung across their shoulders, descended the stone steps from the balcony of the hacienda, and sauntered across the clearing. they stopped in front of the first of the spanish sentries, and questioned him closely, allowing hal at the same moment a clear view of their faces, for they stood in the glare of a fire of logs which burnt close at hand. one was the rascally captain of irregulars who had made good his escape when attempting to steal the bag on board the train in florida. beside him, as might have been guessed, was pedro, smoking the inevitable cigarette. even then, as he conversed with the sentry, he was in the act of rolling another, his nimble fingers twisting the paper with a dexterity which showed how accustomed they were to the work. as hal looked, the two men laughed loudly, as if enjoying an excellent joke, and walked towards the shed. "as i thought," exclaimed hal, in a low voice. "it is those two ruffians, and, i suppose plunder and revenge have brought them here. what are they saying, i wonder?" josé d'arousta, now without a beard, and looking handsome and debonair in a planter's suit and high riding-boots, conversed volubly with pedro, and was undoubtedly in the best of spirits. then he turned and addressed the natives, giving them some orders in a sharp voice. "it is just as well to let them know who is their master," he said, suddenly using english. "in these times, when spain seems to have more and more trouble heaped upon her shoulders, these dogs get uppish and want careful handling. no doubt they wonder what we are doing here. of course, they know that it is one of our usual expeditions; but do they suspect anything more? up to this they have been only lukewarm adherents of their brethren in the island, and have not objected to a little burning here and there, for they are making money out of it. but if they were to suspect that you and i have our own private objects in view there would be trouble. remember, pedro, we are spanish irregulars. now, about this dog of an englishman. what has been done to capture him?" "if he escapes us he will be clever," answered his companion. "we know that he and the boy will return by a certain path. thirty paces from the clearing two of our men are posted. they are natives, and are armed with the machete. the boy will be taken to the hacienda, and the other will stay. yes, señor capitan, your orders will be followed in that respect," he added significantly. "that foolish young man who upset our well-laid plans in florida will disappear, for these black fellows are masters of the art." "and what if the mice refuse to walk into your trap?" asked the other. "how do you know that they have not already taken the alarm, and made the best of their way to santiago?" "the better for one if they have, señor capitan; but it will not be the case. the young english fool will not desert his friends. see how he supported them in florida, when he might easily have lain in his bunk and feigned sleep. but he must needs spring up, and come to the rescue, only to receive a bullet. he will act in the same manner this time, and he will suffer death. madmen must be treated as madmen when they become dangerous to one's safety. but we shall soon know. we will give them a little time longer, and then, if the boy is not brought to the hacienda, i myself will go down this small pathway till it cuts into the larger one. there i will stay, and hide amongst the bushes. if in an hour i do not come to tell you that i have seen them, you may be sure that they have ridden for the town. that would be unfortunate, for we have a score to pay to the englishman, and it would mean more trouble on another occasion. but, should they have escaped us, we need not fear surprise, for santiago is far away, and it will be to-morrow morning before they could return with help." "not even then," said josé d'arousta, with a sneer. "to whom are they to apply for help? no one would listen to the beggarly englishman, for are not they the same as americans? at any rate, their sympathies are with these enemies of spain. we will rest here, take all the money we can lay our hands on, and then return leisurely, conscious that we have done a piece of excellent work. if there should be trouble, we have hosts of friends to prove that we were in santiago when the attack was made upon the hacienda. you may be sure that the matter would be dropped at once, for the commandant in santiago has sufficient on his hands already without caring to be troubled about such a trumpery affair. yes; i have no fears. we will take our ease, and depart with all the gold we can find." "leaving the hacienda in flames, señor?" the half-caste asked eagerly. "no, certainly not. there you show yourself sadly wanting in thought, pedro," josé d'arousta replied, with a grim smile. "our friends defied us once before; they escaped us in florida, and now we have them in our toils. but, remember, the crops are just gathered and stored, and very shortly money will be received in exchange. we will leave the hacienda for another time, pedro. do you follow me? we will take the very last dollar now by force, returning on a later occasion for a second haul. if we are not satisfied then, it will be easy to set a torch to the hacienda, which is the pride of señor brindle's heart." "ha, ha, ha! that is good, señor capitan. it is fine!" pedro answered, with a snigger. "of course, we will leave him for another day's sport." they walked away towards the hacienda, leaving hal boiling with wrath and indignation. "rob him now and come again, will they!" he muttered angrily. "we will see about that. the brindles have been more than good to me, and i will do my utmost for them in return. at any rate, i will put a spoke in josé d'arousta's wheel this time. now, how is it to be done? i'll slip back and talk it over with gerald, for he is sharp, and may very well be able to help." he crept into the darkness of the forest, and, emerging at length upon the path again, he crawled away from the clearing as rapidly as possible. "hallo! is that you?" exclaimed gerald, starting to his feet as hal suddenly rose by his side, having given absolutely no evidence of his approach. "bother you, old man, you made my heart jump into my mouth. 'pon my word, you are a regular red indian, and i am sure that one of our hands could not have done better. but what have you learned?" "a good deal, gerald. take a seat there on the ground and listen." hal seated himself beside his young companion, and rapidly told him all that had passed between josé and pedro. "there, you know all," he said at last. "just stir your brains and tell me what we are to do. we have a number of reckless men to deal with; that you can plainly perceive, for they do not hesitate to arrange for my murder. on our side we can count on twenty-seven negroes, who are faithful, and who will fight if well led, but who, negro-like, may run away if someone does not show them an example." "then why not surround the hacienda and open fire?" said gerald, eagerly. "and lose control of our men at once. no; that would not do," hal answered quietly. "besides, what would those villains do in such circumstances? i tell you, gerald, they are brutal enough to kill their captives. now, look here; our men will fight, if collected together so as to feel one another's support. i have a little plan to propose which i think will settle matters satisfactorily. we are in the minority, and our men are on foot. if we push this gang of ruffians they will fight hard, and we shall not gain our end, which is the rescue of your father and dora, and of the money in the hacienda. i suggest that we make it impossible for them to take their mules. that will be a simple matter, for we have only to post the negroes beside the shed. then we will cover the guards who are on watch in the clearing, and will order them to decamp. after that we will deal with the ringleader. now, old boy, will you command the firing party?" "rather! of course! but what about you, hal? what will you be doing?" asked his companion. "i am going to set the ball rolling, if possible," answered hal calmly. "josé d'arousta's head man is bent upon searching for me. we will capture the gentleman, and make so free as to undress him. then i will take his place, and while he fumes and rages, will march as bold as brass into the hacienda." "what? you are joking, hal!" exclaimed gerald, aghast at the boldness of the idea. "you would be shot for a certainty. you cannot mean it." "oh, yes, i do," hal replied quietly. "and i can assure you that the risk is far more imaginary than real. think it over. it is getting dusk already, and, dressed exactly like pedro, i walk into the hacienda. the other ruffian will almost certainly be alone, and i shall have the advantage of him, for i shall take him by surprise. do you mean to tell me that i shall not be a match for such a man?" hal's eyes glinted strangely in the gloom, and, glancing at him, gerald was surprised to find that his usually smiling face had assumed a most severe and determined look. "by jove, you will, of course," he blurted out, extending his hand to grasp hal's and shake it. "a match for the fellow! of course you will be! but it's risky--awfully risky, and i don't like the thought of your going alone." "and i don't care to think what may be happening meanwhile," said hal earnestly. "that brute will be insulting and ill-treating everyone. bully is written on his face as well as thief. do you care to think that dora may be insulted by such a man?" hal jumped to his feet, and asked the question hotly. "good heavens, no!" gerald answered. "then don't try to dissuade me. if someone who is armed were not near at hand when shooting commenced, josé d'arousta might do something desperate; but with my revolver pointed at him he will be more cautious. now, look here. you cut over to the crushing-shed and bring the negroes across. take the mules with you in case their whinnying should be heard and give the alarm. i'll stay here and look out for pedro. now, hurry up, for i want some help to capture that fellow." promptly grasping the reins, gerald hurried away, and returned some minutes later with the whole force of natives. "now, jake," said hal, selecting the negro who had first brought the alarm, "send twenty of the hands up this path to the clearing, and let them lie down amongst the trees in sight of the shed. if they hear anyone approaching, they are to slip aside and allow him to pass, signaling down here to let us know. let me think. yes; there is a marsh down in the hollow, so it shall be the croak of a frog. you understand? we are to be warned whenever anyone approaches; and, by the way, see that rifles are unloaded. triggers get pulled too easily, and might give the alarm." jake hurriedly carried out the order, and disappeared down the pathway. "i want two more to cut into the forest and stalk a couple of ruffians who are watching the other path," said hal. "they must be careful how they approach, for the men i speak of are in hiding. when they discover the whereabouts of the sentries they must load and be ready for emergencies, and when they hear the others moving off, must shout at the two they are covering, and order them away. if the rascals show fight, they are to be dropped instantly. "now, you others," he continued, turning to the five who remained, "one of the leaders of the gang which has attacked the hacienda will come along this path. you will lie in wait for him, and capture him, for i want his clothes. if he is troublesome, you must silence him, for any sound now would ruin our plans. "that is all arranged, and we will step on one side," he went on, moving away from the group, and drawing gerald after him. "you see, it isn't that i don't like the job of tackling this beggar--i owe him one, and shall be glad to repay it; but the negroes will do it without a sound, whereas we might bungle it, and bring the whole crew down upon us. ah, down on your knees! i heard the signal. yes; there it is again." they hastily concealed themselves, and, crouching low in the forest, heard first the hoarse croaking of a frog, and then the unmistakable sound of footsteps approaching. chapter xi a bold course out from the dense maze of bushes and trees came pedro, the half-breed ally of josé d'arousta, picking his way gingerly along the narrow footpath, and evidently listening acutely for any sounds that might betray the position of an enemy, and the unwary approach of the englishman whom he hoped to kill. a moment before he had been shrouded in gloom, for the sun was already fast setting, and the roof of leaves overhead cast a deep shadow upon everything beneath. suddenly, however, he came into clear view, and hal and gerald, who were crouching within five or six paces of him, saw him distinctly. click! an excited negro pulled back his trigger in readiness, and pedro, hearing the sound, stood suddenly still, rooted to the spot, and listening with all his ears. for more than a minute a death-like silence reigned, while the half-caste peered into the forest, doubtful whether to advance or retire. prudence told him to hasten back to his friends, for the young fellow he was in search of had already proved that he was capable of looking well after himself. but fierce longing for revenge, the feeling that this was an opportunity not to be missed--one, too, that would enable him to attain his end without much danger to himself, for he hoped for a complete surprise--egged him on, and helped him to conquer his fears. he hesitated, and then, with a muttered "what a dolt i am! it was only a twig snapping," he gave a stamp of impatience, and walked on. next instant a nimble form sprang, unheard and unseen, upon the path behind him, and, crouching like a tiger collecting its limbs for a spring, crept stealthily after him. then, measuring the distance with a practiced eye, the negro launched himself through the air, landing upon pedro's shoulders. a hand closed firmly over his mouth, and a moment later the ruffian who came to destroy the beautiful hacienda, and to exercise a private vengeance, was lying as helpless as a log, bound hand and foot, while a hard and extremely uncomfortable gag was fastened between his jaws by means of a handkerchief. close beside him crouched a peculiarly sinister-looking negro, prepared to silence him should he attempt to give the alarm, and seeming, too, to hope for such an action, for he brandished his weapon in the prisoner's face in a manner that was sufficiently formidable to upset the equanimity of the boldest man. "that was well done--very neatly managed, indeed," said hal, issuing from his cover. "now, mr. pedro, or whatever you are called, we are going to turn the tables if we can. take off his clothes, my lads, and if he attempts to make a sound, or to get rid of his gag, you will know how to act." but there was very little need for the caution, for pedro a captive was a very different individual indeed from the half-caste who sat in the railway car away in florida, plotting the theft of mr. brindle's bag. his yellow eyes blinked nervously, and as the negroes crowded round him, and hustled him with no gentle hands, he looked at hal appealingly, as if asking for his help. his limbs trembled, and a thick perspiration broke out upon his forehead. "not at all, my fine fellow," exclaimed hal, as if he had read his prisoner's thoughts. "you need not appeal to me, for i told you that i was about to turn the tables. well, i have commenced with you, and the others have their turn to come. remember that i bear a mark upon my shoulder which you were good enough to give me. is it likely that i shall go out of my way now to save you any pain or inconvenience, especially when i know that you came this way with the express intention of killing me--murdering me in cold blood, i should have said? that's right, boys, strip his coat and breeches off. i fancy i shall manage to squeeze into them." tumbling their captive without ceremony, it was not long before the negro hands had dragged his fine clothes from him. hal picked them up, and carefully inspected them. then he donned them calmly. indeed, looking at him there as he struggled into the coat, one would have imagined that he was undertaking some very ordinary duty, one to which he was accustomed every day of his life. he paid particular attention to the set of the breeches, and seemed quite annoyed because the jacket of the half-caste would not button across his expansive chest. "you see," he said, with something approaching a smile, "i want to be accurate. this fellow usually has his coat fastened, but i'm too big to allow of it. however, the resemblance will be good enough, particularly as it will be quite dark. "now, listen," he continued imperiously, turning to his prisoner. "i am now going to meet that scoundrel who works with you; but first i want you to answer a question, and be very careful how you do it. i have already warned you against raising an alarm. tell me an untruth, and i will make it extremely warm for you, for pain is the only thing that appeals to men of your class. now, my men, take the gag from his mouth and bring him to me." delighted to have in their hands one of the gang who had injured some of their comrades, the negroes rushed at the unhappy pedro, and dragged him to his knees. then they carried him to hal, and tearing the gag from his mouth, placed him upon his feet, one of them standing close beside him and holding the cold muzzle of a rifle at his neck. "ah, señor, spare me! i will tell the truth," pedro cried, his knees knocking together, and his eyes turning in terror to the negroes who held him. "take these wolves away from me, and you shall hear all that you wish to know." "silence! do you wish to let your friends hear you?" asked hal sternly. "silence, man, and answer in a whisper as you value your life. now, who is in the hacienda beside your accomplice?" "no one, señor, save a guard who stands at the door that opens from the top of the steps. el capitan sits in the best room, drinking wine." "if you were returning now, how would you act?" "i should pass by the guard without a word, señor," pedro answered, flinching as the barrel of the rifle touched his neck. "ah, señor, i cannot reply while my life depends upon this man behind. have the gun removed, i beg of you." "in time, pedro. you must really give us time," said hal calmly. "remember that i was to have felt the edge of cold steel myself, for your orders were that the machete was to be used to kill me. listen to this. i am going into the hacienda to see this friend of yours, and you will be brought to the edge of the clearing. when you hear josé d'arousta's voice, repeat his commands in loud tones, and warn your comrades on guard and those who are looking to the mules, that if they approach the house or attempt to take the animals from the shed, they will be shot down without mercy. i need not tell you to obey me to the letter, for these good fellows will have charge of you. now, bring him along, boys. the sun will be down in five minutes, and then it will be time to start." hal left his trembling captive in charge of the grinning negroes, and grasping gerald by the arm, led him along the path. five minutes later they were amongst the hands who were lying in the forest watching the shed and the guerilla sentries paraded up and down before the hacienda. "all of you lie down here," said hal. "ah, there goes the sun, and very soon we shall have the moon up in its place." he had scarcely finished speaking when the golden orb disappeared suddenly, and without the slightest warning, as is the case in the tropics, where night succeeds day with a rapidity that is astonishing. then up floated the moon, while stars glistened dull and faint in the sky, rendered almost invisible by the bright silvery rays that now shot over the trees and deluged everything. at once all around became silent, and the clearing and house looked unreal and ghostly in the pale beams which were so different from those that had lit up the place only a few minutes before. glancing into the clearing, hal saw the spanish irregulars sauntering carelessly up and down, their hands thrust deep into their pockets, and a cigarette gleaming red beneath the teeth of each. those who were not on duty had collected on the right beneath a group of palms, and were listlessly watching one of their number who saw to the contents of a kettle that was suspended over a big fire. they lay in all sorts of negligent attitudes, and seemed to have forgotten the hacienda and the leader who had brought them there. "now is the time," hal murmured in gerald's ear. "look here, old boy, i am going to leave you in charge. you know as well as i do what is going to happen and how to act. wait till you hear voices from the hacienda. i shall endeavor to make josé d'arousta order his men back to santiago. they will have to go without arms and without mules. that is your part of the business, and you must see to it. i am going to look after the chief scoundrel, but you must have those negroes ready in case of accidents. look over there. the rifles are piled in front of the fire, so that you can prevent the spaniards from touching them. do you understand?" "yes, quite," gerald answered hesitatingly. "but, i say, old boy, it's a fearful risk that you are taking. are you sure that it is wise?" "do you understand?" hal asked, repeating his question and ignoring gerald's. "yes? then take the utmost care, and when the time comes, make pedro add his order to josé's. there, you will manage beautifully. good-by. if you hear a shot you may as well make a rush, for there will be trouble in the hacienda." he nodded to gerald, and waiting only to squeeze the hand which the lad enthusiastically thrust towards him, he rose to his feet, and stepped from the shrubs and trees on to the narrow path. a moment later he was in the clearing, walking slowly across it with a swaggering gait, such as he had seen pedro adopting. and an extremely good substitute he made in appearance for that evil gentleman, though, as a matter of fact, he was some three inches taller. he was wearing riding-breeches, with high-cut riding boots, a wide-open coat and colored waist-cloth, such as is worn by many spaniards. upon his head was a broad-brimmed hat, with feather and tassel. the better to preserve his incognito he had tipped the brim well over his eyes, so as to throw a shadow upon his face. a fine manly young fellow he looked as he stalked into the moon-lit clearing, and he showed a determined face beneath the shadow of his hat. "by jove, what a chap!" gerald murmured eagerly, as he lay in the forest. "i ought to be there, but he knows as well as i do that i haven't the go in me to carry out such a cool piece of acting. who would have thought it of hal--the fellow who never quarrels, and seems to be liked by everyone? good old hal! but i ought to be taking all these risks for the sake of father and dora. why should he? why?" apparently the question rather staggered gerald, for he at once became silent, as he reclined upon the ground watching hal's every movement. with the utmost nonchalance hal walked towards the hacienda, ignoring the presence of the sentries and of their comrades who were feasting round the fire. suddenly, however, someone called to him. "señor pedro," he heard a voice cry, while a man hurried towards him. to escape was impossible, and, therefore, hal halted, and placed his hand easily on the butt of his revolver, which rested in his waistband. next moment a swarthy spaniard stood before him, and evidently described something which he had done. hal listened carefully, and was able from his rough knowledge of the language to gather that he was being told that all was well, when he promptly made up his mind how to act. "pedro apes the pure spaniard," he thought, "and, no doubt, as second in command, he treats these fellows with more or less contempt. it is the class of thing a man of his character would do. i'll say 'good!' and turn away." thrusting his hand into his pocket, he turned abruptly upon his heel, and said, "buenos!" then he walked on towards the hacienda, while the man hurried towards his friends, having detected nothing unusual. pedro was a rough, ill-conditioned fellow, he knew, so that the answer was all that he had expected. still, it was galling to be treated like that, especially by one not of pure spanish birth, and he did not fail to remark upon it. "one would think that we were dogs," he said angrily. "here have i been round the clearing to see that all is as it should be, and when i report the same to him, he turns upon me as though i had done him an injury. at least, it was as bad as that. some day the half-breed cur will be sorry. he has murdered many, and perhaps someone will try to find room for the blade of a knife between his ribs. if so, i for one shall not weep. but hand me my supper. there is one consolation in the fact that he cannot cut me from my meals." thankful to have escaped discovery, which would have meant failure at the very commencement of his little plot, hal swaggered to the steps, and stood there a moment to roll one of the many cigarettes with which the average spaniard regales himself during the day. taking care to keep his back to the sentry, who stood upon the balcony above, he struck a match and lit up, sending a cloud of smoke flying into the air. "now for it," he murmured gently. "i don't want a scene, and i wish to avoid bloodshed, but i mean to prevent this fellow d'arousta from robbing mr. brindle. he is my employer, and it is only my duty to do all that i can." he ran lightly up the steps, and would have passed the sentry without a word, but the man came forward, and held his rifle forward to bar the path, as if he had noticed something strange. but, more probably he was half asleep, or had been day-dreaming, for when hal gave vent to an exclamation of impatience and anger, the spaniard sprang back, and at once offered an apology. hal took no notice of it, for to do so would have been to betray himself. instead, he pushed on, and, pausing just for one moment to drag his hat still more over his eyes, entered the big room of the hacienda, which lay on the left. a tall shaded lamp stood close to the wall, and some paces from it was a table at which josé d'arousta sat, with a flood of light illuminating his face. opposite him, seated in a chair, to which his wrists and ankles were lashed, was mr. brindle, while standing close beside him was dora, white and trembling, but for all that preserving an undaunted mien. hal took in the whole situation in an instant, and, clattering across the room without ceremony, dragged a seat to that end of the table farthest from the lamp, and sat down with the rays upon his back. puff! a cloud of tobacco smoke came from his lips and enveloped him. "ha, you are back, then, pedro!" exclaimed josé d'arousta, turning to him. "what luck, my partner? has it been good?" at that moment hal emitted another cloud of smoke, and at once commenced to choke violently. he dragged a big red handkerchief from the pocket of pedro's coat, and held it to his face, nodding meanwhile as if to answer the question. "good! better than ever! things have gone well for us!" josé exclaimed. "here, señora, get me another glass of this wine. this is stuff which one does not find in santiago, and it is well to make the most of one's opportunities. besides, i would drink to the health of my friend, for he has just paid off a heavy score for me. think what it is." as if determined to do all in her power to conciliate the coward before her, dora refilled his glass from a decanter that stood on the table, and then returned to her father's side. as for josé, he lifted the wine to the light, and, having inspected it carefully, swallowed it with a gulp. "come," he said, with a sardonic smile, "you have not yet answered my question, señora. surely it is not because you are too timid a donzella (maiden)? what score do you imagine the gallant pedro has paid for me?" "if i heard that he had murdered every hand upon the plantation i should not be surprised," exclaimed mr. brindle. "he is villain enough for anything." "do you hear that, my pedro?" josé cried, with a gay, bantering laugh. "see what a high opinion the señor brindle has of you. my dear sir, please remember that you are speaking of my friend. he is an amiable fellow, i do assure you, and has a very tender heart. but, supposing that score referred to the overseer, the brat of an englishman who thwarted me before? you will recollect the occasion of which i speak." "pshaw! he was too clever for you," answered mr. brindle, with a disdainful smile, "and i am sure he has outmatched you again." "sure! are you, my friend? then we will soon let you know," said josé harshly. "but we will not discuss that matter now. the most important business is to settle the debt you owe me. let me see, you said, i think, that the cash and what valuables you possess are in that safe in the corner of the room. i want the key. where is it?" "there it is, hanging on my watch-chain," mr. brindle said brokenly. "you are too strong for me, and i must submit. if i did not know well that you would shoot me like a dog, i would have defied you long ago, and left you to make these discoveries for yourself. but you have the upper hand. wait till my turn comes; i will then hound you out of the island." "quite so; i believe you would if you could," answered the spaniard, with a satirical smile. "but you have unfortunately failed to take stock of current events. for instance, war was declared between spain and america yesterday. that very naturally throws santiago into a turmoil, so that you might hunt the town and never find us. again, you are an american, and once you leave your estate you are spying. remember that, for i shall swear that it is the case, and you must know the reward you would meet with." "war declared! ah, i thought as much! but still, i repeat that i shall repay you for this day's work, josé d'arousta," said mr. brindle sternly. "once before you attempted to rob me, and failed. you are successful this time, but it is the last, for i will never rest till you are punished." "really you will put yourself to much unnecessary trouble," the spaniard replied. "but we are wasting time. let me see what the safe contains. i am far more interested in seeing to that than in listening to what a beggarly american has to say." he started to his feet, and, striding up to mr. brindle, removed the key from his watch-chain. then he opened the safe, and pulling out the drawers, emptied their contents upon the table. "a very pretty haul, pedro!" he exclaimed, thrusting his fingers greedily amongst the gold which lay piled up before him. "a good reward, indeed, and one worthy of our labors. stow it in your pocket, my friend." hal, who up to this had preserved a strict silence, gave vent to a guttural laugh, and hastily transferred the gold and silver to his capacious pockets. the spaniard watched him eagerly, his attention being so much occupied with the booty he was stealing that he did not give more than a passing thought to his supposed accomplice. "good! that is done; and now i fancy we can bid you adieu," he said at last, turning to mr. brindle. "pedro, go to the door, and give our men the order to saddle up. señor, forgive my rudeness in hurrying away, but duty calls, for your countrymen will be exchanging shots with us very soon, and it is well that i should be there to help read them the same lesson as you have been taught. señora, your pardon. in the absence of our mutual friend, the handsome señor marchant, who, i fear, is dead, permit me to proclaim myself your very devoted servant." he turned on his heel, after giving a flourishing bow, and stepped towards the door. at that moment his eye fell upon hal, and he stopped abruptly; for, taking advantage of his satirical bobs, the latter had drawn his revolver, and now held it presented at the spaniard's head, while at the same time, as if to mock josé's manner, he leant one hand easily upon the table as if it were almost too much trouble to stand. "by your leave, señor capitan," he said, with a short laugh. "you have given us a lesson in politeness, and i will follow suit. hands up, at this instant!" to say that josé d'arousta was surprised was to express the situation mildly. he staggered backwards, turned deathly pale, and then drove his hand into his pocket. "stop that!" said hal, sternly, but in low tones, so that the sentry should not hear, holding his weapon within an inch of the spaniard's head. "hands up!" josé lifted his arms slowly and grudgingly, while he glared at hal as if he would kill him. "that is well. now, i warn you that i will shoot if you show even the faintest suspicion of treachery. dora, cut your father loose, if you please." as if in a dream, for she was as yet unable to grasp the situation, dora took a knife from the table, and released mr. brindle. "good," said hal. "now, mr. brindle, i will trouble you to lash this rogue in front of me." "delighted, i'm sure," exclaimed the latter; and at once set to work. taking the ropes which had bound his own limbs only a moment or two before, he wound them round the arms and feet of the spanish brigand, and knotted them firmly. "now we will go on with the play," said hal calmly. "much depends upon you, josé d'arousta. if you give the alarm now, you and your comrades will suffer. first and foremost, you will run the danger of receiving a bullet from my revolver, and then the negro hands, who lie close outside, will fire upon your men. pedro, too, whose clothes i was forced to borrow, will come in for very rough handling, for he is not a favorite with our good fellows. now, you can prevent all this by doing as i tell you." "what is it? what do you want?" the spaniard asked crossly. "go to the window and order all your ruffians to return to santiago. tell them on no account to go for their mules, for they will be shot if they attempt it, and we are anxious to avoid bloodshed where they are concerned." "and after that?" "we will settle with you and your rascally accomplice." hal looked the man in the face and spoke sternly. for an instant josé glowered at him, but realizing that he was beaten, he lowered his eyes, and muttered angrily beneath his breath. "you've had your orders, so come along," said mr. brindle, grasping him by the shoulders and hustling him unceremoniously to the window. "now, repeat them aloud, and be careful how you do it, for i have a strong hand, and will pinch your neck till the life is out of you." caught in a cleverly laid trap, there was nothing for josé d'arousta to do but obey. in a crestfallen voice, therefore, he called loudly to his comrades, begging them to leave the clearing and the neighborhood of the hacienda, and return to santiago at once. "tell them that if they attempt to take their rifles or advance towards the house, you will be shot," said hal, rising to his feet to get a clear view through the window. and now his plan to compel pedro to add his voice to the spaniard's proved useful, for at first the remainder of the band were incredulous. they could not believe their ears, and sat round the fire gesticulating and asking questions of one another. then the sentry descended the hacienda steps, and, unmindful of the warning, walked towards the piled-up arms. there was a crack from the fringe of trees, a flash suddenly lit up the shadows, and he fell backwards with his hands wildly clutching the air. "that will show them that business is meant," exclaimed mr. brindle. "it is just as well, too, for when a band of cut-throats attack a peaceful hacienda, they must be taught that punishment will follow. but, evidently, they have had enough." and this was the case. hearing their leader calling from the house, and his second in command from the forest, and detecting a ring of entreaty in the voices, the remainder of the rascally band hurried away from the hacienda, and, once amidst the trees, took to their heels in the direction of santiago. "there they go," said mr. brindle, throwing the latticed shutters wide open, and listening to the crash of men breaking their way through the jungle. "now we will deal with the others. hal, you know what is happening. give your orders. i must confess that i am perfectly bewildered." "it's all very simple," answered hal, relaxing into a smile now that the danger was past. "gerald and i were warned that you were in trouble. then i happened to hear this man's accomplice declare his intention of entering the forest in search of myself. i was to be put out of the way. happily i was able to turn the tables. pedro was captured without a sound, and i dressed up in his clothes, and came here in search of the other fellow. i knew that if i could master him i could get rid of the others, for all the hands are lying in the forest at the edge of the clearing, and you saw for yourself how quickly they checked an attempt to reach the arms. now i will tell them what to do, and then you can take matters into your own hands." hal went to the window and called loudly. "half of you follow those brigands to the edge of the plantation, and see them well away," he cried. "jake johnson, you and four others can bring your prisoner in here; the remainder had better stay in the clearing and keep a good look-out." a moment later the bushes which lined the clearing opened, and gerald and the negro hands appeared, the former accompanying jake johnson and the men in charge of the captive pedro. they trudged across the open space, looking weird and white in the pale moonbeams; then their feet were heard as they ascended the steps outside, and within a minute the two rascally spaniards, who had dared to attack the hacienda, stood side by side, bound hand and foot, and awaiting sentence. hal looked at them searchingly, smiling at pedro's appearance, for he was now clad in a tattered blanket in place of the fine clothes he had previously worn, and cut a very sorry figure; for this half-breed was not quite the man that he would have had his fellows believe. with all in his favor, and no fear for his own personal comfort and safety, he was a martinet, an insufferably proud man, who would stop at very little to support his position. now, however, when any fate might be in store for him, and when his conscience told him that he deserved the severest punishment, he showed the stuff of which he was made. his knees trembled and shook so that he could scarcely stand upright, his face was of an ashen pallor, and big beads of perspiration trickled down his forehead. a very different being was his leader. rogue though he was, and coward enough to insult a lady when he had her in his power, he was yet a brave man, with a brave man's detestation for one who could not look adversity in the face. he stood there, his usually sallow face now flushed red with excitement, his head thrown back, and an air of reckless defiance about him. "you hound!" he hissed, turning upon his quaking accomplice. "why do you tremble? what do you fear? have you not been the means of killing men? then why should you grumble when your own fate reaches you? señor, do me the favor of removing this fellow," he continued, turning to hal. "he is my servant, i tell you, and he has no right to stand by my side." "servant or friend makes little difference to me, josé d'arousta," hal answered coldly. "he has been good enough to act as your comrade in this deed of roguery, and therefore is good enough to take his sentence with you. now, mr. brindle, these two men came here unbidden and made a most unwarranted attack upon you. i leave you to settle with them, and will merely mention that three of the negro hands have been either killed or wounded by their following. deal with them as you think they deserve." chapter xii a risky undertaking called upon to pass judgment on the two spanish irregulars who had attacked the peaceful hacienda in search of plunder and revenge, it was long before mr. brindle opened his lips or endeavored to speak. he drew a chair before them, and, having seated himself with the utmost deliberation, extracted a long cheroot from a case of woven grass, which he always carried in his pocket. turning it round and round in his fingers, as if to satisfy himself that it was one of good flavor, he bit off one end, and striking a match, lit the other very carefully. even then he did not address the prisoners. "pull that lamp a little closer, hal, old boy," he said. "that's it. now lift the shade, that i may get a better look at these two--these two rascals." hal did as he was asked, throwing a flood of light upon josé d'arousta and his accomplice. "señor, you are kind to us," said the former, in the calmest of calm voices, and with more than a suspicion of irony in his tones. "a strong light never did the gay d'arousta harm. on the contrary, he has been told that it improves him." he laughed, and, jerking his wide-brimmed hat backward, turned still more to the light, showing a handsome face, which would have been quite taking but for the color and vindictive flash of the eyes, and for the involuntary twitch of his lips, which even he, calm though he had forced himself to appear, could not entirely control. "it is a pity, a thousand pities, josé d'arousta, that all your deeds cannot bear the light," said mr. brindle quietly. "i know them well, and you are aware of it. rogue, sir, is written on your face--rogue, vagabond, and thief. what have you to say for yourself?" "to say, señor? merely that ill fortune has befallen me. but for this dolt here i should have succeeded, so that i have little more to say than that i regret my failure greatly, and think myself a fool that i did not burn the hacienda about your ears. but this young englishman was too clever for me. it is the second time, and the last, i can assure you, señor, for josé d'arousta never forgets nor forgives, and never neglects to repay his debts in full." "exactly so," mr. brindle replied dryly. "it _is_ the last time. now, listen to me. a state of war has commenced in the island, and everything is disorganized. if i send you into santiago, you will be set at liberty again, for your services will be required. therefore i must take matters into my own hands, for men who make an unwarranted attack, and who kill my servants in cold blood, must take the consequences." "señor, you are scarcely wise," josé replied, with unruffled calmness. "you mean, i understand, that you will shoot us. ah, well! do so, and what will happen? in these lawless times my countrymen will retaliate, for the news is certain to reach their ears. that will be awkward, señor. on the other hand, you might set us at liberty, and profit yourself, for we will engage to leave you unmolested from this day onwards." "you will engage? but what is the value of a promise from you?" asked mr. brindle, with a disdainful shrug of his shoulders. "that you must decide for yourself," the spaniard answered calmly. once more there was silence, mr. bundle sinking his face into his hands, as if in deep thought; while the captives stood in front of him, josé apparently unconcerned, but for all that narrowly watching; and pedro, with eyes that were full of fear, and knees that knocked together in sheer terror. "does anyone know which of my servants were hurt?" asked mr. brindle suddenly. "were any killed, or wounded so badly that they will die?" "i can answer that question, father," said gerald, stepping forward. "black pete is hit badly, though not mortally, and will certainly recover: while the others have only trifling wounds." "then so much the better. i am glad that a death on my plantation and amongst my hands cannot be placed at the door of these men. listen, you two," he went on, sternly, looking josé and pedro in the face. "do you solemnly swear to leave me and mine alone in the future, and will you promise never to molest my overseer? you have threatened all of us, and we all know the nature of such men as you are. revenge unfortunately holds a high place with you, and you will do much to accomplish an end. put that aside. forget that we exist, and declare to me on your solemn word that you will never come near us; for otherwise i shall take the law into my own hands, and hang you both to the trees in front of the hacienda." "we will give you the promise on our honor, señor," said josé. "see, i look you in the face, and i swear to observe this bond between us. señor must know that a spaniard never breaks his oath." "hum, i have had too little to do with men of your country to be able to vouch for the truth of that," mr. brindle answered dryly; "but i have heard of the saying that there is honor among thieves. perhaps this is your case. however, lest you should forget this vow of yours, and come this way again to trouble me, i will give you a warning. from this day the man who approaches the hacienda with the intention of committing violence will be shot at sight. at sight, josé d'arousta; remember that. now you may go, but carry my words with you, i pray. outside in the clearing lies one of your gang, killed through your action. break your plighted oath, and i will bring you to the same end, and this ruffian, too, your accomplice. now, be off, and never let me see your faces again." he gave an impatient stamp, and turned to hal. "set them free," he said. "let us be rid of them." taking a knife from his pocket, hal advanced to the prisoners, and cut their lashings, keeping a close watch upon them the while, for it was well to suspect treachery from such men. perhaps from pedro there was little fear of foul play, for he had not the heart to attempt it; but from the other anything might be expected, for not for a single moment had his wonderful _sang-froid_ deserted him. even now, great though the relief must have been, he did not allow his feelings to betray him, or show that he had just emerged from an ordeal sufficiently trying to any man, and which might have ended in an order for his instant execution. "the señor is wise," he said, with a disdainful laugh. "he has realized that it is risky and foolish to harm a spaniard in these troublous days. ah, well! the times will change, let us hope; and meanwhile, who can say what will happen? now we will depart, as we have your permission, señor. señora, buenas noches (good night). i would fain have stayed to pass a pleasant evening. adios, señores (farewell, gentlemen). had i the power, i would drink to our next meeting." he swept his cap from his head, and bowed to the floor. then, with one look at dora and a meaning flash from his eyes in hal's direction, he tramped out of the room with a swagger, and went down the steps, followed closely by pedro. "i am thankful he is gone," exclaimed mr. brindle. "the air seems clearer already." "yes; i too am glad to see the last of him for this time," said hal. "but we shall have to deal with him again, and that very soon. listen. what is that?" they rose to their feet, and went to the window to look across the clearing. it was bathed in brilliant moonlight, which showed every object distinctly, illuminating the group of negroes who stood outside discussing the affairs of the past few hours in high-pitched voices, the piled-up rifles, and the dead spaniard who lay prone in the center, with arms stretched out before him just as he had fallen. there, too, were josé and his accomplice, entering the fringe of trees. as they did so, the former turned, and, seeing the faces in the window, and the figures of the watchers showing darkly against the light, he stood there and shook his fist in their direction. "hi! you in the room yonder!" he cried. "listen to josé d'arousta's parting words. remember this, señor brindle, that all is fair in love and war, and a vow pledged to the enemy is not binding. i give you solemn warning that i will visit this hacienda again, if it is only to meet and chat with the adorable señora. señor marchant, you know what to expect. i owe you a great debt, and will repay it." he shook his fist ominously, and, plunging into the trees, was lost to view. "and i will take his warning to heart," said hal quietly, turning to his friends. "he says that he will repay, and i declare that if i meet him again i will shoot him like a dog on the slightest suspicion of treachery. he deserves anything, for he has broken his word and his honor." "you will be fully justified in doing as you say, old boy," said mr. brindle. "but let us hope that he will never come our way again. war is said to have been declared, and, no doubt, spain will go to the wall. then america will look to our interests, and this unfortunate island will enter upon a new era of prosperity. such an act of violence as has been attempted this night will then be out of the question. now, let us go to supper; but, hal, my dear lad, first we must shake you by the hand. i am not going to sing your praises, but i must tell you how well you have done, and what you have saved me. the money in your pockets represents a year's savings and hard work, and the total return of the plantation." and now, while the small family at the beautiful hacienda of eldorado discuss the evening meal, let us turn to america and to spain, and ascertain what had been happening in the meantime, and why it was that, contrary to his previously expressed decision, mr. brindle had not sent gerald and dora back to florida. to say that the terrible tidings from havana, detailing how the _maine_ and her unfortunate crew were blown into the air, produced a storm of passion in the united states is to tell only the meager truth. for years cuba and the insurrection there had rankled in the hearts of all in this big country. many a time had private sympathizers given men and money to aid the cause of the insurgents, and more than once had representations been made to spain in order to persuade her to end the condition of misery which clouded the island, and ruined the americans there. the story of the _virginius_, though now many years old, was still fresh in the memory of the american nation, and the wretched condition of the unfortunate natives herded together in the concentration camps, and other evils, did not tend to let the sore close. no love was felt for the spaniard, but only hatred and contempt. matters, however, seemed to be mending, and a gallant ship, with a fine crew of officers and men, above whom floated the stars and stripes, was paying a friendly visit to cuba. what wonder, then, that the news of its destruction filled americans with anger! treachery was suspected at once, and a searching investigation insisted on. divers were dispatched to the wreck, who reported that a mine had been fired beneath the keel. they were not absolutely certain, but everything pointed to the truth of what they said, for the bottom plates of the _maine_, as well as the keel, were driven upwards at an angle, while the mud which formed the bed of the harbor beneath her was excavated to the depth of many feet--all going to prove that the explosions were the result of external force. but, even now, war was not certain, though the nation clamored for it. nothing definite could be decided upon until congress met; and meanwhile, america commenced warlike preparations, while spain, following her example, beat up recruits and war vessels for the struggle which was now imminent. in addition, she began to bestir herself to alleviate the sufferings of the people in the concentration camps in cuba, and at this, the eleventh hour, did her utmost to conciliate the people of the states. but the attempt was made too late. former spanish promises had resulted in no improvement in the condition of the island. america, remembering this, called upon spain to withdraw from cuba and leave it to the natives. a decided refusal was given, and on april the th a state of war commenced between the two nations, spain at once assembling her fleet in home waters, and making all preparations in cuba to resist the americans; while, at the same time, she held the insurgents in check. this was josé d'arousta's opportunity; and we have seen how, accompanied by pedro and his irregulars, he rode into the country and attacked mr. brindle's house. matters, indeed, looked anything but bright for those left in the island; and as the family sat at supper, mr. brindle discussed the situation earnestly with hal. "you see we are placed in a very uncomfortable position," he said thoughtfully. "living out here in the country, we must look to ourselves alone to defend the place. i do not suppose that the spaniards will trouble us unless they suspect us of trying to aid america; but when the island is infested with such scoundrels as josé and his friends, our lives and property will never be safe. what is to prevent that rascal from returning as he threatened? he failed to succeed this time by the merest chance--a chance, my lad, which you made good use of, though i do not forget that some allowance of pluck was required to bring your plan to a favorable issue. he failed, but on the next occasion he will not be taken in so easily. it really is a troublesome matter to decide upon. am i to stay here, or shall i leave until the war is over? that is the question which i continue to ask myself. supposing i get away from the island as soon as possible, the estate will be overrun, and i shall return to find it a blackened wilderness from end to end, and the hacienda, of which i am so proud, a heap of ashes. if i stay, as i am inclined to do, the place may be burnt over our heads at any moment, and our lives may be seriously threatened. now, hal, you have proved so thoughtful and cute before; let me know what you think about the matter? how would you act in the circumstances?" "it is more or less of a puzzle," said hal slowly, "but i think you will do well to stay. when your wounded negroes have recovered, you will have thirty-three rifles with which to defend the place--that is, of course, counting ourselves." "i beg your pardon--thirty-four!" exclaimed dora sharply. "you have forgotten to include me, sir." "quite right! quite as it should be! ha, ha, hal! you have caught it this time, and let it be a warning to you in future. the girl is a regular amazon. she can shoot and ride with the best of us." mr. brindle shouted the words across the table, and chuckled to see hal flush red. as for dora, her pretty lips parted in a smile. "i'm sure i hadn't thought of it like that," said hal apologetically. "but let us put it at thirty-four. now, i should advise that all the mulattoes be dismissed. you do not require them any longer, for the winter is at hand; and, besides, what help have they been on this occasion? none at all. we have not seen a single one since the row began, and in all probability they were with the gang of brigands. then i should at once take steps to replace them from the plantation in florida. you could spare them, i should think; and if not, it would not be difficult to hire more labor over there. the next and most important question to think of is how to defend the hacienda and plantation. in the first place, i should cut back the forest so as to obtain a wider clearing round the house. by doing this you will at the same time be providing material with which to build fortifications. to my mind, a sand-bag barricade on the roof would be the most useful defense, and i should run up a watch-tower above it. when the hacienda is seen to, i should erect small forts at intervals round the edge of the clearing, digging a ditch behind them. our men could lie in them, and fire on the enemies approaching from the direction of santiago, or from the other side; while, should anyone manage to evade them, he must still cross the clearing to get at the house, and would still be exposed to the rifles lying in the ditch." "hum! then you think that more men are necessary, hal?" said mr. brindle. "i do most certainly, and will fetch them for you if you wish. as far as i can see, you have only one thing to think about. you are an american by choice, and if your country were in real danger, no doubt you would volunteer your services. but this is not a struggle for supremacy between two nations, and you will, therefore need only to care for your property. if you make your preparations at once there is no reason why you should fear josé d'arousta or any of his kidney. if you fail to take all precautions, you will certainly meet with serious trouble, for that man will not forget his threat, and he will return here some day and wreck the place, besides doing injury to yourself." mr. brindle did not answer for some minutes. resting his head on his hand, he stared thoughtfully out of the window, seeming to have fixed his attention upon the long, dark shadows cast by the trees across the clearing. "i believe your advice is good," he said at length, "and i will set about the matter to-morrow morning. we will make out a plan of the surroundings of the hacienda, putting in all paths and approaches. then we will sketch in the positions most likely to be suitable for defenses. i fancy by using a little care we shall be able to design them to cross their fire, or rather, to allow the defenders to do so, without danger of hitting one another. as to extra hands, if you will do me the service, i will send a note by you to my overseer at tampa, leaving it to you to make the arrangements for the transfer of ten men here. but i expect it will be a more difficult undertaking than you imagine. no doubt you will slip from the island without discovery, but it will be another affair to return, for the coast-line will be carefully watched. that, again, is a question which you alone can settle; and as it will certainly have a spice of danger about it, i am sure you will manage beautifully, for when have you failed to pull yourself and others out of a difficulty? still, you must consider the probable risk, and tell me whether you are prepared to take it." "i have done so, and i repeat my offer," hal replied, without hesitation. "so long as the dangers and difficulties are not insurmountable, i shall enjoy the fun, for it will make the journey quite interesting." "then it is arranged; and as you may fall into trouble, gerald shall go with you to help you out. he speaks spanish and cuban like a native, and may very well be of use." "by jove, that is ripping, father!" exclaimed gerald delightedly. "when will we start, old boy?" "the sooner the better, i should say. to-morrow will not be too early." "then all shall be ready for you by daylight," said mr. brindle. "now, hal, if you will come outside we will go round the place, and discuss the measures to be taken for defense." on the following morning the sun had scarcely climbed out of the sea when hal and gerald were about, booted and spurred, and ready for the road. each carried his revolver and a flask, while two thick rugs were rolled into bundles, ready to be strapped to the saddles one in front of each rider. a few minutes later dora appeared, looking extremely pretty and picturesque, but with a scarcely discernible cloud about her usually smiling face. "there," she said, with a toss of her head, "here are two parcels of food for you. boys are always hungry, and no doubt you will be glad of something to eat upon the road." "that we shall," hal answered heartily. "now, gerald, up you get." the mules were led forward at this moment, and the two sprang into their saddles, hal gaining his seat with an easy vault which was by no means as simple to execute as it appeared. but he was a strong and active young fellow, and made little of such a feat. a minute later he had secured his stirrups, and had the reins in his hand. "good-by, and good luck to you!" cried mr. brindle, appearing with a letter in his hand. "here is the note for the overseer, hal; i ask him to send me ten extra hands. if need be he will advance you more money, though i believe i have given you sufficient to cover all expenses. one thing more. remember that while in cuba you are in the enemy's country, and that the less you come into contact with spaniards the better. now, adieu, and let us hope for a speedy return." "good-by, and take care of yourselves," cried dora earnestly, coming forward to shake them by the hand. "hal, i give gerald into your care. bring him and yourself back safely, and i will thank you." "i will, never fear," answered hal. then he lifted his reins, and taking his hat from his head, turned from the hacienda. "come along, gerald," he cried, and next second was cantering across the clearing. a minute later both were swallowed up in the forest, leaving mr. brindle and dora standing on the balcony, arm in arm, looking longingly after them. "i do hope that they will come to no harm," said dora, as if to herself. "harm! and so do i. but why should they?" answered her father reassuringly. "one of them has a head on his shoulders and a heart beneath his jacket which will take him through anything. there, come in, dora, and let us have some breakfast. afterwards we will go round the plantation, for during the overseer's unavoidable absence you will have to act in his stead." hal and his companion with hearts as light and happy as the morning, and filled to overflowing with high spirits, cantered along, side by side, in the direction of santiago. nothing disturbed their feeling of security, and they chatted gayly, going once more over the exciting events of the previous day. at length they emerged from the forest, and santiago lay exposed to full view, some five miles away. "one gets a splendid look-out from this level," remarked hal. "the town is laid out like a map beneath us; and just look at the shipping! that harbor with its narrow entrance, is like a bottle, and the fleets of spain might lie in there and never be seen, and never fear attack from hostile ships. hallo! what are those outside?" he shaded his eyes, and looked at two dots floating on the water just off the harbor mouth. a moment later they showed up clearly, even at that distance, and it was easy to distinguish that they were two long, low torpedo boats, which were steaming parallel to the shore, with a trail of blue smoke blowing out behind them. "spanish sleuthhounds," said hal. "gerald, we shall have some trouble in getting away, for those boats are patrolling the harbor mouth, and, no doubt, have strict orders to stop any craft attempting to enter or leave. but we'll manage it somehow." "why not get aboard some merchant vessel?" asked gerald. "at any other time, that might do," hal replied thoughtfully; "but now i fancy that all ships will be compelled to lay up in the harbor. besides, the american fleet will be blockading cuba, and to attempt to leave just now would be to run the danger of capture. still, i've no doubt that some neutral vessels are down there, and they will be allowed to sail, for there is a clause in international law that makes it possible. we must look out for one, and i propose that we ride a little closer, and leave our mules where they can be cared for. as soon as it gets dark we will make for the town, and enter boldly. we shall be like hundreds of others, for all the people hereabouts are dressed in these plantation clothes. i'll keep my tongue quiet, while you can do all the questioning. what do you say to that, old boy?" "that it will be the best way out of the difficulty, and, as we have still some hours to wait before the sun goes down, i vote for some grub. i'm as hungry as a hunter and as empty as a drum. an early start on a light breakfast makes one simply ravenous." "just the thing! i'm like you, and awfully peckish," answered hal cheerily. "here, what's this? the very spot for a camp and a short siesta. there is no fear of interruption, and a sleep during the heat of the day will do us good. we had precious little yesterday, and, for all we know, may have none at all to-night. whoa! stand, boy. there, now you can see for yourself. i dare say you are as ready for a feed and a rest as i am." they dismounted, and removing the bits from the mouths of their mules, and loosening the girths, allowed the animals to graze. then they sat down upon a fallen tree, and discussed the contents of the packets which the thoughtful dora had provided. at six o'clock it was time to start, and, saddling up, they went forward at a smart canter. "do you see that hut over there?" said gerald, pointing to a tumble-down erection of palm leaves and stakes which suddenly came into view some hundreds of yards in front of them. "that will be the very place to leave our mules, for a trusty native, whom i have known for years will willingly look after them till we return, even though weeks may pass." shaking their reins, they galloped up to the tiny hut, and called loudly for the owner. "we are going into the town," said gerald in spanish, when the native appeared. "we shall be absent a week or more, and we want you to look after the mules. can you do it for us? we will pay you well." the man, who was old and crippled, and dressed in rags, willingly assented. "for a week or more!" he cried, in a squeaky voice, shaking his head the while. "my advice to you, my masters, is to leave the town alone; for if you are rash enough to go there, it will be a month at least before you return--perhaps, even, i may never see you again. but i doubt whether you will be able to enter, for all the gates are closed, and the approaches guarded." "but there are other ways in, are there not?" asked gerald. "yes; you might be able to slip in by the side streets," the native agreed hesitatingly; "but take the advice of one old enough to give it, and leave the place alone altogether." he shook his head again, and hobbled away with the mules, leaving gerald to interpret what had passed between them. "perhaps it would be the wiser course not to enter santiago," said hal; "but we have no choice in the matter, for we want to get away from the island, and that is the only manner in which we can arrange it. come along, gerald. we'll decide how we are to act as we go towards the town." five minutes later they were walking towards the rows of lights which now twinkled from the houses in santiago. on arriving close beside the first, they halted at a drinking-fountain, which splashed musically, inviting the thirsty traveler to stop and satisfy his wants. "we want to get in there undetected," said hal; "and, what is more, we're going to have a good shot at it. the question is, how are we to set about the matter? now, my idea is to face the thing boldly, and act as if we had as much right to enter as the general himself. if we are seen skulking, suspicion will be aroused, and we shall probably have a few bullets flying about our ears. war has only just been declared, and no doubt the people are very much excited. they will be expecting something to happen, but not from this side. the americans will come from over the sea, and therefore it is from the coast-line that danger and attack will be apprehended. what is there suspicious about us? simply nothing! i never saw a more innocent-looking couple; and as for being different in appearance from the ordinary citizens, i am sure we should pass all but the closest scrutiny. come along! we'll strike for the main entrance." gerald jumped to his feet and followed willingly, for he had already had experience of the soundness of hal's judgment, and trusted him implicitly. a few minutes later the road which they were traversing narrowed, and, passing through a thick grove of orange trees, ran between two rows of houses. at the end of the street a barricade was erected, and a sentry, who stood behind it in the shadow, challenged them loudly. "halt!" he cried harshly. "who goes there?" "friends," answered gerald, in his finest spanish. "then advance, and show yourselves." hal and his comrade promptly stepped forward in obedience to the order, for it was too late to turn back now, even if they had wished; and, moreover, the sight of the sentry as he stood out from the shadow of the barricade, with rifle pointed in their direction, was sufficient to show them that even to hesitate would mean a report, and the whistle and shriek of a bullet in their direction. accordingly they moved forward till close beside him, when they stopped as the bayonet was dropped to the level of their chests. "here are two who wish to enter. bring a light, one of you," the sentry cried. "a lantern? wait, and i will come with one," a second voice answered; and steps were heard as another of the spanish soldiers approached. he carried an unlighted lantern in his hand, and, when close beside the lads, placed it upon the top of the barricade, while he fumbled in his pocket for a match. at length he produced a solitary one, and, lifting his foot, struck it sharply across the sole. but the flash was instantly extinguished by a puff of wind that came whistling through the trees at that moment. "ah, caramba!" he exclaimed, with an angry stamp of his foot. "it is the very last that i have, and to get another i must go back to the guard-room. have you a box about you, comrade?" the sentry placed his rifle between his knees, and searched in every pocket, but without success. "i cannot help you," he said crossly. "get back and fetch a light. i am tired of waiting." "i cannot be bothered," the other replied. "who are these fellows?" "we are friends," gerald promptly responded. "then pass them in, comrade," said the one who had declined to fetch a light. "they are brothers-in-arms most certainly." gerald pulled hal by the sleeve, and, without waiting for more, the two hurried through the barricade and on into the street. fifty paces away the road was dimly lighted by a lamp hanging from a pole. they were just passing beneath it, and were in the act of congratulating themselves on their success, when a company of soldiers marched up, and the officer in charge, happening to catch sight of the two youths, called loudly to them to approach and declare who they were. chapter xiii in danger and distress "who are you two over there? what are you doing out in the streets at this time of night. come nearer and let me see you," cried the officer, who had just marched in with a detachment of troops as hal and gerald entered the town and were moving away from the barricade. "come, i say, or we will make it uncomfortable for you, my fine fellows." "by jove! what are we to do?" asked gerald, in a low and anxious voice. "he orders us to come near so that he may inspect us." "the deuce he does! then we must make the best of a bad matter and go, for it cannot be helped," hal answered quickly. "if we attempt to bolt now they would simple riddle us with bullets. let us brazen the matter out, and should our luck fail us, just keep your eye on me, old boy, and when you see me move make a bolt for the houses." "right. come along; he's in a hurry." indeed, the spaniard was accustomed to be obeyed on the instant, and noticing at once that the two suspicious characters who had caught his eye hesitated, and stood talking in low voices, he reiterated his order in a loud and commanding tone. "now, who are you?" he demanded fiercely, when they had approached. "turn your faces to the light that i may see you. fellows of your sort love the darkness, it seems to me, and slink along in the shadows." "we are two of the people of santiago who work in the stores," gerald replied quietly. "we have been a short way out into the country to see a friend." "indeed, and who may he be?" was the haughty answer. "i do not like the ring of your words, my fine fellow. ha! what is this? you are both too fair for men of our race. here, sentry, bring along a lantern. there is no seeing with this smoky affair that hangs to the pole. wait, though. my men, march these two birds beneath the lamp yonder. then we shall be able to make sure of them." hal listened to the conversation with his eye fixed upon the spaniard's face, and though he did not understand what passed between him and gerald, yet the tones of suspicion and the commanding, bullying voice told him that all was not well. "what is the trouble?" he whispered in gerald's ear as they stood facing the officer. "we are to be marched beneath the lamp," replied his friend rapidly. "he suspects us, and is certain to discover that we are not spaniards." "then we'll settle the matter for him by making a bolt," hal answered quietly. "there is a house directly opposite, and the door is ajar. now, are you ready, old boy? then, rush for it." at that moment the spaniard approached still closer, and, grasping hal by the arm, called upon his men to close up and surround the strangers. our hero did not hesitate. stepping back a pace, he drove his fist with all his force in the officer's face, and sent him sprawling to the ground. then he dashed forward, and, gripping the nearest soldier by the waist, flung him against his comrades with a jar that scattered them, and threw them into confusion. next moment he was rushing towards the house, and though the spaniards raised their rifles, and pulled the triggers recklessly, nothing happened, for they had not expected trouble when they marched down to the barricade, and had, therefore, neglected to place cartridges in the breeches. the omission probably saved hal's life, for, though taken by surprise, and staggered by the force with which their comrade had been flung against them, the soldiers would have picked him off with the greatest ease had their weapons been loaded, for the range was not more than twenty yards, and a moving figure is an easy target at such a distance. however, fortune was favoring hal, for he escaped injury, though for a moment it was very doubtful whether it was possible. a few seconds later he had darted into the house, and had flung the door to with a bang. "quick! we must get out of this at once," he cried, catching gerald by the sleeve. "to the back door for your life!" hastening through the rooms, they searched for an exit at the back, but failed to find one. then they turned their attention to the windows, and, forcing one of them open, leapt out without hesitation. there was a narrow yard behind the house, which was inclosed by a high wall, but the two lads made nothing of it. with a spring they grasped the top, and hoisted themselves up. then they dropped to the ground on the farther side, and took to their heels, stumbling blindly across gardens and bamboo fences, till at last they emerged once more upon the road. "this will do for us," gasped hal. "listen! those fellows are at work on the house, and isn't the officer angry! by george! i am not surprised, for i gave him a tremendous crack." they stood still for a moment, crouching close beneath a hedge, and distinctly heard a crash as the door, which they had bolted behind them, was broken in. then the voice of the spaniard was heard shouting angry orders to his men. "he is telling them to search every corner," said gerald, with a laugh. "a pity he did not send them round to the back." "perhaps," agreed hal. "but i can tell you, old man, that it was lucky for us. i don't know what these beggars would do if they captured us; but we must recollect that, though we may not have any part in this quarrel between the two nations, yet we are enemies to them, and those who belong to the nationality of their opponents, and who attempt to enter santiago without a pass, are nothing more nor less than spies in the eyes of the garrison." "for whom death is the reward," interposed gerald serenely. "yes, old chap, you need not tell me about it. i am well aware of the ugly position into which we have fallen." "then let us move on at once," said hal. "as soon as they find that the house is deserted, and that the birds have flown, there will be a tremendous outcry, and a hot search will be made. i propose that we make straight away for the wharves alongside which the shipping is to be found." accordingly, they took to their heels, and ran down the road. then they turned into another, and were hurrying along it, when they heard a whistle behind them. it was shrill and piercing, and was at once taken up and repeated on either side of them and in front. then, to their astonishment and dismay, a bright spot suddenly rose up and flashed from the edge of the harbor, and a broad electric beam swept rapidly and silently on its way towards them. "the searchlight!" exclaimed hal. "down into the shade at once, or we shall be discovered. these fellows are proving far more wide awake than i had imagined them to be. i should say that they have telephones from all the outlying stations and barricades, which enable them to communicate with the people in charge of the light." and, indeed, this was the case. balked in his endeavor to trace the two suspicious characters who had disappeared into the house after violently assaulting him, the spanish officer had at once rushed to the barricade, and had sent messages along the wires to other parts. then, too, the outlying pickets had been warned by the blowing of whistles, which was evidently a previously arranged signal in case of trouble occurring. before even the searchlight had burst into the night or commenced to revolve, hal and gerald were entirely surrounded by a cordon of vigilant men, few of whom knew exactly what was happening, though all could guess that someone was near at hand whom it was desirable to capture. and the electric light would help them. meanwhile, they would stay in some dark spot, and follow the rays, hoping to catch sight of the fugitives as they darted from side to side in the endeavor to escape them. a dark figure crouching beneath a tree or hedge would satisfy them, and on the instant, up would fly the rifle to the shoulder, there would be just a second's pause to correct the aim, and then--bang!--the hapless fellow would spring into the air with hands outstretched, to fall next second doubled into an inert heap. oh, yes! it was simple, and an extremely diverting sport to those who had themselves no danger to fear. as for hal and gerald, their desperate position filled them with consternation, for as they ran hither and thither in the vain endeavor to fly from the sweeping beams, the snap of twigs and the rustle of leaves brushed on one side were followed by the sharp crack of rifles fired at random in that direction. perhaps there was no great danger to them in that; but still, the bullets flew unpleasantly near, and sent them running again, hunting them like hares from point to point. suddenly, as they crossed an open space, the searchlight fell full upon them, and instantly the surrounding darkness was lit up by the flash of many rifles. ping! ping! ping! the shots rang out with startling loudness, and the bullets hummed and pelted through the air overhead. "halt there, and surrender!" a voice cried from the trees. "if you move a step farther away i will shoot you." "we are caught, and must make the best of it," said hal to gerald, with a groan. "tell them that we give in, old fellow." holding his hands above his head, gerald did as he was asked. then they stood still in a patch of brilliant light, which was made all the more glaring by the contrast of thick darkness all around. a few minutes later some spanish soldiers advanced towards them, rifle in hand, and, forming a ring round the lads, marched them away, their path lit up all the while by the electric light which followed every movement. passing down the street, they at length came to a large building, into which the prisoners were at once taken. "sit down there, and do not stir a finger, or you will be shot," said the sergeant who was in charge of the party, indicating a rough bench with a curt nod of his head. "i will go inside and ask his excellency the colonel to interview you. by the time he is ready, those who warned us from the barricade will have arrived to give their evidence; and then, my friends, it will be a case of a rope, a friendly branch, and plenty of air to dance on." he glanced at his captives, favoring them with a malicious grin as he outlined their probable end. then he went to a door close at hand, and, having knocked upon it, entered, and closed it behind him. "i suppose he has gone to explain matters," said hal coolly. "keep up your pecker, gerald. the case looks precious bad, but we'll pull through, depend upon it." "right. i hope we may. but things look ugly. that pleasant gentleman who has just done talking to me is good enough to tell me that we shall soon be hanged. if it comes to that, hal, why, we must face it out, and die as those at the hacienda would have us do." he looked into his companion's face and smiled bravely, for gerald was determined to show his friend that he, too, possessed a fund of pluck which would carry him through an unpleasant difficulty. "we will, old boy," hal answered cheerily; "but let us hope that it will not come to that. hallo! who's this?" at this moment an officer, who was dressed in the usual spanish uniform, emerged from the inner room, and was walking hurriedly across to the door, being bent evidently upon the performance of some special duty, when his eye fell upon hal and gerald. almost instantly a startled cry escaped him, and he sprang backwards in astonishment. "what! you!" he exclaimed, in tones of surprise, surveying them with an air of delight. "you two from the hacienda! idiots! you have played into my hands. men, close round your prisoners, and take the best care of them, for i can vouch for it that they are americans. they are spies, and have come here to find out our secrets." he strode towards them, and grasping hal's hat, tore it from his head. then he laughed sardonically in his face, and, with a triumphant glance at the two prisoners, turned upon his heel, and re-entered the room from which he had emerged a minute before. "what bad luck! what hard lines!" exclaimed hal, with something approaching a groan. "that fellow josé d'arousta again!" it was, indeed, an unfortunate meeting, and one fraught with the greatest peril for hal and his friend. they were prisoners, and practically under a charge of spying upon the enemy; but for all that, a minute or more before, the aspect of affairs had not been altogether hopeless. how changed it was now! the very man of all others in santiago whom it was most desirable that they should not meet had run up against them, had recognized them, and now, burning to avenge a private grievance, had promptly denounced them as spies. no wonder that hal shuddered. across his mind flitted the recollection of mr. brindle's tale of the _virginius_, and of the fate meted out to her hapless crew--captured at night, condemned, and promptly shot at dawn. that was the sequence of events; and what was to prevent a similar fate from befalling them? "the letter! of course, the letter which mr. brindle gave me," exclaimed hal, aloud, as if gerald had been following the train of thoughts which had been running through his mind. "why that letter?" asked the latter, looking at him in astonishment. "what are you talking about, old fellow?" "i was wondering what we could do to prove our identity, and the innocent intention we had in coming here. josé d'arousta, you may be sure, will not let such a golden opportunity of revenge slip by without making the utmost use of it. he will proclaim us as spies, and if you will only take the trouble to look at matters as they appear to others, you will admit that that is the most natural conclusion for any spaniard to arrive at. war is declared, and, indeed, exists, between spain and america; and no doubt the whole of the island of cuba, including the towns, is under martial law. you are the son of a naturalized american, and i his overseer. we are discovered at night in santiago, and when called upon to surrender, we fly from the soldiers. naturally, we shall be put down as spies who have come to see what defensive arrangements have been made, so as to be able to communicate them to our friends. but the letter which your father gave me will exonerate us. it states in clear terms that we are endeavoring to leave for tampa, and tells for what purpose. do you see, old boy? we put a spoke in d'arousta's wheel which i fancy will upset the whole apple-cart, so far as he is concerned." "splendid! i am relieved to hear it," cried gerald. "i'll be honest, and tell you that i was beginning to feel in a blue funk; but now, of course, it will be all right, and we have nothing to fear." "ye-e-s, perhaps," hal answered doubtfully. "but someone will have to pay for that officer's broken nose. i hit him heavily, i can assure you, and fairly laid him out. hush! the door is opening." at this moment josé d'arousta pushed his head into the outer room, and signaled to the sergeant. "bring in the prisoners," he said in triumphant tones, "and see that you surround them, for these foreigners are capable of playing the maddest tricks, and might throw themselves upon his excellency if you were to relax your watchfulness." shouldering their rifles, two of the soldiers grasped hal and gerald by the arm; then the others took up their positions in front and behind, and, at an order from the sergeant, the party marched into the room. it was a large, bare compartment, dimly lighted by a single oil lamp standing upon a table in the center. the atmosphere was thick with the fumes of burning oil and stale tobacco smoke, and even a widely opened window failed to clear it and make it more pleasant for those who were there. seated behind the table was a middle-aged officer, with stern but not unkindly features. a clerk in military attire stood at the desk beside him, and was taking down a letter at his dictation. "these are the prisoners, then--the very first we have taken, i understand," said the officer, suddenly looking up and closely scrutinizing hal and gerald. "who are they? why have they been taken? where is the evidence?" "captain volaga is the chief witness against these spies," answered josé d'arousta, stepping forward from the shadow, "and i am the next, your excellency. they are known to me as americans. but it would be better, perhaps, if my brother-in-arms told his tale first." "americans! ah, they look it! then we will employ their language. we who have lived in these parts soon pick up english, and, if we use it, all will be able to understand. come, what are their names, and where do they hail from?" the colonel turned to the lads, and asked them the question in tones which betrayed little accent. at this moment the door of the room opened, and the officer whom hal had struck entered with his face bound up, and scarcely more than his eyes showing. "who is this?" demanded the colonel. "i am captain volaga, excellency," was the answer, in a voice which trembled with suppressed rage. "i have come to give my evidence against these men." "then step forward, and tell me first of all whether you identify them." "yes, excellency, they are the same," the officer replied, looking at the two prisoners with no friendly eyes, "and this young ruffian is the one who struck me and injured one of my men. i will tell you how it happened, señor. the dolt at the barricade passed them through without question; but i was sharper. seeing them stealing beneath a lamp, and being suspicious of them, i called to the rogues, and ordered them to come to me so that i might find out who they were. then, without provocation, this one"--and he pointed at hal with the end of his sword, favoring him at the same time with an angry glare--"struck me violently in the face, and followed up the attack by hurling one of my men against his comrades. both then ran from us into a house standing near at hand, and when we searched it they were gone." "indeed! i trust that you are not greatly hurt, señor capitan," the colonel answered. "but, surely, your men were armed? how, then, did these prisoners escape? one is only a boy, and the other cannot be twenty yet. it is strange to hear that an officer and several of his majesty's soldiers were insufficient to capture them." it was, indeed, a peculiar tale, real though it was, and it scarcely redounded to the credit of the officer. he had no answer to give to his chief's questions, but stood there, a look of bitter hatred upon his face. "well, now for your story, señor josé d'arousta," said the colonel. "what do you know of these lads?" "they come from the hacienda eldorado, and are americans, and therefore spies, your excellency. search them, and i am sure that you will find that they are armed." he turned to the men who were holding the prisoners, and gave them an order. instantly they ran their hands over them, and produced the revolvers which both lads carried. "you see," continue josé, with a sneer, "they meant to look after their own safety. spying is a dangerous game to play!" "and now, what have you to say?" asked the colonel courteously, turning to hal. "a very serious charge is made against you. first of all, you are americans, it seems. then you are discovered slinking into the town, and when called upon to surrender and give an account of yourselves, you attack an officer, and contrive to escape from him in spite of his escort of armed men. you are captured finally, and are found to be carrying arms. an explanation is needed." "and i shall be glad to give it," said hal quietly. "we come, as this man beside me has stated, from the hacienda eldorado; but we are not spies. the war is nothing to us, but our safety, and that of our friends, is another matter. only yesterday, your excellency, we were attacked by a band of cut-throats, who nearly relieved us of all we possessed. our mission now is to go to tampa, and return with negroes from mr. brindle's other estate, who will help to defend the hacienda. we entered this town for one reason, and only one, namely, to get a passage on a steamer sailing to tampa." "the hacienda attacked!" exclaimed the colonel doubtfully; while the face of captain volaga showed a smile of insolent incredulity. "yes, señor," hal answered calmly. "attacked late in the afternoon, and under the leadership of this man." he pointed to josé d'arousta, and looked him sternly in the face. "ha, ha, ha! he will accuse me of being an american spy next, señor colonel!" cried josé. "you can see that he is fabricating a tale. it is a splendid cock-and-bull story from end to end." "so it would appear," the colonel replied. "accuse one of my officers of brigandage! it is monstrous--ridiculous! young sir, you do your cause no good by speaking in this wild manner. confess at once that you and the boy are spying, for it may very well make your sentence lighter in the end." he looked at hal sternly and yet kindly, for in his heart the colonel was an easy-going fellow, and given to mercy if it were possible. "come," he said again, in a persuasive voice; "i have sons of your age who play pranks at times, though never one so dangerous and foolhardy as this. declare to me that you came to the town out of curiosity, and to see what preparations we were making for the americans." "your excellency, we cannot do as you ask," hal answered firmly. "what i have stated is absolutely true, and if only you will favor me by reading the letter which i have in my pocket, you will be assured of it." "give it to me. one of you take it from his coat," said the colonel shortly. the order was obeyed by josé, and the letter handed to the colonel. instantly he tore the envelope open, and scanned the contents. "yes, it is as you stated," he said. "i am more inclined to believe you." "pshaw! and you will allow two dangerous spies to escape because they are of the same age as your sons!" exclaimed josé d'arousta. "it is madness! it is folly!" he had been standing close beside the table, following the interview between hal and the colonel with the greatest attention; and now, seeing that it had turned in favor of the prisoners, he started forward, and interposed in a way which soon brought him a reprimand. "señor, you forget yourself, and in whose presence you stand!" the colonel cried angrily, turning upon him. "have a care, señor capitan, for i am your superior, and should you see fit to address me again in such an unbecoming manner, i will place you under arrest. perhaps it might meet your deserts," he added significantly, "for there are tales told in santiago of the doings of josé d'arousta and his irregulars. i have even heard it said that they are brigands. have a care, i tell you, for i might even go so far as to look into this strange accusation as to an attack upon eldorado." josé had met his match. he turned pale at the colonel's words, and retired from the table looking downcast. but his assurance quickly returned. "excellency," he exclaimed, "your pardon if i was too outspoken; but i wish our country all that is well, and therefore i say again that these two men are known to me. they are spies. everything points to it, señor. if not, then why should they attempt to escape, particularly when one of them carries a letter, the contents of which will clear them? depend upon it, that note was there for a set purpose, and to be used only as a last resource. think of their revolvers, too. pah! were i in your place i should give them till dawn, when they should face a corporal's picket, and meet the fate of all who take to the calling of a spy." he ended an impassioned speech with a glare of hatred at hal, and then stood closely scrutinizing the colonel's features, to see, if possible, what effect he had made, turning, however, every other moment to look again at hal, with eyes which even now were beginning to light up with triumph. as for our hero and his friend, they stood there amongst the soldiers, watching every movement and expression, and wondering vaguely what would be the end of the interview. "i fear very much that you are right, señor josé," said the colonel at length. "the evidence is too strong, and shows without a shadow of doubt that the prisoners entered santiago for one purpose only. it is sad that we should commence the war with an execution; but it cannot be avoided. we must protect ourselves, for if we were to allow these two lads to leave unpunished, others would be encouraged. for spying, death is the penalty. but i will not take the responsibility upon my own shoulders for an act which in my heart i consider to be harsh and unjust. men should be treated as men; but to apply the same penalties to irresponsible, impetuous lads is cruel in the extreme. captain volaga, you will escort the prisoners to the cells in morro castle, and arrange for their refreshment. see also that blankets are given them, for the nights are getting cold. here is a note to the officer in command. deliver it to him personally. i will now cable to havana and ask for instructions, but i fear that i can give no hope. spies, whether men or boys, must meet the same fate." he rose from his seat, and, with a wave of the hand, signified that the interview was over. the soldiers at once closed round hal and gerald, and, at the officer's order, marched out of the room. then they halted outside, while josé d'arousta and the injured captain conversed in low tones. evidently some satisfactory arrangement was come to, for they nodded and smiled in the most pleasant manner, and when parting treated each other to an elaborate salute. then josé approached the prisoners, and, halting in front of them, addressed them in low tones which could not be overheard. "señores, who could have guessed that in such a short space of time the tables would turn so completely!" he said, with a triumphant smile. "but yesterday i was a prisoner in your hands, under a threat of death; and now you are in a similar condition, with this one difference: i escaped to avenge the insult, while you will live only till to-morrow's sun is up. think of it! dream of it! when the dawn comes, and you are led out into the cold, your end will await you. consideration will be shown, i promise you, for some minutes shall be granted for quiet reflection. and then, señor marchant, if you will but raise your eyes, you will find that the ever-faithful josé attends you, and will be ready, should you desire it, to carry your adieus to the fair señora dora. believe me, we will weep together for your loss." he smiled a cruel, vindictive smile, and looked hard at hal to see what effect the words had had, but only to be disappointed. not a muscle of the young fellow's face moved as he returned the stare of the spaniard with one that was as proud and disdainful as it was possible to be. then his features relaxed, and he smiled. "the man is a bold villain," he said, with a laugh, turning to gerald. "when we are surrounded and held by the soldiers, so that he need fear no punishment, he does his utmost to goad us into fury. come along, old boy; we have better things to do than to listen to such a fellow." taking gerald by the arm, he signified to the sergeant that he was ready, and the order being given to the soldiers, they marched out of the building, leaving josé d'arousta biting his lips with vexation. a large crowd was waiting outside, hoping to catch sight of the first captives of the war. the news that they were spies, who had entered santiago in search of information, had been conveyed to them, so that the appearance of the two lads was greeted with a storm of shrill cries. "kill them! shoot them!" the mob shouted, rushing towards the party of soldiers who surrounded hal and gerald. but a line of troops drawn up outside the house interposed, and thrust them back. then, forming up on either side, the spaniards marched them off to the fortress which stands perched high up on one side of the long entrance to the harbor, and which goes by the name of the morro castle. half an hour later the gates were reached, and they marched in, leaving the crowd outside. hal and gerald were led up a long flight of stone steps, through a dark corridor, and afterwards up more stairs. finally, they came to a gallery, and were halted in front of an iron-studded door, at the keyhole of which a soldier fumbled. a minute later they were thrust inside and the door was closed upon them with a clang that sent an echo ringing through the old castle. "and so ends our little adventure," said hal, seating himself upon a bench. "we came to santiago with only friendly thoughts in our hearts. we were captured and accused of spying. the population jeered at us, and showed so much hatred that it took a whole regiment to put us in prison. and we are in reality two harmless young fellows. well, it just settles the matter. gerald, if we are here to-morrow we shall die. we must escape, and as the spaniards have declared themselves our enemies, we will do our utmost to thwart them." chapter xiv a dash for liberty desperate indeed was the position in which hal and gerald found themselves, and well might their usually exuberant spirits be damped, and their stock of courage ooze away at the dark prospect before them. even as they sat there in their cell, the spanish colonel who had interviewed them was probably dispatching his telegram to havana; and how would it read? "we have captured two americans, who are probably spies. they entered the town undetected, and when discovered and called upon to surrender, showed resistance, injuring an officer. they finally fell into our hands, and were found to be bearing arms. what shall we do with them?" that in all probability would be the message, and it wanted little imagination to sketch the answer. across the wires would flash the words, "shoot them." hal sat down upon a stone bench beneath a grated window, and thought the matter out. then he rose to his feet, and thrusting his hands into his pockets, stared out into the night. it was as black as ink, and at first only myriads of stars shone through the iron bars. but on casting his eyes downward, he saw other and bigger spots of light, while the reflection from them trailed towards him across a sheet of water that rippled slightly. "the harbor!" he exclaimed. "the entrance to the shipping basin of santiago. never before did i feel so much like a bird in a cage. look at those vessels, gerald! they are just what we were in search of, and now they lie so close below our feet, and yet, for all that, so hopelessly far away. but we will not be beaten. i said that we must escape, and we will! i tell you that we will, however great the difficulty. come here, old boy, and see what you can from the window; then we'll sit down and discuss the matter." gerald promptly stepped beside his friend, and, clasping the iron bars, thrust his head as far through them as possible. "hallo! what's this?" he cried. "hal, they've turned the old searchlight on again." he moved to one side to make room for hal, who at once resumed his place at the window and gazed out. away to the left a bright beam of light was stabbing the darkness from the far inland edge of the harbor. it swept steadily to the right, illuminating the sphere upon which it fell so clearly that everything within it was visible for a moment, then disappeared, while a fresh scene flashed into view, only in its turn to give place to another. they followed the broad beam as it fell upon harbor and town, and then upon the open country. in a few minutes it had reached the entrance to the harbor, and, shooting like a bar of silver beneath the morro castle, and under the very feet of the prisoners, lit up the swelling ocean beyond, by chance falling upon one of the ugly torpedo boats which hal had seen that morning. "that just shows what kind of a chance we should have had," said gerald, nodding towards the craft. "i don't know that i agree with you," hal answered thoughtfully. "we know that she is there, and with all lights dowsed we might easily slip by her." "but you speak as though we were already on a ship," exclaimed gerald. "of course, it is out of the question." hal did not reply, but followed the searchlight with the closest attention. it moved from the harbor mouth, searching every corner and crevice of the rocks as it swept inland again. soon it passed over a landing jetty and illuminated a small launch which was lying moored alongside. "see that?" exclaimed hal, seizing gerald by the shoulder to attract his attention. "what? the launch?" "yes, old chap; it will do for us." "but hold on! look here, hal, what the dickens are you talking about?" gerald asked, as if in some doubt as to hal's condition of mind. "man alive, we are prisoners--jailbirds in the morro castle!" "quite so; and to-morrow, if we are still here, we shall be prisoners who are about to die. listen to me, gerald. we have but one life apiece, and may as well make a fight for it. if we are worsted, where will be the difference? it can mean nothing worse in the end, for what sentence can be more severe than that of death? i am determined to get out of this, for life is very dear, and i mean to cling to mine. sit down while i talk to you. there, don't interrupt me till i have finished, then you can tell me exactly what you think. now, the position is plain and straightforward. we must escape if we wish to live. look round the cell and say if it is possible to break these bars, or knock a hole through walls, ceiling, or floor. it is out of the question, and so also is the door. then we must turn to the jailer. i had my eyes well open when we came in here, and i noticed that the man was new at the work. he could not find the key, and fumbled at the lock. if he is strange to prison life, he may well be less suspicious of his charges, and less expectant of danger. now, we will do our best to collar him, and i've an idea how it is to be done. you will lie there and pretend to be ill. just groan and kick up a fuss to your heart's content, while i knock and kick at the door, and shout for the jailer. then, when he comes in, and, as will be natural, goes across the cell to look at you, i'll jump on him, and with your help we'll tie him up and gag him. follow, old chap?" "by jove! follow? ra-a-ather! of course i do; and, what's more, i'm ready for the game. after all, as you said, capture for the second time can bring no worse penalty." "that done," continued hal calmly, "we must use our wits to get out of the castle. we've blankets to make into ropes, and i suggest that we begin to tear them into strips at once, for we shall want something for the jailer. once away from the castle, we'll sneak down to the launch, and get up steam. probably she is deserted at night, but, in any case, it is scarcely likely that more than one man will be aboard. he would have to be dealt with of course, and then we'd just slip our moorings and make a dash for the sea. there, now, what have you to say?" "say? why, that i am with you through thick and thin," exclaimed gerald, in tones of enthusiasm. "if we only manage to get through we shall have had an adventure to remember and talk about to the end of our lives." "that's so," hal agreed. "but now for the blankets." sitting side by side on the stone seat, they soon tore them into long strips, which they twisted and knotted together, and afterwards wound in lengths round their waists. then they set apart a few pieces as lashings for their prospective prisoner, and fashioned a rough gag. "that's finished," remarked hal with satisfaction. "and now for the other part." "hush! someone is coming along the passage," whispered gerald. "there, i can hear footsteps plainly." hal darted to the door, and, listening eagerly, distinguished a distant step, evidently of some heavily shod foot which was slowly coming nearer. "quick! onto the bench and sham that you are ill," he cried, turning to gerald. "i believe the jailer is going to pay us a visit." this, in fact, was the case, for scarcely had gerald thrown himself upon the low bench of stone, and commenced to give vent to the most heartrending groans, when heavy boots came to a halt outside the cell, and a key was heard grating in the lock. then the door swung open, and the soldier who had admitted them when they first arrived at the castle entered, bearing on his arm a basket which contained a bottle of native wine and some bread and meat. he stopped in the middle of the cell, and looked wonderingly at gerald. "what's amiss? what ails the lad?" he asked in spanish. "oh, i've such pain. help me," groaned gerald, in quavering tones. curious to learn what was the matter, the jailer placed his basket on the floor, and, crossing the bench, bent over gerald. in an instant the prisoner, who had been in seeming agony before, had thrown his arms round the man's neck, drawing his face so tightly against his chest that he could not utter a sound, and was almost stifled. then hal sprang across the cell, and, with a hasty hitch, secured the jailer's arms behind his back. to bind his legs was a different matter, however, for he fought like a wild cat, and, wrenching his head free, gave vent to a loud shout. but he did not repeat it, for, conscious that their lives depended on the man's silence, hal grasped him by the hair, and brought his head against the stonework with a bang. "that should keep him quiet," he said, with a gasp. "now for the gag." gerald had it ready, and before very long their prisoner lay on the floor, bound hand and foot, and incapable of speech. "the first scene is ended satisfactorily," said hal, eying him with no little pleasure; "and now for the second. get hold of that basket, old man; grub will be welcome later on. i'll make free with the bundle of keys which the fellow carried. now, out we go." they gave another backward glance to see that the man was securely bound, and then stepped into the corridor, closing the door gently after them. "where now?" whispered gerald. "follow me. we'll take the road that we know," was hal's answer, "keep close, and whatever you do, don't make a sound. if anyone runs up against us, go for him like the wind, and hammer him into silence. we have a chance before us that must not be lost." he at once stepped forward, and gaining the stairs, descended cautiously. no one was in the lower gallery, nor on the second flight of steps, and the two escaping prisoners reached the door of the castle without hearing so much as a sound. it was locked, and many anxious moments were expended ere the right key could be found. then the ponderous door swung open slowly, and they emerged into the castle yard, round which many lights were flashing from the windows of the soldiers' quarters. taking gerald by the hand, hal led him to the darkest corner, where they crouched, listening for any noise, and wondering whether the jailer's cry had been heard, and the alarm given. but not a sound disturbed the silence, save the stamp of a distant sentry plodding up and down upon his lonely beat, and coughing occasionally as the cool night air entered his lungs. "all seems well," whispered hal; "and no one heard the cry, or we should have had the soldiers after us already. let us get out of this yard, and down to the harbor." it was easier to propose than to accomplish, for no doubt, sentries were stationed on the walls. the yard itself was situated on the steep side of a hill, leading upward from the town to the castle, and, crouching where they were, hal and gerald could look along the roofs of many of the tiny houses which stood inside the walls, into the streets of santiago. suddenly the revolving searchlight turned once more in their direction, and in rushing behind a projecting buttress to escape it, hal tripped over a bucket, and fell headlong, sending it clattering over the stones. instantly there was a loud challenge from the sentry, to which no answer was given. then, as they crouched in the shadow, they heard first one and then some twenty soldiers clatter from the house close to which they were lying, and run into the square. "what was that noise?" the sentry demanded in spanish. "who caused the racket over in yonder corner?" "where? in what part?" asked one of the men. "close beside your quarters. the searchlight swept round, and suddenly a bucket or something of the sort was kicked. go and look for me, one of you." "they are coming to search here," said gerald. "what shall we do?" "make a bolt into their own quarters," hal answered promptly. "we escaped in that way before, and may well do so again." he started to his feet, and, creeping along beside the wall, peeped in at an open window. the room was empty, and only faintly illuminated by a flickering tallow candle. hal at once climbed in, and assisted gerald to follow. then they crept to the door, and, seeing no one, ran upstairs to the rooms above, which were also vacant. "we shall have to clear from here," said hal, looking round at the row of rough pallets which evidently served the soldiers for beds. "what about the roof? perhaps we can reach it this way." he ran into a room at the back of the building, and, climbing on to a window-sill, stretched his arm above his head. it was too short by a couple of feet, and the gutter looked hopelessly out of reach. suddenly, however, he thought of the latticed shutter, and grasping the battens, and digging his feet in between those below, hoisted himself up. a moment later he had one hand on the iron gutter, and after that had no difficulty in clambering on the roof, which ascended at an easy slope. "hand up the grub, gerald," he said, leaning over the edge and lowering his voice to a gentle whisper. "that's it. let go; i've got hold of the handle. now, up you come." gerald was as active as a monkey, and quickly climbed to hal's side, when the two scrambled along the roof till they arrived at a part where the coping formed with the sloping tiles a deep angle; and here they lay full length, settling themselves into the narrow space, and taking particular pains to make sure that no part of their dress was projecting over the top. down below in the yard there was the clatter of many feet as the soldiers ran round the building. then the same voice that had answered the questions of the sentry was heard again, calling loudly. "there is a bucket lying over here," the man cried, "but we can see no trace of anyone. are you sure you are not mistaken?" "i distinctly heard someone fall," was the answer. "idiot! do you think that i could make an error when it occurred so close at hand? am i not on duty? one would think that i was a log by the way in which you talk. mistaken, indeed! how do you know that it is not those beggarly prisoners whom we are to waste powder upon to-morrow morning? perhaps it is they, and while you chatter and tell your comrade that he does not do his duty, they may be escaping." the sentry bellowed out his words, and snorted with indignation, for his feelings were evidently hurt at such an accusation. but the other man was not to be subdued. "escaping? ridiculous, santo!" he cried. "they were locked in the cell. i was one of the guard, and saw it with my own eyes. perhaps you will tell me next that these american spies are capable of flying through a locked door!" "i tell you that i am sure that someone is attempting to get away from the castle, and i believe it to be the two prisoners who came here this evening," the sentry answered angrily. "give the alarm, comrade, and hurry off to make sure of the matter. do not let the cause of our country suffer because we cannot agree." the soldier in the yard below grumbled; but, urged on by his comrades, who seemed to agree with the sentry, he hastened to the castle, and hal and his companion heard him running up the flight of stone steps. "now there will be a fine hullabaloo," said the former quietly. "i vote we stick closely in this hiding-place, and do not allow ourselves to be scared by all the noise and fuss which they are bound to kick up. once the escape is discovered the alarm will fly all over the town, and search-parties will be about. we are their first prisoners, and you may be sure they will not allow us to slip through their fingers without a struggle. but no one will think of looking for us here, and we have the great advantage of lying in a hollow to which the searchlight cannot penetrate. half a minute, though. i'll just take a look over the side, and see where we are." he raised his head cautiously, and, carefully keeping well away from the stone coping, took a good look over the side. "good luck!" he exclaimed, with some show of excitement, suddenly sinking to his place again. "if only we can find some means of fastening our ropes, we can drop directly over the wall. keep where you are, gerald, while i see what can be done." he rose to his knees, and crept up the sloping roof to something which looked in the darkness like a chimney-stack. it proved to be what he thought, and in a twinkling he produced the end of the rope, made from torn-up blankets, which he had wound round his waist. making a big loop in it, he slipped it over the brick-work and descended again. "there," he said, with an excited chuckle, "i've fixed the rope, so that if our presence here is suspected we shall have a chance for freedom. hush! what is that fellow saying?" it was the soldier again, who, emerging from the castle at this moment, ran down the steps in such a hurry as to lose his balance and roll over and over into the yard. he picked himself up with an oath, and rushed towards the sentry. "the prisoners have escaped!" he shouted, in high falsetto. "when i came to the cell the door was not locked, and inside alberto lay insensible, and bound hand and foot. quick! ring the alarm bell, one of you." a few moments later the deep notes were booming out over the town and castle, ringing the alarm so that all in santiago should be on the look-out. that notice of it was taken was at once evident, for the change was wonderful. shouts suddenly rang out from all quarters; and, as if thrown into a state of uncontrollable excitement by the commotion, the searchlight fluttered here and there, now flashing into the sky, and next moment burying its broad shaft of dazzling light in the deep waters of the harbor. then an officer ran hastily from his quarters in the castle, and called upon the soldiers to fall in. "get to your ranks at once," he cried, "and let each sergeant take his section and search a portion of the castle. quick! there will be trouble if these prisoners get clear away." crouching in their hiding-place, hal and gerald listened eagerly, and heard the search-parties hurrying to and fro. one actually came into the very house on the roof of which they were lying. "what is the use of searching here?" they heard one of the men grumble. "it is folly to expect to find them in our own quarters, for we only descended a few seconds before the alarm was given. take us somewhere else, sergeant, for we shall be wasting our time and breath here." they went away at once, and the two prisoners breathed more freely. "we are safe now," said hal, with a sigh of relief; "but we shall have to lie here as quiet as mice till the din dies down. can you swim, gerald?" "yes, rather! but why?" "because the best and safest way to reach the launch will be to slip down from here into the water, and strike straight for the jetty alongside which she is moored. we shall have to keep to the harbor, too; for to get on the landing-stage or to attempt to walk along it would result in certain capture. it's going to be a most trying undertaking, i can tell you, old man." they lapsed into silence, and for two hours lay in the gutter listening to the noises which came from every side. but, little by little, the sounds of shouting in the distance and the hubbub in the courtyard of the castle died down, and finally the town regained its accustomed quietness. even the searchlight seemed to have recovered its equanimity, for it now revolved smoothly, occasionally, however, darting to some particular spot as some fresh alarm was sounded. "all is clear beneath us, and i fancy we had better be starting," said hal at length. "we have a great deal before us, and we must not forget that before many hours have passed dawn will be breaking. but a fellow can't do much on an empty stomach, so i vote that we tuck in at the grub. then we shall feel more inclined for the job, and can set out for the launch with courage raised to the highest." it was a good suggestion, and gerald, who was nothing loath, and, indeed, longing for something to eat, dragged the basket forward and placed it between them, while hal searched for his knife. there was a mug lying beside the bottle, and he at once made preparations to quench his thirst. placing his hat upon the roof, he put the bottle in it, and with a sharp blow knocked the neck in two, the glass making no sound as it fell upon the cloth. then they divided the meat, and set to work to devour it eagerly, for both were famishing. "there's just one thing to discuss before we start," said hal. "shall we stick to the plan we have prepared, or shall we make back to the hacienda? for my part, i say no. decidedly no! in the first place, we should run a far greater risk of discovery, for we should have to pass through the town, and get through the pickets who patrol the side that faces the open country. you may be sure that they are wide awake; and, indeed, that is the side on which they will be looking out, for who would expect escaping prisoners to make out to sea? the idea would appear ridiculous to the average man, and it is the very improbability that will help us most. then we have to remember another very important point. it is known that we hail from the hacienda, and what will be more natural after our escape than for eldorado to be favored by a visit from spanish troops? if we were foolish enough to return, we should certainly be captured and hauled back to santiago, when little chance would be allowed us to make a second attempt to escape." "you're like a lawyer, old boy," gerald whispered in reply. "i quite see your point, and i say too, go for the launch tooth and nail, and clear from the harbor. it is our only chance, and with luck, such as we have already had to-night, we shall manage it beautifully." "then we stick to the old plan. shall i go over the side first, or will you? perhaps i'd better, for i am the heavier." he crawled to the rope and, taking the coiled-up end in his hand, flung it over the coping. then, having very cautiously raised his head, and inspected his surroundings as well as the darkness would permit, he squeezed gerald's hand and lowered himself over the wall. it was an uncanny sensation to be swinging there in the open, uncertain of the drop beneath, and ignorant as to whether the rope was long enough to reach to the bottom. but hal scarcely gave the matter more than a thought, for his attention was riveted upon the searchlight which had passed a few moments before. if only it kept steadily upon its course, they would both be down by the water's edge and in hiding from it before it came round again. but supposing it commenced its vagaries, and began to flit to and fro, as if suspecting the presence of the fugitives, and eager to atone for its previous defeat by discovering them? well, there was no ordering its movements, and they must just take their chance and hope for the best; but in any case they had already gone so far towards the liberty which they loved, and which meant life to them, that they would not give in without a struggle. suddenly hal's feet struck the ground, and he at once relinquished his hold of the rope and lay down upon the grass, listening for gerald's descent. almost before he expected him he was down by his side. they shook hands heartily, and then stole down the steep face of the hill which led to the harbor. "come in here; this will do for us," said hal in a whisper, drawing his companion into the shadow of a boat which suddenly barred their way, and which was propped up on its side. they crept right into it, and lay there, full length, waiting with fluttering hearts for the searchlight to pass. at last it came, seeming to the lads, in their highly strung condition, to pause inquiringly, as it lit upon the boat. did the man who worked it suspect that they were there? would he give another alarm at once and would the tolling of that castle bell, which sounded so dismally like a funeral knell, boom out over the town and set hundreds of eager trackers after the spies? where could they fly then? the harbor? no, that would not do. then where? the thoughts buzzed through their heads, and the questions remained unanswered. but each crept still closer into his shelter, pressing against the planks as though that would add to his safety. and all the while their hearts beat a rapid tattoo against their ribs, for they were conscious that discovery at this moment would blight all their hopes of escape. but they were frightening themselves unnecessarily, for the beam sped on its way without an instant's halt, flashing across the water, and resting for the space of a few seconds upon the launch towards which they were about to swim. "now for it, gerald," said hal shortly. "off with your coat and boots." they kicked the latter off, and, rapidly divesting themselves of the former, stole down to the water's edge. fifty yards away the beam of light was sweeping across the surface of the water, and steadily increasing the distance between them, leaving all but that part upon which it fell obscured in dense and impenetrable darkness. nothing, in fact, could have been more opportune for hal and his friend. they slid gently into the harbor, to find themselves in deep water at once. then they threw themselves forward, and struck out boldly for the distant quay, in the wake of the revolving light. chapter xv with the american fleet it was a long swim that hal and gerald had started upon, but circumstances were in their favor, and they made light of it. the summer was scarcely at an end, and the water, therefore, was beautifully warm, so that there was no reason to fear an attack of cramp; and the farther they moved from the shore, the more they were helped on their course by a current which, sweeping in from the sea through the long, narrow, neck-like opening, struck a projecting bluff below the morro castle, and was deflected to the center of the harbor, carrying the swimmers with it. halfway across, hal's hand struck gently against a large iron buoy, to which life-lines were attached, and which was anchored in mid stream. he at once turned to gerald, laying one hand on his shoulder to attract his attention, while with the other he obtained a firm grasp of one of the ropes. "we'll rest and get our wind here," he said. "come round to this side, old boy. it is the farthest from the searchlight, and we shall be hidden in the shadow. next time it has safely passed us, we'll make tracks straight for the launch, and do our best to get on board before the light revolves in our direction again." it was a wise course to pursue, for the beam cast by the electric lantern had long ago won the race, and was already sweeping the streets of santiago, _en route_ for the morro castle and the harbor again. soon it reached the buoy, appearing to hover over it, just as it had done five minutes before in the case of the upturned boat. but it only did so in the imagination of the fugitives, for, in reality, it swept on without a pause, and went trailing its silent, inquisitive way across the lonely water. "now is the time," whispered hal. "when we reach the launch swim to the after-end, and crawl on board. the cabin is right up in the bows, for i took particular note of that when watching from the cell." gerald nodded, for floating with one's mouth just clear of the water is not conducive to much conversation. then he let go his hold of the life-line, and closed up to his friend. with steady and powerful strokes, and without the least sign of haste, they swam through the water, their eyes fixed upon the opposite shore of the harbor, and on the shipping as it flashed into sight. soon a big object rose up black before them in the darkness, and hal's hand came in contact with the stone pier. a few strokes farther on he touched the side of a vessel, and, stretching high above his head, was able to grasp the gunwale. a thrill of pleasure at once ran through his frame as he realized that this must be the launch in which they hoped to escape from the harbor. to slide along to the rudder was the work of only a few seconds, when his fingers touched the blades of a screw. he at once obtained a firm grip of the side, and hoisted himself slowly and gently to the deck, where he was joined by gerald directly afterwards. "we want a breather. i'm puffed," the latter whispered. "yes, but we cannot take it here," was the answer. "let us get into the stoke-hole. here it is. come down gently." there was a tiny iron ladder leading into a small engine-room and stoke-hole combined, and both at once slid down this, and sat upon the floor. "now we can talk," said hal in a whisper. "but first of all let us settle the question whether anyone is aboard. sit where you are, gerald. you're a bit blown, and want rest. i'm as fresh as a daisy, and will just go along to the cabin to see if anyone is there." he went to the end of the boiler, and, discovering a piece of oily waste, carefully lifted the furnace door. a dull glow immediately escaped, lighting the stoke-hole dimly, and showing at once that it contained only themselves. "fires banked to last till morning," said hal in satisfied tones, which he reduced to little more than a whisper. "that shows that no one intends to look at them during the night. let me see. yes, the boiler is full, and the pressure gauge shows just a few pounds of steam. no good to us, though; but we'll soon raise it to bursting-point. now i'm off." he stirred the fire, and silently closed the door. then he ascended the tiny ladder, and crawled along the deck till he came to the cabin, which was roofed with a skylight. feeling in the darkness for the opening, he soon discovered a catch, and pulling the door open, descended without hesitation, but using the utmost caution all the while. it was even darker down below than on deck, and he therefore stood still, for, if he had moved forward, he might well have stumbled blindly across someone sleeping there. but his doubts were quickly set at rest, for the searchlight again came to the rescue, falling upon the launch, and sending a flood of brilliant rays through the skylight. "good! it's empty," murmured hal; "and as it runs right forward into the bows, and right aft to the engine-room, it is clear that we have the boat to ourselves. all the better, say i, for every time we have to silence some fellow we add to our risks; besides, i don't like to be hammering everyone who comes in our way. but now for steam, and a glorious run to the sea. ah, we'll feed the fires till the plates are red-hot and the funnel melts. then, when she's trembling with the pressure of the steam in her boiler, we'll set her for the harbor mouth." he almost clapped his hands in the exuberance of his spirits, for even the least sanguine would have had to admit that now, indeed, success was near at hand. but there was plenty of work to be done, and he returned to the stoke-hole to complete it. "we've got to make a move soon," he said. "it must be some while after midnight, and daylight will be with us about three o'clock. we'll lift the furnace door again so as to get a good look round. i shall want plenty of fuel close at hand, but it will not do to move more than can possibly be helped till we are out of the harbor; for, on a quiet and still night, sounds, however faint, can be heard a very great distance." "and when we are out, what then?" asked gerald. "just this, old boy. you'll have to be skipper, and get to the wheel. there is one good point about it, i notice. they've placed it so close to the entrance above that it will be possible to stand on one of the lower rungs of the ladder, and steer without showing much more than your head. no doubt this launch is usually run by one man, who works her engines and wheel alone. that's why they are placed in such handy positions. if we are not discovered, all will be as simple as eating a dinner; but, if we are, then it will be a trifle exciting, and you will have to look out for the bullets. my job is the engine and the furnace. i've played the game before, and know something about it. now, lend a hand, and go easy, whatever you do. we don't want all those dogs on our track again, if we can avoid it." lifting pieces of coal in his hands, hal cast them one by one into the flames, for to have employed a shovel would have been to run the risk of discovery. it was slower work, but safer by far, and after all, with two hard at it, was soon ended. now and again hal went to the ladder, and, standing on one of the lower rungs, put his head up through the opening, and looked at the funnel. "she'll do," he said at last, in tones of satisfaction. "the fuel is dry, and at present the smoke is scarcely noticeable. wait till we get away, and put the steam-blast on. then there'll be flames spouting into the sky, and a regular firework display." "yes, and a few shells flying after us," said gerald, with something remarkably like an excited chuckle. "that's about what it will be, for i cannot see how we can hope to slip out without discovery. if the funnel does not give us away, the searchlight certainly will. but we'll dodge that if we've any luck. anyway, we will get out of this, whatever happens." "that's so; we will, old boy, and i fancy it's high time now to be setting about it. i've never before walked off with property belonging to somebody else, but this time it's a case of our lives, and, besides, all's fair, you know." "yes, in love and war, hal. hillo! i can hear a shindy somewhere. what's it all about?" hal darted to the ladder, and, thrusting his head through the opening above, hung there listening. "there are men coming along the quay," he said. "what can they want? this is the only boat moored over in this direction." they looked into each other's faces in the dim light given by the fire, and each noticed that the other had turned deathly pale. "they must be coming here," gasped gerald. "then we must disappoint them," answered hal. "quick! throw off the for'ard mooring, gerald. no, not that way; you will get at it sooner by hopping ashore. then do the same aft, and jump on board. quick! hop, i say; for we have very little time to lose." he turned at once to the furnace, and commenced to shovel coal into it at a rapid pace, keeping his eye all the time fixed on the pressure gauge. "one hundred and fifteen pounds," he said. "good! that will help us finely. now we'll get the bearings warmed." he turned the steam cock slightly, and sent a cloud of hot vapor rushing into the cylinders. "below there! she's loose. i've cast off the moorings," whispered gerald at this moment, thrusting his head down into the stoke-hole. "then give her a good push off, and go to the wheel," answered hal. gently, and without a sound, save the low drone of the fire, and the roar of flames rushing through the funnel, the launch left the quay, and, propelled by a thrust of gerald's foot, glided some yards into the harbor. she was away only just in time, for, a minute or two later, some twenty soldiers marched up, and voices were heard. "halt, men, and see that you keep in your places," someone was heard to exclaim, in far from pleasant tones. "now, señor, what is it? these beggarly americans seem to have disturbed the whole town. first, my comrade is so upset by a blow in the face that i have to take his duty; and then you must needs turn me out at this uncomfortable hour to follow some wild-goose chase. why could you not use your own ruffians?" "grumbling will not mend matters," was the suave answer, in a voice which hal and his comrade recognized as josé d'arousta's. "these two americans escaped from a fool of a jailer, and are still about. we have reason to believe that they are in the harbor, for their boots were found not an hour ago, beneath the morro castle. i received orders to call you and your men, and to instruct you to come here, so that you might get on board the launch. caramba, but it is dark! it is like the bottom of a pit. where can the boat be?" "alongside, you said, señor," the other answered sourly. "where is it, then?" footsteps were heard on the paving as josé d'arousta and some of the soldiers hunted along the quay. meanwhile the launch lay off at a distance of a few yards, her passengers crouching in the stoke-hole, and hoping to remain undiscovered. "look, señor capitan, there is the boat!" one of the men suddenly cried, "i can see flames and smoke coming from the funnel." "what? the furnaces in full blast!" josé shouted. "the fires were banked for the night, and no one was aboard her." "perhaps the engineer in charge has got here before us," the officer remarked. "why not hail him?" "hi! aboard there! put in alongside the quay," josé promptly sang out. the only answer was a shower of sparks from the funnel, and the splash and noise of churning water, for gerald had been listening to all that passed, and had rapidly interpreted to hal. "sing out that you are coming," said the latter, "and then steer her for the harbor mouth. i'll give her steam." he turned to the throttle and opened it wide, at the same time allowing the steam-blast to come into action. "she's moving now," he cried. "keep her well away, gerald, and dodge the searchlight, whatever you do." [illustration: hal and his companion escape from santiago.] "hi there! where are you going? where are you steering to?" a voice cried from the quay; and then, as the launch sped on into the harbor basin, josé d'arousta was heard calling to the soldiers to open fire. "ah, treachery!" he shouted. "something is wrong; for see, she is running away. i have it; those rascally spies are aboard. let your men open fire at once, señor." a single rifle cracked immediately, no doubt fired in order to give the alarm, and almost instantly the searchlight went through the same strange antics as before. finally it settled on the harbor, and, sweeping slowly across it, lit full upon the launch. in a minute there was a roll of musketry, and a shower of bullets hurtled about her, some piercing her woodwork as if it had been merely paper, but none, fortunately, hitting hal or gerald, or any part of the machinery. a minute later they had run into the shadow cast by a long line of shipping, behind which the light failed to reach them. hal at once thrust his head up through the opening, and then cut off steam. "they'll expect us to pop out at the other end," he said quietly, "but we'll disappoint them by going about and cutting back by way of the quay. ready? then shove the wheel over. there's enough row going on all round to drown any we may make." and this was the case, for the gyrations of the searchlight and the rattle of musketry had effectually awakened the shipping world. the crews of vessels lying in the harbor came tumbling up on deck, while many of the ships rang their bells, as though a general attack by the enemy in force were imminent. a few who had news of the runaways put off in their boats, and pulled into the open water, their hands shouting loudly for information as to the whereabouts of the escaping prisoners. "just keep these ships in line with the searchlight," said hal, a few moments later, thrusting his head up again. "that will give us a dark patch in which to run, and will carry us almost as far as the exit. that's it. steady so. i'm going to pile the coal till she's fit to burst." he dived below again, and, seizing the shovel which had already proved so useful, threw the fuel into the open door of the furnace. by now the dial showed a greater head of steam, but he was not yet satisfied, and kept at the work, even going to the length of tossing an open can of oil into the flames. as for gerald, with eyes shifting from right to left, and returning ever and anon to the searchlight, he gripped the wheel and steered the launch in a dead line ahead. once, a boat suddenly sprang out of the dense darkness directly in front, and he caught sight of the water flashing faintly at the tips of the oars. but he would not alter his course, and went rushing on, only missing the other craft by a foot or two, and leaving it behind in a trice, rocking so violently that it was a wonder that it did not fill and sink at once. "where are they? what is all this bother about?" someone cried. gerald did not trouble to answer. he kept grimly on till a flash of the broad beam overhead showed him that he was approaching the edge of the harbor. then, hesitating how to act, he looked down at hal as if to ask his advice, and saw him stripped to the waist, and standing in the glare of the furnace, into which he was throwing coal as if life itself depended on his exertions--as, indeed, it did. round spun the wheel, and the launch swayed to the left, rolling heavily as she did so. "this is my job," murmured gerald, unconsciously repeating the words hal had used when giving him the post of steersman. "i'll see the show through. now for the channel that leads to the sea." "will the searchlight fall upon it just as we enter? yes--no--perhaps it will not. ah! it must. it is all up with us!" the thoughts flashed through his mind, one moment high hope surging through his heart, and the next some movement of the electric beam shattering all thoughts of escape. the light fluttered onto the thin band of water leading out between the steep cliffs to the sea, to safety and friends, and then whisked back to the harbor, flying across every foot of its surface that it was possible to reach, and searching every nook and corner. round spun the wheel again. "in the channel, and now bang straight ahead," murmured gerald. "if the dons who man the castle batteries do not spot us we shall be lucky. but how can they fail, when flames like that are pouring from the funnel? they're bound to let fly at us." he cast an upward glance at the smoke-stack, and longed to be able to smother the flaring streak which poured from it into the night, lighting up the surroundings like a torch. luck, however, seemed to have followed the runaways, for if anyone noticed them, he made no sign, not thinking that this tiny vessel, rushing so boldly out to sea, could contain any but friends. perhaps, even, he may have thought it was the officer who had been told off to conduct the search; though then it was strange that he should feed his fires till the funnel was on the point of melting, while the escape steam whistled through the valve with a deafening noise. fortunate indeed was it for the fugitives that another part attracted the attention of the spaniards. from morro castle, and from all the defenses, the eyes of the garrison were fixed upon the searchlight. breathless with excitement, and too occupied to utter as much as a sound, they followed the revolving beam, till at last it fell full upon a launch steaming across the harbor. no doubt it contained josé d'arousta and his men; but the watchers were ignorant of that, and set up a shout of exultation that awoke the echoes. they rushed to their guns and rifles, and would have opened fire had not the workers of the light known more than they, and flashed it elsewhere in search of the escaping prisoners. and all the while hal and gerald were speeding, with their most eager efforts, along the narrow track that led to the sea. "another half-mile and we shall be away," screamed the latter, looking down at his friend. but the escaping steam smothered his voice, and only the click and scrape of the busy shovel answered him. bang! a huge column of water blew up into the night some hundred paces behind, sending a heavy swell rolling along, which caught the launch and caused it to bob sharply. "a mine!" shouted hal, who had heard the roar. "i should say that it is about their last. keep her over to one side, for those infernal machines are usually laid in the center, so as to catch the large ships. a miss is as good as a mile, old boy!" "we're out now," shouted gerald, taking a hasty look round, and noticing that the reflection of the flames upon the wet rock on either side had just vanished. "now where away?" "bang straight for the deep blue sea, old chap, and the farther out the better. if we could put a hundred miles between us and the dons within the next few minutes i should feel all the happier." to steer directly out was, indeed, the best course they could follow, and neither of the lads relaxed his energies till the tiny launch had plowed a way ten miles out to sea. all was in their favor, for the night, though intensely dark, was beautifully calm, and the surface of the water undisturbed by even a ripple. an hour later, when they had obtained a good offing, hal left the door of the furnace wide open, and stopped the engines. "i'm peckish again," he said, climbing to the deck, and wiping the perspiration from his forehead with a piece of oily waste. "skip along, old man, and see whether you can manage to find some grub and something to drink." gerald at once left the wheel, and going to the forward part of the launch, descended into the cabin. he had little difficulty in discerning his surroundings, for by this time the sky had lightened considerably, and dawn was close at hand. but he was unsuccessful, and returned with a very long face. "not a crust to be seen," he said dismally. "i say, hal, what shall we do if there is no food aboard, for we shall starve if we do not fall in with a ship pretty soon?" "then that is just exactly what we must do," cried hal cheerfully, "and we'll have to be precious careful that she is not a spaniard. yes, it's rough having nothing to eat, but we must not grumble. just think of what we have escaped. we have left prison and that fellow josé d'arousta behind, and are safe for the present. i'd rather starve for a week than take my place before a file of soldiers at this hour of the morning." he shuddered when he thought of what a narrow escape they had had, and what fate would have been theirs, had they still occupied their cell in the morro castle. then away flew his thoughts to the hacienda. why? did they dwell for the space of more than a moment upon mr. brindle and any of the hands he knew? no, certainly not! hal would have flushed very red had you suddenly asked him the question; for, in truth, he was thinking of someone else--of dora, picturing her as he had seen her many a morning, standing at the top of the steps leading from the veranda, a vision of loveliness in white, with a welcoming smile that showed two rows of dainty pearls, and a glance from a pair of dancing blue eyes that always made him feel happy. that was how he had seen her every morning as he rode in from his work, and those were the happy thoughts which invariably filled his mind during the morning meal. but the scene suddenly changed, josé d'arousta and the rascally pedro appearing in his mind's eye in place of his employer's daughter, and they were again threatening the hacienda. at the thought, hal sprang to his feet, his hands clenched, and a look of excitement spreading over his handsome face. "yes," he cried, "it is good indeed to live; for i have work to do. i have escaped from the island, but i must return again at the very first opportunity." "why should you? it would be madness!" exclaimed his comrade. "why, gerald? think of the hacienda, and of josé d'arousta's threat. that is my reason, for real danger threatens your father and dora." "phew! i hadn't thought of that," gerald answered, and then suddenly lapsed into silence, while a queer and sly little smile stole over his face. "oh, it's like that, is it?" he murmured a moment later. "but, i say, what about falling in with a ship? what do you propose?" "as there is no food on board, and we are both famishing, i vote we turn the steam on again, and get as far away from the island as we possibly can. the chances are that it is blockaded by the american fleet, and, as santiago is a most important harbor, some of the vessels are bound to be down this way. naturally they would steam up and down within sight of the coast, running in closer at night. we must keep a bright look-out for them, and must hope for their appearance soon. i fancy that we are safe from the spanish torpedo boats, for they would scarcely dare to run out so far." "what's that over there, then?" asked gerald, suddenly pointing to the west. a big black cloud was floating on the horizon, and hal looked at it long and earnestly. "i believe it's the smoke of a fleet," he said at length. "if it is, i am for chancing the spaniards, and running down towards that cloud." gerald hastily agreed, whereupon hal dived below again, and having seen to the lubricating of his engine, opened the throttle-valve. every minute as they ran to the west the cloud became more certainly one of smoke, and within an hour they had made out that six large battleships were bearing down upon them at an easy pace. then a breeze got up and blew the smoke away, the masts and funnels of the on-coming fleet becoming at once visible, sharply silhouetted against the clear morning sky. "they're wagging their signals," said hal, poking his head up above the deck, and taking a long look. "no doubt they have spotted us, and will send at once to find out who we are." he had scarcely finished speaking, when a long, low hull shot out from behind one of the bigger ships, and came steaming at a great pace towards them. "a torpedo boat," said hal. "we'll lie to, and wait for her." turning off the steam, he mounted to the deck, and sat down by gerald's side. a quarter of an hour later the torpedo boat was close at hand, and, surging up beside the launch, rounded to, and circled completely about her, setting the tiny vessel dancing to the swell. "hooray! she's flying the stars and stripes," shouted gerald, flinging his cap into the air. "we're safe at last, old boy, and there is a good square meal in sight." "aboard there! who are you?" came the hail across the water. "where on earth do you come from? and what port are you bound for?" "we're from santiago. we left there this morning," hal shouted back, making a funnel of his hands. the boat, with its murderous-looking quick-firers, ranged up alongside, and a sailor flung a rope to them. "hang on there, and make her fast," shouted an officer standing on a diminutive bridge. "we'll tow you home. you're a prize to the navy of the united states of america." "prize indeed!" hal exclaimed. then he laughed loudly. "we'll let it rest like that till we get alongside the flagship," he said to gerald. "then i fancy there will be some fun, and we shall score off our friend aboard the torpedo boat." by this time the fleet of warships was only a mile distant, and it took very little time for the powerful destroyer to reach them with the launch in tow. then, once more, the semaphore wagged confusingly. "cast off that rope, and smartly with it," shouted the officer who had hailed hal before. "now then, we'll take every one of you aboard to see the admiral. prize party, make ready to hop on to her, and just knock the fight out of any that are playin' games." he backed his vessel alongside again, and the launch was rapidly lashed in position, a few fenders being placed between to protect the brittle plates of the torpedo craft. "now, who are you anyway?" asked the officer brusquely, boarding the launch with a party of sailors. "one of you looks so black that he might pass for a nigger; and the other,--why,--what's this? it's a boy, a perfect child, and astoundingly like the lads who are to be found right over in the states. say, who, in the name of all that's curious, are you, youngster?" "not your prisoner, at any rate," answered gerald, with a laugh. "we're americans. at least, i am; and my friend is a britisher." "britisher! american! that is hard to believe. and what is all this about?" he looked at the decks of the launch, and then at the empty engine-room. "two lads of our own blood aboard a spanish craft, and not another soul with them! it is particularly queer!" "it is, we admit," hal answered, with a smile; "but you must understand that we had no choice, for we were captured in the town of santiago in suspicious circumstances, and were thus placed in a cell in morro castle, with the cheerful prospect of being shot as spies early this morning. we bolted, and as this launch was lying idle beside one of the wharfs, we just borrowed her, and steamed out to sea. so i fancy that she really belongs to us." "borrowed her! i should fancy that was a piece of amizin' cheek," the officer laughed. "and you young fellows got through without so much as a shell whistling loudly in your ears?" "not quite. by the merest chance we escaped a mine, which was exploded behind us; and i fancy you will find a few bullet-holes if you care to look round," hal answered coolly. "but there's one thing very wrong. we're awfully hungry. have you anything like a meal aboard?" the officer clapped him on the back. "come along out of this tub at once," he said. "it's spanish, and isn't fit for gentlemen. grub? george, sir! but i've something below in my cabin that will fairly make your mouths water. leave her there, bo'sun, and signal over to the skipper that all's well, and that the prisoners are busy putting their teeth into the best food we've got, for they are simply famishing." chapter xvi the beginning of hostilities "now, you fellows can just sit right down there and let me have every bit of the tale," said the american officer cheerfully, motioning hal and gerald to two seats which were fixed against the side of the tiny cabin of the torpedo boat. "i'm dying to hear all about your adventure, and let me ask you to be particularly slippy, for as soon as the admiral is informed that you've dropped in with the fleet, he'll be wanting you, so as to get all possible information. come now; the grub will be along in a very few minutes, so you may as well fill in the time. i can tell you, sirs, that i'm right glad to meet you." he stretched across the narrow swinging table, and shook both heartily by the hand; then he shouted to a steward, and himself helped to place food before the lads. "beg pardon, sir, but the admiral aer a-waggin' ter yer ter send 'em aboard," said someone at this moment, calling down the companion. "the dickens! signal right back that they're famishing, and will be all the better for a square meal," the officer exclaimed. "it's the truth, after all," he added, with a smile. "i should be uncomfortably hungry if i had taken nothing but thin air since the sun came up." some pressed beef, bread and butter, and hot tea were placed upon the table, and hal and gerald needed no second bidding to fall to. the keen night air had indeed given them an appetite, to which long hours of suspense and excitement had only added zest. they fell upon the viands, therefore, with a will, and made the food disappear with great rapidity. "my! there's no doubt that you were hungry," remarked the officer, with a smile. "don't stop. go right on, for there is plenty more if you need it." at last they managed to satisfy their hunger, and then they gave a rough outline of their adventures. they were in the act of completing the story when the same voice called to them again. "them signals aer a-waggin' fit ter split theirselves," the man cried. "reckon it erd be jist right ter send 'em aboard." "so; then we'll get under way. get to your post." the torpedo boat quivered and throbbed from stem to stern as the screws revolved in the water. "say," said the officer, "there's steam and plenty of it in that old tub of yours. suppose we go aboard the flagship in it; it'll be the handier." hal and gerald acquiesced, and at once stepped into the launch. a man was left in charge of the wheel of the torpedo boat. then two were sent aboard the launch, one of whom dived into the engine-room; the lashings were cast off, and they steamed alongside the huge vessel which flew the admiral's flag. a monster she looked, too, for the _new york_ was one of the largest of armored cruisers afloat. "down below there! hook on, and we'll bring you flyin' up," someone shouted, and the tackle of the two falls began to descend, a sailor clinging to the lower block of each. hal was no seaman, and it was a revelation to him to see the way in which the hooks were made fast, and the launch, engines, and all, whisked aloft. a minute later he and gerald, together with the officer, were standing on the white decks of the magnificent flagship _new york_. "admiral's compliments, and will ye sthep below?" an irish marine said, saluting. "to be sure i will! stay here till i come up again," replied the officer, turning to the lads. as he left them for his interview with the admiral, another officer approached. "should say that this was irregular," he said, looking keenly at hal and gerald. "two prisoners left unguarded! but you'd be amazin' clever, i reckon, to do us much harm. hallo! what's this? i've a kind of recollection of one of you. now, where have we met?" "and i remember you; i saw you aboard the _maine_," replied hal quietly. "why, the _maine_! that you did, certainly. are you not the britisher? you are, of course, but what are you doin' with this young fellow aboard a spanish craft?" this needed another explanation, which was barely completed when admiral sampson, the commodore of the squadron of american ships, came up. "congratulations, young gentlemen," he said, extending his hand in welcome. "i have heard part of the story, and shall be glad to learn more. meanwhile, i fancy that a bath and some clean clothes will be more in your line than anything else. mr. perkins, i'll be obliged if you will hurry next time something turns up. this time it's different, for they're excellent young fellows." the officer saluted, and at once descended the gangway, and entered a boat which had been lowered, bestowing a wink on hal and gerald as he did so. "mr. billing, you'll do me the favor of looking after our guests," proceeded the admiral. "fix them up, and bring them along to dinner to-night." "thankee, sir, i will," was the reply; then he turned to hal and gerald, and led them below. "you've had a good square meal, i understand," he said, "so we'll see right away what's to be done about togs. come along here." he led them into a cabin, and began to ransack various drawers, producing, after a long hunt, undergarments and a spare suit for each. "perhaps you won't mind telling us what's going on?" said hal. "we know no more than that war was declared a few days ago." "then i fancy that you are as well primed with information as we are. i can tell you that this is a very queer war--in fact, quite the strangest i have ever heard of. the truth is, that neither the dons nor my country are prepared for fighting; for, you see, ships are not sufficient to enable a nation to carry on hostilities. an army to invade is wanted, and where is ours to come from? mind you, sir, i've not a morsel of doubt that we shall raise all the troops we want, and that very quickly too, for all america is buzzin' with enthusiasm at this very moment. but you must understand that men who have not been trained to work together stand a very poor chance when confronted with regulars. then, again, where would our supply department be? i can inform you right now that there would be terrible confusion when it was found that a hastily raised arm of the service was called upon to feed, say, twenty thousand men, perhaps in cuba, or elsewhere. "so it comes to this, that we must wait till all is ready ashore. meanwhile, the navy will have to do all the fighting, and, if only the dons show the spirit for which their ancestors were famous, we shall have some very ticklish brushes with them. "after our forces are ready to move, and the various departments have got into thorough working order, we shall want ships to carry them to cuba, or even to spain, for all i know; and then i have a notion that there'll be a heap of fun, and a mighty lot for all of us to do." "then there is no chance of an invasion taking place yet a while?" hal asked. "no, that's just how it stands. but how does it interest you, mr.--er--er--oh, i can't remember your name. anyhow, you're a britisher. how do you come into the quarrel?" "it did not interest me greatly till a few days ago," said hal. "now it does. you see, these spaniards have given us a very bad time. i must admit that the greater part of the trouble has arisen through one don in particular, who is a very bad specimen of humanity. he attacked our hacienda, and the next day did his utmost to have us shot as spies. in fact, if matters had not turned out otherwise, you may take it that he would be gloating over our deaths at this very moment." "george! that is most uncomfortable to think of!" "we had a precious near squeak for it," continued hal; "and now you ask how it concerns me. i am going back to the island, and, if i find that all is secure at the hacienda, i shall join the invading forces." "just to make matters even, i suppose?" laughed the officer. "i can easily follow you. these dons have given you and the youngster a warmish time, and have roused you into a temper. you britishers have the reputation of being as easy-going as possible, and of being able to put up with a heap; that is, up to a certain point. after that, we all know that the old bull-dog nature comes to the fore, and then there's going to be trouble. and so you've got to that point? well, i am not a morsel surprised, for there are few who would stand what you have gone through, and forget in a hurry. in fact, i reckon that the majority would have failed to come through at all. there's no doubt that you youngsters were in an almighty mess. say, sir, what was the name you mentioned?" "hal marchant." "ah! so that is it. well, sir, i'm pleased to meet you. i'm billing; lieutenant aboard the _new york_. lieutenant samuel k. billing." he held out his hand, which hal took and shook with enthusiasm. "and so you have decided to join the boys?" continued the officer. "it's the kind of thing that a lad of your sort would do, and i don't suppose that you'll have much difficulty about the matter. but in case you have, apply to me. i haven't forgotten how you came to the fore and helped to dowse the magazines aboard the poor old _maine_, and, if i can, i'll do something to repay you. come, think the matter over right now." he motioned both the lads to seats, and threw himself into another opposite. "there," he said pleasantly. "now, fire away." "you have asked me how you can help us," said hal, after some moments of silence. "it is very kind of you, and if you will arrange to have us landed somewhere near santiago, we shall be most grateful to you." "can't be done. it is out of the question altogether," replied the officer, leaning back in his chair, and shaking his head emphatically. "see here, mr. marchant, you'll admit that we amurricans have a reputation for smartness. well, whatever the dons may be in ordinary circumstances, they are fully alive to the situation just now, and have their eyes very wide open. christopher, man! the coast is bristling with guns and men, and it is no exaggeration to state that you could hardly float a piece of bread ashore without its being discovered. that will give you an idea of the vigilant watch that is being maintained." "but we must return to the hacienda. the safety of our friends demands it!" exclaimed hal hotly. "is that so? what friends, may i ask, sir? relatives, by any chance?" "well, not exactly in my case," hal answered, in some confusion. "gerald's father and sister live at the hacienda." "you don't say so!" the officer answered quizzingly. "you don't fear that your pa's in danger, do you, mr. gerald?" "yes, i fancy he is," replied gerald. "you see, we are anxious about him with those rascally irregulars about. besides, there's dora." "oh, ho; there's dora!" repeated the officer, smiling at hal. "and so you have determined to rush into all sorts of dangers, mr. marchant, just on the chance of rescuing your friends from some scoundrels who, after all, may never have been near the hacienda of which you speak. well, it's a fix, for you can't exactly fly ashore, and you'll be shot so sure as you attempt to get there in a boat." "then i'll swim," said hal quietly. "i'll go overboard some day when you are close inshore." "yes, and what about the sharks? those loathsome brutes are just jostlin' one another round here." "i'll swim for cuba all the same," replied hal steadily. "i'll chance the sharks, for i am convinced that real danger threatens our friends." "so bad as that, is it?" the officer exclaimed, lifting his eyebrows. "well, if you are set upon it, i'll do a trifle for you, but it won't be yet a while. we're bound elsewhere, and will be cruising up the other side of the island. but when the chance comes you shall go, and you can trust samuel k. billing to help you." the young american officer, whom hal had first met beside the magazines on board the ill-fated _maine_, and who had so miraculously escaped the disastrous results of the explosion, had not exaggerated matters when he declared that america was not ready for war. true, her people, the nation as a whole, and the newspapers for the most part, had asked for war--nay, demanded it. sympathy for the miserable people in the concentration camps had first stirred them into action, but the awful calamity on board the _maine_, and the particular circumstances in which the explosion had occurred, had roused their anger and indignation. at their very door thousands of poor helpless people were dying of sheer starvation, and of the hundred and one diseases which follow inevitably where want and destitution have undermined the constitution. that in itself was an offense against their feelings of humanity. and there was no error in this case, for no lying tales had reached their ears, but only the truth. they had not been told stories innumerable of awful misery existing in cuba when such was not the case. no. there was no doubt that there was reason for intervention between oppressor and oppressed, and america had espoused the cause of the latter with great earnestness. she had insisted on war, and had embarked upon it, as the reader knows. but under what conditions? her navy was one of which she was justly proud; her army, on the other hand, was far too small to undertake the task which america had set herself--namely, the expulsion of spain from the island of cuba. twenty-seven thousand officers and men were, roughly, the army of this great country; but, though few in numbers, they were, indeed, men to be proud of, for all were picked, and many were accomplished in that most important branch of war--scouting. in addition, america possessed militia, though few of the battalions were in an efficient state; and the reason of this was that a reaction had followed the fierce civil war between north and south. there was no longer need for soldiering, and trade occupied the attention of the people instead. had it been otherwise, the lads of the states are too much like our own to have done otherwise than throw their hearts and energy into the army, and fight for their country. and in this emergency they came to the fore with a zeal and impetuosity which warranted the statement of hal's naval friend, to wit, that the whole of the american nation was roused to enthusiasm. the sons of the states came forward in their thousands. those of the militia battalions who were still of the right age, and medically fit, volunteered for active service almost to a man, and within a very short space of time america found herself with a hundred thousand men added to her regular army. the latter was sent down to the department of the south, to tampa in florida, and the remaining volunteers were transferred from the various departments into which the states are divided, to certain training camps, from which they were to be sent to chickamauga in tennessee, and from there, when efficient, to tampa. and now, having hinted at the manner in which the army of invasion was raised, we will turn to the navy, and to events in and around cuba. "there, sir, that's just about where we are," said the american lieutenant, who had introduced himself as samuel k. billing, throwing himself back in his chair. "as i've hinted to you, the boys ashore are drilling their boots off, and up to this it has been a naval war. on april the st hostilities commenced, and america made a haul, for we captured the _cataluna_, with a cargo of mules, about to sail from new orleans to cuba. then admiral sampson--that's the commodore, you'll understand--flew his signals, and out the fleet sailed from key west. we steamed to sea with orders to blockade the coast of cuba from cardenas to cienfuegos, that is right along east of havana. next day we fell in with the _buenaventura_, and captured her, sending her along home with a prize crew aboard. that, sir, is all the news. here we are, and here we shall stay till the troops are ready. lucky for you both that we happened to put in an appearance! it was by the merest chance that we came cruising down this way." no doubt it was remarkably fortunate for hal and gerald; but, though santiago with the neighboring coast was, from this day, efficiently blockaded, the failure to carry the movement out before had allowed the _montserrat_, a spanish liner, to approach the southern part of the island, and land troops, ammunition, and stores at cienfuegos, whence they were conveyed to havana. beyond this nothing of importance had occurred in the neighborhood, while thousands of miles away, in the pacific ocean, an american fleet lay at anchor in mirs bay, on the chinese coast, ready to make an attack upon the philippines, spain's stronghold in those waters. the fleet of which spain boasted had gone to st. vincent in the cape verde islands, and awaited events there. "and what will happen now?" asked hal. "are you likely to be sailing in close to santiago? if you are, i shall take my chance and hop overboard. besides, i'd forgotten, there's the launch. the commodore would allow us that." "so he would, marchant, and what would happen to you? why, sir, that little tub would be sucked up by a spanish gunboat before you could wink. and then----phit! man, it would be all over with you! it is out of the question, and you'll have to get the idea out of your mind for a time. in the first place, we're not for cruisin' close in. we're bound for havana, and when we get there you will see some fun. there's a talk of bombarding matanzas, a coast town that comes next in size to havana." "then you will have some fighting," said hal. "i should like to be there." "and so you shall, sir. you're guests aboard this ship, and if you want to stay, say the word. the commodore is not the man to stop you." "thanks, very much," answered hal. "until i can see a chance of being landed near santiago, i should certainly like to remain on this ship. but why not attack havana? it is the chief spanish port." "and get badly knocked about!" exclaimed the lieutenant. "george, man! there are mines to be thought of, and, besides, where should we be if we got into the harbor? fifty thousand spanish troops would be confronting us. no, marchant, it is not to be thought of." no one could quarrel with this decision. had america possessed the necessary land forces, an attack might have been attempted; but, even then, to try to enter a harbor over live mines would have been hazardous in the extreme. admiral sampson, however, had decided to attack matanzas, for it was necessary to do something to calm the clamor of the american public. almost two weeks had already passed since the declaration of war, and no success had been achieved, save the capture of a few merchant vessels. in consequence, the people of the states were roused to anger, for they had expected great things on the outbreak of war. but, meanwhile, the ship upon which hal and gerald were receiving hospitality was steaming along the coast. "it'll be two days before we get right round," said lieutenant billing, "so i propose that you young fellows get some sort of togs. the tailor aboard will measure you for coats and things, and if we chaps weren't able to dig out the unders, why, we wouldn't be any good. as you stand you'll do for the commodore to-night, for on active service there is no dressing for dinner. come along with me, and i'll see what the tailor man has to say." hal and gerald did as they were asked, and were very glad that their naval friend had thought of it, for they were absolutely destitute of belongings when they escaped from santiago. naturally, their flight from prison, and their subsequent adventures, had not helped to improve their clothes, so that, when they stepped aboard the _new york_, it was coatless and bootless, and with only the remains of very dirty plantation suits. indeed, hal was more like a coal-heaver than anything, and the heat of the little stoke-hole had been so great that he had even discarded his shirt, and kept on only trousers and vest. "new suit for two britishers?" exclaimed the ship's tailor, who was a typical yankee. "say, where on airth did yer get hold of them ere togs? oh, from the lieutenant? wall, i'll fix yer up as good. that aer the way. hold yer arm out, so, and i'll take yer measure." he soon obtained all the necessary particulars, after which the lieutenant led hal and gerald to the _new york's_ gunroom, where they were introduced to the other officers. "say, mr. marchant, sir," said one of them, "our friend here, the lieutenant, has got the better of us. how was it that you came to be aboard that old tank of a launch? spin the yarn, like a good fellow, and we'll feel obliged." there was nothing for it but to recount again how they had escaped from the morro castle; and that same evening the commodore also insisted upon hearing all the particulars of their adventures, and probed hal so astutely with questions that he drew from him the tale of josé d'arousta's attack upon the hacienda, and the manner in which it had been foiled. "you never let on about that, sir," said samuel k. billing reproachfully, "and the admiral has scored one. say, mr. marchant, you seem unusually concerned about that spaniard, and i don't wonder at all, for he's a low-down sort of beggar; but how did it happen that you first knocked up against him? now, no hanging back, if you please, for if you don't feel inclined to oblige me, there's admiral sampson, who won't let you off." "indeed, no. come, mr. marchant, i trust you will give us the story," chimed in the commodore. "this spaniard seems to have some special spite against you. if i remember rightly, he and his rascally accomplice would have shot you in cold blood when the hacienda was taken. what was the quarrel between you?" nothing loath, for the officers seemed genuinely interested, hal told how josé d'arousta had first come across his path, and how, on three successive occasions, he had been able to thwart him. "there's luck, they say, in the number three," remarked the admiral. "young, sir, i consider that you have done very well, and that you have been ably helped by your friend. but luck may pull you through danger on one occasion, while on another it leaves you in the lurch. pluck and strength of purpose are of far more use in difficulties, and when combined with luck make the issue less doubtful. so, you see, i take it that you both have a very good allowance of what we in the states call 'grit.' but for that i reckon you would have been shot this very morning, for how else could you have succeeded in escaping from the morro castle? as for that fellow of a spaniard, i am not in the least surprised that you feel uneasy about him. beware of the man, is the caution i would impress upon you. three, i have said, is considered a lucky number. take care when you run up against him for the fourth time, that he does not shoot you at sight. no amount of good fortune will preserve a man when a revolver is fired at point-blank range. but there, what am i doing? giving advice to a youngster who, in spite of his few years, has seen more adventures than many a man of forty. you've been almighty spry, my lad, and will pull through, whatever the danger." "you may put it at that," exclaimed the lieutenant, who seemed to have taken a particular fancy to hal. "i can tell you, sir, that this young guest of ours is as smart and as full of pluck as they make them." chapter xvii a baptism of fire "this young guest of ours is as smart and as full of pluck as they make them." these were the lieutenant's words, and those who had the fortune to be acquainted with our hero could not deny their truth; for hal looked a particularly capable and sturdy young fellow two days after boarding the _new york_. "you look a regular sailor," said gerald, with a laugh. "when i saw you walking the deck with our friend of yesterday, i took you for one of the officers." "and that is what i should like to be," hal answered briskly. "have you given a thought to our position, old man?" "no, i can't say that i have. everything seems very jolly, though." "yes, exactly; but we are guests aboard, doing nothing for our living." "that's the fortune of war. we could not help it," answered gerald. "no, but i have made up my mind to do something to repay this kindness. the spaniards began the quarrel, and three days ago i threw in my lot for good and all with america. now, i said that i wanted to get to the hacienda, for my idea is to see that all is right there, and then to join the invading yankees. of course, if there is likely to be trouble near eldorado, i shall stay; but, otherwise, i shall do all that i can for america. one who knows the country about santiago should be useful." "that i can quite understand," gerald answered; "but how will you get ashore?" "i do not know, but something may turn up shortly," hal replied hopefully. "matanzas, for instance," said a voice at his elbow, with such suddenness that both lads sprang round, to find themselves face to face with samuel k. billing. "say, boys," the latter continued, rubbing his hands together with pleasure, "matanzas has turned up. it's over there, on the port bow. i tell you it's nearing a stiff naval action. the commodore has decided to attack the place." both lads turned their eyes to the shore, and, with the aid of glasses, saw a low-lying town on the fringe of a bay, the entrance to which was crossed by rocky reefs, through which, however, a wide and very deep channel was left. to right and left forts could be seen, while on a slope farther inland a host of men were busily erecting a sand-bag battery. it was a fine morning, and the unruffled surface of the sea showed the wind had dropped. "look, there's morillo battery pointing out right clear between the headlands!" exclaimed the lieutenant, jerking his thumb in the direction of a stone-faced fort far on the inland slope. "that promontory on the right has a powerful erection known as fort maya, while on the left there is another of just about equal strength, called rubal caya. all are armed with modern quick-firing guns, so we may expect a peppering. say, boys, have you ever heard the sing of a shell?" "never. what is it like?" hal asked. "poom! a burst of smoke from the distant gun, if black powder is used, and then a faint kind of whisper, getting bigger every second till it's just shrieking overhead. if she don't it's a dib, dib, dib in the water, a bit of a splash here and there as the shell ricochets, and then plump she goes to the bottom. hallo! there's the signal flying to the _puritan_ and _cincinnati_. we're steaming in. so long, till next time." he hurried off, leaving hal and gerald in possession of a pair of glasses. for the moment they were occupied in looking at the other ships in company with the _new york_, and at the latter herself. no one took the least notice of them, and in consequence they walked the length of the decks. what a fine cruiser the _new york_ was! from amidships three mighty funnels poured forth volumes of smoke, while the steam sizzled and roared into the air. from her masts bristled many quick-firers, pointing from the tiers of batteries which are known as "fighting tops," and which are slung at various elevations. and from the decks six long cannon of eight inches' caliber grinned through the ports, the breeches surrounded by eager gunners. others stood at hand by the ammunition lifts, prepared to supply more cartridges. on the bridge walked the admiral and his officers, smart, cool, and collected, and with eyes fixed upon the distant shore. poom! a flash and a billow of smoke burst from point maya, and out flew a shell, singing merrily, till it plunged into the sea some distance from the _new york_. "the ball opens," said hal quietly. "wait till we are closer in. then it will be warm work. i reckon we are about six thousand yards from the shore, and the dons judged the distance badly." his words were cut short by a series of rapidly repeated reports from the guns of the _puritan_. her quick-firers were at work, and found the range almost immediately. then followed two roaring explosions, so great in volume that they smothered all the others, and deafened everyone within hearing. "by jove! the turret guns!" exclaimed gerald, putting his fingers to his ears. the _puritan_ had, in fact, slewed her turret round, and discharged two of her biggest shells, weighing a thousand pounds apiece. instantly, up went every glass on the ship, and all eyes gazed eagerly shorewards to see what result would follow. "hit! hit! right up against the battery! there, there, away to the right!" cried hal. "i saw the dust and bits fly sixty feet into the air." in the direction in which he pointed, a dark brown column suddenly spurted up into the air, and floated for some moments like a cloud in front of the battery. then, as the onlookers from the ships kept their gaze fixed upon the shore, the column suddenly subsided, and when they looked again there were the batteries, surrounded by trees and green fields, while there was no sign of damage produced by the shells. "hallo! they are opening on us, and here come the shells!" shouted gerald, a moment later. as he spoke, all the spanish forts fired, and though none of the missiles actually hit the _new york_, they hurtled unpleasantly close overhead. "this is hot!" cried gerald, wiping the perspiration from his forehead. "every time i hear that screech i want to bob badly, and my heart goes down into my boots." "yes, it's precious unpleasant," hal agreed reassuringly; "but the dons are making bad practice, so we can feel pretty secure. still, that shriek is horrid. it knocks the courage out of a fellow, for, long before one expects it, you can hear a gentle whistle in the distance, gradually increasing till you'd think that the shell was close beside your ear. then, while you are still crouching and wondering where it is going to land, you hear a dull poom! in the distance, a sharp report sounds ahead or astern of the ship, and up goes a column of water. you know that you are safe then, but it takes some time to get rid of the feeling of funk that settles upon you when the guns begin to open. but take a look through the glasses. our shells seem to be plumping into the batteries every time." the american ships were, indeed, making excellent practice, and within fifteen minutes had silenced the batteries ashore, each mighty shell blowing showers of débris into the air. then they steamed away, their guns being too hot to be pleasant, and now emitting only thin wreaths of smoke. rubal caya, undaunted, threw one last missile, which missed, and to it the _monitor_ replied with a twelve-inch shell, which seemed to wreck the battery. the losses of the spaniards must indeed have been heavy, though they were never accurately known. in any case the earthworks were considerably battered. but this bombardment opened the eyes of many people, for it proved that fortifications do not suffer very severely under heavy fire. the heaps of débris flying into the air make it appear as if havoc were being wrought, whereas the destruction brought about at such very long ranges is nothing compared with that produced in the old days of muzzle-loaders, round shot, and a point-blank range. "wall, young sirs, we've had one day at it, and a precious hot one it's been," remarked lieutenant samuel k. billing, "and i reckon we've wiped the eyes of the dons. there's information to hand that one of our gunboats got mauled a few days ago. so, you see, it's only right that we should have the best of it to-day, and get some luck to make up for the other. say, mr. marchant, sir, how'd you and your chum care for a little excursion? just a game that's goin' to be started along the coast." "i am sure we should like it very much," hal answered. "what exactly is it?" "that's tellin', sir. you'd like to join, you say, and so you shall; but keep it a dead secret. if the commodore knew that i had let the cat out of the bag, it would be a case of an explosion bigger than those over there." hal and gerald wondered what particular excursion they were to take part in, but four days passed without anything happening. on the fourth night, however, they were turned out of their bunks by their naval friend again. "say, boys," he said in a whisper, "the time's come along. get on deck right away, and make for the after gangway. there's a kettle alongside that's smokin' like a kitchen. it's the _hudson_, an armed revenue cutter. come, shake the sleep out of your eyes, or i withdraw my promise." they needed no second bidding, but, jumping hastily into their clothes, ran on deck. a rope ladder was hanging overboard, and they descended by this means to the cutter, which was, in reality, a small gunboat. "sheer off there!" someone cried, showing a light, and at once the little vessel quivered as her screw revolved. hal and his friend turned, to find the lieutenant of the _new york_ standing beside them. "naval instruction," he said, as if to explain his presence there. "that's what i am flying after; trying to get hold of the games these kettles play." "humbug!" exclaimed another officer, approaching at the moment. "you know as well as anyone that it is a lark, a bit of extra excitement that you're wantin'. but you're forgetting, samuel. introduce me." "right away, lieutenant ben carson." they shook hands, and hal inquired of the newcomer their destination. "we're bound for cardenas," was the answer. "it's a bit of a warm place to walk into. reefs and that sort outside. there are three spanish boats, the same as this, in the harbor, and they are a nuisance. i'll allow that they've proved too much for us up to this, but we'll do for them this time. say, mr. marchant, have you ever been under fire?" "once or twice," hal answered, "and i cannot admit that it was particularly enjoyable." "that's so; i judge that there are few who revel in the experience," was the answer. "but you must get used to it, and will have another chance, for we're goin' into that harbor right now." that this was the intention of the _hudson_ was soon made clear. joined by the gunboats _wilmington_ and _machias_, and by the torpedo boat _winslow_, she lay off the harbor of cardenas till morning dawned. then, the men and officers having breakfasted, the little fleet steamed in, piloted through a side channel in the reefs by a cuban who was well acquainted with them. "it's queer sort of work, this," remarked lieutenant billing, as the little cutter rushed into the bay. "for instance, the main channel's mined, and you'd get blown sky-high if you sailed that way. then this place is full of rocks, so the fellow who is commandin' has to keep his eyes mighty wide open. but we're in the bay safe enough, and i guess the fun will commence right away." at this moment the _machias_ parted company, and steamed to the east, towards diana key, where spanish barracks had been erected. very soon her guns were heard in action, though not till hours after was it learned that she had put the spanish garrison to flight, and had sent ashore an armed boat's crew, who hoisted the stars and stripes over cuban soil for the first time in the war. "now the band will play," cried the lieutenant excitedly, as the _hudson_ steamed onward with her consorts. "say, boys, we're after those gunboats, and i expect the shells will be flyin' about our heads before very long. but we've got to find them first; they'll be about this way somewhere, but exactly where is the particular question. now, where can they have hidden themselves?" "what are those over there, then?" said hal suddenly, lifting a pair of glasses to his eyes, and directing them across the bay to a long, narrow quay, constructed of stone, which projected far out into the water from the coast-line. "i can see something lying behind there. perhaps it is a gunboat, for that is a likely place behind which to hide." "perhaps it is--there is no saying; but i can't make it look like a gunboat," was the answer. "whatever it is, i reckon the _winslow_ will soon rout it out. if it's one of those craft, her quick-firers will get to work precious soon, and i think that we shall have a rough time of it; for she's behind the breakwater, while we are stuck out in the open. that won't beat us, though, and if she's there we're goin' to have her." by this time the three vessels were well in the bay, and while the _wilmington_ lay to off the town, the _hudson_ and _winslow_ rushed in towards the wharves in search of the spanish gunboats. these were a constant menace to the americans, for while they lay under the guns of the forts it was difficult to get at them. and what splendid opportunities of producing havoc amongst the ships of the enemy were in the hands of their commanders! to bold, undaunted men, with plenty of spirit about them, there was practically no limit to the damage they might do. themselves acquainted with the bay, and with every inch of the formidable reefs that formed a barrier round it, knowing well every turn and twist of the narrow and dangerous inlets and exits so much at their finger-tips that the darkest night was no bar to their traversing them, it was possible for them to keep admiral sampson's fleet in a state of perpetual alarm. for who could guess when those long sleuthhounds of the sea would leave their kennels beside the wharves, and slip out into the open? and who could hope to follow those long black hulls racing through the water? it was almost impossible to do so, and it is not to be wondered at that many a look-out man, when staring into the darkness, sent an alarm ringing through the american fleet when he had only imagined that he had sighted a spanish gunboat. then guns would begin to go off, and a perfect pandemonium would take the place of the silence that had reigned before. on one occasion, too, owing to mistakes in showing signals, the americans almost fired on their own gunboats, which were patrolling the seas around them. meanwhile, the _hudson_ and the _winslow_ had been steaming closer to the low stone quay which jutted into the water, and had separated so as to form a smaller mark for the enemy, when there was a roar of exploding artillery, and a hail of shells burst on and around the _winslow_. "hillo, these fellows are where you said!" shouted lieutenant billing; "and what's more, the _winslow's_ got badly hit, i fancy. hooroo! we're bearing down to her assistance." slewing the helm round, the commander of the _hudson_ rushed towards the quay from which the guns were firing, using his own batteries meanwhile. hal, with a pair of glasses raised, watched the conflict, and distinctly saw the spanish gunboats firing over the top of the quay, while they themselves were more or less protected by the stonework. "the _winslow_ is disabled," he shouted, seeing the gunboat suddenly swerve from her course, while a hail of shells burst about her decks. "she's got her steering gear smashed. see, she's drifting nearer to the quay." "then we'll have her out of it," shouted the lieutenant. "say, boys, get to one of those guns, and lend a hand." he rushed forward, hal and gerald running to the after gun. meanwhile, the _hudson_ bore down rapidly upon the disabled _winslow_, and at once found that she, too, had become a mark for the enemy. but, nothing daunted, her commander kept her straight ahead, in spite of the bursting shells, until quite close to his damaged consort. [illustration: "hal and gerald ran to the after gun."] "stand ready there to heave them a line," he shouted from the bridge. "now, i am going across her bows." he placed his mouth to the speaking-tube and called to his engineer to cut off steam, while, with a wave of his arm, he directed his quartermaster to steer the gunboat close beside the _winslow_. as he did so, a storm of shot and shell came spluttering around, churning the water up as if huge hailstones were falling into it. it was a most exciting moment, and to those who were watching from the deck of the _wilmington_ it appeared that all aboard the two boats must be doomed, so close was the range at which the spaniards were firing, and so heavy the bombardment to which both the americans were subjected. more than once was the line thrown, but it failed to reach. then, as the _hudson_ struggled manfully to get nearer, she, too, became almost unmanageable in the shallow water, rocking violently, and churning the sea into foam with the frantic revolutions of her propeller. bang! boom! smash! the sounds seemed to swallow her up, while the patter of bullets beat a loud and unceasing tattoo on her deck and sides. crash! a shell had struck the rail close beside the gun at which hal and gerald were helping, and, exploding with a violent concussion, threw them to the deck. but they were uninjured, and at once sprang to their feet again. at this moment a more fortunate throw of the line reached the stranded _winslow_, and a cable was rapidly passed from the _hudson_ to her consort, and made fast. then, putting up her helm, she steamed away at full speed, towing the wrecked gunboat after her till both were out of range. and all the while the stern gun on the deck of the _hudson_ growled a reply in sharp and angry snaps, while the shells from the _wilmington's_ big pieces roared and screeched overhead, in many cases to fall upon the stone quay, and injure it and the gunboats flying the spanish flag. "guess that that is a bad business," said lieutenant billing. "those fellows have just pitched into us and knocked us about sadly. jove, sir, but we'll give it to them next time!" it was, indeed, a reverse for the american navy, but a very slight one, for which the distinguished gallantry of the _hudson_ and _winslow_ more than compensated. "i never thought it possible for men to live through such a storm of shell," said hal. "at any other time i should have been in a blue funk, but there was so much to do that i had not time to think." "that's it," agreed gerald. "when we ran to the gun, the crew, or part of it, had gone farther aft to heave the line, so that our help was badly wanted. then, what with handing shell, and watching to see what luck we had in hitting the dons, i hadn't time for anything else. but it was warm! i say, hal, old boy, fetch me a glass of water. i feel rather done." to hal's astonishment, gerald suddenly sat down upon a twisted rope fender, and turned deathly pale. "what's the matter? what has happened?" demanded hal anxiously. "are you hit, or are you simply shaken by the excitement?" "i'm hit--in here." gerald bit his lips to suppress a groan, and pointed to his side. then, to his friend's consternation, he fainted dead away. "what is this? the youngster gone off! been upset by the fighting and noise?" asked lieutenant billing, hurrying up. "no, i fear he's wounded," hal exclaimed. "somewhere in the side, i fancy." they ran to gerald's help, and while hal held his head on his arm, the lieutenant tore his coat open. "a bit of shell struck him," he said quietly. "no wonder he feels queer. say, one of you men, drop below and bring up a basin of warm water and some dressings. another of you hop along to the steward and get some spirits." he seemed to know exactly what to do, and, as soon as the things were brought, poured some brandy into a tumbler, and, adding a little water, emptied the contents in small quantities at a time down gerald's throat. then he ripped the shirt open, and exposed an ugly gash over the ribs. "guess one or more are broken," he said. "i don't profess to be a doctor, but i should say that it's nothing out of the way. the loss of blood has caused him to faint. now, then, along with the basin." he took a piece of lint, and utilizing it as a sponge, bathed the wound. then he applied dressings and a bandage. by this time gerald was showing signs of regaining consciousness; he was promptly carried to a bunk, hal remaining by his side. meanwhile the _hudson_ and her consorts were running out of the bay, through the narrow and dangerous channel. they left the town of cardenas in disorder, fires having broken out in some of the buildings. outside the barrier they hove to, and the wounded and killed, numbering six in all, were then transferred from the _winslow_ to the _hudson_. "we're off to key west, in florida," said the lieutenant, coming down to speak to hal. "how's the youngster?" "better, i'm thankful to say," was the answer. "he is conscious, and can speak, but i've ordered him to be silent." "that is the best way, i reckon. keep him so till we can get him to hospital. that'll be by daybreak to-morrow." running at full steam, the _hudson_ made light of the journey to florida, and early on the following morning gerald was slung into a launch and conveyed ashore. hal accompanied him, and having handed him over to the tender care of a nurse, sauntered into the town. flags were flying everywhere, and the streets were thronged with townspeople and shipping folk, all of them wearing miniature american flags in their buttonholes. "what has occurred to cause all the excitement?" hal asked of a man who was seated outside a restaurant. "and don't yer know?" was the astonished answer. "reckon america has knocked spots off the dons. why, it aer more'n a week old. here, look thur, and you'll allow as there's reason to get a small piece uppish." he tossed a paper across to hal, and began to sip his coffee. hal opened the sheets of closely printed matter, and found a complete page given up to one subject. across the top, in big, bold type, was printed, "glorious victory! dewey annihilates the spanish fleet at the philippines! the battle of manila! full details! wonderful gallantry displayed by the enemy! small american losses!" instantly his attention was riveted, and he read the article from beginning to end. that there should have been fighting at such a distance from america he fully expected, for spain possessed the philippine islands, which lie in the neighborhood of hong-kong, and indeed had held them for not less than three centuries, during which period she had made a rich harvest out of them. when war commenced, an american fleet under admiral dewey had been lying in mirs bay, close to hong-kong; while montojo, the spanish commodore, was cruising close to the islands. evidently they had met, and the newspaper had a description of the battle. hal ran his eye rapidly down the columns of print. "a glorious victory has been won for our nation this day, the st of may," he read. "admiral dewey, who, with his fleet of four cruisers, two gunboats, a dispatch boat, and store ships, has been lying snugly in mirs bay, awaiting events, sailed from his anchorage on wednesday, april th, and arrived off manila bay on the th. "the spanish admiral had barely entered, having cruised up to subic bay to examine its defenses. following in his wake, dewey boldly steamed into manila bay, which, as our readers will doubtless know, is some thirty miles wide. it was a night of intense excitement. not an unnecessary sound was made, the engines worked at their slowest, and every light was masked. breathless with longing to be up and doing, and yet held quiet and still by love for their country, the crews, grouped round their guns, waited for something to occur. "like a column of ghosts the mighty battleships, cruisers, and gunboats forged ahead, a line of a mile and a half in length, at least. led by the _olympia_, the flagship, they entered the deep channel and steamed steadily past corregidor island. not a sound broke the stillness; not a light was to be seen. one, two, three fine ships stole by, and yet there was no alarm. were the spaniards dozing? hark! what was that? "another and yet another of dewey's ships passed the forts. the sixth, the _boston_, was abreast, when suddenly the darkness was cleft in twain by a mighty flash, while a loud report echoed from the island. "'ah, that aer more like it!' exclaimed the lads. 'that'll relieve the suspense. swish! aint that a shell?'" "it was indeed a big shell, but it whizzed harmlessly overhead, to be answered next moment by the guns of the _raleigh_, _concord_, and _boston_. unscathed, with not so much as a rope shot away, the fleet pushed into the bay, and, turning northeast, steamed at a pace only just sufficient to maintain steerage way. hour succeeded hour, and, instead of lessening, the excitement became even more intense. the men were ordered to sleep beside their guns, but who of them could be expected to obey? it was a physical impossibility. they lay on the hard decks, perspiring in the heat, and maintaining for the most part a grim silence. "at last, when a weary age seemed to have passed, the east suddenly flushed rosy red in the light of another dawn, the last that many a poor spaniard was to see. as the daylight grew, the distant coast-line, rocky headlands, and gorgeous patches of fresh green rose up out of the mist. then, away in front, the town of manila came into view, and a gasp of astonished delight burst from the american crews, for there was the enemy's fleet, part drawn up across the entrance of cavité bay, and under easy steam, while the remainder were moored farther in. "still, not a sound broke the silence, save the gentle, half-mournful throb, throb of the engines. grimly, steadily, and with earnest purpose, the fleet, led by admiral dewey, bore down upon the enemy--the spangled banner that we love floating slowly in the tropical breeze. "clinkety-clink! the engine dials rang out eight knots ahead, and away steamed our vessels straight for the spaniards. boom! boom! splash! the water of the harbor boiled in foam, and rose in an enormous pinnacle dead ahead of the _olympia_, and then subsided as the ship rode proudly on, for the dons had exploded their only mines unsuccessfully. still not a sound, save that monotonous throb, throb. at last a gun report was heard, then another, and within a minute the spanish ships were all engaging our fleet, their shells hurtling and buzzing everywhere. and from the americans as yet not so much as a shout. but there is a limit to human patience. a burly giant, stripped to the waist, climbed on to the mounting of the big gun in the stern of the admiral's ship, and, waving his cap, shouted, 'boys, remember the _maine_!' it acted like magic. the shout was taken up from end to end of the fleet, and seemed to spur the admiral on to action, for a minute later the big turret guns thundered, and were very quickly followed by a perfect hurricane of shell. shifting his course, the commodore turned, and, followed by his consorts, moved down the whole length of the spanish line. then he steamed back again, using his other guns. "five times did he traverse the line, drawing nearer every time. two hours had passed like so many minutes, and by that time every spanish ship was ablaze, and sinking or deserted by her crew. then the fleet drew away, and, it is reported, steamed to cavité, where the arsenals and shipping were destroyed. "the spaniards are said to have fought with heroic courage, and to have manned old and obsolete ships armed with useless guns. this would appear to be correct, for our losses amount to eight wounded, while one man died of heat-stroke. the spaniards are said to have suffered very severely. "further particulars are expected every moment, but what has already reached us across the wires is sufficient to show that dewey has crushed the naval power of spain in the philippines. "let us hope that the war is already at an end in that quarter of the globe." "phew! what a victory!" said hal, lifting his eyes from the paper. chapter xviii a desperate undertaking a gigantic success had indeed been scored for america by admiral dewey and his fleet, and it need scarcely be mentioned that east and west, north and south, he was a hero throughout the states. for the moment the interest of the nation was transferred to another sphere; the china seas claimed the earnest attention of all. indeed, when fuller details were to hand, it was more and more apparent that the action in manila bay had been of the utmost importance; and before proceeding to detail the doings of hal, it will be as well to describe the situation more precisely. one would have thought, considering the importance and value commercially of the philippines, that spain would have strained every nerve to bring their defenses to a pitch of perfection which would have defied the might of america. but this was not the case, for just as the united states was deficient in men ashore, so was spain hopelessly obsolete with regard to her sea-power. though war had been expected for many months, and, indeed, had been imminent, no effort had been made to supply the philippines with a modern fleet. admiral montojo, the sailor who commanded in the china seas, had but a poor squadron of vessels to depend upon, and it will be scarcely believed that, of the nine which sailed under his orders, one at least was unable to put to sea, for the simple and deplorable reason that her boilers were worn out and would not raise the necessary steam. of the others, all may be described as obsolete in defenses and in armament. whereas admiral dewey boasted of a fleet of six up-to-date ships, heavily armored, and with steel under-decks, in the case of the cruisers, which would give ample protection to the engines, the spanish vessels had little more than thin iron plates to depend upon. in fact, in all that goes to make a fleet efficient and dangerous the spanish ships were wanting. the american ships hopelessly outmatched admiral montojo's command in speed, protection, and gun-power. the last mentioned, though not touched upon before, was not the least in importance, and here again spain showed herself quite obsolete. her guns were, almost without exception, old and practically useless. in addition, ancient and fairly modern cannon were placed in ships side by side--a terrible mistake, and one destined to cost their crews dear when the time for fighting came, for the task of selecting and supplying the various forms of shell and powder would be no light one. nor was it merely in point of fleets and armaments that the spaniards failed. knowing his ships to be hopelessly outmatched, it is a matter for wonder that the admiral did not sink them in the bay, after having removed all the guns and stores. had he done so, he would have joined forces with the commander of the troops stationed in the environs of manila, and with him could have given a decided check to the americans when they attempted to land. again, failing this, he might have withdrawn with all his ships to the numerous creeks which cut between the philippines, and, lying hid there, might have sallied out at any moment, and taken admiral dewey unawares, thereby doing good service for king and country. however, we have seen that he chose to set his face to the enemy, and one can only admire the courage of the man, and of all those who helped him during the engagement with the americans. defeat was certain, and death not improbable. indeed, when full details came to hand, it was only wonderful that any had escaped with their lives, for the spanish fleet was taken unawares. only half of the ships had steam up at the moment, while three were in the hands of the dockyard staff, undergoing repairs. those that were ready steamed out to the open water, and formed in line of battle across the opening of cavité bay. as they took up their positions, admiral dewey and the american fleet swerved and ran down the line. twice did the fleet pass along the spanish line, and by then the _reina cristina_, the flagship, was in flames, and had lost some fifty of her crew in killed, while the greater number were wounded. the other ships had fared as badly, and had been riddled with shell. indeed, while the american fleet had been struck in all some dozen times, the _reina cristina_ alone had been pierced by more than seventy missiles. by the time admiral dewey had passed down the line for the fifth and last time, the spanish ships were burning and sinking in all directions. seeing that all was lost, admiral montojo, who had, after the fire on board the flagship, transferred his flag to a small cruiser, gave orders that all who were able were to scuttle their ships and abandon them. the command was reluctantly carried out, the wounded being taken ashore and placed in the villages, while the uninjured marched for manila, bearing with them their arms and the breeches of their more or less useless cannon. having thus put out of action admiral montojo's whole fighting force, the americans drew off for breakfast, and, having refreshed themselves, steamed into cavité bay in two lines. here they met with little resistance, and in a very short while had silenced the shore batteries. when at last they drew off for the night, the naval arsenal at cavité was in their hands, all the shipping within the harbor was in flames, while the town of manila itself lay under their guns. indeed, the might of spain was broken in the seas which surrounded the philippine islands. but there the victory stopped, for by this time the american fleet was sadly short of shell and powder, and in addition there were no troops at hand to invade the island. consequently, as the spanish commander refused to surrender, admiral dewey found himself in a dilemma, in which we will leave him for the moment, while hal marchant and his doings claim our attention again. three days after landing at key west he went aboard the _hudson_ again, and in due course stepped upon the deck of the flagship, the _new york_. "how's the youngster?" asked his naval friend, shaking hal by the hand. "doing well, i am glad to say. but he'll be in hospital for a month." "and by then this war will be over," was the answer. "our troops are getting into fighting order away over in the states, and before long they will be sailing for cuba. then i fancy two weeks will settle the dons." "and what is to happen in the meanwhile?" asked hal. "that's not easy to answer right now. the philippines are going to be a bother, and may even delay the invasion of cuba, for it seems that the natives there have made up their minds to be free of spaniards and americans too. that, of course, is clearly out of the question, and i believe a part of the force prepared for cuba will be sent to the china seas. you see, cuba will be freed and given independence, but with the philippines it is a different matter. up to this we americans have held aloof from foreign conquest, but now it is necessary that we should have some possession in the east, for it is there that trouble with other nations is likely to arise in future. so, no doubt, we shall just go for these insurgents tooth and nail, till they think better of it and accept us as their masters. "another matter also is engaging our attention. everyone in the fleet has to be precious spry, for admiral cervera has sailed with a spanish fleet from cadiz, and some say has already left st. vincent for these seas. i need not tell you that admiral sampson hopes to catch him, and is disposing his vessels so as to watch all the approaches to cuban waters. if we fall in with the hostile fleet, there will be a general action, and i tell you, sir, that the amurricans will win. at any rate, you won't find a single commander who will strike his flag. "in the meantime, and while we are keeping an eye open for cervera, we are to make an attack upon san juan, which, i dare say you know, lies very close to cuba. it is a most important station, situated on the coast of puerto rico, one of the caribbean islands, and if in our possession would be an excellent base at which to concentrate our forces for the invasion of cuba. if cervera were to slip in there, his gunboats would make things very hot for us. hillo! time's up. i ought to have been on the bridge ten minutes ago. so long, marchant, and let us hope that we have some fun to look forward to." he nodded gayly to hal, and ran up on to the bridge, looking particularly smart and sailor-like in his white suit and his linen-covered cap. hal paced up and down the deck for some time, closely observing the other vessels. then he dived down to the gunroom to consult the papers. already he felt quite at home, and like one of the officers, for he had been made an honorary member of the mess, and was in receipt of sufficient remuneration to pay his way. indeed, by a friendly arrangement, he had been engaged as guide, in the not unlikely eventuality of a party of sailors being landed at santiago. and so long as he remained on the ship, this arrangement was to be in force; but he had been careful, when accepting the post, to stipulate that, should an opportunity occur for him to land at cuba, he was to take it at once, promising that he would return at the earliest moment, if it were possible, and if not, that he would transfer his services to the troops when they landed to invade the island. "i've had orders from the commodore to make things agreeable to you," said the paymaster of the ship, soon after hal came aboard. "somehow, he seems to fancy that you're mad keen to slip ashore, and if that is the case, you're to go when you like. up till then, you'll be ready to land and show the boys round at any moment. in return there's free rations with the officers, and so much allowed for extra tobacco and the like. if you do slip ashore--and i think you won't, because it is the kind of thing that a madman would do--then you've got to promise to come back to the ship as soon as you can, or to fall in with the troops. now, do you jump at it or not?" "the terms will suit me very well," hal answered readily, only too thankful to feel that he was no longer a guest, but had some right on the ship. and now for many days nothing of importance occurred. as predicted by the lieutenant, a bombardment of san juan was attempted, but with negative results, and thereafter the fleet, sailing under the orders and flag of admiral sampson, patrolled the seas in and about cuba, keeping a bright and anxious look-out all the while for the appearance of admiral cervera's warships. occasionally trifling engagements took place, and the dons, looking from their forts, seldom failed to spy one or more of the blockading fleet in the offing. but no real success worthy of the name was gained on either side. an attempt on the part of the americans to cut the cables was frustrated by the spanish, who in this and in other engagements proved that a few, at least, of those who garrisoned the island were efficient. on the whole the dons scored, but not to any marked degree. then an event occurred which altered the plans of america, and caused hal once again to run into danger. "we've had news that cervera sailed with his fleet from st. vincent," said his friend the lieutenant one day, coming forward with a message just received on the flagship by semaphore. "the spanish admiral hauled up his anchors and got the steam turned on somewhere about april th. since that he's been lost. no one has so much as a notion where he's been, and i tell you the whole american fleet has been watchin'. now the tale comes that the _maria teresa_--that's the flagship--and three other cruisers, with three destroyers that were built for the dons some time ago by britishers over in england, have hoodwinked the whole lot of us, and have slipped safely into santiago. mind you, it is not likely, but it's possible--quite possible; though, how on earth he managed to get through, without being discovered, is more than i can guess." "then i suppose that admiral sampson will order his fleet to santiago?" said hal. "so, young man; you'll be a naval expert before you've left us. we're right now for the place, and i should fancy that havana will be left in the cold." "i'm very glad you are returning to my part of the island again," said hal in tones of pleasure, "now i shall have a chance of slipping ashore." "that you may," was the reassuring answer. "if cervera's fleet is really there, we shall be doin' somethin', you may be sure. most likely there will be a landin', but it's too early to say for certain. when it does come along, though, my promise is a promise, and i'll stick to it and give you a helping hand." hal had to be satisfied with this, and spent the hours that intervened before the _new york_ reached the neighborhood of santiago in wandering aimlessly up and down the deck, wondering all the time what had happened at the hacienda during his long absence. even when the green-clad hills of eastern cuba were in sight he was still far from his object, for as yet there was nothing more than rumor--rumor which too often misleads or deliberately lies--to show that the spanish fleet had arrived. evidence there was already to hand which showed that admiral cervera had sailed straight from his station in the cape verde isles to martinique, and from there to curaçoa. from that moment he had been lost. rumor, as has been said, described his arrival in santiago, and, indeed, the news was published in spain, the government at madrid declaring it to have been received direct by cable from cuba. but it is not well always to believe the report of an enemy, for this might, after all, be only a simple and harmless _ruse de guerre_. and so for many days the american fleet under sampson patrolled the seas, while admiral schley, who had also come upon the scene with another fleet of proud vessels flying the stars and stripes, sailed along the southern coast, reconnoitering every harbor. "i can't get to the bottom of these dons," said lieutenant samuel k. billing in grumbling tones one day, as the _new york_ lay to on the ocean, slowly drifting along the coast. "here we are, longin' to know what's happened to cervera, and just doin' nothin'. and how are we to obtain information? i guess that a bold course would suit the case better than anything. just sail right in to a close range, so as to search the whole of santiago with our glasses." "that does sound the most sensible course," hal agreed. "at any rate, it would save all this unnecessary delay, and would keep the american people in better humor. they must be very anxious for stirring news away in the states." "so they are. but look here, marchant; if cervera is really in there, why does he not make a rush at us? that is what leads me to doubt whether he's in the island, or, rather, in the harbor; for if he were anchored in santiago bay, and just took the trouble to send out his destroyers, why, we should be most uneasy." this, indeed, was the argument used by many. if cervera--who was known to have three british-built destroyers with him--were really in santiago, why, then, did he lie hidden and skulking in there? why did he not take advantage of his strong position, and of the uncertainty covering his whereabouts, to steal out at night and fall upon the american ships which patrolled the open sea? a bold man with such possibilities before him, and with such obvious advantages, might well do much for the country he served, and wreak havoc in the ranks of the enemy's fleet. what did it mean to one acquainted with the noble profession of a sailor? risk? yes, certainly; but imagine what glory and what honor if success were to crown his efforts! choosing some densely dark night, and with all lights carefully dowsed, the commander of one of those low, rakish-looking destroyers might easily run from the harbor, dash amongst the enemy, and discharge torpedoes right and left. what if the bag were only one proud ship each night? it would still be a fine result, and the loss of confidence amongst the americans, even with their iron nerves, would be an advantage to the spaniards in future conflicts, for nothing tells upon the fighting qualities of a force, whether on land or at sea, like constant harassing tactics, and fear of attack which comes only when it is least suspected, and so suddenly as to make retaliation impossible. in spite of all the possibilities, there was not so much as a move from the harbor, and even when a transport, laden with coal, was held up just outside and within shot of the batteries on morro castle, there was no sign of help, and no destroyers ran out to attack the american ships. and yet, incredible though it may seem, cervera had reached santiago as early as may the th, though it was not till the end of the month, when admiral schley and his consorts made a reconnaissance in force, that it was definitely decided that the long-lost fleet was there. day after day he had been lying hidden behind the promontory, with steam always up, and yet undecided how to act, and never venturing to leave the harbor. truly a policy that was scarcely likely to win honor and possessions for his country! it was a day of excitement and high hope when at last cervera's whereabouts was known to the american fleet. "george! but now it will be a game!" exclaimed lieutenant billing in delight. "marchant, there'll be a chance for you yet. wait till we've whopped this fellow to pieces, and then you shall go ashore." "but how will you whop him?" asked hal. "you have him safely in the harbor, i'll allow; but to reach him is another matter." "that it is, and i ought not to have talked about knocking him to pieces. but i meant this. there he is, and there he'll stay. do you follow? we're goin' to put a cork in the bottle." "a cork? but how?" "like this," the lieutenant explained. "santiago, as you must know mighty well, has got a long, narrow channel leadin' to the sea. well, the water is not extraordinarily deep, and i reckon that a ship sunk sheer across the opening would act as a bung. we can't get in, as you've mentioned. it isn't exactly the kind of job an admiral would fancy, for there are mines placed everywhere in the fair way, to say nothing of the guns linin' the sides." "yes, they've mines, i know," hal interposed, with a smile, remembering his own experience. "so you do, young fellow. i was forgettin'. well, we don't take kindly to the notion of walking straight in, so, if the gate is shut tight, it won't matter at all to us. but to the don it will. he'd be just like a fly in a bottle, and he'd be as much ours as if he sailed out right away, and got knocked to pieces with our shells." "yes, i can see that," hal agreed. "once he allows himself to be shut in, he will be out of the game altogether. he will be harmless to you, and a dead loss to his own side. in fact, the spanish fleet will cease to exist." "put very nicely, and that is the case," the lieutenant answered. "but now, about this bung. lieutenant hobson will put it in position. he's a kind of specialist in naval construction, and this bottlin' game is his plan from the very beginnin'. i can tell you that he's a very fine fellow." "why, it will be a most risky undertaking!" exclaimed hal. "to block the opening efficiently, the ship will have to be sunk close under the batteries. it will mean certain death for all." "well, it may," was the answer. "it is frightfully risky, i'll allow; but it is not certain death. you see, the darkest night will be chosen, and every man will be wearin' a life-belt, and will have a raft close handy to swim to. supposin' the guns do go off, the chances are that no one will be hit. but those torpedoes will be precious nasty, i'll agree. they'll kill if anything does. yes, now that i come to look into the matter more closely, i'm inclined to fall in with you, young marchant. it is bound to be very risky; but then, hobson is a fine, gallant fellow!" he spoke in tones of the utmost pride, and well he might, for the officer to whom he referred, though only twenty-eight years of age, had already attained to no mean reputation in his profession. and who but a bold and resolute man could have volunteered for such an undertaking as that proposed? surely no weakling could expect to carry it out, while for a coward to attempt to take part in it, and, more than all, to lead what was no better than a forlorn hope, was ridiculous, and utterly out of the question. lieutenant hobson had a fine spirit, and a glance at his face was sufficient to show the class of man he was. "i leave myself without anxiety in the hands of almighty god," he wrote, when setting out for the war, and he entered upon this hazardous and all-important enterprise in the same condition of tranquil and absolutely fearless confidence. "yes, he must be a plucky beggar," hal agreed. "i wonder whether--er--er--er----" he became suddenly silent and thoughtful. "well, what is it?" the lieutenant exclaimed. "i was wondering whether i could go with hobson," hal said quietly. "you see, it would be doing something for the cause, and for my bread and butter, and it would give me the opportunity for which i have been longing, and enable me to reach the island." "yes, and of bein' shot," the lieutenant answered sharply. "say, marchant, don't you do somethin' that's mighty silly. all the volunteers that go with hobson will be made prisoners as sure as eggs. they'll run a chance of bein' shot as well. now, if you were captured with them, that rascal of a sweep--what's his name? d'ar--d'arousta; yes, that's the fellow--would spot you at once, and then--click! it would be all up with mister marchant, i reckon." "it might," hal replied thoughtfully; "but i'll take my chance. will you help me to join as one of the volunteers?" "why, man alive, you're just askin' too much," the lieutenant answered hotly. "when volunteers were called for, how many do you think stepped out? every mother's son aboard the whole combined fleet! every one of them, i tell you, and a precious fine hullabaloo they're kicking up too, now that the matter is settled. you see, only seven boys are wanted, so there's that same number walking about just now as proud as peacocks. and there's hundreds more, officers and men, who are sayin' all that's black, and grumbling atrociously. seven is the number, young marchant, and you'd better remember it." "i will, and i'll be the eighth," said hal in the same quiet voice. "look here, billing, i'm very anxious to get ashore. will you, like a good fellow, contrive to get me included in the expedition?" "i'll try, and i can't say more than that," was the answer, given with obvious reluctance and hesitation. "tell you what it is, marchant. for one of your country, you're one of the best fellows i know. i've taken a fancy to you, and now you've the cheek to ask me to help to get you killed! that is playing the wrong game." "nonsense! it is not so bad as that," hal replied, with a smile. "all i ask is that you will help to get me aboard hobson's ship. i'll manage the rest." "well, i'll see." the lieutenant nodded and walked away, leaving hal sunk in a brown study. "it seems a chance," he said thoughtfully--"a chance in a hundred. every day out here i get more anxious about the hacienda, about the safety of mr. brindle and dora. i've promised to fight with the americans, and no doubt i shall have to run many risks. this is a big one, but not greater than that which i took when escaping from the island. in that case, my knowledge of santiago helped me to get away safely, and i see no reason why it should not aid me in reaching the land and stealing into the forest without being observed. they say that every foot of the coast is watched, but it is more likely that all eyes will be fixed in the direction of the harbor entrance, where the ship is being sunk; so that a single individual might easily evade the sentries. yes, i know the harbor, and will willingly take the risk. the job now is to make arrangements to go, and if the worst happens, and i am refused permission, i will slip overboard and swim to the vessel selected as the bung, and climb aboard her as best i can." that an attempt to close the entrance to the harbor of santiago was about to be made was already public property in the american fleet, and everyone watched the preparations for the event with the greatest interest. lieutenant hobson, with a large force of men, was busily engaged upon a big tramp collier, the _merrimac_, which was destined to be sunk across the entrance. for this purpose, a row of ten miniature torpedoes was fitted along the port-side of the steamer. they were each loaded with eighty-two pounds of gunpowder, and were connected by means of wires with a battery placed on the bridge. pressure upon a simple button would fire them, and, it was hoped, would blow such a hole in the vessel's side that she would sink immediately. then their duties were carefully assigned to the seven men. two were told off for the engine-room, and the remainder were to be on deck. at the critical moment steam was to be turned off, and the fore and after anchors cut away from their lashings and dropped. then the sea-cocks were to be opened wide, and the wheel lashed. by that time all but one would have dived overboard, and would have swum to the dinghy, which was to be towed behind the ship, and would contain life-belts and rifles. and then would come the final act. hobson, the last upon the ship, would press the button and explode the torpedoes, and follow his men into the water. all were to be dressed in underclothes only, with revolvers and ammunition strapped round their waists in waterproof belts. "it's the finest thing that was ever thought of," said lieutenant billing enthusiastically, a few hours before the attempt was to be made. "if it does not succeed--and i tell you that that's likely--it will deserve to be remembered. i guess that the dons will concentrate every gun on the _merrimac_, and though it will be dark at the time, their searchlight will help the shootin'. so every one of the boys will have to run the chance of being shot. are you still anxious to go?" "i am," hal answered, with determination. "i have thought the matter over, and have fully made up my mind to risk it. if hobson and his men undertake it cheerfully, why should not i?" "that just depends on the stakes," the lieutenant replied with a sly smile. "you see, our boys will be doin' somethin' for their country. they will be patriots, you understand. now, with you it's different. you are wantin' to get ashore to see how your friends are doin'. i suppose they are particular friends. anyway, the attraction must be very strong." "it is," hal murmured. "but what have you arranged?" "just this. i'm sure to go aboard the _merrimac_ with orders before the evenin' is done. i'll take you along too, and when you are there you must just manage for yourself, and, whatever happens, hobson must never know." "he shall not," hal answered readily. "i'll hide away, and when we reach the channel, i will swim for land, leaving the others to make for the dinghy." "well, i hope it'll come out as rosy as that," the lieutenant replied. "now, you get right down into my cabin; you'll find two bundles there, tied to a belt. one's a revolver and cartridges; the other is food. you'll want both. no more now, young fellow. i am not going to have any thanks for helping you to get killed. here's good luck to you." he shook hal heartily by the hand, and then hurried away. as for the latter, he at once followed the instruction given him, and then, carrying the two parcels, went to his own cabin. "i'll make all ready for a swim," he murmured, turning the contents of a drawer on to the carpet. there were some thin cotton suits, and he at once selected a coat and the lightest pair of trousers, tearing these across at the knees, so as to make them like football knickers. then he threw off his outer clothes, and having donned the ones he had just selected, put on his own suit over them. a minute later he was ready, the belt attached to his waist and out of sight, and the parcel of food beneath his coat. just as dusk was falling, a marine came to call him, and on ascending to the deck he found the lieutenant waiting. they at once went over the side into a cutter, and were rowed across to the _merrimac_. "there she is," whispered lieutenant billing, as her enormous hull hove in sight. "good luck, marchant! just you slip aboard after me, and look round for yourself. so long to you." "right; i know what to do. good-by, and thank you very much." hal stretched out his hand, and gripping the lieutenant's, pressed it warmly. then he clambered up the swaying rope ladder on to the deck. by this time night had fallen, and as it was necessary to have no lights burning, the ship was in darkness from stem to stern. hal at once crossed the deck, and, feeling his way along the engine skylights, came to a wide, open companion way. he slipped down the stairs, and at once found himself in a small saloon. then his fingers touched a handle, and, turning it, he entered a small cabin, through the unshaded porthole of which he caught a glimpse of distant lights, twinkling faintly from the ships of admiral sampson's squadron. "this will do for me," he murmured in tones of satisfaction. "i'll lie here till the hour for action arrives." he sat down and kept a watch out to sea. occasionally he heard footsteps overhead, and once the low murmur of voices, evidently from men lying alongside in a boat. but soon all was quiet, save for a low grating sound which now and again reached his ear, and told him that the stokers were at work. hour succeeded hour, and still he remained in the cabin, though he was becoming more and more restless and troubled, for the _merrimac_ did not move. at last, when midnight was past, her anchor was hove up, and she steamed away for santiago, her departure having been delayed, as all was not ready for the enterprise at the appointed time. hal at once sprang to his feet, and, having seen that his revolver was well secured, and the parcel of food tied to his belt, he pulled off his outer clothes and stood up in the thin cotton ones which he had selected. but, after all, he was to be disappointed, for suddenly there was the panting of machinery, and a low black hull rushed past, leaving a trail of fiery sparks behind it. "_merrimac_, ahoy!" someone hailed. "admiral's orders that you put about at once and drop anchor over the old moorings. the dawn will break within an hour." the torpedo boat at once sheered off, and as he watched from his porthole, hal saw her swing round with a rush that sent her swaying and dipping into the oily sea. "off till to-morrow," he murmured. "very well, it is disappointing; but i must make the best of it, and as i am here in a comfortable cabin, why, i shall stay here. i have grub with me, and there are blankets on the bunk. i'll just see what can be done with the door." he fumbled at the handle, and discovered a key and a latch, which he fastened. then he lay down on the settee, and covered himself with a rug. a few moments later he was asleep, worn out by the excitement of anticipation, and by the long vigil which he had kept. when he awoke, the sun was going down, and another day was almost gone. "now for it!" he exclaimed. "i'll just indulge in a meal, and will then prepare for a swim." he undid the parcel, ate heartily of biscuit and meat, and, after carefully reconnoitering, popped into the saloon, and obtained a drink from a small filter. then he locked himself in the cabin again, and packed up the remains of the food. a few hours later the moorings were quietly dropped, and in trying silence the _merrimac_ steamed away for santiago upon as adventurous an expedition as was ever contemplated. chapter xix fortune favors the brave well might it be said that the good wishes and anxious thoughts of hundreds followed the gallant hobson and the meager crew of the _merrimac_ as she steamed towards santiago. high hope of success, apprehension increased by the darkness and uncertainty as to her whereabouts, kept everyone in a fever. no one could sleep, and from the open ports, and from the silent and darkened decks of battleships, cruisers, and gunboats, a thousand and more pairs of anxious eyes stared into the gloom. "where was she? had she run aground? had she lost her bearings in the darkness? hush! did anyone hear that? what was it then? oh, only escaping steam? what a relief to think of it!" the questions were passed along the decks, time and again, and for the most part left unanswered. then, as each man became silent in despair of hearing anything, a faint, almost inaudible hail came across the heaving water. "hark! huss-s-s-h! did anyone hear that? what was it? discovery?" almost instantly a spout of flame shot from a cliff beneath the morro castle, cutting the darkness in twain as with an arrow, while a deafening report set the air throbbing and reverberating. another followed, and then a third, and within a few seconds a line of flaming dots cut along the dark hillside, while shells flashed brilliantly red in the air as they shivered into a thousand pieces. nor was this all. the torpedo-boat _pluton_ was patrolling the entrance, and at once added the sharp, angry snap of her quick-firers to the din, while guns from another battery ashore, and from the _reina mercedes_, a battleship anchored within the harbor, played upon the black hull of the devoted _merrimac_. add to this a couple of torpedoes, which were discharged in her direction, and some idea can be obtained of the terrors that assailed her. meanwhile hal had been by no means idle. no sooner had the moorings been dropped, than he opened the cabin door and went into the saloon. "i'll just stay here till i think we're getting close inshore," he murmured; "then i'll get on deck. let me think. the small torpedoes are placed to port; that means that i must get away to starboard to escape the explosion. hobson stays on board for that, and so shall i. when she begins to sink, i shall go overboard, and swim straight for the shore. by jove! i forgot a life-belt, but perhaps there's one in the cabin." he ran back, and felt above his head for the racks upon which the belts are usually placed. a low cry of pleasure escaped his lips, for the very thing he wanted was there. taking it down, he promptly slipped his arms through the slings and quickly buckled the belt on. then he crept to the companion-way, and sat down upon the bottom step of the ladder, where he waited for what, in his overstrung condition, seemed to be hours. bang! the report made him start to his feet, and stand there holding to the rail, while the thump of his heart seemed to shake him from head to foot. bang, bang, bang! crash! the _merrimac_ shivered as a six-inch shell struck her true in the center, and piercing her thin plates as if they were sheets of tissue paper, exploded forward of the engines, blowing a big gaping hole through the saloon in which hal sat. "another such as that, and i shall get caught down here," he thought. "if i am to be hit, it will be better to receive the wound on deck, for then, when she sinks, i may have a chance, and not be drowned like a rat in a cage." he felt his way up the ladder, and crawled silently across the deck to the starboard side, where he crouched close to the bulwarks. above him the bridge appeared dimly, and behind that a circle of sparks flew into the air from the funnel. there, too, standing upon the frail support, was the hero of the hour--lieutenant hobson, the gallant officer who had devised the scheme, and begged, not in vain, to carry it out. more than once, as the guns on the hillside flashed, hal saw his figure silhouetted clearly against the light. he stepped from the side to the center of the bridge, and, placing his hands to his mouth, so that his voice should not be drowned by the din and uproar, shouted some order in stentorian tones to the man who was stationed at the wheel. then hal heard the tiller-chains rattling, and for an instant in the light of a brilliant flash, which had darted suddenly from the battery stationed on the frowning heights of morro castle, caught sight of the steersman bending to his work, and putting all his power into the spokes. but the _merrimac_ kept steadily on, failing to answer to her rudder, which had been smashed to pieces by a shell. at the same moment steam was turned off, and the two men who had been stationed in the engine-room hastily quitted it, and tumbled up on deck as fast as their legs would carry them. "it's getting nearly time for the torpedoes," hal murmured, "for i judge that we must now be approaching the entrance of santiago harbor. ah! what was that?" two loud splashes reached his ear, coming from fore and aft, and a moment's reflection told him that the anchors had been let go. but the americans were not to have it all their own way, for ill luck again followed the _merrimac_. a shell, unfortunate for them, but lucky for the spaniards had crashed into her stern at a most critical moment, and had smashed her rudder into splinters; and now, when that defect might have been remedied by anchoring fore and aft, and afterwards floating her down to the entrance to santiago, the anchors, in whose powers lieutenant hobson's hopes were centered, failed to grip the bed of the ocean, and in consequence the long black hull forged slowly on through the water till it took the ground near estrella point. as it did so, there was a series of loud and deafening reports as her intrepid commander pressed the button and exploded his row of miniature torpedoes. "that will finish her!" thought hal. "i'll wait till she sinks lower, and then i'll dive overboard. my best plan will be to swim away from her as far as possible, though there will be no great danger of being carried under as far as i can see, for the water here is very shallow, and will scarcely cover her upper works when the keel is resting upon the bottom. i'll just creep to the bows, so as to make it as short a swim as possible." he rose to his feet and stole forward. but, unfortunately for hal, a strong tide was running, and floating the sinking _merrimac_ free of the land, it swept her into deep water. an instant later, a whitehead torpedo, discharged by the _reina mercedes_, which lay within the harbor, rushed seething through the water at more than thirty knots an hour, and struck the hull right forward almost directly beneath hal's feet. there was a terrific concussion, and a blinding sheet of flame seemed to envelop the _merrimac_. a column of water started high into the air, while hal was hurled overboard as if from the arms of a hercules. indeed, so great was the shock that he lost consciousness, and might very well have been drowned in that condition. however, the cold water surging about him brought him to his senses almost instantly. then the instinct of self-preservation asserted itself, and, without exactly knowing why, he commenced to strike out lustily, swimming away from the shore, for he was almost too dazed to know what he was doing. suddenly the clatter of quick-firers behind attracted his attention, and, turning, he began to forge a way towards the shore. and now he had cause to congratulate himself upon the fact that he had donned a life-belt, for the shock of the torpedo explosion had sadly deprived him of his strength. indeed, but for the support he received, he would have sunk there and then, and the name of hal marchant would have disappeared from this narrative. he was not, however, the sort of lad to give in without a struggle, so, clenching his teeth, he turned on his side, and struck out with all his power. something touched his hand--something slimy and covered with weed--which he grasped with thankfulness. then, having rested for a moment, he dragged himself on to a mass of rock, which jutted into the sea, and seated himself upon it, his head still throbbing painfully, while his brain was dizzy and overcome by the crash of the explosion. "this won't do," he said at last. "dawn will be breaking before very long, and it is quite time that i looked for a hiding-place. on the appearance of the first ray of light i should at once be discovered if i were still seated here. besides, i must not forget that, once the interest in the _merrimac_ is gone, the sentries whose attention is attracted just now to the entrance of the harbor will become more vigilant in watching for the possible landing of enemies upon the particular part of the coast intrusted to each man's care." he rose from his seat with an effort, for he was feeling thoroughly done up. then he groped his way across the rough surface of the rock, and, having waded through a deep pool, was in the act of climbing on to dry ground, when someone pounced upon him with a guttural exclamation of delight, and he found himself in the arms of a spanish sentinel. "halt! cease from struggling, or i will kill you!" the man cried, clutching him by the shoulder and endeavoring to place his bayonet against hal's breast. the point pierced the thin clothing he was wearing, and dug slightly into the flesh beneath. "halt, i say!" the sentry hissed. "the weapon points to your heart, and, by st. james, i will thrust it home if you do but move an inch! surrender, i say!" "never!" hal answered hoarsely. then, shaking the sentry's hand off, and pushing his weapon aside with a hasty movement, he stepped back a pace, and struck out blindly with all his might. his fist hit the spaniard full on the chest, and sent him staggering backwards, and his rifle crashing to the ground. but he recovered himself in a moment, and threw himself upon his prisoner with an exclamation of fury. "pig! villain!" he cried. "yield, or i will toss you into the water, and drown you like a rat." clasped in each other's arms, they swayed from side to side upon the rocks which fringe the margin of the sea. then hal's foot twisted upon a stone, and both fell to the ground with a crash. what followed was a blank to hal. he remembered nothing, and lay upon the seashore silent and apparently lifeless for the space of more than ten minutes. then a puff of cold air fanned his cheek, and he suddenly found himself lying with his eyes wide open, staring at the stars above. "hillo! what's this?" he murmured vacantly. "stars! a clear sky! where is the cabin, then? where is billing?" he stretched out a hand, and touched something that was wet. then his fingers came in contact with a head of hair, and he withdrew them instantly, with an involuntary shudder. at once the struggle with the sentry flashed across his wandering mind, and brought him to his senses with a start. "by jove! i wonder whether he's hurt?" he said. "i'll see, and then cut away for safety, for it will never do to remain here." he stretched out his hand again, and having discovered the sentry's arm, placed the tips of his fingers on the wrist. but there was no movement of the pulse, though he longed to feel it. struggling into a sitting position, he shuffled closer to the man, and listened to hear if he were breathing. but there was not a sound; not even a sigh rewarded his attention. "poor beggar! dead!" he exclaimed. "well, it is the fortune of war, for it was my life or his. i suppose he struck his head in falling." this was, in fact, the case, and to it hal no doubt owed his life. but he had no time to sit there and think. dawn was dangerously near, and if he was to reach a safe haven, he must be moving at once. "ah, i've got it!" he exclaimed suddenly. "i'll change into his clothes." he started to his feet, and going to where the body lay, undid the buttons, and tore tunic and trousers off. the boots and socks followed, and were rapidly transferred to his own person. then he picked up the rifle, and prepared to move away. "supposing his comrades come in the morning and find him?" he suddenly asked himself. "they will suspect that someone has landed, and borrowed his clothes. i must tumble him into the water." he bent over the limp figure of the unfortunate sentry once more, and carefully felt for a heart-beat. but there was none, and it was evident that the man was dead. "it's not nice, i know," hal murmured. "but it's for my safety, and therefore must be done. he won't be any the worse off, poor fellow!" it was indeed a trying act for any young man to carry out, and it was not without a fierce struggle that hal at length overcame his compunction. war was war, he told himself, and this kind of thing was bound to happen. he must put aside all feelings of compassion and act like a man. the thought braced his nerves, and dropping the rifle for a moment, he stooped, lifted the lifeless form in his arms, and tossed it into the sea. then the necessity for instant action asserted itself, and picking up the rifle, he turned inland, and struck boldly for the town, leaving the _merrimac_ sunk deep at one side of the channel leading to the harbor of santiago. up and up the steep rocks he toiled, till he came to a deep gully, down which a tiny watercourse tumbled towards the sea. he could feel shrubs on either side, and thick grass beneath his feet. then, as if fortune had determined to follow him, the sky in the east commenced rapidly to lighten, and so enabled him to see his whereabouts. "there is a thick mist, which will lie on the land till the sun is up," he said with satisfaction. "that will give me time to hit upon a likely spot. ah! what is this? this should suit me." he suddenly espied a hollow in the midst of a mass of volcanic rock. it was carpeted with grass, and was overhung by a few big-leaved rock palms and ferns, all dripping with moisture. it was an ideal hiding-place, and he promptly crept into it and sat down, hugging himself in his borrowed tunic, for the morning air was bitterly cold. a little later the sun came up in all his glory, and, topping the bowlders on either side, poured a flood of grateful heat upon him, warming him, and drying the leaves and grass. hal removed his wide-brimmed hat from his head, and cautiously looked out towards the mouth of the harbor. "ah! there is the _merrimac_," he exclaimed, seeing the top of a mast projecting. "bad luck! it's in deep water on one side, so that the entrance is not closed. cervera will be able to come out, after all. but it was a plucky attempt, and i only hope that hobson and his men have got safely away. hillo! there's the raft, and i can see men clinging to it." this was the case, for the explosion had swept the crew overboard, to find that their dinghy had been smashed by a shell. but a long, raft-like float had been prepared, and to this all swam. even as hal caught sight of them, a steam-launch flying spanish colors ran out from behind the headland of cliffs, and steered towards them. "prisoners at any rate," remarked hal. "that is better than being drowned, and i've no doubt that the dons will treat them well, and admire them for their bravery; for it was a plucky thing to do." hobson and his men were, in fact, received in a most friendly manner. admiral cervera was himself on board the launch, and greeted the prisoners in the most courteous way. then they were taken back to the harbor and placed upon the _mercedes_, where the best of treatment was accorded them, hobson being taken to the first lieutenant's cabin, while the men were sent to the quarters for'ard, where they were regaled with biscuit and coffee, with spanish cigarettes to follow. so highly did cervera think of their bravery that he promptly sent an officer out to admiral sampson to acquaint him of their safety. hal watched the launch take the eight men on board, and then turned his eyes inland. high above him, and standing far back, was a battery with open embrasures. it was partly masked in low bush, which extended down to the gully in which he was lying. "if i wait till night and follow the stream, it will take me to the left of the fort," he said, rising to his knees, and looking between the leaves of the palm trees. "from there i will strike into the bush, and follow its edge till i get behind santiago. then away for the hacienda." he lay back in his hiding-place, and, feeling secure from discovery, opened his packet of food, and ate a hearty meal. a draught from the stream appeased his thirst, which was great after the salt water he had swallowed. then he lay down, and, worn out by his exertions, fell asleep. he awoke some hours later, when it was getting dark. "now for it," he said. "i'm feeling as fresh as a daisy, and, after the trouble i have been put to, mean to reach the hacienda. if anyone tries to stop me, it will be the worse for him." he jumped to his feet, and looked hastily to his rifle, to make sure that it was in good condition, and the bayonet fixed. then he stole into the gully, and waded up stream. it twisted and curved, bearing steadily, however, to the left. at last, when hal judged that he was beyond the fort he stepped on to the bank, and struck off into the bush. "now i'll go for the mules," he said, suddenly recollecting that when he and gerald left the hacienda on their way to florida for the purpose of fetching more negroes, they had placed their animals in the hands of an aged native living on the outskirts of the town. "the fellow we left them with is sure to have taken good care of them; and if only the spaniards have not relieved him of his charge, i shall be able to get a mount, and so reach the hacienda long before the dawn breaks." an hour later he was at the tumble-down cottage in which the native lived, and, having roused him, quickly got him to understand that he required the mules. a few minutes sufficed to saddle them; then he mounted one, and, leading the other, set off towards eldorado at a brisk canter. "halt dar! who am dat? i fire if you come one step nearer!" a voice suddenly cried out as he rode through the dense plantation of sugar-cane which surrounded the hacienda. "don't shoot, boys! i'm hal marchant. i'm dressed in spanish uniform," hal shouted in reply. then he heard a conversation being carried on in low tones, and a moment or two later someone struck a match and advanced with it between his fingers. the tiny, fluttering flame showed the burly figure of a negro, clad in plantation clothes, and bearing a rifle slung over his shoulders. "come forward if you de boss," the man cried, "seems i know de voice." "of course you do, jake," hal answered, slipping from the mule and stepping up to the man, who was now closely followed by others. "look at me carefully. though i am disguised, you who knew me before will have no difficulty in recognizing the overseer." there were at once shrill cries of delight from the negroes, and they ran towards him with outstretched hands. "sure you am de boss right 'nough," jake cried, for it was he who was in advance of the others. "oh, won't de missie be glad! quick, sar; you come right 'long up to de hacienda, and not wait one little moment. all say ebery day, 'where am de boss hal and de young master? am dey killed by de spanish dog? oh, where am dey, jake?'--jake him not know. no boy know, and eberyone go 'bout wid sad heart, and tink dat josé dog get hold ob de masters and shoot. tink never see 'em more. all de boys plenty sad, sar, and de missie an' de boss more dan all. come quick, sar; eberyone be plenty glad." the good fellow held out his hand, and clasped hal's with a fervor which showed how genuine his feelings were, while the flickering and uncertain light cast by a second match which one of the negroes struck at the moment showed tears in jake's eyes, for he was very fond of hal. "yes, i dare say that all will be glad," hal answered gayly, "especially when the news i bring of the young master is so good. but there, trot along, jake; i'm in a hurry to reach eldorado." "quiet there, my men! what is this sudden commotion? who is that standing there with the mules?" it was mr. brindle's voice which came through the darkness, and hal at once shouted to him. "it's hal marchant," he cried. "i'm just returning, and gerald is well, and in florida at this very moment." "what? hal again! where on earth have you been? what has happened to you both since you left us? come into the hacienda at once. my dear, dear lad, how rejoiced i am to see you again!" mr. brindle rushed forward and shook hal eagerly by the hand, till his arm positively ached. "what does this mean?" he asked, noticing the spanish uniform. "dressed as one of the enemy! but not one, really, i am open to wager all that i possess. come in, though. you can tell the tale when we are seated." they hurried to the hacienda, and were just stepping upon the veranda, and were close beneath a lamp which threw all its light upon them, when dora ran out, having been disturbed by sounds in the plantation. instantly her eyes fell upon hal; she stopped abruptly, brushed her hand across her forehead, as if uncertain of the reality of what she saw, and then staggered towards him with a low, quavering cry upon her lips. "hal--hal marchant back to life again!" she murmured doubtfully. "yes, the same, safe and sound, too, and come back home again," said our hero, advancing boldly and taking her by both hands. "are you glad to see me dora?" it was a question that might well have been left unasked, for the truth was clearly to be seen in her upturned face, which was flooded with the light from the lamp, and showed eyes sparkling with joy, and overflowing with tears of thankfulness, while her lips trembled with emotion as she endeavored to speak to him. poor dora could not steady herself to do more than whisper his name, but she did that which was far better, and went a long way to make amends; for, like the brave, simple-hearted girl she was, she straightway stood on tiptoe, and, placing a hand on either shoulder, kissed hal on the cheek. "there," she said at last, with a return to her old playful mood, "you may see for yourself, sir, whether or not i am pleased and glad at your home coming. glad! i am overjoyed! a weight is lifted from my heart, for now i know that you are safe, and a glance at your face is sufficient to tell me that gerald, too, is well." "yes; he was wounded, but is recovering fast," hal answered, still in some confusion after his hearty welcome, and the honest way in which dora had shown it. "no wonder that you have been upset at our long absence, and at receiving no news. we have had many adventures, and as i can see that you are both longing to hear all about them, i'll run through them right away. "let me see; we had scarcely left the hacienda, when we were arrested as spies in santiago. things then were bad enough, for we offered resistance, and, i am sorry to say, damaged the face of the officer who was foolish enough to attempt to arrest us. we were captured after a chase, and then josé d'arousta turned up like a bad penny, and made the aspect of affairs infinitely worse. we were found to be carrying arms; and, in short, with that fellow's evidence against us, we were convicted of spying, and were sent to the morro castle with the pleasant prospect of an early breakfast, a short walk, and then death at the hands of a file of soldiers. i need not tell you that we managed to get the better of our captors, and escaped from our prison during the night. a launch happened to be in the harbor, and we promptly steamed out to sea in her. since that we have been with the american fleet. there, you have it all, i fancy." "escaped! slipped out to sea in a launch! why, a prisoner in the morro castle is deemed as secure as bullion in the strong rooms of the bank of england! and you two lads managed it? splendid! just what we might have expected. now i can understand the noise and excitement that occurred in santiago on the night of your arrival there. but tell us how it is that you have been so long away." mr. brindle rattled off his remarks and his questions in a manner that was most confusing, and hal at once prepared to give a full account of his adventures. "come," said dora, with a smile, "hal is thirsty, and, no doubt, hungry too. let us take him in and give him something to eat and drink. then perhaps he will be good enough to satisfy our curiosity." "that i will!" hal exclaimed. "i can tell you that i am as hungry as a hunter or as fifty hunters, for the matter of that, for i have not tasted more than a bite since i swam from the sinking _merrimac_ twenty hours ago." chapter xx the invasion of cuba "and so you were aboard the _merrimac_, and were one of that extraordinarily gallant crew?" said mr. brindle, when hal had at length told all that had befallen himself and gerald since they left the hacienda to fetch more help from florida. "indeed, my lad, it seems to me that you have seen more adventures and more of this war, short though it has been, than anyone else taking a part in it. one thing strikes me forcibly, and that is your determination to return to the hacienda in spite of all difficulties. what made you undertake the task? consider the frightful risks you ran, for now that you have time to look into the matter, and judge of the dangers that menaced you, you cannot but admit that your life would have paid for it had you been captured. there is not a man in santiago who would not give you over to the authorities if he happened to recognize you; while, had the military but laid hands upon you, your fate would have been sealed, for they have a score to pay off, and would take good care that you did not outwit them as before." "i don't know that the danger was so very great," hal answered quietly. "you see, mr. brindle, you have been like a father to me since i lost my own. you gave me a home and employment when i was an outcast and in want, and i should have been an ungrateful cur if i had not endeavored to return your kindness in some way. you sent me on a mission to obtain negroes to defend the plantation, and when i left you, you were in what one would call a very sorry plight. unfortunately, i happened to fall in with that fellow josé d'arousta, who we all know bears the hacienda and its owners little love. i failed entirely to carry out your wishes, and have naturally been anxious to know how you were doing without the help which you so sorely needed. once we had given the slip to the spaniards, i felt certain that they, led by that fellow i mentioned, would do all in their power to discover us, and one of their first actions would certainly be a visit to eldorado. the consequences might well have been serious, and, as a matter of fact, i have imagined that all sorts of evil things had happened. that is the reason why i have worked hard to get here, for i felt that i must settle the question. as to the risk, well, i admit that it was great, but it is past now, and i can afford to laugh at the adventure. now, as to why i failed to bring negroes when i sailed to florida with gerald. no one, not even the president of the united states, could have chartered a boat to bring them here, for transport is at a premium; and, moreover, the spaniards watch every foot of the shore. you heard how one poor fellow spotted me in the darkness; what chance, then, had i of landing with a batch of negroes?" "not the smallest, my lad. there is no need for an explanation as to why you did not carry out your mission, for we all know by now that what hal marchant sets himself to do he does, if it is possible, in spite of all dangers and difficulties. as a matter of fact, i recognized that your hopes were doomed a few days after you had ridden away. and now let me tell you how we have fared. when you awake to-morrow, and go out on to the veranda, you will find that a great change has taken place about the hacienda; for the beautiful eldorado, of which we were so proud, is now little better than a fort. bags, in which tobacco leaves are usually kept, have been filled with earth, and arranged outside the walls and in front of every window. a double row protects the top of the veranda, and, better than all, a tall tower surmounts the roof, and looks down upon the clearing. yes, we have been hard at work, i can assure you. to begin with, while some felled the trees at the edge of the clearing, a few, who could ill be spared, lay out in the forest and plantation, and scouted round to warn us of the approach of the enemy. the remainder worked--well, like the slaves they were once upon a time, or as their fathers and mothers were before them. it is incredible to me even now how they managed as they did; but, within a few days of your departure, our defenses were completed, and not a moment too soon, as i will tell you. "not a week had passed when the outposts, which i had stationed away in the forest, brought me word that a mounted party was approaching. i at once concentrated my meager force amongst the trees, and awaited developments. then, as the strangers drew nearer, i sent forward a white flag and demanded their business, informing them at the same time that i was prepared to resist any violence. "as you might expect, josé d'arousta was the leader of the gang, and he at once advanced to meet me, as unconcerned and as impudent as ever, and to all appearance careless of the consequences. "'i carry a warrant here for the arrest of your son, and of his accomplice, the englishman, señor,' he said, in his suavest tones, not forgetting at the same moment to lift his hat with a flourish. "'indeed,' i answered; 'and for what reason have you been intrusted with such a document?' "'pshaw, señor, you cannot prevaricate with me,' he said disdainfully, and with an aggravating sneer for which i could have struck him. but i was careful to maintain a calm demeanor. "'prevaricate!' i retorted. 'surely josé d'arousta, the would-be thief, is scarcely the man to say that to me. prevaricate indeed! i will have you know that i do not stoop to telling an untruth, even though a regiment of spaniards were at my door.' "at that our old friend lost his temper, for my words touched him on the raw. "'you are telling an untruth,' he cried. 'you would have me believe that the two for whose arrest i hold a warrant are not here. they are spies, i tell you, and you are aware of it, for you must have sent them into santiago. that is where they were captured, in the very heart of the town. deliver them up to me, señor, or it will be the worse for you.' "you may guess, my lad, that my heart leapt to my mouth at his words. you and gerald captured! it was a shock to hear it. next moment, however, i was comforted by the reflection that, if he now asked for you both to be handed over to him, you must have effected an escape. "'if they were indeed captured, señor josé d'arousta can scarcely want them delivered into his keeping now,' i said quietly; 'and if he does, he should apply to his own countrymen. in any case, the lads are not spies.' "'señor,' he replied hotly, evidently having lost all patience, 'i ask you again to hand them over. where are they, i say?' "'and i answer, if you have lost them, find them for yourself. i will give you no help,' i rejoined, in the same calm tones. "'i will," he cried angrily; 'i will take them now, at this instant, from the hacienda, and then i will do as i promised, and set the place flaring about your ears.' "'then you will do so at your peril,' i answered with an easy smile. 'here are some of my men. see, they are armed, and will fight for me till i tell them to hold their hands. now, draw back to your set of scoundrels, and do your utmost.' "'you shall suffer for this, señor,' he shouted. 'i will shoot every hand on the plantation, and then look to yourself and to the adorable señora. those who attempt to hinder the servants of his majesty king alfonso of spain must pay heavily for their temerity.' "i bowed haughtily to that, while he withdrew to his men. then the whole spanish party put spurs to their animals, and came galloping towards the hacienda. we brought them to their senses at once with a volley, which emptied three of their saddles, sending the men crashing to the ground. a second, equally well aimed, dispersed them, and when they fled back to santiago it was with their heads held less haughtily in the air. from that day to this i have seen nothing of the pleasant josé, nor has the hacienda been attacked by any marauding spaniards." "i am very glad to hear it," said hal, in tones of satisfaction. "had i known it, i think that i should have waited longer before coming. but anxiety for your safety got the better of my fears. then, too, i had intended to remain here in case you should need another rifle. but now, with your permission, i will leave the island again and join the americans. i had no part in this quarrel between the two nations when i left the hacienda, though i admit that my sympathies were strongly inclined to the yanks; however, my ideas are changed now. but for a lucky escape, gerald and i should have fallen as spies before the rifles of a file of spaniards. i seek no revenge for that, but it has made me throw in my lot with your countrymen. i have seen some fighting with them already, and now i hope to act as guide when they invade this part of the island." "i cannot blame you for your resolution," mr. brindle answered. "until this struggle is settled one way or the other, none of us can return to our usual employment; nor can we feel secure. i thank you, my lad, for all you have done, and particularly for the thought which prompted you to return to us in spite of such difficulties and dangers--dangers, by the way, which would have deterred many a man of more mature years. you find us very well able to look to ourselves, and you have relieved our anxiety as to your own and gerald's safety. go, therefore, as soon as you wish, and join the army of invasion. when the war is over, return to us, for here is your home, and here you may be sure of a real welcome." he reached across the table, and shook hal heartily by the hand, sending a cup clattering to the ground as he did so. there was no doubt that hal's devotion had touched him deeply, and the same could also be said of dora. to hide the tears which would come when she thought of all he had gone through, and of all the dangers he must yet encounter, she knelt on the carpet and commenced to pick up the pieces of broken china that lay scattered there; for dora was, indeed, very fond of this fine young fellow, who had come into the lives of the hacienda folk in such a curious manner. "i am glad you agree," said hal, returning his employer's grip; "and now, as you throw no difficulty in the way, i will prepare to slip from the island again. of course i shall have to leave when the american fleet is near, and, in any case, i must arrange to join the troops when they reach cuba." "which will be shortly, i fancy," mr. brindle said, rising from his seat and going to a bookshelf. "here are the chief american papers up to a few days ago. i do not pretend to know how they were landed, but i secured them through a native, who is in communication with one of the plantation hands. evidently president mckinley and his government have been hard at work, for troops, consisting of regulars and volunteers, have been mustering and drilling everywhere. it is of course impossible to create an army in a day, even though you happen to have some thousands as a nucleus. then, too, transport, engineering, supply, and doctoring are items which cannot be arranged rapidly. it takes weeks, sometimes months, to get these departments to work smoothly, a fact which has only dawned upon our generals and people, and is no small source of worry. still, much has been done; for under general miles, who is the commander-in-chief, chaos has gradually developed into some form of order. another seventy-five thousand volunteers have been called for to make up the deficiency caused by the necessity of sending troops to the philippines. now, i understand from these papers, chickamauga and tampa are overflowing with troops, while other camps in various parts of the states are in a similar condition. transports lie at key west ready to carry the boys across the sea, and in that vast country everyone is on the tiptoe of excitement at the thought of invasion at last, which no doubt will take place in this neighborhood. the arrival of cervera's fleet has altered the sphere of action, which is unfortunate enough for spain, for the bulk of her troops are at havana, where enormous preparations to resist attack by land or sea have been made by marshal blanco. santiago is even now in a state of famine, and if our troops land near, the town is sure to fall, and the spanish colors give place to the star-spangled banner. "now i fancy that you have all the news. fitzhugh lee, a veteran of the civil war, is one of our generals, as also is joseph wheeler. theodore roosevelt has raised and equipped a cavalry regiment, which is likely to lead the dons a dance, for it is for the most part composed of cowboys. astor, another patriotic millionaire, has supplied a battery of quick-firers, with men, horses, and equipment complete. others have come forward with money, and last, but by no means least, american women have commenced to organize hospitals, so as to be ready for the reception of sick and wounded, of whom there must needs be many, particularly of the former, for it must be remembered that swamps are to be found everywhere in this country, and that fever, combined with hardship and exposure, is far more fatal to an invading army than are swarms of bullets and vast masses of the enemy." this, indeed, is a wholesome truth that it would be well to remember always. an army sent into the field cannot prosper and give a good account of itself unless its more peaceful departments are in a state of perfection. for supposing the transport and supply fail, where would all the hungry men and horses obtain food? grass can generally be had in abundance for the animals, but even grazing is often scarce. as for the men, they may by great good fortune pick up plenty to keep them going, but the chances are, especially if they have entered the enemy's country, that they will find little, and even then only after a long and fatiguing search, during which they may suffer heavy loss by the fire of the enemy. therefore, the army which possesses an efficient supply department, following ever upon its heels, will be far more capable of success than an ill-fed force of men, who, after a long day in the field, must perforce wander away to find food. of no less importance, too, is the medical department. men who are exposed to hardship and rough work will almost inevitably fall ill, and who is to look after them, and those who are wounded in action, when they are helpless, if organized hospitals, each with an efficient staff, are not attached to the force? men would die untended by the roadside, while the number of sick would increase by leaps and bounds till they hampered the army, and destroyed all hope of rapid movement, and therefore of success. mr.brindle had given most of the news, and to bring the events of the war up to date it is necessary to add only a little. fourteen thousand men, together with the new astor battery, were sent to san francisco, and from there, owing to the lamentable want of transports, were conveyed in batches to the scene of operations in and about manila, in the philippines. this naturally caused delay, so that many weeks passed before active measures could be taken. this expedition was commanded by general wesley merritt. and now a small but extremely important incident had upset all calculations. cervera and his fleet had arrived at santiago, and it was at once necessary that the town and harbor should be subdued, and the fleet destroyed. admiral sampson, who, after the _merrimac's_ adventurous voyage, had made several reconnaissances in force, declared that to rush the entrance was impossible. he called urgently for troops, and general shafter was at once ordered to hold himself and twenty-six thousand men in readiness to sail from key west. hal stayed at the hacienda for a week, and then he rode away for the coast, still disguised as a spanish soldier. almost every night while at eldorado he had heard the guns of the american fleet playing upon santiago and its forts, the noise on two occasions, when the dynamite gunboat, named the _vesuvius_, was in action, being prodigious. when he arrived on the seacoast, he at once hid in a big grove of palms. "from here i ought to be able to get some idea of the movements of the fleet," he said, seating himself upon a rock, and lifting a pair of glasses to his eyes. "it seems as if a landing were intended." he was not mistaken, for some cruisers were steaming slowly along the coast as if searching for an opening. suddenly they turned shorewards, and their guns began to fire upon a small fort. "now is my chance," thought hal. "by riding hard i ought to be there in time to join any landing-party that may be sent ashore. they have chosen daiquiri." he jumped into his saddle again and cantered off. an hour later he rode boldly down to the shore, to a point from which a small pier projected. a party of american marines had just landed, and hal found himself at once a prisoner amongst friends. "why, who aer this? come off that 'ere moke!" cried one of the marines, grasping his bridle. "you must be the durndest fool as ever wur, or perhaps you're what's wuss, and that's a cove what goes back on his pards." "i am nothing of the sort," hal answered, with a laugh. "i am british born, and american just now for choice. you would do me a great favor if you would drop the point of that bayonet, my friend." "wall, that kind er knocks me all ter pieces!" the marine answered, starting back in astonishment, while a roar of laughter burst from his comrades. "a britisher, and no durned son of a don after all! at any rate, hop off it right away, and come along slippy. you may be a pard, as yer say; but then yer mayn't. ef it aer that sort er way, it'll be a case with yer." he took hal by the sleeve, and conducted him to the officer in charge of the party, where explanations were soon made and accepted. "where are you going now?" the officer asked. "i presume you've come here on purpose?" "yes; i wish to get aboard the flagship," hal answered. "i was there before, and, in fact, only left a week ago, when i managed to get ashore." "ah, you did? then come along right here, sir, and tell us how the dons are doin'. then, if you wish it, i'll send you aboard the admiral's ship. but if you'll take my advice, you'll remain with us. we're the advance landing-party." "i will with pleasure," hal replied; "and if you wish it, will act as guide." "that would suit finely. say, do you know guantanamo, the port forty miles east of santiago?" "yes; i have been there once. i rode from the hacienda to it, and followed forest paths all the way." "then you'll be very useful, for it's there that we're goin' to land. we're here for the night only." this indeed was the case, and the marines encamped close beside the pier that night, hal taking up his quarters with them, and making use of the opportunity to borrow a suit of american clothes; for it was no joke being dressed as he was, and running the gantlet of the abundant chaff which his spanish uniform attracted. we will do him the justice, however, to say that he made a very fine, soldierly looking fellow in his unaccustomed kit, and would have taken first place for size and general air of manliness among the spaniards quartered in santiago, or, for the matter of that, in any part of the island. "you'd get copped as sure as eggs if you met any of the enemy," was the remark which one of the marines made to him. "as soon as you'd put yer head into one of the dons' camps you'd find a tidy lot er bullets fizzin' close by yer nose, for i reckon they don't show many of your sort. there's somethin' about you, young mister, that looks like beef, good old honest roast beef, the stuff that britishers boast of, and the same that them froggies and others of the same sort sneer at, and jist wish they could crow about. but get it off--i mean them togs, else p'raps the sentry yonder will be makin' a mistake, and sendin' a plug of daylight through yer." on the following day the marines re-embarked, and steamed along the coast to guantanamo, where three cruisers and two gunboats at once entered the roads, and rapidly dispersed the spanish garrison. then the _panther_, a transport, carrying marines, steamed in. the men at once disembarked, hal accompanying them. they encamped on a hill near a village called playa del este, and pushed their pickets into the bush, which grew down close to the water's edge. on their right, caimamera, another village, was in flames, having been deserted and fired by the spaniards. "mr. marchant," said the officer in charge, to whom hal had been introduced, "will you take a rifle and help the boys?" "certainly," was hal's ready answer. "i fancy that your men will soon be engaged, for this place is surrounded by bush, as you can see for yourself, and that is an ideal cover for spanish irregulars, who, i may tell you, are masters at that particular form of fighting, having been taught many bitter lessons by the insurgents. there! listen to that!" they went outside the tent, and heard the distant rattle of musketry, and then the answering shots from their own pickets. taking up a rifle, and filling his pockets with cartridges, hal at once ran up the hill to join them. "keep yer noddle low thar," a sergeant sang out to him. "the dons aer sendin' their bullets skimmin' over here, and it's odds yer don't quite see from where. that's the ticket. get low down, and keep a lively look-out." hal took the advice given him, and, copying the example of the sergeant, threw himself down behind a rock. then, dropping his rifle for the moment, he commenced to build up a little breastwork, just like the schantzes used by the boers in south africa. having obtained excellent cover in this way, he knelt up and stared into the bush. ping! thud! a rifle flashed three hundred yards away, and the bullet struck a foot or two to his right, sending chips of rock and a fine dust flying into the air. ping! phit! again the rifle cracked, and all that hal could see was a dense mass of tangled green trailers and ferns. "wait a bit," he murmured beneath his breath. "i see that big fern moving. why, as i live, it has crawled ten feet in the last half-minute. there must be a man behind." he aimed carefully and fired. instantly the waving fronds started high into the air, and, falling asunder, disclosed a spanish guerrilla reeling blindly from side to side. then he flung his arms wildly above his head, and, twisting round in his agony, fell prone to the earth. [illustration: "he aimed carefully and fired."] "that aer one for you, pard," the sergeant cried. "guess it wur a mighty fluke." "wrong, then," hal answered. "the spaniards have stuck ferns into their hats, coats, and belts, and that is the reason why you do not spot them. it's a very old trick of theirs, and one that they learned from the cubans. watch for moving leaves, and pull your trigger with the sights leveled three feet beneath." "so! aer that it?" the sergeant answered wonderingly. "you're mighty cute, young feller. hillo! durn me, but thar aer a fern on the walk." he rose to his knees, and, sighting carefully, pulled his trigger very gently. the report was followed instantly by a commotion amidst the leaves, which suddenly fell to the ground. "that fetched home, i'm thinking," he cried. "here goes for another. ah----" hal turned his head, to see the unfortunate american suddenly collapse, and lie motionless across the bowlder. a spanish bullet had brought quick revenge for the death of a comrade. "poor beggar! the fortune of war," hal remarked sadly. "well, as he's gone, i must act for both." he placed a cartridge in the breech and went on firing. then he passed the news that the spaniards were, like malcolm's army of old, decked with boughs and leaves, along the lines of trenches which had been thrown up hastily for the protection of the outposts. hour after hour the musketry duel continued, and so clever were the spanish guerrillas at taking cover that they forced the american pickets back to the main body of the marines. about midnight hal retired from the firing line for refreshment and sleep. "what advice do you give about these fellows?" asked the officer. "they're certainly clever at keeping out of sight, and there seems no way of getting alongside them. we've four killed already, including our surgeon, and if it wasn't for the bad shootin' of the enemy there'd be heaps more." "i should say, turn on the electric searchlight till morning, and then pound the bush with the guns of the ships," hal answered. "if that does not stop the firing, you'll have to choose between retiring and rushing their cover." "we're not going to do the first, in any case," the officer replied sturdily; "but that is a good dodge--to turn on the light. i'll signal down for it," and he went away at once. hal ate a meal of tinned meat and rusks, which he washed down with a big draught of coffee from the lid of his canteen. then he rolled himself in a blanket which had been given to him, and quickly fell asleep, for he was worn out with his long day in the trenches. but all night long the musketry flickered along the hillside, and when morning dawned it was as active as ever. early in the day a band of cuban insurgents joined the invading americans, and gave information of a spanish camp four miles away. "there's going to be a fight to-morrow," said the marine officer to hal. "we've just had orders to march out and attack this spanish encampment. cubans will lead the way, so that we shall not be wantin' you as guide; but if you'd care to come, why, you know you're welcome." "just what i'd like. when do you start?" "early dawn. we'll get breakfast for all hands, and then away, so as to make a day's job of it. the ships are now going to throw shells into the bush." he had scarcely finished speaking, when loud booming was heard from the sea, and missiles commenced to hurtle overhead. every corner of the bush was searched by the exploding shells, but, in spite of the flying fragments, the same desultory and harassing fire continued, for the spanish guerrillas clung tenaciously to their posts. next morning a force of six hundred, including marines and cubans, marched from their bivouacs, hal joining the party, armed as before with a rifle. "i reckon we'll have to be precious wide awake," said his new friend. "cubans are out as scouts, but in this thick bush we want something in the shape of a balloon. how far should you say we are from the dons?" "they told us that the camp was four miles from us," answered hal. "we have been marching for an hour, so i fancy that we must be within half a mile or less of the enemy. hillo! lie down quickly!" the silence of the bush, through which the troops were forcing a way, was suddenly broken by the crackle of musketry coming from directly in front. fortunately, the marines were moving in open order, or otherwise the losses would have been heavy. as it was, no one was hit, though showers of leaves were stripped from the trees, and came tumbling in a cloud to the ground, or upon the heads of those who happened to be beneath. "a spanish ambush!" exclaimed the officer. "here, sir, hop along over to the signaler, and tell him to let the _dolphin_ know whereabouts they are lying." "right! i'll do it!" cried hal. "you can expect me back shortly." he bent low in the bush, and ran to the left, to a knoll upon which a signaler was stationed. on his right nothing but thick scrub was to be seen, from which, however, the continuous ping of musketry rang, proving that hidden foes lurked there. straight ahead was the coast, towards which a gunboat, the _dolphin_, was steaming so as to aid the land party with its guns. hal at once gave his message, and watched the signaler wag his flags to those on the gunboat. a few minutes later small shells from the quick-firers began to fall into the cover in which the spaniards were lurking. then rifle volleys were directed at them, searching every corner. at length, unable to face the hail any longer, they broke and fled. "after them! charge! all together, boys!" shouted the officer in command; and, springing to their feet, the whole party dashed forward. "hold! lie down, all of you! you'll get knocked to pieces by the shells!" the officer shouted again; and, producing a whistle, blew a shrill blast upon it. for the _dolphin's_ guns were still playing upon the bush, and to attempt to cross it would have been to incur heavy loss. at length, however, the gunboat was signaled to cease fire, and, at once rising to their feet, the whole of the invading force dashed towards the spanish camp. rifle in hand, hal ran ahead of the men, and alongside the officers, and was one of the first to rush amongst the huts in which the enemy had taken up their quarters. "there are spaniards just in front!" he shouted. "at them! let us have some prisoners." "hooroo, lads! charge!" the officer shrieked at the pitch of his voice, and at the order the men who were nearest swept like a torrent to the end of the narrow and dusty little street. "hands up! surrender! you are prisoners," he commanded, coming suddenly in sight of a spanish lieutenant and some eighteen men. instantly rifles were dropped to the ground, and the small party of the enemy, who had been unable to escape, held their arms above their heads in token of submission. then their young officer advanced, and with saddened face and a sigh of resignation tendered his sword to the american officer. "we surrender, señor," he said, in very fair english. "the fortune of war has smiled but blackly upon us." hal only waited to see that the prisoners were safely taken, and to hear the american officer make some consoling reply, before he again dashed forward in pursuit of the enemy. suddenly a rifle cracked from a hut in front, and the bullet pierced the rim of his hat, whistling shrilly as it hurtled by his ear. then a spaniard stepped into the open, and, shooting a cartridge into the breech, took a calm and steady aim at him again. the figure was at once familiar, and a turn of the head at that moment disclosed the handsome but scowling features of josé d'arousta. hal did not hesitate, but, lowering his bayonet, he rushed full tilt at his old enemy. there was a sharp report, the stunning effect of a concussion close at hand, the shock of which can only be realized by those who have been unfortunate enough to experience it, and he staggered back, half dazed. next moment, with an oath at his want of success, josé sprang behind the building into the bush, where he was at once lost to sight. as for hal, he was too stunned to be able even to see for a few moments, so great was the effect of the rifle which had been discharged at point-blank range. when he was able to look round, not a spaniard was in sight, but a poor cuban, who had been at his side, lay wounded at his feet, having been struck by the bullet which josé d'arousta had intended for himself. chapter xxi nearing the end hal marchant returned to guantanamo with the marines after the successful attack upon the spanish camp, which was left a mass of flame from end to end. their arrival was greeted vociferously, for theirs was the first real victory ashore. they found their comrades in a great state of excitement, news having arrived of the army of invasion. it had already embarked, and had actually sailed from tampa. but, after all, it proved to be a false start, for the very next day brought information that the fleet of transports had been ordered back, for fear that spain's one remaining squadron of warships, which sailed under the flag of admiral camara, should suddenly fall upon and annihilate it. this, however, proved to be a false alarm; and on tuesday, the th of june, the transports steamed away with their freight of men, horses, and equipment for key west, where they were joined by a powerful fleet of warships, which were to act as escort. on board the troop-ships were rather more than , officers and men, while , more were ready for embarkation as soon as the transports could return to tampa. arrived off the southeastern coast of cuba, after a delightful sail extending over a week, the fleet lay to, while general shafter, admiral sampson, and their respective staffs went ashore at asseraderos, and there met general garcia, who had been the recognized leader of the insurgents for many years. it was an historical meeting, and at its termination daiquiri was finally settled upon as the point of landing for the long-expected invading army. "mr. marchant, we're removing from here right now," said the marine officer a day after the fleet of transports had been sighted. "daiquiri is the point of invasion, and we are to steam along in that direction. but i don't expect that we shall have the luck to land; the troops--lucky beggars!--will do that, of course. what on earth sent us to guantanamo and kept us there is more than i can say. what did we do for the cause? next to nothing, i guess. just hashed up one of the camps, and nearly got into a precious mess with those guerrillas." "it does seem strange that you were sent there," hal agreed. "here have we been hanging on to the place and sacrificing valuable lives, and all for nothing. however, the invading force is at hand, and the business is to commence in real earnest. as to daiquiri, its proximity to santiago must be the chief reason for its selection, for, situated as it is, it will save a tremendous amount of bush fighting. fancy marching from guantanamo through forest and scrub! why, the spanish guerrillas would certainly deal with us as the cubans have with them in former times." "that is about the truth, i fancy; but, anyway, we're clearing from this right now, so pack up your kit and make all ready," the officer replied. that night hal was on board the gunboat, and by dawn they were lying off daiquiri, surrounded by enormous transports, which were filled with men in boisterous spirits. beside the troopers the gunboat looked so small that one might have thought she could be of no fighting value. and yet a glance at the underwater fittings of the torpedo-tubes, and the quick-firers upon her decks, showed that, though small in proportions, she was a dangerous customer to deal with, and capable of sinking any of the transports with the greatest ease. grouped upon her deck, the marines shouted to their comrades, and looked enviously in their direction more than once. indeed, they were far from pleased at having had to vacate guantanamo, after having to fight so stubbornly for it. the brush with the enemy had been keen while it lasted, and had satisfied their martial ardor; but all were disappointed with the order which had compelled them to embark again, and it was no wonder that they asked indignantly why they had ever been sent there if the town and position were not to be held. it was a sheer waste of time and lives, and the men were amongst the first to recognize this. meanwhile, general garcia, with a rag-tag army of three thousand insurgents, watched the point selected for the landing. they were all fairly well armed, but, without exception, they were ragged to a degree, and presented a half-starved appearance. june d broke fine and clear, and straightway a bombardment of the various forts and villages along the coast commenced. "i imagine that we are knocking bits off the blockhouses, and holding a general action all along the line, so as to mislead the dons," said the officer of marines. "hillo! that was fine!" his exclamation was caused by the simultaneous lowering of boats from all the transports lying off daiquiri. then men swarmed into them, and as soon as they were filled, strings of the tiny craft were attached to launches, which steamed at once for the coast, which had already sustained a fierce bombardment. that evening some six thousand americans had landed, consisting, for the most part, of the division under general lawton. in addition, a portion of general wheeler's brigade of cavalry had disembarked, and with them had come a machine-gun battery. the method of landing the artillery horses and transport mules was most interesting. the animals were thrown overboard, and as they were unhampered with kit or harness of any sort, they came through the ordeal wonderfully. hal, ever on the look-out for adventure, had not allowed the day to pass without an effort to get ashore. indeed, he contrived to find a vacant place in one of the boats, and in due course landed at the tiny jetty which projected from the beach into the sea. as he walked along it, someone, dressed as a trooper, rushed frantically towards him. "hal! it's hal! by jove, how glad i am! hang it, old man, don't you know me, or are you too proud? where the dickens did you come from? i heard that you had gone ashore in the _merrimac_. well, this is a day!" it was gerald brindle, looking strong and well again, but somewhat bewildered and out of breath as he accosted his friend and shook his hands up and down as if he would never cease. "steady, old boy! of course it's hal! look out, you're breaking my fingers. there, that's very nice; and now, if you'll stop for a moment, i'll tell you all that is worth telling." hal wrenched his hand away, and, stepping a pace backward, stood looking critically at his friend. gerald was dressed in a uniform of khaki, not unlike that worn by the british troops in south africa, but differing in one or more important respects. for instance, in place of the helmet, which is only required in the hottest countries, the american troopers had wide-brimmed, thick felt hats, calculated to withstand a fierce sun, and well able to shelter the head and shoulders when a torrent of rain was descending. then, again, this felt hat had a decided advantage for men on active service, for, when they were lying down and skirmishing, it would not hit upon the back of the neck and be tilted over the eyes at the most critical moment. another difference was that the americans wore a light gaiter, instead of the puttee. gerald, with his head-covering pulled rakishly over one ear, looked a very smart and soldier-like young fellow, and seemed to be well able to manage the rifle which he carried in one hand. "a trooper?" said hal, looking at him closely. "well, old man, you look every inch of it. supposing you tell me how it is to be done, so that i may follow suit, and take my place at your side." "that's easy enough," answered gerald: "the ranks are filled up, but we'll find room for you; for i happen to know one of the staff officers, who will arrange for it, if i ask him. why, hal, i have a splendid billet! i am one of roosevelt's own; one of 'teddy's terribles,' or 'roosevelt's rustlers,' as we are sometimes called. you must have heard of us by now. we're the cowboy lot, and we've all sorts and sizes in our ranks. fellows who are out of all employment, and who have not so much as a cent to bless themselves with, and others who are the sons of millionaires, or millionaires themselves, with so much to jangle in their pockets that they would not miss it if you took the average man's yearly wages from them. but, whatever their wealth, they are all rattling good fellows, and all bent upon fighting. but we've no horses. that's the joke of this invading army. the fact is that transports are scarce as it is, and none could be spared for the mounts. however, we weren't going to allow that to stop us, and here we are, ready to have a fling at the dons on foot, if need be." "so you are one of the st united states cavalry, sometimes known also as the rough riders, or by the other terms that you mentioned?" said hal. "gerald, i'm for it, too. we'll see this war through together." "right, that we will," gerald answered eagerly. "look here, we'll just take the bull by the horns, and arrange the matter at once. let's go right away to the staff officer." hal agreed, and they at once ascended the steep slope leading to the camp, till they came to a pile of ammunition boxes, beside which a pole was erected, bearing a piece of crimson bunting, while beneath it stood an officer whose uniform proclaimed that he belonged to the staff. "well, mr. brindle, what is this?" he asked, with a smile. "introduce your friend." "he's hal marchant, the fellow who sneaked on board the _merrimac_ when she was about to be sunk off santiago. you will remember, captain cromer, that the tale leaked out, and that lieutenant billing was said to have come in for a wigging." "that was so. so you're that fellow, are you?" the officer asked, looking closely at hal. "now, what's wanted? i know your sort very well. you're dying to be right in the very thick of it; isn't that somewhere near the case?" "it is the very thing!" hal exclaimed. "i am anxious to join the rough riders till the campaign is over." the staff officer thought for a few moments, during which he regarded the two lads with some curiosity and amusement. then he produced a notebook, and hastily scribbled a few lines. "want pay?" he asked suddenly. "no, not a dollar," hal answered promptly. "i want all the fun, though." "then slip along right now with that to general wheeler's brigade major; i fancy it will just settle the matter for you, so that he'll allow you to go with the boys." he nodded, and turned to give some directions to an orderly who had just approached, while hal and his friend hurried off as fast as their legs would carry them. by early morning the former was a temporary trooper in the celebrated rough riders. "i suppose we shall be moving very soon," said gerald, as he and his friend sat down for a meal. "there is one thing, though, that may delay us. you see, things were so rushed at tampa that all the equipment most wanted is down at the bottom of the hold, while perfectly useless stuff is at the top. but i hear that they are working very hard to set matters right." this, in fact, was the case. disembarkation of stores had been going on day and night, not only at daiquiri, but also at other parts of the coast. the invading army consisted of three divisions--each split up into three brigades--and of a cavalry brigade. while the second division and the horseless cavalry had been landing at daiquiri, the first division, under general kent, had begun to disembark at siboney. meanwhile, general shafter, the commander-in-chief, had his quarters aboard the transport _segurança_. the very day upon which lawton's division landed, he pushed forward with the greater part to some wooded hills northwest of daiquiri, which he occupied without firing a shot. as for hal and gerald, with their comrades of the cavalry, they left camp early on the following morning, and marched to siboney. by the time they reached the latter place, both lads were on excellent terms with their fellow-troopers. indeed, gerald was already well known, and it wanted only a mention of hal's adventurous trip ashore in the _merrimac_ to bring a crowd surging round him, clamoring for all the details. "tell yer this, you're born ter be lucky, that's how i size it," said one big cowboy. "yer see, since this war got started, you've seen a rare lot er moves, and never got so much as pipped with a bullet. that jist shows as you're kept for somethin' more perlite, so i tell yer i shall keep as close alongside as i can squeeze as soon as the shootin' starts." "perhaps that might not be quite as secure a place as in front," hal answered, with a smile. "a cuban ran beside me only a few days ago, and the bullet which was intended to take my life picked the poor fellow off." "so? then i'll stick in front; but, all the same, i guess you're born to be lucky." the cowboy nodded his head knowingly, and strode off. that night orders were issued to the rough riders to prepare for active measures. "we are to advance against sevilla, which is three miles away," said hal, having gleaned some tidings from one of the sergeants. "it seems that all the spaniards are falling back upon santiago from the blockhouses and outposts, and a few only are left at sevilla to bar our progress. of course we shall soon brush them aside; though, if the fighting is anything like last week's, we shall have our work cut out for us, for it will be bush warfare every foot of the way, and the dons have shown themselves masters of that particular art." "and afterwards, what shall we have to face?" asked gerald. "that is a difficult question to answer; but if your father is right, some seven thousand half-starved spanish regulars. they cannot hope to resist for very long, for food has completely run out in santiago. even now many of the civil population are said to be dying daily of starvation in the streets." "then the sooner we end their misery the better," exclaimed gerald. "hillo; orders, i fancy!" a message from headquarters had just been brought to the troopers, telling them to prepare to march on the following morning. "the rough riders and other cavalry are to advance early to-morrow on las guasimas," said the sergeant who had brought the order. "the regulars will march to the right, and will take four hotchkiss quick-firing mountain guns. boys, we aer goin' ter turn the dons out!" "hooroo! by jingo we aer," the men shouted. "we'd do it better if we had horses with us," one of them said. "say, pard, you've been having gay times with the enemy; what's your opinion on the case?" "i fancy that we are better as we are," hal answered, with assurance. "you see, i know the country hereabouts; it is densely covered with bush, in which animals would be worse than useless, for they would stand clear against the green, and would show where we were lying. without them we shall be more efficient scouts." "pass the word there for trooper marchant," the sergeant now shouted. "what is it? here i am," hal answered, stepping forward. "you are acquainted with these parts, i hear?" the sergeant answered. "yes, i have ridden through the bush more than once. what then?" "the general'll be oblee-e-ged to yer ef you'll get ahead of the column and lead the way. we're kind er strangers here, yer see." "i'll do what i can," hal answered briskly, being overjoyed at the prospect. "i suppose my friend can come along too? he knows the country much better than i do." "in course he can. now, you'll be ready early, that's the order." hal nodded, and at once began to talk the matter over with gerald. next morning they left the camp with six other men, and marched some five hundred yards ahead of the main body. a rough rider, who had been a cowboy right away in the west of north america, was put in charge of the little party. "now what aer the partic'lar jokes of these fellers?" he asked hal, as they pushed along the road. "yer foller, ef it wur injuns, or even bad men of the prairie, i'd be onter their games quicken'n a knife. but these here dons most like has a way of acting out er the ordinary, that aint easy ter catch hold of." "they have, certainly," hal replied. "to begin with, from the experience we had at guantanamo i fancy you will find that the enemy will make a stubborn fight of it. then they will lie hidden in the bush, and, look as you will, you will never see more than masses of moving green, for they cover themselves with leaves and fronds of ferns." "christopher! that aer the game? wall, pards, whenever yer fall on a movin' bush pull yer trigger at it quicker than yer can wink," cried the cowboy. "now we'll separate, so's to have about twenty yards between each man. me and this here pard'll work the center, and t'others can fix onter the sides. when any of yer spots somethin' that's out of the ord'nary, send the warnin' along, and let every feller mark it. then we'll bring a cross fire ter bear upon it that'll rip through the leaves, and clean the dons off the face of the airth." it was a good suggestion on the cowboy's part, and the scouts promptly carried it out, hal and his new acquaintance taking the central place. and now the road became almost impassable, for rain had fallen, saturating the ground and trees, so that after a few minutes' work in the bush all the scouts were drenched from head to foot. "it aer moist," the cowboy, whose name was harman, exclaimed. "but it's warm, so it don't matter no more'n nothing. say, aer that spanish fellers thur?" he pointed to a prominent hill in front, along the face of which were rows of trenches, and, though the distance was great, it was not difficult to decide that this was the enemy's position. "yes, those are spaniards," hal answered. "but look out! if i am not mistaken, the bush to the left is filled with guerrillas." scarcely had he spoken when a volley burst from the scrub in front, the bullets whistling overhead. "that aer partic'lar bad shootin'," said harman. "they aer right off the mark." "i don't think so," hal answered quickly. "look away behind; the dons have spotted the rough riders, and other dismounted cavalry, and are firing long-ranging volleys." this indeed was the case, and the bullets which whistled overhead were meant for their comrades in the distance. meanwhile, the column, composed of regulars, who were marching on the right, had come in touch with the enemy, while the cavalry were closing up to them on the left. suddenly the quick-firing hotchkiss guns opened from the bush, and commenced to shell the spanish trenches, the reports being the signal for a general rifle engagement. "this is warm," hal shouted, as a stream of bullets swept overhead, lopping twigs and leaves from the cover. "say, harman, let us work over there into the bush. it'll be a better place from which to fire." they gradually edged through the scrub, till they reached a lower position, where they lay for a time, firing up at the ridge in front of them, and at the hill upon which the main body of the enemy was stationed. from there a machine gun was busily at work, scattering missiles through the foliage, and hal found it a new and somewhat trying experience; for the distant rattle was accompanied by a rushing hail of long-nosed bullets, which flew low, and swept every corner of the bush. then the noise would pass away, to be replaced by the zip-zip of mausers, and by the distant ping-ping of the reports. soon the main body of the cavalry came up, and, creeping along the ground, the whole force advanced rapidly on the spaniards, colonel roosevelt being some yards in front of his men. "reckon a rush'll do it, boys," sang out one of the sergeants. "just keep yer blinkers on the boss, and look out for a lively time." indeed the moment had arrived for something besides firing, for, as the cavalry advanced, the spaniards had retired slowly and doggedly, firing all the time. and now a wide clearing cut across the front of the americans. suddenly colonel theodore roosevelt was seen standing in it, fearlessly exposing himself to the bullets, and holding a smoking rifle in his hand. he pointed eagerly to a tumble-down sugar factory away in front. "boys, we'll take it," he cried. "forward, the rough riders!" a shout rose from the troopers, and springing to their feet, they joined in a mad rush up the hill, firing as they ran. a few shots answered, and then the enemy was seen to be hastily retreating, and within five minutes the factory was captured. at the same moment, the spaniards retired from the ridge and hill; and the americans, after sending out scouts and pickets, sat down to rest and talk of their victory. "it aer a reg'lar fine start off," said harman, excitedly. "right from the commencement we've shook them dons up. that aer better than being pipped all over and getting forced to give back. it'll liven us all up, and, you bet, we'll take santiago so quick yer'll scarcely believe. my aunt! aint this fightin' the thing ter make yer blood warm, not ter say boilin'!" "it aer all that, harman boy," another trooper broke in. "it aer scorchin', i'll allow. i tell yer, comin' along through the bush, under a sun as hot--wall, as hot and hotter'n blazes, it fairly cooked yer. then, when the bullets came flickin' like so many flies--why, it kind er made yer queer." "it did that," gerald agreed. "my pal and i have compared notes. we were roasting, it was so hot; but when the bullets began to rush, we felt as if cold water had been poured down our backs. however, we got used to it, and mighty quickly felt the broiling heat of the sun again." "say, boys, did any of yer see them skunks of cubans?" asked another rough rider. "see 'em! not much!" harman exclaimed disdainfully. "they wur to have come along to-day, but when we marched past their camp, not a single one of the varmint moved. jist fancy! we're here fightin' fur them critters, too!" a murmur of indignation and disgust went round the circle, for already the americans had taken a dislike to the natives. they had begun to discover that these dusky insurgents were very good at lying away at safe but impossible ranges, and firing an immoderate quantity of ammunition. and whenever there was a prospect of plunder with no blows to be feared, the cubans were much to the fore, as they were also if there happened to be an opportunity of ill-treating spanish soldiers. "ugh!" exclaimed harman in disgust. "these black critters aren't a patch on the dons, who aint bright specimens themselves, for they're fellers one can't kind er understand, and then they've picked hold of such a jabberin' lingo. but they can fight! them aer little chaps aer tarnal good 'uns with a rifle, and i reckon that away here in the bush they'd take some beatin'; they'd knock spots off a red injun, and that's the truth." a chorus of assent came from the men, who at once began to discuss the remarkable pluck shown by the enemy. then inquiries were made for a list of casualties, but it was not known until later in the day that sixteen had been killed on the american side, and fifty-two wounded. that evening the rough riders and other cavalry lined the ridge and hill of las guasimas, and, looking across a patch of open country, could see the hill and fort of san juan, and, beyond that, santiago with its harbor and ships. el caney, a village of small importance, which was destined to become a point of attack, stood close to san juan. "what will be the next move?" asked gerald, as he and hal sat down side by side that night, and waited for their turn of sentry-go. "that is difficult to say," hal answered thoughtfully, "but i fancy that the first thing will be to feed the troops. it is a question which seems to have been entirely forgotten. then we must remember that the stores are still aboard the transports, and if they have been packed as carelessly as reported, days must pass before we get guns and sufficient ammunition and food. in any case, before we advance on santiago, there should be a reconnaissance, and the approaches should be thoroughly explored." that the latter was a necessary precaution the least experienced in military matters will say, and yet, strangely enough, the necessity for a careful survey did not seem to have struck the leaders of the american troops. and this, no doubt, was one of the evil results of a hastily organized army. soldiering cannot be learned in a day, and amateurs cannot maneuver troops when they have had no practice. from first to last the americans had suffered from the inexperience of their various leaders. troops had been concentrated in the southern camps of america, where the heat was very trying, and had been kept there for a long time inactive, and exposed to disease. as a result, many had died, while other young fellows had returned home with health shattered--and this without having fired a shot. then, too, the commissariat arrangements had been indifferent, and quite insufficient. troops were indeed conveyed safely to cuba, but after they had had a taste of war, they were left in the heart of the unhealthy bush, with nothing better to eat than salt pork and hard biscuit; coffee, tea, sugar, and such necessaries were unheard of. and on the beach at daiquiri and siboney a growing pile of useless articles collected, while cases of food were searched for--articles which the wisdom of some inexperienced person had placed first of all in the ship, when they should have gone in last. no wonder that the heat and moisture soon found victims, for men cannot stand hardship and exposure if they are ill fed. indeed, the week's delay before fighting recommenced laid the seeds of disease in many men. and then the fatal moment arrived when lack of precautions on the part of those in authority was to cost many a poor fellow his life in the attack upon san juan. beyond las guasimas was an open stretch of country to which troops must march by one of two roads that led through the bush and forest, and upon the openings of these the spaniards had naturally concentrated their guns, with a certainty of shooting accurately, for the ranges were known. on the american side, no attempt was made to open up other tracks, and this proved disastrous to the men; for on the st of july, when another forward move was made, many unfortunate troopers were struck dead at the first volley. this was, indeed, a memorable day for both attackers and attacked. marching northwest from las guasimas, the divisions separated, lawton's, accompanied by four guns, making for el caney, a village of small proportions, and situated on an elevation. general kent's division, marching with the cavalry and rough riders, made the fort and hill of san juan their objective. in both cases open country had to be traversed; but in the latter the troops had first to make their way through a dense belt of forest which gave place to the open quite suddenly, and only two tracks existed. to describe each phase of the big engagement would be to puzzle the reader; for it was like a game of chess, the pieces being in this case the various units going to complete the divisions, and the board an area covering square miles. on the right, after nine hours' stubborn fighting with a force less than a tenth of his own, lawton's division captured el caney, and some hundred prisoners. in the center, kent's men, with the dismounted cavalry, and our two heroes, lay at the edge of the forest, suffering heavy loss for some hours; for the spaniards sent long-ranging volleys into the trees, which did much execution. then, too, their quick-firing guns had the range to a nicety, and sent showers of shrapnel sweeping through the ranks. at length, unable to bear this loss without retaliating, the americans burst into the open, and stormed the hill and fort, every man fighting desperately. indeed, when the day was done, victors and vanquished admitted that both sides had shown undaunted courage. undoubtedly the spaniards had fought a brilliant rearguard action, and their stubbornness, and the fact that half their small numbers were killed or wounded, showed the spirit which possessed them. as for the americans, though many of them had been soldiers for only a few weeks, they attacked with a courage and a sternness of purpose that were truly admirable, and did credit to the stock from which they came. chapter xxii the flower of the hacienda two days after the memorable attack on san juan the american cause seemed in as hopeless a condition as possible. from el caney to the coast the troops held a long line of trenches and faced a series of works, all of which were manned by determined, though half-starved, spaniards. to the north and west santiago was free and open to the enemy, while, where the invading forces besieged it, their line was so thin as to be practically useless. to attempt now to press an attack home to the walls of santiago would be to court disaster, for large re-enforcements were needed for such an action; while, if the americans could but hold the line that they had won, they would be doing well. the shortcomings of an army raised in haste were beginning to show. rations from the first had been poor, and as a natural consequence men fell ill under the hardship and exposure. to these hundreds of wounded were already added, and to attend to them all there was a medical staff that was hopelessly insufficient. no provision, in fact, worthy of the name had been made. no stretcher-bearer corps had been organized, and when the wounded came crowding in, even drugs and dressings were found to be lacking. could anything be more discouraging? no wonder that general shafter thought the situation serious. no wonder that he telegraphed urgently for re-enforcements. and now the strangest and most unexpected move in the campaign occurred, and altered the prospect of the war. to describe it fully, one must once more turn to hal and gerald, for this lucky pair had a splendid opportunity of observing everything. both had taken part in the attack upon san juan, and both had been wounded--hal through the fleshy part of the thigh, and gerald in the hand. some hours passed before either went to obtain the services of the surgeon. "this is rather late, young fellow," the latter said to hal, as he rolled up his trousers and showed the wound. "i suppose you couldn't get here before?" "yes, we could have come earlier," hal answered; "but you were busy, and neither of us was badly hit. but i'd be glad if you'd look at my wound now. it's painful and i feel feverish." "which is exactly what i was thinking. put that under your tongue, and we'll see what the temperature is." an examination of the thermometer showed that hal's temperature was high, and a searching inspection of the wound revealed that it was inflamed. "you are both feverish and out of sorts," said the surgeon, as he dressed hal's leg. "both with flesh wounds, which will get worse if something isn't done. i'll send you to the coast for a day or two. a blow aboard ship will set you up again." neither hal nor gerald objected, for it was already known that no active engagements would take place till re-enforcements arrived, so that if they went to sea for a day or two, they would lose none of the fun. they trudged to siboney, therefore, and that evening were resting on board the gunboat _gloucester_, a converted yacht, which happened to be lying close in beside the town when they arrived. many and eager were the questions put to them by the men and officers aboard, and hal and gerald were treated like heroes. "tell yer what, young fellers," said one of the men, "you boys ashore aer havin' all the fun. why, i'd pitch all these fine rations and easy times ter jingo, if i could slip ashore and see a trifle of the fightin'. they say that san juan wur hot. away out at sea we could see the spanish shells burstin' like fireworks." "don't yer grumble, jimmy," another broke in reprovingly. "up to a week or more back, we sailors wur exceptional busy. p'raps we'll get a go in again. thur aint never no tellin'." how near he was to being a true prophet this sailor had no notion, nor anyone else in the american fleet. and yet, on that very evening, admiral cervera's fleet lay in the harbor of santiago, with steam up, ready to slip cables and run from the harbor. but for what reason? were not the americans doing their utmost to capture the spanish fleet? then why play into their hands, and rush from security to destruction? the question will probably never be satisfactorily answered. it is said that direct orders were received from madrid; but in any case, on sunday morning, the d of july, the whole of the spanish fleet was observed steaming out from the harbor in bright sunlight. instantly, every man on board the american ships was wide awake. "hillo! what is happening?" an officer on board the _gloucester_ shouted, as a puff of smoke darted from the flagship. "a gun, by jingo! that's from the _brooklyn_, the flagship while admiral sampson is away. tumble up there, boys! there's fun commencing." the bell to the engine-room at once sounded, and the _gloucester_ began to run towards the entrance of santiago. hal and gerald immediately forgot their wounds, and hastened to help the men serving the quick-firers. "steady there, all!" cried the commander of the _gloucester_. "our guns are no good against battleships. well wait for the gunboats. evidently the whole fleet is coming out." led by the _infanta maria teresa_, with admiral cervera aboard, a line of spanish ships sailed from santiago harbor, and, turning west, steamed off in single file. in all there were six, the two last being gunboats. "those are our mark," cried the commander, pointing to the latter. "we'll get after them at top-speed. boys, you can commence with the guns." rushing forward at seventeen knots, the _gloucester_ began to fire her weapons, and soon shells were singing about the decks of the _pluton_ and the _furor_, the two spanish gunboats. then a lucky missile crashed into the engine-room of the latter, and in a moment she was a wreck, and rapidly sinking. "now for the other," shouted the commander. "give it her all you know, boys!" the men responded with a will, and with such success that the _pluton_ was soon in a sinking condition, and to save her crew was run upon the rocks. "now we will see what else can be done," the commander of the _gloucester_ cried. "keep her straight along the coast, quartermaster. perhaps we shall be able to pick up some prisoners. hillo! our boys are givin' it to the dons." admiral schley's fleet was, indeed, handling the spanish ships severely. steaming straight in for santiago, the americans had put their helms to port as soon as they were well within range. then their guns began to roar, and soon they were obscured in big clouds of smoke. running west along the coast-line of cuba, the _infanta maria teresa_ and her consorts returned the fire as vigorously as their poor armaments would allow, and all the time rushed ahead at their fastest pace, hoping to escape. "they'll do it," shouted gerald, excitedly. "they've the lead, and will get dead away." "not a bit of it," hal answered quietly. "we have some fast ships out there, and the _new york_ is patrolling the coast higher up. admiral cervera's fleet is doomed." "it aer that," one of the sailors standing near by burst in. "them 'ere ships won't run much more'n an hour. look at 'em now, and the way the shells aer strikin'." with eyes glued to glasses, or with hands held above the brows to keep away the glare of the sun, every officer and man on the deck of the _gloucester_ followed the course of the naval battle with breathless interest. the leading spanish vessel, the _maria teresa_, was by now nearly six miles from santiago, but she stood not a ghost of a chance. every available gun was turned upon her, and she was struck by no fewer than twenty-nine shells. the number of hits was actually small in comparison with the guns employed; but they were crushing blows. two enormous twelve-inch shells crashed into her stern, shattering everything in their course towards the bows. eight-inch, five-inch, and six-pounders exploded in every part, killing numbers of the unfortunate sailors. but even now she was steaming as steadily as ever, and was pluckily replying; for her armor casing had protected her water-line and her most vulnerable part, the engines. however, she was not to escape, for the woodwork caught fire, and as there was a great deal of it, and as the water main had been cut by the shells, she was soon a blazing mass, drifting hopelessly and helplessly towards the land. "there's work for us there, boys," cried the commander. "those poor fellows are roasting, so let us do what we can for them. mr. morton, tell off a party to land in the cutter. some of the dons may swim ashore, and i can see a crowd of those sneakin' cubans there. just pitch into them if there's trouble." "aye, aye, sir," was the hearty response. "you boys from the for'ard gun 'll come with me." "i'd like to be one of the party, too, sir," said hal, stepping forward. "and i also," gerald chimed in. "what! you two wounded troopers? what would be the use?" "wounded! i'd forgotten all about it," cried hal. "so you had, and i believe you," the officer answered. "you've both been working with our boys like bricks. you can take it that you are to come." highly delighted at the prospect, hal and gerald quickly provided themselves with cutlasses. meanwhile, the _gloucester_ had been steaming at half speed towards the unfortunate _maria teresa_. already the spaniard was close in shore, but the gunboat drew very little water. steaming alongside the blazing war vessel, she lowered a boat and sent a party aboard, while another went ashore. on the beach a number of ragged cubans were standing, and as the exhausted spanish sailors swam to the land, they fired at them or threw them back into the waves. dashing through the surf, the american sailors swept the insurgents on one side. "back, yer black-skinned murderers!" cried one of the men, rushing at a cuban who was in the very act of dashing a poor spaniard's brains out. then his fist shot out in truly british fashion, and next moment the native went crashing to the ground. "thur; lie still, yer sweep," he exclaimed, standing over the man. "if yer just so much as lift yer skinny finger, i'll smash you." he looked it, too, every bit of it, and the cuban cowered, not even daring to move. "some of you lads just look to these blackguards," cried the officer. "if they try any of their games, cut them to the chin with your cutlasses. the others can bear a hand with these poor fellows." but there was little fear that the cubans would attempt more violence, for when blows were threatened all their courage oozed through their fingers. they drew back from the beach and sat down, glowering at the men who had come to the island to bring them freedom. as for the spanish sailors, they were taken on board the _gloucester_, cervera and his son being amongst the number. as the former stepped on board, commander wainwright advanced with outstretched hand. "i congratulate you, sir," he said heartily, "on having made as gallant a fight as was ever witnessed on the sea." meanwhile, the work of rescue from the _maria teresa_ went on. flaring from end to end, and with deck and side plates white hot from the furnace raging within her, she slowly drifted nearer the coast, her guns exploding as the flames reached them, and her ammunition bursting with deafening reports. but the undaunted americans stuck to her, and would not quit till every spanish sailor needing help was over the side. a quarter of an hour later the _almirante oquendo_, which had also taken fire and was sorely battered by shells, ran ashore a little farther up the coast. "there are more to rescue there, boys," cried the commander of the _gloucester_; and at once the gunboat steamed towards the burning wreck. then again the same gallant and successful attempt at rescue was made; but barely in time, for suddenly the flames reached the magazine, and the _almirante oquendo_ blew up with a deafening roar. quick to follow her fate, the _viscaya_ also drove ashore, and became a total wreck. the _cristobal colon_ was the last of cervera's fleet, and by now she, too, was in sorry plight. escape, which had seemed possible to her, was now out of the question, for the fast ships, the _texas_ and the _new york_, were rapidly overhauling her. shells began to hurtle above her decks and crash through her plates; and, finally, seeing the hopelessness of the struggle, her commander struck his flag. but the _cristobal colon_ was no prize for america, for already she showed a list, and scarcely had all the prisoners been removed when she filled and sank, this being due, it is asserted, to the action of one of her crew, who opened the sea-cocks. one fine scene there was as this magnificent vessel surrendered, and it deserves to be recorded. the commander of the _texas_ stood on his bridge, and silenced the cheers of his men. then, lifting his hat reverently from his head, he called upon each and everyone to give thanks to god for this victory, and for his own safety through the fight. hal and gerald did yeoman service on this memorable day, and it was not till every spanish sailor who could be rescued was aboard the _gloucester_ that they thought of themselves. then, indeed, they discovered that they were worn out, and that their wounds were unusually painful. but a long sleep did all that was necessary, and fresh air being added to it, they soon began to mend. a week later they were once more with their comrades, the rough riders. "back again, and seen the last of cervera's fleet," said harman, in tones which showed that he was not exactly pleased. "i never did drop upon such pards as you. talk about fire-eaters! why, i believe this feller, marchant, has smelt spanish powder ever since the war started. you're meant for something bad, that's all i can surmise. a chap that goes all through this war, and only gets in the way of a single pip, aer got somethin' coming." he nodded his head significantly at the lads, and grinned. "wall, i'm kind er jealous, i own," he proceeded. "here aer we, a-kicking our heels in the trenches, and you chaps enjoyin' yourselves. and the grub! my! i've had my teeth through some mighty queer stuff, but some of the salt pork doled out ter us 'd make a nigger squint! it aer that tough that the only comfort aer ter work it into sausages. but it aint going to last for long, for this here row has got the heart knocked out of it. there's been a palaver, and now there's an armistice, while the bosses discuss terms. santiago aer done fur, and if you take it true from me, so aer the war. the dons aer fairly pulled ter pieces, and aer durned sorry fur theirselves." that this was the case was self-evident, and the capitulation of santiago came as no surprise. on saturday, the th of july, the deed of surrender was signed, and, led by general shatter and his staff, the american troops took possession of the town, which was filled with starving soldiers and civilians. courteous and truly honorable were the spanish officers, and, looking at their pallid faces and wan cheeks, the boys from the states realized that these were foes indeed, and men of whom any army could be proud, and whom any nation might hold in high respect. that same day hal and gerald heard news which upset them considerably, for, just as evening was drawing in, jake, the faithful negro who had previously warned them, came into the camp, and fell exhausted at their feet. "quick, boss!" he whispered. "dat bad man come again. de missie and de master fighting for deir lives." "where? at eldorado?" cried hal, his heart palpitating with fear at the ominous words. "here, some water, gerald. pour some down the poor fellow's throat. that will pull him round, and help him to get his wind again." gerald swung his bottle to the front, and rapidly unscrewed the cork. then he poured some of the contents down jake's throat. "ise better now," said the negro, in stronger tones. "but don't wait, boss. jake look to himself. ride quick for de hacienda, for dat bad man come dere two, t'ree hour ago, and rush at it wid his men." "then there must be no delay," cried hal, rising suddenly to his feet with a stern look upon his face. "two or three hours ago! that time has passed since josé and his ruffians attacked eldorado! quick! there is not a moment to be lost, and every second is of consequence. here, gerald, you see to jake's wants, and get the poor beggar on his pins again, while i go across to our friend the staff officer and ask him to do something for us." he turned on his heel at once, and hurried towards a stone-built house, above which floated the directing flag, and above that again the star-spangled banner. a moment later he was face to face with one of the regulars who was stationed outside, and on mentioning his business, was immediately ushered into an office where, seated at a table, was the staff officer who had befriended him before. "well," said the latter pleasantly, "had your fill of it already, and come to cry off now that the fun's gone down?" "no, not that, sir," hal answered promptly, and in a voice which was somewhat agitated in spite of himself. "you've been so kind before, that i have come to ask another favor. the truth is that i am in serious trouble. will you--can you help me, sir?" the officer, who was arranging some papers on the table, swung round and looked at him curiously. "phew! trouble!" he exclaimed, giving vent to a shrill whistle. "it's bad, i reckon, for the lad who slips ashore on the _merrimac_, and risks his skin at the game, is not the one to be easily put out. what is its nature?" hal was not the lad to talk, especially when deeds were wanted and time was of the utmost importance, so on this occasion he contrived to explain the situation in a few short sentences. "i am to understand, then, mr.--er--i don't remember your name--that you've friends close at hand, who are bein' worried by a scoundrel," said the officer. "and since you've mentioned it so particularly, i take it that the girl has got something to do with the flurry into which you've worked yourself. now, what is in the wind? what are you asking for?" "give me thirty mounted men at once," hal blurted out. "i promise to return with them as soon as possible." "with what's left, you mean! thirty mounted men! well, i don't know that i couldn't oblige you." he looked out of the window, and cogitated deeply for a few moments. "yes," he exclaimed, as if he had suddenly made up his mind. "look here; take this order and go quickly." he hastily jotted down a few words to the officer commanding one of the very few troops of cavalry whose horses had disembarked on cuban soil, and, having sealed it, handed it to hal. "there, go! get away as quickly as you can," he cried, "and the very best of luck, for you deserve it." waiting only to blurt out his thanks, hal tore away, and soon presented his message. half an hour later a small company of horse cantered out of camp, and took the road to eldorado. in front and leading them rode a sergeant, sitting his horse with the grace and easy swing of a practiced cowboy, and on either side of him were hal and gerald. two hours later they were within a mile of the hacienda, and called a halt for a rest. "there aint no firing now," said the sergeant, going into a clearing to listen. "no, there aint so much as a sound, so you can take it that they aer alive and kicking. if these critturs we aer after had rushed the show, there'd be sparks flying into the darkness by now, i guess, and they'd be cooking their dinners over the flames. you can put it down that things has quieted down for the night; but the row'll fizzle up again in the mornin'." "then do you suggest that we shall remain here?" asked hal, who was impatient to get on, and full of forebodings for the safety of his friends. "supposing that brute attacks during the early hours, he'd----" "that aer jist about his game," the american answered coolly, "and it'll be for us to put a stopper on it. say, you, sir, take it easy, and have a blower here for half an hour or more. then we'll walk on, and when we're pretty close, we'll leave the horses, and skirmish up among the trees. bet yer bottom dollar we'll soon see how the worry lies." accordingly, after resting themselves and their horses, the troop set forward again, dismounting and leaving the animals in charge of one of the men when some three hundred yards from the hacienda. then hal and the sergeant crept to the edge of the clearing. "there's a fire burnin' away yonder," said the latter, pointing across to the opposite side. "reckon them skunks aer campin'." "there are some stone buildings on that side of the clearing," hal explained. "i expect josé and his gang have taken shelter in them." "that's the ticket, and they're as safe behind the walls as it aer possible ter be. but we'll turn 'em out, see if we don't. say, will yer lead some of the boys over yonder, so as ter cut in behind them critters? if so, you'd better move off at once. when the light gets brighter, keep yer eyes wide open, and let 'em have it full blaze. mind yer fire to the right, or else it'll be a case with us." hal readily agreed, and hurriedly returned to the troopers. then he and gerald, accompanied by ten men, crept round the edge of the clearing to the farther side, and sat down to wait. at dawn some sharp reports rang out from the stone buildings, and answering flashes could be seen spurting from the sand-bag fort on the roof of the hacienda. and now hal's work began. creeping through the plantations, he at length reached a spot from which it was possible to see the men who were firing at eldorado. there were thirty or more, led by a man dressed in draggled white, whom he easily recognized as josé d'arousta. "we'll give them a volley," he said, turning to his comrades. "then we'll get at them full tilt. fix bayonets, boys!" not a word was said in answer, but there was the ominous click of steel against steel. a moment or two later a volley was fired into the midst of the spanish guerrillas. "at them, boys!" cried hal, springing to his feet. "charge!" at his shout the troopers dashed forward, and the greater part of the enemy at once bolted. some, however, were too astonished to move, and fell at the point of the bayonet. as for josé d'arousta, he died as he had lived, a hard and cruel man, but one gifted with extraordinary tenacity and courage. dodging a bayonet thrust with the rapidity of lightning, he sprang back a pace or two, and, drawing a revolver, fired point-blank at the trooper who was charging by gerald's side. "take that, yer durned son of a don!" cried the man, thrusting fiercely at him again. "ha! tit for tat, my sonnie!" the bayonet caught josé full on the chest, and, thrusting right through him, pinned him to the wall. a deathly pallor at once spread over his face, his mouth gaped, and the revolver almost slipped from his nerveless fingers. but the manhood in him forced itself to the surface, and he lifted his head to glare at his enemies. then an oath escaped his lips as his glazing eyes fell upon hal, and with a last effort he lifted the weapon and fired. * * * * * hal took no part in the further stages of the war. indeed, there was little else to happen, for the fall of santiago had been the beginning of the end. the american fleet being freed by the destruction of cervera's fleet, the government at washington threatened to send some battleships to bombard the coast towns of spain, and in the meanwhile dispatched an expedition to puerto rico. menaced by a revolution at home, the madrid government finally gave way, and, on the th of august, peace was patched up between spain and america, the former relinquishing her possessions in the caribbean sea. it came just in time to stop the campaign in puerto rico, where some brisk engagements had taken place; but the news arrived too late, alas! to save the many poor lads who had come from the states to fight for their country, and who lay dying of fever near santiago. of the philippines there is little to tell. manila was captured on the th of august, and with it went spanish rule. but not so the islands, for, led by a native called aguinaldo, the inhabitants, who had previously rebelled against their old masters, now objected to the new, and chose to fight for their freedom. thus for many a long day the philippines remained in insurrection. and now to close this story. struck in the ribs by josé d'arousta's bullet, it was weeks before hal was up and about; and he undoubtedly owed his recovery to dora's devoted nursing. no wonder that when at last he tottered on to the veranda, he turned to her with a flush of pride, and drew her arm beneath his own, saying to mr. brindle: "dora has promised to be my wife some day, and to that i know you will agree, for you have practically told me so. congratulate me, for i am a lucky young fellow. i left england friendless, i came to this beautiful island as a stranger, and i have won the flower of the hacienda." "you have, my lad!" exclaimed mr. brindle, advancing with outstretched hand. "fortune, they say, favors the brave, and yours is well deserved, for you have fought manfully under the star-spangled banner." the end fighting in cuban waters or under schley on the brooklyn old glory series by edward stratemeyer author of "under dewey at manila" "a young volunteer in cuba" "richard dare's venture" "oliver bright's search" "to alaska for gold" etc. _illustrated by_ a. b. shute boston lee and shepard publishers copyright, , by lee and shepard. _all rights reserved._ norwood press j. s. cushing & co.--berwick & smith norwood mass. u.s.a. [illustration: "the flagship began the firing."] preface "fighting in cuban waters," although a complete story in itself, forms the third volume of the "old glory series," tales depicting the various campaigns in our late war with spain. in "under dewey at manila" we followed larry russell's adventures on board of the flagship _olympia_ during the memorable contest off cavite; in "a young volunteer in cuba" we marched and fought with ben russell in that notable campaign leading up to the surrender of santiago; and in the present volume are narrated the haps and mishaps of walter russell, who joins commodore schley's flagship, the _brooklyn_, and sails with the flying squadron from hampton roads to key west, thence to cienfuegos, and at last succeeds in "bottling up" admiral cervera's fleet in santiago bay. the long blockade and the various bombardments are described, and then follow the particulars of that masterly battle on the part of the north atlantic squadron which led to the total destruction of the spanish warships. walter russell's bravery may seem overdrawn, but such is far from being a fact. that our sailors were heroes in those days we have but to remember the sinking of the _merrimac_, the _winslow_ affair, and a score of deeds of equal daring. "the hour makes the man," and the opportunity likewise makes the hero. walter was brave, but he was no more so than hundreds of others who stood ready to lay down their lives in the cause of humanity and for the honor of old glory. like his two brothers, his religious belief was of the practical kind, and he went into battle convinced that so long as he did his duty according to the dictates of his conscience, an all-wise and all-powerful providence would guide him and watch over him. the author cannot refrain from saying a word about the historical portions of the present work. they have been gleaned from the best available authorities, including the reports of admiral sampson, commodore schley, and a number of captains who took part in the contest; also the personal narratives of one man who was on board the _merrimac_ at the time that craft was sunk, and of a number who have made the _brooklyn_ their home for several years past, and who will probably remain on the pride of the flying squadron for some time to come. in presenting this third volume, the author begs to thank both critics and the public for the cordial reception accorded to the previous volumes, and trusts that the present story will meet with equal commendation. edward stratemeyer. newark, n.j., march , . contents i. walter determines to enter the navy ii. a visit to the navy-yard iii. a chase and its result iv. on the way to the "brooklyn" v. something about war and prize money vi. a glimpse of the president vii. a talk about spanish sailors viii. the men behind the guns ix. commodore winfield scott schley x. walter shows his pluck xi. the sailing of the flying squadron xii. an adventure off charleston xiii. in which the gold piece comes to light xiv. key west, and the last of jim haskett xv. from cienfuegos to santiago bay xvi. the finding of admiral cervera's fleet xvii. in which the "merrimac" is sunk xviii. walter's adventure on shore xix. carlos, the rebel spy xx. in the hands of the enemy xxi. the flight to the seacoast xxii. the landing of the marines at guantanamo xxiii. in a spanish prison xxiv. back to the "brooklyn" again xxv. the bombardment of the santiago batteries xxvi. in which the army of invasion arrives xxvii. the spanish fleet and its commander xxviii. "the enemy is escaping!" xxix. the destruction of the spanish fleet xxx. final scenes of the great fight xxxi. together once more--conclusion list of illustrations "the flagship began the firing" "he bent over walter again" "the president bowed in return" "'see here, i want to talk to you!'" "'i'll get square on all of you!'" "with a final lurch the _merrimac_ went down" "'surrender, or i'll shoot you where you stand!'" "rammer in hand, walter edged close to the muzzle" fighting in cuban waters chapter i walter determines to enter the navy "well, walter, i suppose the newspapers are going like hot cakes this morning." "they are, mr. newell. everybody wants the news. i ran out of 'globes' and 'heralds' before seven o'clock, and sent dan down for fifty more of each." "that was right. it's a windfall for us newsdealers, as well as a glorious victory to match. it makes me think of my old war days, when i was aboard of the _carondelet_ under captain walke. we didn't sink so many ships as dewey has at manila, but we sank some, and smashed many a shore battery in the bargain, along the banks of the mississippi. what does that extra have to say?" and phil newell, the one-legged civil-war naval veteran, who was also proprietor of the news-stand, took the sheet which walter russell, his clerk, handed out. "there is not much additional news as yet," answered walter. "one of the sensational papers has it that dewey is now bombarding manila, but the news is not confirmed. but it is true that our squadron sunk every one of the spanish warships,--and that, i reckon, is enough for one victory." "true, my lad, true; but there is nothing like keeping at 'em, when you have 'em on the run. that is the way we did down south. perhaps dewey is waiting for additional instructions from washington. i hope he didn't suffer much of a loss. some papers say he came off scot free, but that seems too good to be true." "the news makes me feel more than ever like enlisting," continued the boy, after a pause, during which he served out half a dozen newspapers to as many customers. "what a glorious thing it must be to fight like that and come out on top!" "glorious doesn't express it, walter. why, if it wasn't for this game leg of mine, and my age being against me, i'd go over to the navy-yard to-day and reënlist, keelhaul me if i wouldn't!" "but what of the stand?" "the stand could take care of itself--until the dons were given the thrashing they deserve for making the cubans suffer beyond all reason." phil newell threw back his head and gave a laugh. "that puts me in mind of something that happened when the civil war started. a young lawyer in new york locked up his office and pasted a notice on his door: 'gone to the front. will be back when the war is over.' i'd have to put up something similar, wouldn't i?" "i wish you and i could go together, mr. newell." "so do i, walter, but i'm over sixty now, and they want young blood. by the way, what of that brother of yours down in new york?" "ben has joined the militia of that state, and is now at camp black waiting to be sworn into the united states service. i wish he had come on to boston." "well, uncle sam wants soldiers as well as sailors, or he wouldn't call for a hundred and twenty-five thousand volunteers. but give me the deck or gun-room of a warship every time. nothing finer in the world. i served for nearly ten years, and i know." walter smiled, and then waited on several additional customers. "my youngest brother, larry, takes to the ocean," he answered. "he is out on the pacific now, somewhere between the hawaiian islands and hong kong. he was always crazy for a boat when we were at home in buffalo together, and spent all his spare time on lake erie." "going to hong kong, eh? that's not so far from the philippines. it is a pity he is not with commodore dewey. it would be a feather in his cap when he got home." a steady stream of customers for five minutes broke off the conversation at this point, and throwing down his newspaper, phil newell--he never wanted to be called philip--entered the stand to help his young assistant. the stand was situated in the heart of boston, just outside of one of the leading hotels, and trade at this hour in the morning, eight o'clock, was always brisk. when there came a lull later on, walter turned again to his employer. "mr. newell, what if i do enlist? can you spare me?" he questioned. "what! do you really mean it, walter?" "i do, sir. as you know, i've been thinking the matter over ever since this war with spain started." "but you've got to have your guardian's consent, or they won't take you." "i've got it in my pocket now. i wrote to him last week, and he answered that, as ben had already joined the soldiers, i could do as i pleased, but i mustn't blame him if i was killed." "which you wouldn't be likely to do, if you were killed dead, so to speak," laughed phil newell. then he slapped walter on the back, for twenty odd years on land had not taken his "sea-dog" manners from him. "enlist, my lad, enlist by all means, if you feel it your duty. of course i don't like to lose such a handy clerk, but uncle sam can have you and welcome." "didn't you say there was a young man named gimpwell looking for this position?" "yes, and he wants it badly, for he has a sick sister to support." "has he any experience?" "oh, yes; he tended a railroad stand for several years." "then, perhaps you could break him in without much trouble--if i went away." "do you want to go at once?" "if i am to enlist, then it seems to me the quicker the better. i see by the papers that some of our warships are still at hampton roads and key west, but there is no telling when they will start for cuban waters. besides, i've been thinking that if i could manage it, i should like to get aboard of the _brooklyn_, the flagship of commodore schley's flying squadron, which is now at hampton roads awaiting orders." "it's not so easy to pick your ship, my lad. however, if you wish, you can go over to the navy-yard this afternoon and see what you can do,--and i'll go along and leave dan in charge here," concluded phil newell. walter russell was one of three brothers, of whom ben was the eldest and larry the youngest. their home had been in buffalo, where at the death of their mother, a widow, they had been turned over to the care of their step-uncle, mr. job dowling, an eccentric old bachelor, whose prime object in life was to hoard up money. in the two volumes previous to this, entitled respectively, "under dewey at manila," and "a young volunteer in cuba," i related how the boys found it impossible to remain under job dowling's roof, and how they ran away, each to seek fortune as he might find it. larry drifted first to san francisco and then to honolulu, the principal city of the hawaiian islands, where he shipped on a vessel bound for hong kong. from this ship he was cast overboard with a yankee friend named luke striker, and both were picked up by the flagship _olympia_ of the asiatic squadron and taken to manila bay, there to serve most gallantly under the naval commander whose name has since become a household word everywhere. as walter had intimated, larry was a sailor by nature, and it was likely that he would follow the sea as long as he lived. ben and walter had gone eastward, but at middletown, in new york state, they had separated, walter to drift to boston, and ben to make his way to new york. at the latter city the eldest of the russell brothers had secured employment in a hardware establishment, but this place was burned out, and then ben enlisted in the st regiment of new york, while his intimate friend, gilbert pennington, joined roosevelt's rough riders, and both went to cuba, there to fight valorously in that campaign which led to the surrender of santiago and caused spain to sue for peace. as walter had written to larry, the recital of the former's adventures in getting from middletown to boston would fill a volume. he had stolen a ride on the cars from middletown to albany, and during this wild trip his hat blew off and was not recovered. he was put off the train just outside of the capital city; and, stopping at a farmhouse to inquire the way, had his clothing torn by a bull-dog that was more than anxious to get at what was beneath the garments. walter hardly knew what to do, when a tramp put in an appearance, and sent a well-directed stone at the dog's head, causing the beast to slink away. the tramp introduced himself as raymond cass, a bricklayer, out of luck, and bound for boston on foot. he proposed that they journey together, and walter rather hesitatingly consented. they moved eastward in company for two days, when, on awakening one morning, walter found raymond cass missing. the boy's coat was also gone, and with it his entire capital,--forty-seven cents. the pair had made their bed in the haymow of a large barn, and while walter was searching for the tramp, the owner of the place came up and demanded to know what the youth was doing on his premises. walter's tale was soon told, and farmer hardell agreed to give him a week's work in his dairy, one of the dairymen being sick. for this walter received four dollars, and an old hat and a coat in addition. leaving cornberry, the name of the hamlet, walter had struck out once more for boston, but this time steering clear of all tramps, of the raymond cass type or otherwise. he was sparing of his money, and the first day out earned his dinner and a packed-up lunch for supper, by putting in two panes of glass for an old lady who had waited for a week for a travelling glazier to come around and do the job. in addition to this, the lad worked for two days at a village blacksmith's establishment during the absence of the regular helper who had gone to his aunt's funeral in another place, and also found a regular position with a florist, who had a number of large greenhouses up the charles river. walter was not used to working where there was so much glass, and on the third day he allowed a step-ladder he was using to slip. the ladder crashed through several hot-bed frames, and poor walter was discharged on the spot, without a cent of pay. the boy's next move had been to the river, where he had obtained a position on a freight steamboat. his duty was to truck freight on and off, and the work blistered his hands and gave him many a backache. but he stuck to it for two weeks, thereby earning fourteen dollars, and with this capital entered boston. walter had not expected an easy time finding a situation in the hub, but neither had he anticipated the repeated failures that one after another stared him in the face. for over a week he tramped up and down, without so much as a "smell of an opening," as he afterwards wrote to his brothers. in the meanwhile his money diminished rapidly, until more than two-thirds of it was gone. a deed of kindness had obtained for him the position with phil newell. chancing to walk along school street one afternoon, he had seen two boys beating a small boy unmercifully. the small boy had turned into province street, and the big boys had followed, and here they had thrown the little fellow down, and were on the point of kicking him, when walter rushed up and flung both back. "you brutes, to attack such a small boy!" he had cried. "clear out, or i'll call a policeman, and have you both locked up." "we told him to keep back at de newspaper office," growled one of the big fellows. "do it again, dan brown, and we'll give it to you worse," and then as walter advanced once more, both took to their heels and disappeared. dan brown had been very grateful, and questionings had elicited the information that the lad worked for phil newell, as a paper carrier and to do errands. "his regular clerk, dick borden, left yesterday," dan had continued; "perhaps you can get the job." and walter had lost no time in following the small youth to newell's place of business. here dan's story was told, and the lad put in a good word for walter, with the result that the youth was taken for a week on trial. how well walter pleased the old naval veteran we have already seen. he had now occupied the place as head clerk for nearly two months, and his salary had been increased from four dollars a week to six. he boarded with dan's mother, in a little suite of rooms on a modest side street, not a great distance from the common. it must not be supposed that job dowling, who held a good deal of money in trust for the boys, had allowed them to run off without making an effort to bring them back. larry was out of his reach, but ben and walter were not, and the miserly man had descended upon ben in new york and tried his best to "make things warm," as ben had mentioned in a letter to larry. but job dowling had overreached himself by attempting to sell a watch and some jewelry which had belonged originally to mr. and mrs. russell, heirlooms which were not to be disposed of under any circumstances. on his trip to new york after ben, the articles had been stolen from him at the post-office--something that had so frightened job dowling that he had consented to ben's enlisting in the army with scarcely a murmur, fearful the youth might otherwise have him brought to book for what had happened. a vigorous search had been made for the thief, but he was not found. later on, when ben was in the army, job dowling received information that caused him to reach the conclusion that the thief had gone to boston. the miserly guardian of the boys returned to his home in buffalo and, as much worried as ever, wrote to walter to keep an eye open for the missing property. walter did as requested, but in such a large place as the hub the youth had little hope of ever seeing the precious heirlooms again. chapter ii a visit to the navy-yard there was a rush of business at the news-stand between twelve and one o'clock, but shortly after one this died away, and inside of half an hour phil newell told walter that they might be on their way--"if you are bound to enlist in uncle sam's service," he added. walter made sure that the paper containing job dowling's permission for him to enter the navy was safe in his coat pocket, and then announced his readiness to depart. the owner of the stand called up dan brown and gave him a few directions, and in another minute newell and walter had boarded a charlestown car and were off. "i haven't been over to the navy-yard for several years," remarked phil newell, as they rode along. "i used to know several of the boys that were there, but they've grown too old for the service. i reckon the yard is a busy place these days." and a busy place it proved to be as they turned into chelsea street, and moved along the solid granite wall which separates the yard from the public thoroughfare. from beyond came the creaking of hoists, and the ringing of countless hammers and anvils, for the government employees were hard at work, fitting out a warship or two and converting several private vessels into naval craft. "i don't know if i'm just right about this," went on phil newell, as they headed for one of the numerous buildings near the wall, after being passed by a guard. "it may be that they want to keep strangers out, now the war is on, and you'll have to go elsewhere to sign articles. but i know old caleb walton is here, and he'll tell me all he can, and set us straight." walter's heart beat violently, for he began to realize that the step he was about to take was a serious one. who knew but that, after getting into the navy, he might be sent to the philippines or to the coast of spain? already there was some talk of carrying the war into the enemy's home waters. "but i don't care," he said to himself. "if larry can ship for hong kong, i guess i'm safe in shipping to anywhere. but i do hope i can get on the _brooklyn_, or on some other ship of the flying squadron." "hi, there, phil newell! what brought you here, you old landlubber?" came a cry from their left, and phil newell turned as swiftly as his wooden leg permitted, to find himself confronted by the very individual he had started out to find. "caleb walton!" he ejaculated joyfully, and held out his bronzed hand. "i just came in to see you. here is a young friend of mine who wants to sign articles under uncle sam. do you think you can take him in?" "take him in?" caleb walton held out his hand, brown and as tough as a piece of leather. "sure we can take him in, if he's sound,--and glad to get him." he gave walter's hand a grip that made every bone crack. "so you want to enlist, eh? go right over to yonder office, and they'll soon put you through a course of sprouts," and he laughed good-naturedly. "but, hold on, caleb," interposed newell, as the seaman was about to show walter the way. "he don't want to sign articles and go just anywhere. he would like to get aboard the _brooklyn_." "that is what half of all who come here want," answered caleb walton. "i reckon they think commodore schley's flying squadron is going to settle the whole war by going after that spanish fleet said to be at cadiz, or thereabouts. well, the lad better come with me. i belong to the _brooklyn_ now." "you!" came from both phil newell and walter simultaneously. "i thought you were stationed here?" continued the wooden-legged man. "i was, but i've just received orders to join the _brooklyn_ and bring at least fifteen men with me. it seems they are short-handed and can't get the men at norfolk. if this lad wants to go with me, now is his chance. what's his handle?" "my name is walter russell, sir. but--but are you going to join the _brooklyn_ at once?" stammered walter, never having dreamed that he would be taken away on the spot. "uncle sam doesn't wait long when he picks his man," replied the old gunner, for such caleb walton was. "orders were to leave boston to-night, but i fancy we'll be kept until to-morrow night, for we are shy three men, not counting you. come on." and he led the way to the building he had previously pointed out. "he's all right, and you're in luck," whispered phil newell, when he got the chance. "cotton to caleb walton, and you'll have a friend worth the making." how true were newell's words the chapters to follow will prove. the building to which caleb walton led them was one in which were situated the main business offices of the yard. this was now a busy place, and they had to fairly push their way through the crowd of seamen, officers, and workmen, who kept coming and going, on one errand or another. several telephones were ringing, and from a corner came the steady click-click of a telegraph sounder. "uncle sam has his shirt sleeves rolled up and is pitching in," whispered caleb walton. "here we are. captain line, here is another man for my party." "he's rather a boy," rejoined captain line, as he gave walter a searching glance. "is your father with you?" "my father is dead," answered walter, softly. "here is my guardian's consent." and he handed over the sheet. "that seems to be correct. walton, take him over to the examination room. and hurry up, for i must catch the four-fifty train for new york." the "course of sprouts" had begun, and almost before he knew it, walter had been passed upon as able-bodied. time was pressing, and in a quarter of an hour the youth received a slip of paper signed and sealed by captain line. "that is good for your passage to fortress monroe," he said. "you will make the journey in company with walton and a number of others. when you get there you will report to lieutenant lee, who will have you transferred to the _brooklyn_,--unless the flagship has already sailed, in which case you will be assigned to some other ship." "and when do i start, sir?" "walton will have the orders inside of the next hour. go with him, and he will tell you what to do." then came a bang of the curtain to a roller-top desk, a shoving back of a revolving chair, and in a twinkle captain line had disappeared from view. truly, uncle sam and all under him were rushing things. walter wished very much to visit the dry dock and the great west basin, filled as both were with vessels in various stages of construction, alteration, or repair, but he felt if he was to leave that night he must be getting back to boston and to his boarding-house, to pack his "ditty box," as phil newell had dubbed his valise, for all such receptacles are called ditty boxes in the navy. "all right, walter, you go ahead," said newell. "i'll stay with caleb and let you know just when you are to leave, so you won't be left behind." and in a moment more the youth had run out of the navy-yard and was on board of another car. he made one transfer, and in less than half an hour entered mrs. brown's home. "why, mr. russell, what brings you?" queried dan's mother, surprised at his appearance, for he rarely showed himself during the day excepting at the dinner and the supper hours. "i've enlisted, mrs. brown, and i'm to get off to-night or to-morrow," he answered. "you can let mr. keefe have my room now. i'm glad that it won't be left empty on your hands." "so am i, mr. russell, for a poor widow can't afford to have a room vacant long," replied mrs. brown, with a faint smile. "so you have really entered the navy? well, i wish you all the luck in the world, and i hope you will come out of the war a--a--commodore, or something like that." and she wrung his hand. walter's belongings were few, and soon packed away in his valise. then he ran downstairs again and bid mrs. brown good-by and settled up with her. "i'll write to you and dan some time," he said, on parting. "well, did you make it?" was dan's question, when walter appeared at the news-stand. "i did, dan." and the protégé of uncle sam told his youthful friend the particulars. "i'm glad you got on the _brooklyn_," said dan, with a shake of his curly head. "she's going to lick the spaniards out of their boots, see if she ain't!" and his earnestness made walter laugh. dan was but eleven, yet he read the newspapers as closely as do many grown folks. the afternoon papers were now coming in and trade picked up, so that walter had to help behind the counter. while he was at work a tall, thin boy sauntered up and gazed at him doubtfully. "that's george gimpwell," whispered dan. "didn't the boss say something about hiring him?" "he did, dan. call him over." the errand boy did so. "russell wants to see you," he explained. "i believe you were speaking to mr. newell about this situation," began walter. "well--er--i asked him if he had any opening. i want work the worst way," sighed george gimpwell. "of course, i don't want to do you out of your job." "that's all right; i've just enlisted in the navy," replied walter, and he could not help but feel proud over the words. "so if you want this situation, you had best remain around here until mr. newell gets back." "i will." george gimpwell's face brightened. "so you've enlisted? i wanted to do that, but i was too tall for my weight, so they told me." "so you've enlisted?" broke in a gentleman standing by. "glad to hear it, young man; it does you credit." and buying a magazine, he caught walter by the hand and wished him well. soon it became noised around on the block that newell's clerk was going to join the _brooklyn_, and half a dozen, including the clerk of the hotel, came out to see him about it. in those days, anybody connected with our army or navy was quite a hero, and somebody to be looked up to, people unconsciously told themselves. it was after seven o'clock, and walter was wondering if anything unusual had delayed his employer, when phil newell hove into appearance. "it's all right, my lad, don't worry," he said at once. "you don't leave until to-morrow noon. you are to meet caleb walton at the new york and new england railroad depot at exactly eleven o'clock, and all of the others of the crowd are to be there too. the government wants to get you down to norfolk as soon as it can, and will, consequently, send you by rail instead of by water." "hurrah! that will make a jolly trip," cried walter. "if only i could stop off at new york, take a run out to camp black, and see ben." "i doubt if you'll be given time to stop anywhere, time seems to be so precious. caleb walton thinks the flying squadron will up anchors before another week is out." "well, i don't care how quickly they leave--after i am on board," laughed the youth, much relieved that nothing had occurred whereby he had been left behind. george gimpwell now came up again, and soon he was engaged to take walter's place. phil newell promised him five dollars weekly, and as walter had gotten six, the good-hearted newsdealer put the extra dollar on dan's salary, much to that lad's delight. eight o'clock found walter at the stand alone, and it was then that he penned the letter mailed to ben, as mentioned in a previous volume, stating he had enlisted and was making a strong "pull" to get on the _brooklyn_. "i won't say i am on her until it's a fact," he thought, as he sealed up the communication, stamped it, and placed it in the corner letter-box. the stand was located in a niche of the hotel, and was open only in the front, above the counter. at night this space was closed by letting down two large shutters attached to several hinges and ropes. "i reckon this is the last time i'll put these shutters down," thought walter, as he brought one down on the run. he was about to drop the second, when a burly man, rather shabbily dressed, sauntered up, and asked for one of the weekly sporting papers. "i'm thinking of going to the theatre," he said, somewhat unsteadily, and now walter learned by a whiff of his breath that he had been drinking. "what's the best variety show in town?" "i'll give it up," said the youth, laughingly. "i haven't been to a show since i came to boston, and that's a number of weeks ago." "humph! what do you do with yourself nights?" "i'm here up to eight or half past, and after that i either go home or to one of the public reading rooms, or to the young men's christian association hall." "humph! that must be dead slow." the man lurched heavily against the counter. "what time is it now?" "about half past eight. i haven't any watch, so i can't tell you exactly." "i've got a watch right here," mumbled the newcomer, still leaning heavily on the counter. "here it is. but your light is so low i can't see the hands. turn it up." walter obligingly complied, and the fellow tried again to see the time, but failed. "strike a match," he went on; "i ain't going to no theatre if it's as late as you say it is." walter did not like the man's manner, but not caring to enter into any dispute, he lit a match as requested, and held it down close to the timepiece, which lay in the man's open palm. "only eight-twenty," grumbled the fellow, slowly. "i knew you was off. you don't--what's up?" and suddenly he straightened himself and stared at walter. "i want to know where you got that watch," demanded the youth, excitedly. "that watch?" the man fell back a pace. "what do you--ahem--why do you ask that question, boy?" "because i know that watch," was walter's ready reply. "it was stolen from my uncle in new york only a few weeks ago!" "was it?" the man's face changed color. "you--you're mistaken, boy," he faltered, and fell back still further, and then, as walter leaped over the counter, he took to his heels and started down the half-deserted street at the best speed at his command. chapter iii a chase and its result walter knew that watch, which had belonged first to his father and then his mother, quite well, but if there was anything needed to convince him that there was no mistake in the identification, it was furnished by the hasty and unceremonious manner in which the partly intoxicated wearer was endeavoring to quit the scene. "if he was honest, he wouldn't run!" thought the youth. "ten to one he's the thief who took the grip from uncle job." he started after the fleeing one. "come back here!" he shouted. "stop, thief!" but the man did not stop; instead, he tried to run the faster. but he did not turn any corners, and consequently, aided by the electric lights, walter could see him for quite a distance ahead. the youth ran but a few yards, then turned and clashed back to the stand. bang! the second shutter came down with a crash, and in a trice he had the padlock secured. then off he set, satisfied that a form in the distance was the one he wanted to overtake. "what's the matter?" questioned a policeman on the second corner, as he clutched walter by the arm. "what are you running for?" "didn't i call out to catch the thief?" answered the youth, sharply. "let me go. if you weren't so dead slow, you'd be doing something, instead of standing there looking at the moon." and on he went again, the officer shaking his fist after him, half of the opinion that walter was trying to joke him. at this hour of the evening the street was far from crowded, and walter kept the man ahead in sight with comparative ease. four blocks were covered, when the fellow paused and looked back. seeing he was being followed, he turned and darted into a small side street. here were a number of warehouses and several tenements. the door to one of the latter stood open, and he lost no time in seeking the shelter of the dark hallway. "that's the time i made a bad break," he muttered thickly. "when i came up to boston with that stuff i reckoned i was safe. i wonder if he'll follow me to here? he had better not, unless he wants a broken head." in the meantime, walter had reached the corner of the side street and come to a halt. the narrow thoroughfare was but dimly lighted, and not a soul was in sight. "he turned in here,--i am certain of that," said the boy to himself. "more than likely he is in hiding in some dark corner. i wonder if i hadn't better call an officer?" with this intention he gazed around, but no policeman was in view, and he did not think it advisable to go back for the guardian of the peace before encountered. he entered the side street slowly and cautiously, peering into every nook and corner, and behind every bill-board, box, and barrel as he moved along. he had just passed the tenement where the man was in hiding when the sounds of muffled voices broke upon his ears, and the front door was thrown back with a bang. "who are you, and what are you doing in here?" came in an unmistakable irish voice. "excuse me--i--i made a mistake," was the answer; and now walter recognized the tones of the fellow who had the watch. "i am looking for a man named harris." "well, he doesn't live here,--so you had better get out." "will you--er--tell me who lives next door?" asked the man walter was after, in a lower tone, evidently wishing to gain time ere leaving the building. "a man named casey and another named barton live there. there ain't a harris on the block. if you----" "hold him, please," burst in walter, mounting the tenement steps. "he has a watch that was stolen from my uncle." "shut up, boy!" answered the man fiercely. "my watch is my own, and this is all a mistake." "there is no mistake. hold him, will you?" "i've got him," came from the gloom of the hallway. "i thought he was a sneak or something by the way he was tip-toeing around here." "you are both of you crazy. i never stole a thing in my life. let go, both of you!" and then the man began to struggle fiercely, finally pushing the party in the hallway backward, and almost sending walter headlong as he darted down the tenement steps and continued his flight along the side street. as walter went down, he made a clutch at the man's watch-chain, or rather the chain which belonged among the russell heirlooms. he caught the top guard and the chain parted, one half remaining in the boy's hand, and the other fast to the timepiece. "help me catch him!'" gasped the youth, as soon as he could get up. his breast had struck the edge of one of the steps, and he was momentarily winded. "i will," answered the man who lived in the tenement. "stop there!" he called out, and set off in pursuit, with walter beside him. but the irishman was old and rheumatic, and soon felt compelled to give up the chase. "i can't match ye!" he puffed, and sank down on a step to rest; and once again walter continued the chase alone. had the thief, deck mumpers, been perfectly sober, he might have escaped with ease, for he was a good runner, and at this hour of the evening hiding-places in such a city as boston, with its many crooked thoroughfares, were numerous. but the liquor he had imbibed had made him hazy in his mind, and he ran on and on, with hardly any object in view excepting to put distance between himself and his pursuer. he was heading eastward, and presently reached a wharf facing the harbor and not a great distance from the congress street bridge. here there was a high board fence and a slatted gate, which for some reason stood partly open. without a second thought, he slipped through the gateway, slid the gate shut, and snapped the hanging padlock into place. "now he'll have a job following me," he chuckled. "i wonder what sort of a place i've struck?" and he continued on his way, among huge piles of merchandise covered with tarpaulins. walter had come up at his best speed and was less than a hundred feet away when the gate was closed and locked. "you rascal!" he shouted, but deck mumpers paid no attention to his words. "now what's to do?" the boy asked himself, dismally. he came up to the gate and examined it. it was all of nine feet high, and the palings were pointed at the top. could he scale such a barrier? "i must do it!" he muttered, and thrust one hand through to a cross brace. he ascended with difficulty, and once slipped and ran a splinter into his wrist. but undaunted he kept on until the top was gained, then dropped to the planking of the wharf beyond. several arc lights, high overhead, lit up the wharf, and he ran from one pile of merchandise to another. half the wharf was thus covered, when he suddenly came face to face with deck mumpers. the thief had picked up a thick bale stick, and without warning he raised this on high and brought it down with all force upon walter's head. the boy gave a groan, threw up both hands, and dropped like a lump of lead, senseless. "phew! i wonder if i've finished him?" muttered the man, anxiously. "didn't mean to hit him quite so hard. but it was his own fault--he had no right to follow me." he bent over walter and made a hasty examination. "he's breathing, that's certain. i must get away before a watchman shows up." he started to go, then paused and bent over walter again. with a dexterity acquired by long practice in his peculiar profession, he turned out one pocket after another, transferring the cash and other articles to his own clothing. then, as walter gave a long, deep sigh, as if about to awaken, he took to his heels once more. he was in no condition to climb the wharf fence as walter had done, but helped himself over by the use of several boxes; and was soon a long distance away. [illustration: he bent over walter again.] when walter came to his senses and opened his eyes, the glare from a bull's-eye lantern struck him, and he saw a wharf watchman eyeing him curiously. "what are you doing here, young fellow?" were the watchman's words. "i--i--where is he?" questioned the youth, weakly. "he? who?" "the thief--the man who struck me down?" "i haven't seen anybody but you around here." "a thief who has my uncle's watch came in here, and i followed him, and he struck me down with a club. when--how long is it since you found me here?" "several minutes ago. i thought you were drunk at first, and was going to hand you over to an officer." "i don't drink." walter essayed to stand up, but found himself too weak. "gracious, my head is spinning around like a top!" he groaned. "you must have got a pretty good rap to be knocked out like this," commented the watchman kindly. "so the man was a thief? it's a pity he wasn't the one to be knocked down. do you know the fellow?" "i would know him--if we ever meet again. but i fancy he won't let the grass grow under his feet, after attacking me like this." "i'll take a run around the wharf and see if i can spot any stranger," concluded the watchman, and hurried off. another watchman was aroused, and both made a thorough investigation, but, of course, nobody was brought to light. by the time the search was ended, walter felt something like himself, and arose slowly and allowed the watchmen to conduct him to their shanty at one side of the wharf. here he bathed his face, picked the splinter from his wrist, and brushed up generally. a cup of hot coffee from one of the watchmen's cans braced him up still further. "it must be ten o'clock, isn't it?" he asked. "ten o'clock!" came from the man who had found him. "i reckon that clip on the head has muddled you. it's about three o'clock in the morning." "three o'clock in the morning!" repeated walter. "then i must have been lying out there for several hours. that thief has escaped long ago." and his face fell. "yes, he's had plenty of time, if he did the deed as long ago as that. did he have anything else besides your uncle's watch?" "i don't know, but it's likely. you see my uncle came to new york from buffalo to sell some heirlooms which were left to my brothers and myself when our folks died. the heirlooms were in a travelling-bag, and consisted of the watch and chain, two gold wedding rings, and a diamond that a grandfather of mine once picked up in australia. my uncle left his bag standing in the post-office for a few minutes, and when he got back the grip was gone. the police hunted everywhere for the thief, but all that could be discovered was that it looked as if the rascal had come to boston. to-night--or rather, last evening--a man came up and showed the watch, which i know only too well, as it has a little horseshoe painted on the dial plate. i tried to collar the fellow, but he ran away, and after stopping in a tenement house, he came here. now i suppose he is miles away--perhaps out of the city altogether." "that's so, yet there is no telling, lad. the best thing you can do is to report to the police without delay--if you are able to do it." "yes, i guess i am able, although my head aches a good bit, i can tell you that. i am much obliged for what you have done for me." "oh, that's all right--hope you get your belongings," replied the watchman, and led the way to the gate, which he unlocked. soon walter was on the street, and walking as rapidly as his condition permitted to the police station. at this hour of the night he found only a sergeant and several roundsmen in charge. the sergeant listened with interest to what he had to say. "i remember that case--it was reported to here from new york some time ago. the pawnshops were ransacked for the jewelry and the watch, but nothing was found. so you are certain you would recognize the man again if you saw him?" "i am--unless he altered his appearance a good deal. he had a small, dark moustache, but otherwise he was clean-shaven." "come into the rear office and look over our album of pickpockets and sneak-thieves. that is what this fellow most likely is--and a peculiar one too. no first-class criminal would do this job as he is doing it." "he drinks heavily--he was partly intoxicated when i met him," said walter, as he followed the station official into a rear office. "then that accounts for it. a man can't be a really successful criminal unless he keeps his wits about him. here is the album. look it over carefully, and let me know if you see anybody that looks like your man." and he left walter to himself and reëntered the outer office, to hear the reports of the roundsmen coming in. the book given to walter was a thick one, filled with cards, photos, and tin-types of criminals. under each picture was written a name, usually accompanied by several aliases, and also a number, to correspond with the same number in the criminal register. "gracious, but they keep pretty good track of them," thought walter, as he turned over page after page. "who would think all these good-looking men were wrong-doers? some of them look a good deal more like ministers." walter had gone through half the book, and the photographs were beginning to confuse his already aching head, when a certain picture arrested his attention. "i've found him!" he cried out. "that's the fellow, although he is minus that moustache of his!" "did you call?" asked the sergeant, coming to the door. "i've found him. this is the man. his name is given as deck mumpers, alias foxy mumpers, and swiller deck." "if he is called swiller deck, he must drink a good deal," said the sergeant, with a laugh. "you are sure of this identification?" "i am. but he wants a moustache put on that picture." "we take them bare-faced if we can. this photo was taken in brooklyn." the officer turned to an official register. "deck mumpers, age forty-two, height five feet seven inches, weight one hundred and thirty-two pounds. round face, big ears, broad shoulders, poor teeth. sent to sing sing in for two years, for robbery of scott diamonds. a hard drinker when flush. now wanted for several petty crimes in new york. came originally from south boston, where he was in the liquor business." the sergeant turned again to walter. "i guess you have struck your man. i'll send out the alarm. what is your address?" "i have just joined the navy and am bound for the _brooklyn_. but i can leave you my uncle's name and address, and he can come on to boston from buffalo, if it's necessary." "that will do, then," answered the sergeant. he brought forth a book in which to put down the details of the affair. while he was writing, walter slipped his hand into his pocket to see if the slip of paper he had received at the navy-yard was still safe. the paper was gone. chapter iv on the way to the "brooklyn" "oh, what luck!" "what is the matter now?"' "my order for a railroad ticket from boston to fortress monroe is gone!" "is that true? perhaps deck mumpers cleaned you out after he struck you down," suggested the sergeant, quickly. "feel in your pockets." walter did so, and his face blanched. "he did--everything,--my money, keys, cash,--all are missing. what in the world shall i do now?"' "how much money did you have?" "about twenty dollars. the main thing was that railroad ticket order. if that is gone, how am i to get to norfolk?" "was your name mentioned on the paper?" "yes, sir." "where was it to be presented? any particular depot?" "yes, the new york and new england railroad depot." "then the best thing to do is to ring the railroad folks up and have the bearer of the order detained, if the slip is presented," went on the police officer, and stepping to the telephone he rang up central and had the necessary connection made. "is this the ticket office of the new york and new england railroad depot?" he questioned. "yes," came the reply over the wire. "a navy-yard order for a ticket from here to norfolk, or fortress monroe, has been stolen. it is made out in the name of walter russell. if it is presented, hold the party having it and communicate with police headquarters." "is the name walter russell?" was the excited query, and walter's heart began to sink as he seemed to feel what was coming. "yes." "that order has already been filled. it was presented about ten o'clock last night." "i've missed it!" groaned the youth, and dropped into a chair. "what will the navy-yard people say to this when they hear of it?" "i don't see how they can blame you," returned the sergeant, kindly, "seeing as you were knocked senseless by the thief. deck mumpers has got the best of it so far." he called through the telephone for a description of the party having the order, and soon learned it must have been mumpers beyond a doubt. "can't you telegraph to norfolk to have him arrested when he arrives?" asked walter suddenly. "you don't think he'll go all the way to norfolk, do you?" smiled the police officer. then he turned again to the telephone. "what kind of a ticket did that party get on the order?" he asked. "first-class, with sleepers." "he got a first-class ticket. ten to one he'll not use it at all, but sell the pasteboard at some cut-rate ticket office right here in boston and then buy another ticket for somewhere else." "i see!" cried walter. "but if the ticket was sold here, could we trace it?" "it is not likely, for many first-class tickets are alike. we might trace the sleeping-car checks, but i doubt if mumpers will try to do anything with those." "but he may use the ticket," ventured walter, hardly knowing what else to say. "oh, possibly. i'll have the men at the various stations keep an eye open for the rascal," concluded the sergeant, and after a few more words walter left the station. it must be confessed that the youth was considerably out of sorts. "i start off to recover some stolen property and end by losing more," he groaned. "i'm not fit to join the navy, or do anything." and he gave a mountainous sigh. it was almost five o'clock, and knowing dan would soon be on hand with gimpwell to open the stand, he walked slowly in that direction. to keep up his courage he tried to whistle, but the effort was a dismal failure. walter was naturally very light-hearted, but just now no one looking at his troubled face would have suspected this. reaching the stand, he opened the shutters and put out the light which he had forgotten to extinguish. soon the first bundles of papers came along, and he sorted them over and arranged them for sale and for dan's route. the work was almost done when the carrier came along, followed immediately by the new clerk. "hullo, i didn't know you'd be here!" cried dan. "why didn't you come home last night? mother expected you to use the room, and you paid for it." "i wish i had used the room," answered walter, and went over his tale in a few words, for dan must be off, to serve several men with newspapers before they themselves started off to their daily labors. "say, but that's too bad!" cried the errand boy. "i've got two dollars, walter. you can have the money if it will do you any good." "thanks, dan, i want to see mr. newell first. but it's kind of you to make the offer." "i'd offer you something, russell," put in the new clerk. "but the fact is i haven't even car-fare; had to tramp over from charlestown." phil newell put into appearance shortly before seven o'clock, coming a little earlier than usual, to see that gimpwell got along all right. calling him aside, walter told of what had happened. he was getting sick of telling the story, but, in this case, there was no help for it. "douse the toplights, but you've run on a sunken rock, and no mistake, walter," cried the old naval veteran. "so he cleaned you out completely, eh?" "yes, mr. newell. i don't care so much for the money, but that order for the railroad ticket--" "it's too had; too bad!" phil newell ran his hand through his bushy hair. "i don't believe the navy-yard authorities will issue a duplicate order." "neither do i." "you see, some sailors wouldn't be none too good for to get such a paper and then sell it for what she would fetch." "yes, that's the worst part of it. i shouldn't want them to think i was--was getting in on them--or trying to do so." "the best thing to do, as far as i can see, is to call on caleb walton and get his advice." "where does he live?" "in charlestown, only a few blocks from the bunker hill monument. i don't know the number, but it's on hill street, and i know the house." "will you go with me? if i haven't the number--" "to be sure i'll go with you, just as soon as i can set the new clerk on his proper course." "and, mr. newell, would you mind--that is, would you make me a--a loan--" faltered walter. "out with it, my boy, how much do you want? i told you before i'd be your friend, and what phil newell says he means, every trip." "you are very kind, sir. i don't know how much i want. i had twenty dollars and thirty-five cents, and mr. walton said that was more than enough to see me through until pay day came along." "then here are twenty dollars." the proprietor of the news-stand pulled a roll of small bills from his pocket and counted out the amount. "you can pay me back when you recover your money, or else out of your pay money, if they don't collar that thief. have you had breakfast yet?" "no, sir." "then you had better get a bite while i instruct gimpwell. i'll be ready for you in quarter of an hour." fifteen minutes found them on the way, taking a car which took them directly over to charlestown, along the navy-yard and up hill street. "here we are," cried phil newell, as he stopped the car. "and just in time, for there is caleb walton leaving his house now." "what brings you up?" demanded the gunner, when confronted. "well, this is certainly a mess," he continued, after he had been told. "no, i'm certain they won't issue a duplicate order, for captain line is out of the city." "but we might try and see what we can do," insisted phil newell. "to be sure; come on." and the three set off for the navy-yard. here it looked at first as if nothing could be gained, but finally one of the higher officers took it upon his own shoulders to give walter a new order, at the same time saying something about charging it up to the emergency account. "well, that's a big relief," murmured walter, on coming away. "i feel as if a thousand pounds were taken from my heart." and he certainly looked it. "i must leave you now," said caleb walton. "be sure and be at the depot on time, and take care of that new order." "it's pinned fast in my pocket," said the youth. "if it goes, so does my coat." on returning to the news-stand, walter procured some paper and an envelope, and in the reading-room of the hotel sat down and wrote a long letter to his uncle, job dowling, telling of his enlistment in the navy and of what had happened during the night. "i think you ought to come to boston," he concluded. "if the police can't do anything, a detective ought to be set on this deck mumper's track. you are holding a good deal of money in trust for ben, larry, and me, and for my part, i would spend a good deal rather than see father's watch and his and mother's wedding rings gone forever,--not to mention grandfather's diamond, which alone is worth at least two hundred dollars. write to me concerning this, and send the letter to the _brooklyn_, off fortress munroe, va." this letter was mailed without delay, and soon after walter bade phil newell, dan, and several others good-by, and, grip in hand, walked to the depot. here he found several jackies already assembled, and soon learned that they were members of walton's party. in a few minutes walton himself came hurrying down federal street, with several green hands in tow. "all here?" he demanded, and began to "count noses." only one man was missing, and he soon put in an appearance, and all entered the depot and procured their tickets. then walter asked about the stolen order, but the clerk had heard nothing new concerning it. "you were mighty lucky to get another order," he said with a grin. "next time they may make you walk the tracks." the train was in, and hurrying out to the long shed, they found their proper places. soon there came a sharp jerk, the train moved off; and the long journey southward was begun. for a seat-mate walter had a typical yankee lad, one from the coast of maine, a young fellow who knew but little about warships, but who had spent several years on the rolling deep, in voyages to south america, to nova scotia, and elsewhere. his name was silas doring, and walter found him talkative, although not objectionably so. "yes, i couldn't hardly wait till i got to boston," said si, for that was what he said all of his friends "to hum" called him. "we'll lick the spanish out of their boots, see if we don't!" "you are bound for the _brooklyn_?" asked walter. "thet's it, if they want me, otherwise i'm booked for the _texas_. putty good for a boy from maine to go on the _texas_, ain't it, he! he! but i don't care much. they can put me on the _san francisco_ if they want to--so long as they give me a chance at them tarnal dons. when the _maine_ was blowed up, why, i jest jumped up an' down an' up an' down with rage. 'si doring,' sez i, 'si doring, are you a-going to let such an insult an' crime go by unnoticed? not much!' sez i. 'i'll join the navy, an' help blow all of the spanish to jericho,'--an' i'm going to do it!" and the yankee lad struck his fist into his open palm with a thump of energy. "i wish i knew as much about ships as you do," ventured walter. "i've been on two trips across lake erie, and know something, but i'm afraid i'll feel like a fish out of water when i get on a man-o'-war." "we'll keep our eyes and ears open, and try to learn--that's the only way. i know every rope on a merchantman, kin name 'em from fore royal stay to topping lift, but that ain't the hundredth part on it. we've got to learn our vessel jest as a person has got to learn a new city and its streets, fer boats ain't built one like another, not by a jugful! and after we have learned the ship, we've got to learn the guns, and the fire-drill, and how to clear ship for action, and a lot more, not to say a word about learning how to knock out them dons, as some calls 'em. oh, we'll have our hands full after we get on board, don't forget it!" and si doring shook his head vigorously. on and on sped the train until hyde park was reached. here a brief stop was made, and several persons including a sailor got on board. the sailor came through the car as if looking for somebody and finally found caleb walton and shook hands. "yes, i'm bound for norfolk, too," walter and si doring heard him remark. "by gum!" whispered the yankee sailor. "i wonder if thet chap is going with us?" "do you know him?" asked the boy. "know him? jest guess i do! his name is jim haskett, and he used to be the mate of the _sunflower_, a three-master from penobscot. i sailed under him once, and he was the hardest man on shipboard i ever got next to. if he gets in the navy, he'll make everybody under him dance to his pipings, and worse." "if that's the case, i sincerely hope he isn't assigned to my ship," was walter's comment. "i haven't any use for a bully, big or little." "i owe jim haskett many an old score; i would like to get the chance to even up," went on the yankee. "but i've enlisted to do my duty and lick the spanish, and if haskett leaves me alone, i'll leave him alone. here he comes now." and si straightened up. the former mate of the _sunflower_ passed down the aisle slowly. when he saw the yankee he started and then scowled at him. "have you enlisted?" he asked, in a voice that was far from pleasant. "i have," returned si. "got any objections, haskett?" "humph!" was the only answer, and the ex-mate of the _sunflower_ passed on, to drop into a vacant seat some distance behind them. "oh, he's a corker," whispered the yankee, and walter nodded to show that he agreed with him. walter was destined to many an encounter with jim haskett before his first term in the navy should come to an end. chapter v something about war and prize money commodore george dewey's great victory over admiral montojo occurred on may , , and was the first to be scored during our war with spain. previous to this time, matters had moved along swiftly, but with no definite results. following the wanton destruction of our battleship _maine_ in the harbor of havana, in february, popular indignation arose to a fever heat against the country which had offered the american flag several insults in the past, and which was now engaged in a ruthless effort to put down the long-standing rebellion in cuba, be the cost what it might. for many months our president, congress, and the people had watched, with anxious eyes, the progress of events in cuba--had seen the cubans doing their best to throw off the yoke of spanish tyranny and oppression. from a little uprising here, and another there, the rebellion spread all over what was no longer "the ever-faithful isle," until rich and poor, those of cuban-spanish blood, and those whose ancestors had been negroes and indians, became involved in it. at first there was no army, only bands of guerillas, who fled to the mountains whenever a regular spanish force presented itself, but soon the conflict assumed a definite shape, a rebel army was formed, to be commanded by generals gomez, antonio maceo, calixto garcia, and others, and then spain awoke to the realization that cuba, her richest colonial possession, with the possible exception of the philippines, was about to break away from her. this crisis filled the rulers in spain with alarm, for cuba had turned into her treasury millions of _pesetas_ every year, for which the island got little or nothing in return. "cuba must, and shall be subdued," was the cry, and thousands of soldiers were transported from spain and elsewhere, to be landed at havana, santiago, and other points. these soldiers immediately took possession of all the larger cities, causing those in rebellion to withdraw to the villages and to the forests and mountains. a bloody warfare lasting between two and three years followed, and thousands of the rebels, including the noble antonio maceo, one of the best negro patriots that ever existed, were slain. in addition to this, millions of dollars' worth of property were destroyed, in the shape of torn-up railroads, burnt sugar and tobacco plantations, and sacked villages and towns. every owner of property was compelled to take sides in the conflict, and if he did not side with those who waited upon him, then his property was either confiscated or destroyed. the spanish authorities had started out to crush the rebellion on the spot. as time went by and the rebels grew stronger and stronger, those in command saw that extreme measures must be resorted to, or the campaign would prove a failure. the majority of the cuban men were away from their homes. at once orders were issued to drive all the defenceless women and children into the cities held by the spanish. this was accomplished under the pretext that spain wished to keep them from harm. once driven into the larger places, these women and children were not fed and cared for, but were allowed to either live upon the charity of those about them, or starve. these poor people were called _reconcentrados_, and it is a matter of record that before the war closed nearly three hundred thousand of them gave up their lives through neglect and lack of food. the people of the united states had stood by mutely and seen the war waged against the rebels who well deserved their liberty, but no one could stand by and see women, children, and helpless old men starved to death. at once it was proposed to send relief ships to cuba, but spain frowned at this, saying that such relief was only one way of helping those who had taken up arms against her. at this time there were many americans in havana and elsewhere in cuba, and as a matter of self-protection the battleship _maine_ was sent down to havana harbor to see that no harm came to them. how the battleship was blown up and over two hundred and fifty lives lost, has already been told in the previous volumes of this series. a board of inquiry was appointed by the president, and it was soon settled that the explosion which had wrecked the warship had come from the outside and that spain was responsible for the loss. spain denied the charge; and the war was practically on. the first movement of the authorities at washington was to blockade the city of havana and a large portion of the coast to the east and the west of that port. this work was intrusted to commodore (afterwards admiral) sampson, and he left key west with the north atlantic squadron on the morning of april , and in a few days had a grand semicircle of warships stationed on the outside of havana, matanzas, mariel, cardenas, bahia honda, cabanas, and other ports of lesser importance. later on, other ports were likewise blockaded, and these portions of cuba suddenly found themselves cut off from the outside world. sampson wished to bombard havana and bring the spanish stationed there to terms at once, but this suggestion was overruled, as it was imagined that spain might be brought to terms without such a great loss of life. as soon as the blockading of the ports mentioned began, the president called for volunteers, and how nobly all our states responded we have already learned in "a young volunteer in cuba." the regular army was also hurried to the south-east and concentrated at tampa and other points, while the volunteers remained in their various state camps, waiting to be mustered into the united states service. of the grand movement to cuba we shall hear later. the news of commodore dewey's glorious victory, as related in "under dewey at manila" thrilled our people as they had not been thrilled for years. in the army and the navy were men from both the north and the south, and sectionalism was now wiped out forever, and all stood shoulder to shoulder under old glory, fighting for the sake of humanity. the battle-cries were "free cuba!" and "remember the _maine_!" and certainly none could have been more inspiring. the blockading of so long a coast line required a great many warships, and as it was not deemed advisable to place all our big vessels on this duty, the authorities lost no time in buying or leasing a number of ocean steamers and coast craft and converting them into vessels of war. these vessels required a great number of men, and the naval reserves were in great demand, as were also volunteers for the regular navy. this was the reason that walter and those with him were taken on so quickly. had he applied for enlistment into the navy during times of peace, he would have found an entrance far more difficult, for uncle sam is growing more and more particular every day as to the class of men he allows to tread the decks of his men-o'-war. shortly after havana and its neighboring ports were blockaded, it was rumored that spain would send over a powerful fleet to bombard new york or some other principal city along our eastern seacoast. this caused a good deal of uneasiness, and steps were immediately taken to fortify all principal points and mine many of the harbor entrances. patrol boats were also placed on duty, to give the alarm at the first sight of an enemy. in some cases channel buoys were removed, and lighthouse lamps were left unlit, so that no spanish vessel might creep in under cover of darkness. acting rear-admiral sampson, as he was officially designated, was kept busy watching the blockade along the northern coast of cuba, and in distributing his auxiliary vessels to such points as would be most advantageous. this being the case, commodore schley, next in command, was left at hampton roads, near fortress monroe, virginia, with what was known as the flying squadron, a number of the fastest warships riding the atlantic. the flying squadron was to wait until the spanish fleet started westward, when it was to do its best toward doing as dewey had done to montojo's fleet, "find it and engage it"; in plain words, to fight it to the bitter end. great things were expected of the flying squadron, and in this the people were not to be disappointed, as we shall see. the trip by rail from boston to the south proved full of interest to walter, who loved riding on the cars. so far two transfers had been made, one at new york, and the other at baltimore, but at neither city was any time allowed for seeing the sights. "it's a case of get there," explained caleb walton. "you see, that spanish fleet may sail for the united states at any moment, and then schley will be bound to go out on a hunt for it in double-quick order." "i see that the spanish cape verde squadron has joined the fleet at cadiz, which is ready for sea," observed walter, pointing to a morning newspaper he had purchased on the train. "there are four first-class cruisers, the _viscaya_, the _almirante oquendo_, the _infanta maria teresa_, and the _cristobal colon_, besides two or three torpedo-boat destroyers. at cadiz there are the _pelaya_, _alfonso xiii._, and several other ships. if they all come over here, it seems to me they may make matters mighty warm for us." "we want 'em warm," interrupted si doring. "i wouldn't give a rap for a milk-and-water battle. let us have it hot, say i, hot,--and knock the spanish to kingdom come!" "they won't dare to send all of the ships over," said caleb walton. "they must guard their own coast. if they don't, some of our ships may slip over there and make it interesting for them." "do you think we'll carry the war to spain?" asked walter, with deep interest. "there is no telling, lad. some folks have it that half of europe will be mixed up in this muss before it's over. one thing is certain, dewey's victory at manila isn't going to be such a smooth thing out there, for the filipinos are in a state of revolt and won't want us to govern them any more than they want the spanish; and besides, germany, france, and other nations have big interests there." "well, i guess the best we can do is to look out for our little end," smiled the boy. "as for the rest, the authorities at washington must settle that." "well said, lad; you and i couldn't run the government if we tried. but we can do our duty, and that will be to obey orders and take what comes." "how is it that you got jim haskett to enlist?" asked si. "oh, that fellow is after prize money," was the gunner's reply. "he has been reading of the luck down around havana, and he wants the chance to earn a few hundred extra. well, maybe he'll get it." "i've heard of prize money before, but i don't exactly know what it is," observed walter. "it's the money got out of a captured ship when she's sold. you see, when a ship is captured she's taken to some port and turned over to a prize court, and if she doesn't turn out a scotch prize she is knocked down under the hammer." "i know what you mean by knocking her down under the hammer. but why doesn't the rule apply to a scotch vessel?" at this query of walter's caleb walton burst into a roar of laughter. "it's easy to see you're a landsman," he said. "i didn't say a scotch vessel; i said a scotch prize--a ship captured illegally, and one that must be given back to her owners. i don't know where that term came from, but it's what the men in the navy always use." "i see." "a legitimate prize is sold, and then the money is divided. if the vessel captured was the equal of that taking her, then all the prize money goes to her captain and crew; but if the captured ship is inferior, then her takers get only half of the money, and uncle sam keeps the balance." "and what part would i get if my ship took a prize?" went on walter, more interested than ever, for the question of prize money had not appealed to him before. "you would get a share according to your regular pay--perhaps one dollar out of every five or ten thousand." "that wouldn't be much--on a small craft." "you are right, lad, but it would be a tidy amount on a big warship worth two or three millions. the division of the prize money is regulated according to law, so there can't be any quarrelling. the commander of a fleet gets one-twentieth, the commander of a ship one-tenth of that coming to his ship (when there are more ships than one interested in the prize), and so on, and we all get our money even if we are on temporary leave of absence." "but what does uncle sam do with his share?" put in si. "his share is put into a fund that is used toward paying naval officers, seamen, and marines the pensions due them. these pensions are, of course, not as large as those of the army, but they are considerable." "well, i hope we strike a big prize, or half a dozen little ones," said walter. "on a pay of eleven dollars a month a fellow can't expect to get very rich." "do your duty, lad, and you may rise before the war is over." the old gunner caught walter by the arm. "come with me," and caleb walton arose, and led the way to the smoking-car. wondering what was meant by this movement, walter followed. "i want to have a quiet talk with you," went on caleb walton, after they were seated in a secluded corner. "do you smoke?" "no, sir." "you're just as well off. but i must have my pipe." caleb walton drew forth a brier-root, filled it with a dark mixture of tobacco, and lit it. "ah, that's just right. and now to business." and he threw one leg over the other. for a moment he gazed thoughtfully at walter, and the boy wondered what was coming next. he was satisfied that it must be of more than ordinary importance, otherwise the old gunner would not have asked him to come to the smoking-car, away from their companions. chapter vi a glimpse of the president "you see it's this way," began caleb walton, after gazing for a moment at walter. "phil newell is your friend, isn't he?" "yes, indeed!" responded the boy, warmly. "exactly--likewise he is my friend, too. we served together for years, and i sometimes looked up to phil as a kind of elder brother. well, after you left us at the navy-yard he and i had a long talk about you, and he made me promise to keep my eye on you--do you understand?" "i think i do." "now, keeping an eye on you is out of the question unless you are placed where i can see you." "but aren't we both to go aboard of the _brooklyn_?" cried walter. "yes, according to the course we're steering now. but both being on the _brooklyn_ doesn't cover the bill. i expect to be in charge of one of the guns--will be if bill darworthy is still in the hospital. now if you enter as a mere boy, or even as a landsman, it may be that you'll never get around to where i am. you must remember that the _brooklyn_ is a big ship, and all the men on her are divided into classes,--officers, petty officers, seamen, gunners, marines, and so on,--and one class is pretty well separated from another." "i presume that is so, but i never thought of it before." "even seamen are divided into seamen gunners, apprentices and the like, and if you went on as a mere boy you might not see me once a week, unless we happened to be off duty at the same time." "i see what you are driving at, mr. walton; you--" "avast there, walter, no mister for me, please. i'm plain caleb walton." "well then, walton, you want to get me attached to that gun you hope to have placed in your charge?" "now you've struck the bull's-eye, lad. the thing of it is, can i manage it?" "i'm sure you must know more about that than i do. i'll like it first-rate if you could, for i--well, to be plain, i like you." caleb walton held out his horny hand. "the liking is mutual, walter, and there's my fist on it. now i have an idee." the old gunner took several puffs at his pipe. "i know captain cook of the _brooklyn_ tolerably well--served under him for a short spell, and once did a little private business for him. now, captain cook won't do a thing as is out of his line of duty, but still----" "he may aid you in having me assigned to the gun you expect to have charge of?" finished walter. "that's it. i think i can work the deal--almost sure of it,--but you must help me." "what must i do?" "say nothing and leave it all to me, and if my plan goes through, don't tell any one that you were favored. if you do, you'll only make enemies." "i'll remember that. but what of haskett, doring, and the others?" "i'd like to have doring in my gang--he's the right sort. i don't want that scowling jim haskett, not after what doring has told me of him. but he's out of it, anyway, for he enlisted as a first-class seaman, at twenty-six dollars per month." "i wish i knew a little more about a warship," said the youth, longingly. "the more i hear, the less i seem to know." "it will all come to you in time, and when you are on board i'll show you all i can. it would do no good to talk about guns and the like until i can point out the different parts to you, for you wouldn't know a breech-block from a priming-wire until you laid eyes on it." "but how is a ship commanded? won't you tell me something about that?" "of course you mean a warship, not a merchantman. well, the highest officer is, of course, the captain, although the vessel may be the flagship of a commodore or an admiral." "and what of a commodore and an admiral? you see i'm awfully green, when it comes down to the navy. my younger brother larry is the real sailor in our family." "you'll get there, lad; anybody will who is in for learning as you are. an admiral is the highest officer in any navy, and he commands everything that floats, from battleship to despatch tug. next to him is the vice-admiral. in the united states navy these offices don't exist any more, having died out with the deaths of admiral porter and vice-admiral rowan." "but the newspapers speak of admiral sampson." "he is acting rear-admiral, but holds only the office of commodore. he commands a fleet of warships, while a commodore commands only a squadron; that is, four or six, usually, although he may have more at times. his ships are generally divided into two divisions." "i understand. please go on." "well, as i said before, the captain really commands the ship. next to him are the commander and the lieutenant-commander. the first of these takes orders from the captain and issues them to those under him. the lieutenant-commander is called the executive officer, and he's always put down as the hardest worked man on the ship. what he does would fill a book, and he rarely gets leave of absence, for nobody can spare him." "but what does he do?" "well, in the first place he sees that the whole crew keeps straight, and he keeps a conduct book for reference. he hears all complaints and straightens out all difficulties. he sees to it that the ship is kept clean, and he has the say about arranging messes. he must also station the hands for the various fire, sail, and boat drills, the gun exercises, and the drills with small-arms and cutlasses. then every night at eight o'clock he receives the reports of petty officers, to show that each department is o. k. up to that hour. and there is a lot more besides." "thanks, but i don't care to be an executive officer," smiled walter. "but perhaps he gets well paid for it." "he earns from twenty-eight hundred to three thousand dollars per year. the commander gets five hundred more than that. a commodore gets five thousand a year, and a rear-admiral six thousand, when at sea. when on shore all these figures are slightly reduced." "those are nice salaries." "that is true. but don't forget that everybody on the ship in the shape of an officer must board himself. the crew does that too, but uncle sam makes them an allowance for that purpose." "don't the higher officers get anything?" "they have a ration allowed them--that or thirty cents. of course such a ration cuts no figure with a commander or a captain." "i suppose that's so. but please go on. who is next to the executive officer?" "the junior lieutenant, and then come the ensigns and naval cadets; that is, those young fellows from annapolis who are studying up to become higher officers." "and after that what?" "then come the warrant officers, that is, those warranted by our president, and they include boatswain, gunner, carpenter, and sail-maker. and you mustn't forget the marines--the soldier-sailors." "gracious, what a lot! any more?" "we are not half through, lad, but the others will explain themselves by their titles, such as chief engineer, chief surgeon, paymaster, and chaplain. the chaplain holds the relative position to a captain or a commander, but his whole duty is to hold church and keep the men from going wrong, morally and spiritually. besides these, we have boatswain's mate, gunner's mate, and the like. then among the seamen the leading men are called captains; as, for instance, captain of the top, captain of the afterguard, and like that. you'll soon get to know them all, never fear." "how will i know them--by their uniforms?" "by their uniforms, and also by the stripes and devices they wear. don't you see this flaming spherical shell of silver that i wear? that shows that i am a gunner and have seen over twenty years of service. if i was a gunner with less time to my credit, the shell would be of gold." "and does everybody wear some device?" "everybody, from a rear-admiral with his two silver stars and anchor down to the apprentice who has his figure knot. if i get to be a chief gunner, i'll wear two crossed cannons instead of this shell." "and if you got to be a captain, what would you wear?" "a silver spread eagle, with an anchor at each end, on my shoulders." "that's another deal to learn. i should think a fellow would get mixed on all these stars, eagles, shells, cannons, and the rest." "it takes time to learn, lad. let me give you a bit of advice. if you meet another person on shipboard and you are in doubt about it, salute. you may be making a mistake, but it will be a mistake on the right side." "i'll remember that. but i feel as if i had more than ever to learn. can't i get some book and study it?" "i've got such a work in my valise. i'll get it for you," concluded caleb walton, and he arose. "but remember about that other thing--mum is the word." "i certainly shall remember," and walter smiled. "i'm awfully glad i've found such a friend as you," and he squeezed the old gunner's hand. they returned to the other car, and soon walter was deeply interested in the volume which caleb walton loaned him. it was a technical work, issued by the authority of the navy department, and contained all that he desired to learn, and a deal besides. "going to learn your duty as soon as possible, eh?" observed si doring, as he looked over the boy's shoulder. "that's right. if you want to know anything about sails or knots, call on me." "what's the matter with calling on me?" put in the voice of jim haskett, as he slid into the seat behind them, and leaned over. "i reckon i know as much as doring about a ship, and maybe a leetle more." at this si doring fired up on the instant. "see here, haskett, i ain't under ye no longer, remember that!" he cried. "i don't want you to talk to me, or about me. i owe you one, and more, and i ain't forgetting it--remember that!" "oh, don't get on a high horse," growled the former mate of the _sunflower_. "i won't talk to you if you don't want me to." "and ye needn't talk about me, either. think ye know a leetle more about a ship than i do, eh? well, maybe captain pepperill didn't think so, when you let the _sunflower_ split her foremast in that blow off--" "i wasn't responsible for that!" interrupted jim haskett, his surly face growing red. "you let the past drop, and i'll let it drop." he glared savagely at si, then turned to walter. "do you want some p'ints explained, russell?" "thank you, but i would just as lief study this book for the present," answered walter, coldly, and somewhat astonished to learn that haskett knew his name. "maybe i can make some p'ints clearer. i'm an old sea-dog, you know." "i think doring can explain all i wish to know," continued the boy, feeling he ought to stick up for the yankee who had made himself so agreeable since leaving boston. "don't want my advice, then?" "i think not." "all right, then, suit yourself. if you want to cotton to such a fellow as doring, you can do so, but"--he lowered his voice--"i reckon you are making a mistake." and then, before either walter or si could answer, he bounced up, and strode down the aisle and into the smoker. the train was approaching washington, and shortly after this conversation it rolled into the depot at the capitol city, and came to a standstill. "we stop here for fifteen minutes," said the porter to walter, when questioned on the point. "give you sailor-boys time to stretch your shoah legs." and he grinned, having been on a warship himself once, serving as a "striker,"--one who waits on the mess tables. "let us take a few minutes' walk; i am all cramped up," said walter to his yankee friend; and si readily agreed. caleb walton was willing they should go, but warned them not to stay too long. "fifteen minutes don't mean sixteen; remember that," he called after them. "i should like to spend a few days here," observed walter, as he and his companion hurried on. "the capitol, patent offices, and other buildings must be very interesting." "i'd rather see president mckinley," returned the yankee. "my, but he must have his hands full these days!" "do you want to see the president?" questioned a man who was just passing them. "if you do, he's in his carriage three blocks below here. there's a cave-in of a sewer, and his carriage just stopped." "then here's our chance, si!" cried walter, eagerly. "come on; we can make it if we run. i wouldn't miss seeing the president for a good deal!" "thet's me!" burst out the yankee. "off we go!" and he started to run, his long legs giving walter all he could do to keep up with him. the three blocks were covered, and they came to where the cave-in was located, but only some very ordinary vehicles were in sight. "we're too late!" grumbled si, crestfallen. "come on back." "too late for phwat?" asked an irishman standing near the sewer. "we wanted to see the president." "sure an' there goes his carriage down beyant." and the irishman pointed to a side street. it was still less than a block away, and without stopping to think twice they made after it, and came up just as it was turning a corner. a very trim driver sat on the box of the turn-out, and on the rear seat, the sole occupant of the carriage, sat our country's chief executive. "hurrah!" shouted walter, impulsively, and waved his cap, and si did the same. several others bowed and tipped their hats, and the president bowed and tipped his silk hat in return. then the carriage rolled swiftly away. [illustration: the president bowed in return.] "it was him all right enough," exclaimed si, enthusiastically, and with a total disregard for grammar. "he looks jest like his pictures, only a little more care-worn. i suppose he loses lots o' sleep these nights." "yes, indeed. being the president isn't the easiest berth in the world. if i--" walter broke off short. "our train--i'll wager a dollar we'll miss it!" "creation! don't say that!" gasped si; and then both took to their heels as if running the race of their lives. chapter vii a talk about spanish sailors "the train is gone!" it was walter who gasped out the words, as he and his companion rushed upon the depot platform. in the distance they could see the end of the rear car just vanishing from view in a cloud of dust. "thet's so!" groaned si, panting for breath, for they had done their best to reach the depot in time. "what's to be the next move?" and he looked anxiously at his companion. "i'm sure i don't know," was walter's slow answer. "i--i almost wish i hadn't seen the president--now." "can't we take a later train?" "i don't know if the tickets will be good. certainly we'll have no sleeping accommodations for to-night." "who cares for that, so long as we get to fortress monroe? come on, let us see what can be done." and si led the way to the ticket office. the ticket-seller was busy, and it was several minutes before they could get to him. "yes, there will be another train in an hour and a quarter," he said. "about your tickets, did you have stop-over privileges?" "we did not--we didn't intend to stop over," answered walter. "then i don't believe the conductor will accept them." "gee shoo!" groaned si, dismally. "do you mean to say we've got to pay the fare from here to our destination? why, it will take all i've got with me, and maybe more." "there ought to be some way of having our tickets fixed up," said walter. "can't we go to the main office and see about them?" "certainly, if you desire," rejoined the ticket seller, and turned to a number of others who were waiting impatiently to be served. the main offices of the railroad company were not far distant, and hither they made their way. inside, a young clerk learned what they wanted, and then took them to an inner apartment. "government fares, eh?" questioned the elderly gentleman to whom they had been conducted. "what was the reason you didn't catch your train?" "we lingered to see president mckinley, who was out in his carriage," said walter. "we got so interested we forgot the time until we were just about a minute late." "well, i can't blame you much for wanting to see the man you are fighting under," said the railroad official. "let me see your tickets." and, taking them, he wrote upon the back of each in blue pencil. "there you are, but you'll have to ride in an ordinary coach." "we don't care if it is a freight," put in si, earnestly. "we want to get there." and, after both had thanked the official for his kindness, they withdrew. "we're all right so far," observed walter, as "to kill time," they walked slowly down one of the broad avenues for which our capitol city is famous. "the question is, what will caleb walton think of us when he finds us missing?" "i hope he doesn't think we are trying to desert!" cried walter, to whom this idea had not before occurred. "some fellows wouldn't be any too good to desert, walter. only last week a lot of fellows deserted on their way from one of the western states. they got to chicago, where they wanted to go, and that was the last seen of them. they were like tramps--willing to do anything for a free ride on the cars. but they ran the risk of being court-martialled for it." "i think the fact that we had our tickets fixed up will go to show what our intentions were, si. however, we have put our feet into it, and must take what comes." after a walk of half an hour, both felt hungry and entered a modest-looking restaurant on a side street. they had just ordered a cheap meal each, when a newsboy entered with a bundle of afternoon newspapers. "have a paper, sir? extra, sir; all about the flying squadron going to sail. only one cent, sir." "what's that?" questioned walter. "here, give me a paper." and he grasped the sheet eagerly, while si also purchased one of another sort. soon both were devouring the "scare-heads" showing upon each. the flying squadron ready to sail! schley and his warships may leave hampton roads to-night! the spanish fleet said to be on its way westward! has it sailed for cuba or will it bombard some city on our coast? the authorities very reticent, but a strict watch to be kept from maine to florida for the appearance of the enemy! "by ginger, they're a-comin' over here, sure pop!" burst from the yankee youth's lips. "supposing they bombard new york? why, i heard tell that they could lay out in the harbor and plant a shell right on the top of trinity church, or come up to boston harbor and knock the top off of the bunker hill monument!" "our ships and forts won't give them the chance to come so close, si. but what i'm thinking of is, supposing the warships sail before we can get on board?" "thet's so!" si doring heaved a long sigh. "why didn't we wait some other time for to see the president? if we miss the ships, i don't know what we'll do. we'll be stranded." "oh, i presume, they'll put us on some other vessel. but my heart was set on getting aboard the _brooklyn_." and walter sighed, too. both had lost interest in eating, and swallowed the food mechanically. then, without waiting, they hurried back to the depot, bound that the next train should not slip by. the route to fortress monroe was by way of fredericksburg, richmond, and newport news. soon the train came along and they got aboard. the cars were comfortable, but not nearly so elegant as the one previously occupied. "it is odd to me to see separate cars for negroes and whites," observed walter, after the journey had begun. "we don't have any such thing up north." "they will be done away with in time, i guess," answered si. "by the way, i see in this newspaper that among the first troops to be sent to cuba will be two regiments of negroes. hurrah for those boys, say i." it was growing dark, and soon the car lamps were lighted. the boys read their newspapers through from end to end, and walter learned that the volunteer regiments were everywhere being sworn into the united states service as rapidly as possible. "i wonder who will get to the front first?" he mused. "it would be odd if they should send ben to the philippines instead of cuba. if only larry was with me to go into the navy. i am sure he would enjoy this sort of service." and thus musing, he dropped asleep, never dreaming of the part his younger brother had taken in the contest of manila ray. "richmond! change cars for james city, williamsburg, and newport news!" such was the cry which awoke him. he arose sleepily, to find si snoring heavily. "si, wake up!" he cried, and shook his companion. "we have to change here." "change--for what?" questioned the yankee, as he blinked his eyes in the glare of an electric light. "how far have we got?" "richmond. come--the other train leaves in a few minutes." it was early morning, and the depot platform was deserted excepting for the passengers that left the train. soon the second train rolled in, and they found a double seat, and proceeded to make themselves comfortable. "by ginger! i never thought of 'em before," remarked si, suddenly. "what?" "our satchels, that we left in that first train." "i had mine checked through." "i didn't, because i wanted to look over some things of mine on the way down." si shook his head in dejection. "say, but ain't i running up against the worst luck ever was! i'll bet a new pocket-knife the satchel is gone when i get to the end of this trip." "oh, i hope not, si. did it contain much of value?" "it had my clothing in, a bible that my mother gave me, and a ten-dollar gold piece that i've been carrying around for twelve years for luck, because it was given to me by a south american rain-maker, a kind of water-witch i met in san luiz, brazil. and that ain't the worst on it, either. the grip wasn't locked." "it's too bad. but let us hope it's all right, si. anyway, i wouldn't worry until you know the truth," said walter, trying to put a bright face on the matter, and then he dropped asleep again, and the yankee youth presently followed his example. luckily the train ran right through from newport news to hampton, which is within two miles and a half of old point comfort and fortress munroe. the ride proved uneventful, and when they reached hampton they fell directly into the arms of caleb walton. "what does this mean?" demanded the old gunner, as he caught each by the arm. "missed the train, eh? i told you to be careful." "we'll know better next time," answered walter. "but what of the flying squadron? has it sailed?" "not yet, but the ships may leave hampton roads at any hour. i made up my mind to wait for this train and then go on. i sent the others ahead." "what of my satchel?" put in si. "it's in the baggage room. but hurry up; every hour counts just about now." and he led the way to where the bag had been left. "here is a big wagon bound for the fort," said walton, as they left the station. "we'll ride down on that, for the soldiers in charge gave me permission, should you show up." the wagon was loaded with blankets, and the pile made a soft seat. soon there came a crack of a whip, and they were off, down a sandy highway leading directly to the sea. soon the salt air filled their nostrils. "oh, we're in good shape to give the dons a hot reception, if they show themselves around here," said one of the soldiers, in reply to a question from walter. "we've got some of the finest guns in the country at the fort, and can reach a ship ten or twelve miles out in the harbor." "i should like very much to inspect a real fort," answered the youth. "the guns must be even more complicated than on board a warship." "the disappearing guns are very fine. but i doubt if you could get permission to go through now--at least, not until you were duly enlisted into the navy and had your uniform on. you know we have strict orders to keep all outsiders at a distance. we don't want any spanish spies to get plans of our hidden batteries and the fort itself." "would they dare to try to get them?" asked si. "'pears to me that would be a mighty risky piece of business." "certainly they would try. you mustn't think that all spaniards are cowards--even if the authorities are responsible for blowing up the _maine_. they'll give us a good shake up, if they get the chance." "i don't think so," said caleb walton. "they are not as up-to-date as we are. i know we can beat 'em at gun practice every round." "don't brag. wait till the war is over." "i'm not bragging--only talking facts, sergeant. i have a friend at the brooklyn navy-yard, and he wrote to me about the gunners on the _vizcaya_, when that spanish warship was lying off staten island this spring. he said they were--well tired, i reckon we'd call it,--and didn't have any drills worth mentioning all the while the ship was there. now you know that won't do." "oh, yes, i know a man must keep at his drills if he doesn't want to grow rusty." "besides that, you must remember that four-fifths of their sailors don't enlist for themselves. they are shanghied out of the seaport towns, made drunk, and taken on the ships like so many cattle, and they are lucky if they get away inside of ten or fifteen years. and in addition the cat-o'-nine tails is always dangling afore their eyes. now a man treated like that can't make a good sailor, for the simple reason that he knows he has been treated unjustly, and he can't take an interest in his duties." "gracious, don't you think you are stretching it a bit?" put in walter. "what of their officers?" "nearly every one of them comes from the ranks of the nobility, and that takes a good deal of ambition from the men, too, knowing it will be next to impossible for them to rise, even to a petty office. now in our navy it's totally different. a man enlists of his own free will, he is treated fairly even though subject to rigorous discipline, and if it's in him he can rise to quite a respectable office and earn a good salary--and he's certain to get his money, while the spanish sailors and soldiers go without a cent for months and months." "t know what you say about wages is true," said the sergeant in command of the army wagon. "i have it from a friend who left havana when lee, our consul, came away, that the majority of the spanish troops stationed about the city hadn't seen a pay-day for nearly a year." "and then there is another thing," continued caleb walton. "the spaniards have little mechanical ability, and before this war broke out they had a great number of engineers and the like who were foreign born--englishmen, frenchmen, and germans principally. now those men won't stay on spain's warships during this little muss,--at least the englishmen and germans won't,--and a green hand at a marine engine can do more damage in ten minutes than a ship-yard can repair in a month. take it, all in all, therefore, i think we have the best of it," concluded the old gunner. chapter viii the men behind the guns by the time fortress monroe was reached it was quite dark, so but little could be seen outside of those sturdy and frowning walls behind which were concealed the heavy guns intended to protect the entrance to chesapeake bay. the warships rode at anchor some distance beyond. to the squadron had just been added the protected cruiser _minneapolis_, and the _new orleans_ and _st. paul_ were also expected, and all was a buzz of excitement alongshore. "they'll be off before long," said one old soldier. "i know because i saw one of the captains saying good-by to his family. such a parting means a good deal." "i understand a spanish warship was sighted last night," put in another. "we may have a fight right here unless schley keeps his eyes open." "oh, he's got the _scorpion_ out on scout duty--she can take care of any sneak work," was the answer. he referred to the gunboat _scorpion_ of the auxiliary navy, which was doing duty just beyond the capes. the _scorpion_ was fast, and carried a strong searchlight, so it was likely nothing could pass her without being detected and the alarm being given. alarms were numerous, but they were likewise all false, for no spanish ship of war came anywhere near our coast. a boat was in waiting at the wharf, and walter, si, and the others were ordered aboard without delay. the boat was manned by eight sturdy jackies. "up oars!" came the command, and up went the eight blades straight into the air; "let fall!" and the oars fell into the water; "give way!" and the blades moved in a clock-like stroke, and they were off to the ships. it was destined to be many a day before walter should set foot on land again. "halt! who goes there?" came suddenly from out of the darkness, and walter saw that they were lying beside what looked to be a bulging wall of dark-colored steel. "aye! aye!" was the answer, and there followed a short talk. "got ten of them, sir," said the wardroom officer, in charge of the small boat. then a rope ladder was thrown down, and the newcomers clambered aboard the warship that was to be their home for so long to come. walter gazed about him eagerly, but that look was hardly satisfactory, for to the darkness was now added a heavy fog through which the ship's lights shone but faintly. all had their baggage, and without ceremony they were told to fall in, and were then marched below by order of the officer of the deck. "this looks like home to me," exclaimed caleb walton, as he gazed around the berth deck. "i went over the _brooklyn_ many a time when she was up at the navy-yard, so i know her from stem to stern." he took walter by the arm. "here is the baby i hope to manage," he whispered, and pointed to one of the starboard monsters, whose long muzzle pointed frowningly outward. "isn't she a daisy?" "i suppose she is," was the boy's reply. "but how in the world do you manage such a mass of metal? surely a man can't do it by hand." "it might be done by hand, but nowaday everything is worked by electricity and hydraulic pressure. you'll learn it all after you have been on board awhile. at present just do what you are told and keep your eyes open." supper had been served some time before, but as it was not intended to let the newcomers go hungry, a table was set and they messed together. the swinging table and the tableware all interested walter, especially when he was provided with his own personal cup, plate, spoon, knife, and fork. "as a gunner i'll mess with the other warrant officers," exclaimed caleb walton, in reply to a question about messes from walter. "you see, there are a great number of tables. the commodore is entitled to dine alone, so is the captain and the commander, while the other officers have what they call the wardroom mess. then there are the steerage mess, for midshipmen, ensigns, and clerks; the master-at-arm's mess, for yeomen, machinists, boiler-makers, and so on; and three or four other messes besides, including that to which you will belong. we gunners dine with the boatswain, sail-maker, and carpenter." the meal was a plain one, of bread and butter, coffee, cold corned beef, and apple sauce, but it was well cooked, and all the new men and boys ate heartily. as soon as it was finished, walton hurried off to interview captain cook, if he could obtain that privilege. "well, where are we going to sleep? i don't see any beds," said one of the boys, a timid lad named paul harbig. his query brought forth a roar. "your bed is rolled up and lashed away, paul," answered si, who had rather taken to the little lad. "do you see those gratings over yonder?" "yes." "well, all the hammocks for this deck are stowed away behind that. when it comes time to go to bed, we'll get them out, fasten them up to the hooks you see about you, and there you are. and let me tell you there is nothing finer nor a good canvas hammock to sleep in. i'll take it before i take a greasy, dirty bunk in a buggy fo'castle every time." "but a fellow may fall out," suggested paul. "if you're afraid of that, get a rope's-end and tie yourself in," answered si, philosophically. "but you won't tumble, unless we strike some putty rough weather." the order was now passed to bring along all baggage, and walter and si picked up their satchels. thinking to take out several things he needed, the yankee youth opened his bag and put his hand inside. "by ginger!" came from him in an undertone, but loud enough for walter to hear. "what's up, si?" "thet ten-dollar gold piece is gone!" "are you sure? perhaps it has slipped among some of the clothing." "i'll soon see," was the quick response, and the yankee youth dumped the articles out in a heap. sure enough, the golden eagle was gone. "somebody has robbed me," came in a groan. "now who did it, do you suppose?" "i'm sure i don't know. it might have been done here or on the train, or at the depot." si looked around him sharply. not far away stood jim haskett, watching him intently. as soon as the ex-mate of the _sunflower_ saw that he was noticed he turned away. "i've got half a notion haskett was the one to play me foul," he whispered to walter. "what do you think?" "he wouldn't be much of a man to rob a messmate of ten dollars." "oh, you don't know haskett. he's as close as he is brutal. once we got up a list to give captain pepperill a birthday present, but haskett, although he was first mate, only gave twenty-five cents,--no more than cooley, the cook, chipped in. in his eyes a ten-dollar gold piece is a big lot of money." "it wouldn't do you any good to accuse him if you wasn't pretty certain he was guilty," returned walter, cautiously. "you don't want to get into trouble right after coming on board. if you raised a row, they might put both you and haskett in the brig." "i'm going to ask him about it, anyway," answered the yankee youth. "see, he is looking at us, and it 'pears to me as if he was enjoying himself to see me in trouble." leaving his satchel and scattered clothing as they were, si advanced upon haskett and without ceremony caught the man's shoulder. "haskett, i want to ask you something," he said, in a low tone. "do you know anything about this, or don't you?" "i don't know--" the ex-mate of the _sunflower_ stopped short. "what are you talking about, doring?" "i left my satchel on the train, as you know. a ten-dollar gold piece is missing. i want to know----" "what! do you accuse me of taking it?" demanded the man, wrathfully. "i asked you if you knew anything about it." "no, i don't. i've got my own affairs to look after. more than likely the car porter took your money--if you really had that amount." "well, i'm going to find that gold piece sooner or later, as sure as my name is si doring," exclaimed the yankee youth, determinedly, and with a shake of his head he rejoined walter and paul harbig. the officer who had previously taken them in charge now came forward and assigned them to their various sleeping places. this matter was readily arranged, for one of the main features of the cruiser _brooklyn_ is her commodious berthing quarters, there being two complete decks, running from end to end of the ship, for this purpose, also an extra forecastle, so that the vessel can accommodate a thousand men if required--a number nearly double that of her usual crew. "it's a big hotel, with one room on a floor," thought walter, as he took the hammock assigned to him. he was glad to find si on one side of him and paul harbig on the other. si showed both boys how to take their canvasses and sling them. this work was just completed, when caleb walton came back with a broad smile on his face. "it's all right," he whispered to walter. "the captain treated me better than i thought he would. he called up the chief gunner, and we had a talk, and you are to take the place of a man named silvers, who has gone lame through having a cat-block fall on his foot. if you'll only mind yourself, and study up as i tell you, you'll have the chance of your life." "study! i'm ready to begin right off," answered walter, earnestly. "i'm just crazy to get at that gun you pointed out to me. can't you show me something to-night?" caleb walton laughed outright. "don't try to learn it all before you go to bed, walter," he said. "of course, you know more than some landlubbers who think that on warships of to-day they handle the guns as they used to, when one man took the powder and ball from the powder-monkeys, another rammed them home in the gun, and the gunner sighted his piece and pulled the string. those days are gone, and a head gunner like myself has very little to do, even if the position is a responsible one. come, i'll get permission to go below, and show you just how a big gun is served from start to finish. folks talk about 'the man behind the gun' when they really mean from eight to twelve men." the two hurried off, and presently descended an iron staircase which seemed to lead into the very bowels of the ship. at last they came to a steel trap-door, barred and locked. "below this door is one of the magazines," explained caleb. "it contains the ammunition for the eight-inch guns in the turret above. the keys to the magazine are in the captain's cabin, and can only be had on special order and by certain persons. the magazines are kept locked continually, excepting when in use or when being inspected. all of them are connected with huge water tanks, so at the first sign of a fire they can be flooded, thus lessening the danger of an explosion." "yes, i remember the spaniards tried to prove that the _maine_ blew up from one of her magazines." "such a thing couldn't happen in the american navy, because the discipline is too strict. now, when a gun is being served, several men in the magazine get out the shells for the shellmen, who load them on the ammunition hoist over there, which is nothing more than a warship dumbwaiter. the hoist takes the shells up to the guns, in this case in the forward turret. other hoists supply the rear turret and the secondary battery and other guns, including the rapid-firing weapons in the military tops." "you mean those platforms around the upper ends of the two masts?" "exactly. the tops are the places for the sharpshooters and the range-finders." "the range-finders?" "exactly. you see, it is a difficult matter to get an exact range on an enemy several miles off, and we have to try to get the range in various ways. one of the simplest ways is to station two range-finders in the tops, as far away from each other as possible. each man gets a bead on the enemy with his glasses, and then proceeds to get the angle between the bead and an imaginary line drawn between his station and that taken by the other fellow. the three points--that is, the two range-finders and the enemy--form a triangle, and having one line and the two angles to work on, the working out of the problem gives the distance the gunners are hunting for." "that makes pointing a gun nothing but a mathematical problem doesn't it?" "it makes it partly a mathematical problem, lad. but having the distance isn't everything, for that will only give us the height at which a gun should be elevated in order to make its charge cover that distance and hit the mark, instead of flying over it or ploughing the water below it. after getting the distance we have to calculate on how the enemy's vessel is moving, if she is under steam, and then, most important, we have to let the gun go off at just the right motion of our own craft. in some navies they discharge the guns on the upward roll of the ship, and in others on the downward roll. my private opinion on that point is, a downward roll in clear weather, and an upward roll in a choppy sea, when you don't know just what is coming next." "i see. firing a gun isn't so easy as one would imagine." "easy enough if you want to waste ammunition, as those spaniards did at manila. gun practice is expensive, and spain hasn't any money to waste in that direction. come, we'll have to get up to sleeping quarters now," concluded the old gunner, as a drum beat was heard sounding throughout the warship. "that's tattoo. it will soon be two bells, nine o'clock, and then comes pipe down." "all right, i'm willing enough to go to sleep," said walter. "but just one question more. how do you count the time by bells on a warship?" "just the same as on any ship, lad. the bell strikes at each half-hour, starting at half-past twelve at night, which is one bell. this makes one o'clock, two bells, half-past one, three bells, and so on, up to four o'clock, which is eight bells, when you start again from the beginning. by this means the day and night are divided into periods of time called watches, as morning watch, middle watch, dog watch, and the like. you'll get the lay of it soon," finished walton, and then, having reached the berth deck, the pair separated for the night. chapter ix commodore winfield scott schley in a couple of days walter began to feel at home on the flagship, and he could no longer be termed a "greeny," strictly speaking, although there were still a great number of things for him to learn. he was much interested in the _brooklyn_ as a whole as well as in detail, and was proud to learn that this armored cruiser was the largest of the class in our navy, having a displacement of tons, as against her sister ship, the _new york_, which had a displacement of about a thousand tons less. "this ship is just four hundred feet and six inches long," said caleb. "she don't look so long as she rides the water, but as a city block is ordinarily two hundred feet deep, so to speak, she would cover two blocks of a side street, providing the street was sixty-five feet wide, for her to rest in. that's pretty big, eh?" "and how much water does she draw, walton?" "draws twenty-four feet, which is the height of an ordinary two-story house. her three smokestacks are about a hundred feet high each, and that gives her fires a first-class draught, sailing or standing still." "i'm awfully glad i'm on her," smiled walter. "oh, i do hope we have a fight with the dons. i want to see the big guns go off. i know the main battery, as you call it, has eight -inch guns. how many guns are there besides?" "there are twelve -inch rapid-fire guns, twelve -pounders, four -pounders, four colts, and two field guns. besides, we carry four torpedo tubes." "we're a regular floating arsenal!" exclaimed walter. "it must make things shake when they all get to firing." "you'll think you've struck the infernal regions, lad, if we ever do get them all a-going. yes, the _brooklyn_ is nothing but a floating fort. she's an unusual type, because she has an extra high forecastle deck. some folks don't think that makes her a beauty, but they must remember that warships aren't built altogether for looks, although to my mind she's as handsome as any of 'em. the high bow enables us to carry our forward guns eight feet higher than those on the _new york_, and it will come in mighty handy if we ever want to run full steam after an enemy in a heavy sea which would drown out a ship with a low freeboard." "and why is she called an armored cruiser?" "because she is protected by steel plating three inches thick on her sides and on her deck, and under this is an additional protection of coal and of cocoa-fibre, for keeping out water. it would surprise you to see how the sides and deck, as well as the bottom, are built, were they taken apart for examination." discipline walter found very strict, and once he had donned his uniform he was kept employed from sunrise to sunset, his duties being largely similar to those performed by his brother larry on the _olympia_. early in the morning he was aroused by the blare of a bugle, or the roll of a drum, and given but a few minutes in which to dress and roll up his hammock and put it away. then came the work of washing down the deck, followed by breakfast, and later all hands were called to quarters, to attend some drill, sometimes at the guns, sometimes at the hose pipes scattered about in case of fire, and occasionally with small-arms and with cutlasses. each afternoon there was a "run around," lasting from ten minutes to half an hour. in this the men fell in singly or in pairs, and ran around and around the deck, at first slowly until "second wind" was gained, and then faster and faster. this is the one chance a jackie gets of stretching his legs while on board of his ship, and how he does enjoy it! taking them as a whole, walter found the ship's company a jolly crowd, with but few men of the jim haskett stamp among them. the men connected with the guns were a particularly brotherly set, and the youth soon felt thoroughly at home among them. he was always willing to do anything asked of him, and in return the best gunners on the vessel did not hesitate to give him "points" whenever he asked for them. one jocularly called him the questioner, but walter did not mind, and went on picking up all the information possible. on his second morning on board walter was talking to si when a low roll of drums reached their ears. "hark!" cried the yankee boy. "two ruffles. do you know what that means? the commodore is either leaving or coming on board. they always give a high officer that salute, or a similar one." "let us see him if we can," exclaimed walter, who had not yet caught sight of the commander of the squadron. they crowded to an open port and were just in time to see commodore schley descend by the swinging ladder to the gig. soon the little craft shot out of sight through the fog, for the day was far from clear. "he looks like a fighter," remarked walter. "he has quite a record, hasn't he?" "yes, indeed, i was reading about him only last week. he was in the civil war, operating along the mississippi, and after that he saw a lot of fighting besides." "i know all about our commodore," said a gunner standing near. "my father fought with him on the mississippi, and also when port hudson, in louisiana, was taken. he is named after general winfield scott,--winfield scott schley,--for his father and the general were warm friends." "it's a good name for a fighter; for certainly nobody fought better than did general scott, through the war with mexico," was walter's comment. "schley entered the naval academy in and remained until , when the war broke out," continued the gunner. "they say he graduated at the head of his class and was so well liked that he was given sea-duty on the frigate _potomac_, and in he was made a master, and ordered on the _winona_, of the gulf squadron. "after the civil war was over, he was sent to the pacific, and there he aided in the suppression of an outbreak among the chinese coolies in the chin chi islands. the united states consulate at this place was in danger of being mobbed, but schley took a hundred marines ashore, and knocked the whole uprising in the head in short order." "no wonder he's a commodore," said walter; and si nodded approvingly. "it wasn't long before the young officer was made a lieutenant-commander, and coming back from the pacific, he was placed in charge of a department at the naval academy. he remained ashore for three years, then went to the coast of africa, on the _benicia_, where he took part in a number of contests, and helped clear the congo river of pirates, and overthrew the forces defending the salu river in corea, another bit of work for which he was warmly praised." "oh, he's a corker," cried si, enthusiastically. "i'm not done yet," went on the gunner, who loved to talk about the exploits of his old commander. "of course you have heard how the greely expedition to the north pole got lost and couldn't get back home. well, it was schley who went after them, and found greely and six of his companions at cape sabine and brought them safely back. for this congress voted him a medal, and president arthur raised him to the full rank of captain and made him chief of the bureau of equipment, a very important office in the naval department. but schley couldn't stand it on land, he must have the rolling ocean under him, and so he gave up his berth ashore and took command of the _baltimore_." "i remember about that," put in walter. "i was reading about john ericsson, the inventor of the monitor. when ericsson died, the body was sent to sweden, his fatherland, on the _baltimore_ under schley." "exactly, and the king of sweden gave schley a medal to commemorate the event, at a grand gathering at stockholm. from sweden schley took the _baltimore_ to southern waters, and while off the coast of chili he smoothed out what threatened to become a serious difficulty between that country and ours on account of some of uncle sam's jackies being stoned on the streets of valparaiso. for this the navy department was extremely grateful, and he went up several points on the register, so that it didn't take him long to become a commodore." "he's certainly a man worth sailing under," said walter. "i suppose he is married?" "yes, and has several children--but that don't interest me," concluded the gunner, who was an old bachelor, with a peculiar dislike for the gentler sex. since the time that si had spoken to haskett about the missing money, the seaman had steered clear of both the yankee lad and walter. perhaps he was afraid that si would accuse him openly of the theft of the gold piece, or perhaps he was afraid of caleb walton, who was continually around and ready to champion his "boys," as he had dubbed both. but there was one boy who could not get away from him, and that was paul harbig. "you're just the right sort to take to," said haskett, as he caught paul by the arm one morning, while both were coming from mess. "you're too much of a real little man to have anything to do with that russell boy or si doring." "oh, i like them both very much!" answered paul, and attempted to pass on. with a frown haskett caught him by the arm and swung him back. "see here, i want to talk to you," he cried uglily. "has si doring been telling you any yarns about me?" [illustration: "see here, i want to talk to you."] "you let go of me," was paul's only answer. "i don't want anything to do with you." "answer my question." "i haven't got to." and now paul did his best to get away. he had just twisted himself loose when jim haskett struck him a cruel blow on the head. "you--you brute!" gasped the boy, as the tears came. he was about to try retreating again, when haskett caught him once more. "now answer me, or i'll thrash the life out of you," he hissed into paul's ear. "and mind you tell the truth." "he said that he had a--a--" the boy broke off short. "i won't tell you, there! now let go!" and he began to squirm. "i know what he said," blustered haskett. "said he had had a ten-dollar gold piece in his valise, didn't he?" "ye-es." "and he accused me of taking it, eh?" "he didn't say so outright. he said you had been where you could get at the bag." "it amounts to the same thing. as a matter of fact i couldn't get at the bag any more than could you, or russell, or walton, or any of the others." "i suppose that is so. now let me go." "i will in a minute, but i want to tell you something, for it's not nice to have folks taking you to be a thief," went on haskett, tactfully. "i haven't said anything about the affair." "perhaps not, paul, but doring talks, and i reckon so do russell and walton. during the past couple of days i've found more than one fellow aboard the _brooklyn_ looking at me queer-like, and i can put two and two together as quick as the next man. if i allow this to go on, there won't be a soul speak to me after a while." "i shan't say a word--i'll promise you." "it's russell who will talk the most, i reckon," went on haskett, with apparent bitterness. "russell, the very fellow who ought not to say a word." "i'll caution him, if you want me to," went on paul, who was tender-hearted and very willing to help anybody out of trouble. "caution russell! not for the world. see here, i'll tell you something, and you can tell doring or not, just as you please. to the best of my knowledge russell is the thief." "walter!" ejaculated paul. "oh, no, you must be mistaken. why, why--how could he get at the satchel? he was with doring." "i don't know about that. but i'm almost positive russell is guilty." "have you any proof? you shouldn't say such a thing unless you have," retorted paul, anxious to stick up for walter, who had served him several good turns since they had become acquainted. "i've got more proof against russell than doring has against me," answered jim haskett, boldly. "and what is more, i can prove what i've got to say." "but what have you to say?" came in a cold, heavy voice behind haskett, and turning swiftly the former mate of the _sunflower_ found himself confronted by caleb walton. the old gunner's face looked stern and angry. "why--er--where did you come from?" stammered the seaman. "i asked you what you have to say against walter russell," demanded caleb. "come, out with it, or by the jumping beeswax, i'll wipe up this deck with you!" and he doubled up his fists. "i'm not afraid, if you want to fight, walton," replied haskett, recovering somewhat from his fright. "what i said about russell, i'll stick to." "but what have you got to say? out with it," was the old gunner's demand. "i've got this much to say. i think russell took doring's gold piece, and i am not the only one that does either. if you think i'm wrong, ask cal blinker, the shellman. he heard almost as much as i did." "heard what?" "heard russell talk in his sleep. it was last night. i got up to get a drink of water and slipped and roused up blinker. then, when i went to the water tub, i passed russell's hammock. he was dreaming and talking about the gold piece and saying that doring would never learn that he had it, and a lot more about hiding it under the gun. he went on about the money and about hiding it for fully ten minutes. if you don't believe me, go to blinker about it." chapter x walter shows his pluck "and is that all you have to say?" asked caleb walton, after a few seconds of silence, during which he gazed so sharply at jim haskett that the fellow felt compelled to drop his eyes. "because a fellow dreams about a gold piece, must you accuse him of stealing?" "that's all right, too," responded haskett, doggedly. "i know he wouldn't dream that way unless there was something in the wind. i'm satisfied he took the money." "and i am satisfied that he is innocent," cried caleb. "that boy would never steal a cent from anybody." "why, he was after a thief himself before he left boston," put in paul, who had now sought protection behind the old gunner. "well, suit yourselves," answered haskett, with a shrug of his somewhat rounded shoulders. "but let me tell you that i won't allow russell, doring, or anybody else to speak of me as having taken the money--mind that!" and he shook his fist savagely. "here comes walter now," announced paul. "walter, come here!" he called out, before caleb could stop him. at once walter came up, an inquiring look upon his manly face, which was now becoming sunburnt through exposure on deck. "what do you want, paul?" he asked. "it's only some of haskett's nonsense," answered caleb, ere the boy could speak. "tell us, lad, do you remember dreaming anything about si's gold piece?" for the instant walter looked puzzled, then his face brightened. "i do," he answered. "what of it?" "tell us what you dreamed first." "why--i--i can't remember exactly, excepting that i was having a good lot of worry about it," he stammered. "you know how dreams come and go." "to be sure, walter." "you dreamt about the money you hid, didn't you?" said haskett, sneeringly. "the money i hid? i hid no money." "oh no, of course not!" "see here, haskett, what do you mean?" and walter strode over to the seaman, his face flushing deeply. "do you mean to insinuate that i took si's gold piece and hid it away?" "he just does," burst out paul. "and he says you talked in your sleep about it, too." "it is false--at least, it is false that i took the money. i might have dreamed about it and talked in my sleep. we are not accountable for what we do when we are sleeping." "perhaps you took the gold piece when you were asleep," said haskett, squinting suggestively at those surrounding him. "the gold piece was taken while si and i were left behind in washington. it was taken by somebody on the train." "that's your story--and you've been trying to lay the thing at my door. but i shan't stand it--not me," stormed haskett. "i heard what you said in your sleep, and so did cal blinker. if anybody is guilty, it is you!" and he pointed his long, bony finger full in walter's face. by this time a crowd of a dozen or more had gathered round, realizing that a quarrel of some sort was in progress. "it's about a gold piece," said one. "haskett says russell took it. say, fellows, we don't want anything to do with a thief." "not much we don't!" answered a messmate. "heave him overboard if he is guilty." "this matter ought to be reported to the officer of the deck," put in a third. "if there is a thief on board, no man's ditty-box will be safe." at haskett's concluding remark walter's face grew as red as a beet, then deadly pale. for a moment he stood stock still, breathing heavily. suddenly he leaped forward with clenched fist and struck haskett a stunning blow on the chin which sent the seaman staggering up against a gun-carriage. "that, for talking to me in this fashion!" he exclaimed. "oh!" grunted the ex-mate of the _sunflower_, as he caught at the gun just in time to prevent himself from falling to the deck. "you--you young rascal, what do you mean by hitting me?" "a fight! a fight!" cried several, and soon a crowd of about fifty jackies surrounded the pair. "wasn't that a pretty blow though! and he's only a boy, too!" came from a gunner's mate. "i'll fix you for this!" went on haskett, putting one hand to his chin, where a lump was rising rapidly. "i never before allowed anybody to hit me--leastwise a boy." and he rushed at walter with a fierceness which boded the youth no good. "don't you hit him, haskett," put in caleb, catching the seaman by the arm. "if you do, you'll have to settle this affair with me." "he hit me." "and you as much as said he was a thief." "and so he is." "i am not, and i've a good mind to hit you again for saying so," burst out walter, and before anybody around could separate them he and haskett had closed in. several ineffective blows were struck on each side, when they were pulled apart. "this won't do, walter," whispered caleb. "if you're not careful, you'll spend a week in the brig." "but--but it's awful to have him say i'm a--a--" "i know, i know. but keep cool, lad; it's best, take my word for it. you've been on board only a few days, but you have made lots of friends, while i reckon most of the men have already sized up haskett for the meanest chap on board." "he has no right to talk about me." "he says you and si doring talked about him." haskett now pushed his way forward again. "i don't want trouble with the officers, so we'll let this matter drop for the present," he blustered. "but i'll remember you, and some day you'll be mighty sorry we had this little mix-up." and muttering some more that nobody could understand he strode off, the majority of the crowd gazing after him curiously. "ran away from a boy!" said one old tar. "he must be a regular coward, and no mistake!" many wanted walter to relate his version of what had brought the encounter about, but caleb hurried the lad away to a corner, where he took a wash up and brushed off his clothing. "i want to interview that cal blinker," said the youth. "where can i find him?" "down around the forward ammunition hoist," answered paul, and walter hurried off, accompanied by his friends. "yes, i did hear you say something about a gold piece," the shellman admitted. "you didn't talk very plainly and i understood very little. haskett said he understood every word. well, maybe he did. i've been in the navy so long that the noise of the big guns has affected my hearing." "did i say i stole the piece?" insisted walter. "i don't know as you did. all i could make out was 'ten dollars in gold' and 'the gun--just the place.'" this was all cal blinker had to say. he was rather old and it was plain to see that he wanted nothing to do with the controversy, one side or the other. si doring had been attending a special boat drill, and it was not until an hour had passed that he came below and heard what had occurred. without hesitation he slapped walter on the shoulder. "don't you take this to heart," he said. "no matter what that mean old rascal of a haskett says, he'll never make me believe that you are anything but perfectly straight. i believe yet that he took the gold piece and that some day i'll be able to prove it." and there the incident, for the time being, dropped. the manner in which walter had "sailed into haskett," as caleb expressed it, made the youth many friends among the crew, for if there is one thing a jack tar loves it is to see a messmate stand up for himself. "you're all right, you are," said more than one, and caught walter's hand in a grip calculated to break the bones. several, who had thought to play a few tricks on the "greeny," reconsidered their ideas on the subject and concluded that it was best not to run any chances with such a spirited lad. for some time walter was afraid that the executive officer would hear of the encounter and bring him to book for it; but if the "mix-up" was reported, nothing came of it. as a matter of fact, uncle sam's officers just then had affairs of more importance requiring their attention. for every hour on board of the warships composing the flying squadron increased the anxiety concerning the spanish ships which it was felt were preparing to make a quick dash for cuba or for our own coast. how soon would these warships sail, and where would they make their presence felt? those were the all-important questions commodore and captains asked of each other. "they'll most likely try to break the blockade at havana," said one. "no, they'll bombard one of our down-east seacoast cities," said another. "i think they'll rush through the suez canal to fight dewey," was the conclusion reached by a third. under-officers and men speculated quite as much as did their superiors, arriving at equally opposite conclusions. "they have our whole seacoast and cuba to pick from," commodore schley said. "they will go where they can do the most good--to their way of thinking. i think they'll go to cuba or porto rico." how correct the commander was history has shown. although the _scorpion_ was patrolling the ocean just outside of the capes, a strict watch was kept on every one of the warships, night and day. rumors were numerous, and one was to the effect that the spaniards had a submarine craft in their service and that this boat would soon arrive along our eastern seacoast, to destroy the shipping from maine to the gulf of mexico. in these days, when we know the truth, we can afford to laugh at such a report, but to the jackies on the warships, who remembered only too well the fate of the _maine_, it was no laughing matter. even when off duty, many would go on the spar deck and lie flat, gazing into the dark waters for the best part of a night, hoping to catch a glimpse of the unknown terror, should it come to that vicinity. sunday, with its deeply impressive church service, came and went, and still the squadron lay at anchor. in the meantime it was rumored that sampson would soon take his most powerful vessels from the blockade and bombard havana. the newspapers reported this, but if such was the plan of the navy department, it was altered at the last moment. on may came news of a fierce fight in the harbor of cardenas, a seaport a hundred and twenty miles east of havana. in an attempt to effect a landing, the torpedo boat _winslow_ had her boiler blown to pieces and several men were killed and injured, among them ensign worth bagley, who was thus the first american officer to fall in the war. two other warships, the _wilmington_ and the _hudson_, also took part in the contest, but were repulsed after a gallant onslaught lasting over an hour. "this is war," said caleb, as he read the news from the paper that one of the gunners had just brought on board. "those fellows on the _winslow_ caught it hot. think of running right into that harbor and having a shell drop and smash your boiler and send the live steam all over you. i tell you ensign bagley was a plucky one, all honor to his memory." the next day brought even more important news. dewey had gained a foothold in the philippines, the main city of cuba was in a state of blockade, and now rear-admiral sampson had shifted the scene of action to porto rico, by shelling the forts of san juan, the principal city of spain's only other possession in the west indies. "we're getting there!" cried caleb, excitedly. "we'll soon give the dons all they want." "if sampson succeeds in making the san juan forts surrender, the whole city will be at our mercy," said walter. "hurrah for the american navy, and every ship and man in it." "we are bound to get them on the run," put in si. "here is another report about a fight at cienfuegos. where is that?" "on the southern coast of cuba," answered walter, who had always had a good head for geography, and who, since the war had started, had studied the map of cuba closely. "havana, san juan, and manila! say, but this is becoming a war of magnificent distances." "it's a naval war, that's what it is," said caleb. "if we--hullo! did any of you see this telegram?" he pointed to his newspaper. "the spanish squadron under admiral cervera has slipped away from cape verde islands and is undoubtedly bound westward." "and here is another report that some strange vessels, supposed to be warships, have been sighted off martinique, windward island," added walter, quickly. "i'll wager we leave soon!" "but where to--the windward islands?" queried si. "that's for commodore schley to decide. rest assured he'll find this admiral cervera sooner or later, just as dewey found old admiral montojo." the news was spreading, and officers and men gathered in knots to discuss the situation. as for commodore schley and captain cook, they smiled knowingly, but said nothing. everybody in the flying squadron remembered what dewey and his men had accomplished, and all were on their mettle accordingly. chapter xi the sailing of the flying squadron "we are off at last!" it was walter who broke the news, as he came tumbling down the stairs to the berth deck, where si and caleb were engaged in a friendly game of checkers on the top of a ditty-box. "off!" cried the old gunner, and leaped up, scattering the men on the checkerboard in all directions. "who told you?" "the signal has just been hoisted on the military mast. i couldn't read it, but sandram could and he translated it for me." caleb waited to hear no more, but rushed on deck, with walter and the others following. the news was true, the signal flew the words, "weigh anchor and follow the flagship," and the heavy black smoke was pouring in dense volumes from every warship's funnels. "i wonder where we are bound?" questioned walter, whose heart was thumping within him at the thought war might soon become a stern reality to him. "of course we are going after admiral cervera's ships." "i reckon that's right, but there's no telling," responded caleb. "the officers don't consult us when they want to move, you know." and he said this so dryly that both walter and si had to laugh. the warships at hand were four in number,--the _brooklyn_, which i have already described, and the _massachusetts_, _texas_, and _scorpion_. with them was the collier _sterling_, loaded to the very rail with huge bags of coal, for the exclusive use of the flying squadron. the _massachusetts_ was a battleship of the first-class, a sister ship to the _indiana_. she had a displacement of over ten thousand tons, and a speed of sixteen knots per hour. her massive armor was eighteen inches thick--enough to withstand some of the heaviest shots ever fired from any gun. her armament consisted of a main battery of four -inch and eight -inch guns and four -inch slow-fire guns. the secondary battery comprised twenty -pounders, four -pounders, four gatlings, and two field-guns. besides this she carried three torpedo tubes and an immense quantity of small-arms. captain francis j. higginson was in charge, with lieutenant-commander seaton schroeder. the _texas_ was a battleship of the second class, her displacement being only tons. she had the honor to be the first vessel built when our navy began its reconstruction, in . her armor was just one foot thick, and she could speed along at the rate of nearly eighteen knots an hour. two -inch and six -inch slow-fire guns made up her main battery, while her secondary battery counted up six -pounders, four hotchkiss and two gatling guns. there were two torpedo tubes. the _texas_ was under the command of captain john w. philip and lieutenant-commander giles b. harber. the _scorpion_ was a despatch boat of the gunboat pattern, with a displacement of six hundred tons, and a rapid-firing battery of four -inch and six -pounders. she was a swift craft, and had done duty as a scout for a long time. the signal to weigh anchor was hoisted on the flagship at four o'clock in the afternoon, and inside of half an hour the flying squadron and the collier were standing down hampton roads toward the capes, each ploughing the waters at a twelve to fifteen knot rate. the wharves alongshore were lined with people, who waved their hats and their handkerchiefs, and shouted out their best wishes for the departing ones. "remember the _maine_, boys, and send us a good account of yourselves!" shouted one old southern veteran, as he shook a partly empty coat sleeve at them. "i wish i was younger; i'd go along and fight as well for the old stars and stripes as i once did for the stars and bars." "now you're talking," responded a union veteran. "that other quarrel was our own, eh, neighbor? let foreign nations keep their hands off uncle sam's family and the children seeking his protection. three cheers for old glory and free cuba!" and the cheers were given with a will, while fortress monroe thundered out a parting salute. a number of other vessels, including the protected cruisers _minneapolis_ and _new orleans_ and the auxiliary cruiser _st. paul_ had been left behind, to join their sister ships later on. the _new orleans_ was a warship but recently purchased from the brazilian government, and formerly known as the _amazonas_. the _st. paul_ had formerly been a trans-atlantic steamer, and was commanded by captain charles e. sigsbee, who had so gallantly stuck to his post until the last moment when the _maine_ was destroyed. each of the warships had a harbor pilot on board and proceeded under a full head of steam for the passage between the capes, which were passed a little after seven o'clock in the evening. leaving cape henry well to starboard, the pilots were dropped, and the warships, taking the middle course, as it is termed, disappeared from the gaze of those who had watched their departure so eagerly. "we're out for a fight now, sure enough," said caleb, as he and walter went below, each to the mess to which he had been assigned. "orders are to prepare for action, so i've just been told." "i noticed that lights were being extinguished," answered the youth. "do you suppose they are afraid that the spanish warships are coming up this way?" "no telling, lad. it's a game of hide and seek, until one fellow or the other sneaks up and thumps his opponent in the neck. i only hope we're in it to do the first thumping." mess was scarcely over when there came a call to quarters. ports were closed with massive steel covers, the battle hatches were put down, and the big guns were carefully loaded. watches had, of course, already been established, and now the men were ordered to take turns at standing by the guns. "which way are we pointing, eastward or down the coast?" questioned walter of si, who had come up during his off hours to take a look at the cloudy sky from which only a few stars were peeping. "we are moving almost directly southward," was the slow reply of the yankee youth, after a long look overhead. "and where will that bring us to, si?" "it will take us to cape hatteras first, and if we keep on long enough it will bring us to the neighborhood of san salvador island. but i reckon we'll change our course after hatteras is passed." "isn't hatteras a bad point to pass?" "is it? you just ought to try it in dirty weather. many a craft has left her hulk off that cape. but such a craft as the _brooklyn_, with her high bow, ought to weather almost anything. to my mind, the worst thing we can run into is a fog-bank, and that's just what we are likely to do in this vicinity." the regular lights of the warship had been extinguished, but behind its hood the great searchlight glowed and spluttered, ready to be turned to one point or another at a second's notice. all was quiet on board, save for the rumble and quiver of the powerful engines which were driving this floating fort on her way through the rolling ocean. while daylight lasted the vessels kept more or less apart, but with the coming of night they closed in, and the fretting and puffing little _scorpion_ darted ahead on picket guard. walter's duty at his gun came to an end at midnight, and none too soon for the lad, whose head had suddenly begun to spin around like a top. "i guess i'm getting seasick," he murmured to si; and the yankee lad at once led him away to a secluded corner, where he might have matters all his own way, and where none might look on and enjoy his misery. once haskett started to pass some uncomplimentary remarks about walter, but a single stern look from caleb silenced the seaman, who tumbled into his hammock without another word. for several days jim haskett had kept his distance, but he was only biding his time to "even up," as he termed it. "i'll make young russell feel mighty sore before i'm done with him," was what he promised himself. walter was expected to go on duty again at four o'clock, but he was in no condition for service, and sent caleb word to that effect. paul took the message and soon returned with a reply. "you're to take it easy until you're all right," said paul. "walton will fix it up so there will be no trouble." "he's the best friend a fellow ever fell in with," sighed walter. "if i hadn't met him i don't know what i should have done." "oh, you would have taken care of yourself," answered paul, lightly. he had not yet forgotten the attack haskett had sustained at walter's hands. daybreak found the squadron running into the first of a series of fog-banks. at once the speed of each warship was reduced, and presently it became necessary to use the fog-horns and ship-bells. in the meantime all hands were put through several drills, "to get them into fighting trim," as the officer of the deck explained. the drills lasted until dinner time, and in some way they made walter feel much better. as a matter of fact, his spell of seasickness was of short duration, and once gone, the malady never returned. "i'm a fine specimen of a jackie, am i not?" he said to caleb, with a faint smile, on first presenting himself. "why, a spaniard could knock me over with a feather." "don't you go for to find fault with yourself," was the old gunner's reply. "i've known men who have been on the ocean for years to get sick the first day out. it's something they can't overcome, try their best. why, i saw several officers of the marines as sick as so many dogs." mess over, walter went on deck for a breath of fresh air. they had just left a fog-bank and were standing out boldly into the ocean. the youth sauntered slowly forward as far as the rules permitted. "sail o!" came suddenly from the military mast. "where away?" demanded the officer on the bridge. "dead ahead, sir." "is she flying any flag?" "i think not, sir." "what does she look like?" "i can't make out very well, for she is running into the fog. i don't know but that she looks a bit like a warship," continued the lookout, after some hesitation. without delay commodore schley and captain cook were notified. a brief consultation took place, and it was decided to pursue the unknown craft and find out what she was and where she was going. chapter xii an adventure off charleston the news that a strange vessel was in sight soon travelled throughout the ship, and all who could do so, crowded to the spar deck, while the officers stationed themselves on the forecastle, bridge and other points of vantage. there was no necessity to give the order, "clear ship for action!" for the _brooklyn_ was already cleared. moreover, all the big guns contained their charges of eight-inch and other shells. the six-pounders and the colts were now "provided," as it is termed, and then there was nothing to do but to lie by the guns and await further orders. immediately upon notification that a strange sail was in sight, the flagship had run up a signal to the _scorpion_, "follow the unknown ship to the southward," and away darted the little gunboat at a rate of speed which caused the mighty waves of the atlantic to wash her decks from end to end. presently the sea proved almost too heavy for her and she had to reduce her speed, and the _brooklyn_ went ahead, her high freeboard sending the water to port and starboard with scarcely an effort. once, however, she did get caught below an unusually high crest and all on the forward deck received a liberal drenching. "fire a shot across her bow!" was the order given, when the strange craft again emerged from a fog-bank, and boom! one of the smaller guns belched forth. the echoes of the shot had scarcely died away when the unknown ship was seen to hoist the british flag. "only a britisher!" sighed caleb, when the news came down to him. "and i thought we were going to have the profit of a nice spanish prize." not caring to go entirely by the flag displayed, since the unknown ship had acted so strangely, the _scorpion_ was again sent forward to make an investigation. in quarter of an hour she came up within hailing distance. "what ship is that?" was bawled out through a megaphone. "british steamer _elsie_. what gunboat is that?" "the _scorpion_, of the united states navy. where are you bound and what have you on board?" "bound for norfolk, virginia, with a cargo of phosphate rock." "why didn't you show your flag before?" "well, to tell the truth we were afraid we had run into some spanish warships, and that england might be mixed up in this muss, in which case we didn't want to become a spanish prize. how is it? are we in it yet?" "no, uncle sam is running this war without outside help," was the concluding remark, and then the two vessels separated; and the flying squadron proceeded on its way. saturday found the course of the _brooklyn_ changed to southwest by south. "we are still hugging the coast," explained si. "i shouldn't wonder if we are to make a stop somewhere, say at charleston or savannah." "perhaps the commodore has word that the spanish ships are sailing for our south-east coast," suggested walter. "my! what a nasty day it is going to be." he referred to the mist, which was so heavy that it felt almost like rain. for may, the weather was raw and cold, and all hands were glad to stay below decks as much as possible. on this day another long exercise at the gun was had, and walter learned more thoroughly than ever how the charge was raised from the ammunition hoists to the gun, pushed into place by the mechanical rammer, and how the gun was moved up, down, or sideways by merely touching this button or that wheel or lever. "it's wonderful!" he observed. "i suppose it would be next to impossible to move such a big gun by hand." "oh, it can be done," answered caleb. "in the old navy they used to do it by hand, and each gun had ten to sixteen men to man it. in those days they had no device to lessen the shock of the recoil as we have now. instead of having a water cushion for the gun to strike on, they used a heavy rope in the back, and sometimes the rope broke, and the gun did more damage flying backward than the charge did flying forward." "they didn't have any breech-loaders in those days, did they?" "they had some in the civil war, but not many before that. everything in the way of powder and ball had to be put into the muzzle, and was rammed home by hand. the first breech-loading guns were clumsy affairs, and not a few accidents were had by guns going off before the breeches were properly locked." "and what about sighting the pieces?" "oh, they have had dozens of devices for getting a correct aim, some pretty good and some decidedly bad. in the old navy the guns didn't carry near so far as they do now, and your old-time gunner was just what his name calls for, for he sighted the piece and fired it himself. but the old times are gone, and i expect one of these days all the work still left will be done by machinery, and a dozen men sitting up in the conning tower will control the warship from stem to stern." walter laughed at this. "i reckon we're some time off from that yet, walton. but it is wonderful how much the commander can control by using his bells, annunciators, speaking-tubes, and electrical indicators. i guess that is a great improvement on the old way of yelling orders through a speaking-trumpet and having a dozen middies rushing around telling this man and that what to do." "no doubt of it, lad. but when it's all done and said, you must remember one thing--we have still to prove the worth of our floating forts in war times. dewey did well at manila, but it may be that the spanish warships out there weren't in the best condition. now this admiral cervera, whom we are after, has ships that are thoroughly up to date, and when his outfit meets ours, then--well, we'll see what we will see," concluded the old gunner. that afternoon walter took his first lesson in making knots. he had had some idea concerning a variety of knots which had been taught to him by larry, when he and his younger brother were sailing about lake erie, but those which were now exhibited were truly bewildering. "the single bend and figure of are easy enough," he sighed. "but when you come to that sheep-shank and bowline upon the bight, as you term them, it grows confusing." "this is only the beginning," answered caleb. "after you know the knots, you'll want to learn the hitches--half-hitch, rolling-hitch, and so on,--and after that you'll want to take up the splices, and then the different kinds of tackle,--long-tackle, single-whip, and all that. i reckon those will keep your mind busy for a week or two. to be sure, those things belong more to a seaman than a gun-hand, but it's good to know how to do, in case you are called upon at some time." the night came on with a storm in the air. as before, all the lights were extinguished, and the different watches took their turns at the guns. walter had just turned in when a shout rang out. "another vessel in sight!" as rapidly as possible the lad leaped up. "is it a spanish warship?" he asked. "don't know," answered caleb, laconically, but leaped to the gun, with walter and the others following. but it was only another scare, for the vessel in sight proved to be a merchantman bound for a northern port. the big searchlight of the _brooklyn_ was turned upon her, and instantly every light on the merchantman went out and the ship sneaked away with all sails set. no effort was made to pursue her. "the captain of that craft will report falling in with a big spanish fleet; see if he don't," said caleb; and the old gunner was right, as a newspaper of a few days later proved. by noon on sunday charleston harbor was sighted, and a few hours later the squadron came to anchor near charleston bar, nine miles from the city. "the _sterling_ isn't in sight," said walter, as he came on deck and took a look behind. "i wonder if the heavy sea was too much for the collier." "oh, she'll turn up sooner or later," answered si. "but a boat loaded as she was isn't the safest thing to sail around such a point as cape hatteras, i can tell you that." the collier came in before night, reporting a thoroughly disagreeable trip. a lighthouse tender was at hand, ready to take the mail ashore, as well as to deliver letters and special messages. the messages were at once delivered to commodore schley. "i wonder how long we'll stop here," said walter. "i wouldn't mind a run ashore, just to see what the city looks like." "there goes a signal to the _texas_," said si, as the signalman took up his flag and began to wig-wag. "wait a moment till i read what he is saying." "can you read it?" asked walter, in deep interest. "certainly, it's easy enough." si began to spell to himself. "'w-h-a-t, what--i-s, is--y-o-u-r, your--b-e-s-t, best--r-a-t-e, rate--o-f, of--s-p-e-e-d, speed--n-o-w, now?' he is asking what the _texas_ can do at once, so far as speed is concerned. that means something important. hold on, here comes the answer." again the yankee youth began to spell. "might go fifteen and a half knots." then the signalman on the _brooklyn_ sent another message. "we are off on business now." and the signal went up for the squadron to weigh anchor again. "we're off for a fight!" ejaculated walter. "but tell me about that wig-wagging, si; how do they signal the letters?" "it's easy enough. you take a small flag of some bright color, attached to a pole six or eight feet long. as soon as you attract the attention of the other fellow, you begin to use the flag in three motions, to the right, the left, and down in front. to the right means one, to the left means two, and down in front means three. now all the letters are represented by combinations of numbers, and all you have to do is to learn the combinations and spell ahead. it's easy enough when one gets the hang of it. at night you can use a lantern instead of a flag." "that is easy," commented walter. "but what about those signals at the masthead. can you read those?" "no. in those, most every flag represents a letter, or a word, or sentence; but to read the signal you have got to have either the international signal code-book, or else the united states navy code-book. the navy code is locked up in the captain's cabin, and the book is weighted with lead, so that if anything happens, it can be heaved overboard and sunk, thus keeping it out of the enemy's hands." "i declare, signalling isn't so difficult, after all," cried walter. "to me it looked like a perfect jumble." "the trouble with flags is, that when there's no wind they won't straighten out so you can see 'em," put in caleb, who had joined the pair. "lanterns are more to be depended upon, and they have a new system now, called the ardois electric, in which they use four powerful electric lights, so that the signals can be read at a distance of several miles. you'll learn all about them if you stay in the navy long enough." chapter xiii in which the gold piece comes to light "where now?" was the question which more than one man on board of the _brooklyn_ asked himself. but no answer was forthcoming. the commodore, captain, and commander knew, of course, but they kept the information to themselves. in war it is a rule not to let the enemy know what you are doing until you do it, and so a strict guard was kept, so that no information might leak out. yet spanish spies in canada learned a good deal, and notified the home government as quickly as it could be done. from charleston the course was almost due south, and both si and caleb came to the conclusion that the flagship and her sister craft were bound for cuban waters. "perhaps we're going to join in the blockading of havana," remarked the old gunner. "oh, i hope not," said walter. "riding in one spot day after day must be awfully tiresome. i'd like to hunt the spaniards out and do them battle, as dewey did. he didn't waste any time." dewey's name was to be heard constantly, for the jackies never got done talking about this first great victory of the war. some of them had served on the _olympia_, _boston_, and other vessels of the asiatic squadron, and they described just how these boats were built, and what parts they must have taken in the contest. "don't grow impatient, walter," said caleb. "we'll run up against something soon--perhaps more than you care for. it's easy enough to think of sinking an enemy's ship. supposing he puts a few thirteen-inch shells through your craft, and you begin to go down--what then?" "i'll make the best of it," returned the boy, calmly. "i enlisted to fight for uncle sam, and i'm willing to take what comes." jim haskett was passing when walter made this remark, and his lip curled with a sneer. "that boy is too big for his boots," muttered the seaman. "i can't see what the other men find in him to like." jim haskett was more sour than ever, for his disagreeable ways had lost to him the few friends he had picked up when first coming on board. the fact that si and walter were growing more popular every day caused him fairly to grate his teeth with rage. "i'll fix him, see if i don't," he told himself that night. "they shan't tell everybody that i took that gold piece--when i didn't touch his bag." jim haskett was one of those mean, unscrupulous men, who do a wrong and then try to argue themselves into thinking that it is all right. it was not true that he had taken the ten-dollar gold piece from si's bag, but it _was_ true that he had found the yankee boy's satchel overturned and partly open, and had closed it up and locked it, and afterward found the money on the floor of the car within a few feet of where the bag had stood. any fair-minded man would have told himself that the gold piece must be the one lost by si; but haskett was not fair-minded, and it was doubtful if the man could ever become so, any more than a dwarfed and crippled tree can be forced to become straight and upright. on monday morning, the day after leaving charleston bar, haskett heard caleb tell walter and si that the gun must be cleaned and oiled. "we'll go over the piece from top to bottom to-morrow," said the old gunner, "and if there is anything more that you don't understand i'll explain it to you." "this is my chance," said haskett to himself, and lost no time in bringing forth the gold piece from the place where he had hidden it. watching his opportunity, when caleb, si, and walter were asleep that night, he secreted the piece in a corner of the track upon which the gun-base revolved. inside of half an hour after breakfast the next day, walter, stripped to the waist, was working over the gun, in company with his friends and steve colton, the second gun-captain, and carl stuben, the hose-man. all were supplied with cotton waste, polishing-paste, and rags, and in a short while the bright portions of the gun shone like a mirror. "there, i reckon that will suit the chief gunner," was caleb's remark as he stood back to inspect the work. "no piece on the starboard side brighter than this, i'll wager my month's pay." si was bending down under the gun, swabbing up some oil which had run down from one of the working joints. suddenly the yankee youth threw down his swab and caught up something which shone in spite of the dirt upon it. "my gold piece, as sure as you're born!" he ejaculated, after he had made an inspection at the porthole. "now how in creation did that get there?" he looked at caleb, and half unconsciously both turned to walter. "what's that?" asked the youth. "my gold piece--i found it hidden under the gun-track," answered si. walter's face turned red, as he remembered what jim haskett had said concerning his talking in his sleep. "why, si--are--are you sure it is your piece?" he faltered. "certainly. there is the date, --centennial year, and here is a scratch i once made with my jack-knife. it's the very one that was taken from my bag, beyond any doubt." si continued to look at walter, while caleb suddenly turned and gazed out of the porthole, while stuben, the hose-man, whistled softly to himself. "why, si, have you got your money back?" cried paul, who had just chanced up. "yes." "and where did you find it?" "under the gun, by the track." and si pointed out the place with his forefinger. "under the gun! why, that is where haskett said walter hid it!" was paul's comment, before he stopped to think twice. "i mean--that is, haskett said something about it," he stammered. "i know he did," answered the yankee youth, coldly. walter's face was burning hotly now, and he could scarcely trust himself to speak. "si, do you think i put that money there?" he asked in a strained voice. "i'm sure i don't know what to think," was the dogged answer, and now si turned his gaze away. "haskett said--well, you know what,--and cal blinker backed him up in it," he went on, hesitatingly. "yes, i know what haskett and blinker said," answered walter. "but--but--do you think i stole your money?" the words would scarcely come, but he forced them out. "i don't say that, walter; but the whole thing looks mighty queer." "i have it!" burst out caleb. "perhaps walter put the money there when he was asleep. folks often do queer things when they have the nightmare." "yes, but if he put it there while he was asleep, how did he come by it in the first place?" questioned si, bluntly. "perhaps he took it out of the bag while he was asleep on the train," suggested caleb. "you had the bag with you all the way from boston, didn't you?" "yes." "and walter bunked with you, too?" "he did." "then it's as plain as day," went on the old gunner. "walter took the money while you were asleep on the train and hid it away in his clothing, or somewhere. when he got on board he took to sleep-walking and put the piece under the gun. of course he doesn't know anything about the transaction." again all eyes were turned upon walter, whose face was as red as ever. "perhaps that's true--but it's mighty queer," murmured colton, the second gun-captain. "i don't believe i did anything of the sort!" cried the youth, at last. "i can give you my word on it that i never saw si's money until just now. to my mind, this whole matter is a job put up by jim haskett. he took the money, and then when si raised such an ado about it he was afraid to get it changed or to spend it, and he watched his chance to get rid of it. he's down on me, and when he heard me mutter in my sleep he formed his plan to get me into trouble. i'm going to find haskett on the spot." and off he rushed before anybody could detain him. haskett was discovered mending his jacket, which had become torn the evening before. "what do you want?" he asked, as walter ran up and caught him fiercely by the arm. "i want you to own up to your dirty trick on me," answered the boy. "you thought you had me, but your little plot won't work." "what do you mean?" blustered haskett, although he knew well enough what was coming. by this time the crowd had followed walter, and they gathered round the pair. soon haskett had heard all there was to say. "don't lay it off on me," he cried. "i knew russell was guilty from the start. si doring can think as he pleases. as for me, i'm glad that i'm not training with a night-walker--or a thief." walter leaped forward with blazing eyes. but before he could strike out, caleb caught him, while another man held haskett. then, before anything more could be done or said, si stepped to the front. "haskett, i lost the money, and i think i ought to have the biggest say in this matter. if you played a trick on walter, you are the meanest man that ever trod the deck of a ship. if you didn't, let me say that i don't think walter stole the gold piece, although he may have taken it while he was asleep and not responsible for his doings." "thank you for saying that, si," came from walter. "but i don't think i took it even when asleep. to my mind haskett is guilty, and nobody else." "if i wasn't held--" began haskett, when a young seaman named george ellis, chief yeoman of the _brooklyn_, stepped forward and asked to know what the trouble was about. "i think i can tell something about this," said george ellis, after the matter had been explained. "you just hold your jaw!" stormed haskett. "you don't know anything." "i know what i see," answered the chief yeoman, pointedly; and something in his manner attracted such attention that all in the crowd gathered around to learn what he might have to say. chapter xiv key west, and the last of jim haskett george ellis was known to be an upright honest man, and one whose word was worth taking upon every occasion. he had an education above that of the ordinary man in the navy, and was anxious to make something of himself while in the service of his country, never dreaming, alas! that his life was so soon to be taken from him during our struggle in the cause of humanity and cuban freedom. "and what did you see?" questioned caleb, as all eyes were turned upon ellis, inquiringly. "it was last night," answered the range finder, for such was the man's popular title, given him because he was so good at determining distances. "i was rather feverish and couldn't sleep. i walked the berth deck for a while and then went up to walton's gun and stood leaning out of the porthole, gazing at the water. "presently i heard a slight noise behind me, and turning around i saw in a dim way the figure of a man behind me. he was bending down under the gun, as if he was hunting for something. i was just on the point of speaking to him when he straightened up and slunk away as silently as a ghost. i watched him, and when he got under the rays of the electric light i got a good look at his face." "and was it this man?" cried si, pointing to jim haskett. "it was." with a cry of anger si leaped upon haskett and bore him to the deck. "you good-for-nothin' rascal!" he panted. "will try to shove off your dirty tricks on walter, eh? so you stole my money and then got afraid to use it? take that, and that, and that!" each _that_ was a blow in the face, one on the cheek, another on the nose, and a third directly in haskett's left eye. they were heavy, and haskett roared with pain. "let up!" he sputtered. "let go of me,"--the latter to caleb, who still held him. "oh, my eye! is this fair fighting, two to one?" "it is as fair as you treated walter," answered caleb. "give him another, si; he deserves it." and si followed directions by planting a blow on haskett's neck, something which spun the former mate of the _sunflower_ around like a top. at last haskett broke loose and backed away. "i'll get square on all of you!" he foamed, shaking his fist first at caleb and then at the others. "i'm not done yet." [illustration: "i'll get square on all of you!"] "i've a good mind to report you," put in walter. "i reckon you'd be good for a month in irons, on bread and water." at this haskett grew pale. "the officers won't believe your story. ellis, and the rest of you haven't any witnesses," he replied, but his voice shook. "just wait; my day will come some time." and then, as si started to advance again, he beat a hasty retreat. "that settles that mystery," remarked caleb, when the excitement was over. "i calculate, walter, that you are not sorry the way matters came out." "no, indeed." walter turned to george ellis. "i owe you one for your kindness. i'll not forget it." "that's all right--i only did what any fair-minded fellow would do," answered the chief yeoman, and strolled away. it was time for dinner, and walter hurried off arm in arm with si, who was still somewhat worked up over what had happened. "walter, don't you go for to imagine i thought you guilty," said the yankee boy. "i know you are honest to the core." "even if i do talk in my sleep," said walter, from whose heart a great load had been lifted. once more the course of the flying squadron had been changed and now they were making straight for the coast of florida. tuesday passed quietly, although the same vigilance prevailed as before. it was evident, come what might, commodore schley did not mean to allow the enemy to catch him napping. they had passed through the straits of florida, and now they turned to the westward, past a number of the florida reefs. far across the ocean could be seen the low-lying shore, backed up by stately palms and other trees. the weather was now much warmer. "you see, we are drawing closer to the equator," remarked caleb. "i reckon we are bound for key west." and his surmise proved correct, for they dropped anchors in key west harbor early on the morning following. "what a lot of warships around here," cried walter, as he came on deck. "what is that big fellow over yonder?" "that is the _iowa_," answered the old gunner. "you can well say big fellow, for the _iowa_ is the largest seagoing battleship we possess. she has a displacement of over eleven thousand tons and can speed in any sea at over seventeen knots. she carries four -inch guns and a whole host of others. her armor belt is solid steel, fourteen inches thick." "she's a beauty. i wonder if she will go out with us?" "that is according to what rear admiral sampson has to say about it, lad. you see, this campaign in atlantic waters is largely in his hands." the _iowa_ lay quite close, and during the day several messages were transmitted from one warship to the other by means of the wig-wag system. walter had now mastered the mysteries of wig-wagging and amused himself by spelling out the messages as they passed to and fro. a salute had been fired when the commodore entered the harbor, eleven rounds being shot off. "if he was a rear-admiral, he'd get thirteen guns," explained caleb. "you see the salute varies from the president down. mckinley gets twenty-one guns, the vice-president or secretary of the navy nineteen guns, a foreign minister fifteen guns, a consul seven guns, and so on. by counting the guns every man on the ships can tell what sort of a dignitary has arrived." it was a cloudy day, and the air was so close that walter was glad enough to take it easy. presently he saw a boat leave the side, containing several petty officers and george ellis and jim haskett. "i wonder where they are going," said walter to si. "some special business for captain cook," answered paul, who stood near. "oh, but haskett is in an ugly mood to-day. it will be a big wonder if he and ellis don't get into a fight before they come back." "ellis is too much of a gentleman to fight with any one," returned walter. "by the way, what is his real position on board?" "he is chief yeoman," replied si. "he is going ashore to look after some ship's stores, so i heard him tell one of the paymasters." the small boat was soon out of sight, and walter turned away to seek the shade, for it was growing hotter and hotter. "if this is a sample of weather in the torrid zone, what shall we do when we get into cuban waters?" he observed. "we are not very far from cuban waters now," said the yankee youth. "we could make havana in six or seven hours if it was necessary." "i wonder how the people of that city feel, si, all cooped up as they have been for so long." "i reckon they wish they had some fighting ships to come out after us, walter. i've heard it said that general blanco hardly knows how to turn himself, food is so scarce and so many idlers are about. it wouldn't surprise me if they had a riot there, if they haven't had one already. even soldiers won't keep quiet when the grub fails." but little could be seen of key west outside of the numerous shipping. presently a couple of petty officers came along with marine glasses and one pointed out to his companion several spanish prizes in the port. "they'll be worth a good bit of money to the sailors on the blockade," he added. "i wish we were in for a share of the spoils." "there are several transports," said caleb, on joining his friends. "they are fitting out to go to tampa. it won't be long before an army of invasion starts for cuba." "i wonder if my brother ben will go along," mused walter, but just then to get word from his older brother was impossible. inside of two hours the small craft came back. somewhat to his surprise walter saw that jim haskett was missing. he would not have thought much of this had it not been that the _brooklyn_ was already preparing to continue on her trip. "haskett did not come back," he announced to si. "i'll wager something is wrong." "oh, i guess not," said the yankee youth; nevertheless, he, too, began to watch for the former mate of the _sunflower_. several hours later walter passed george ellis on the upper deck and saluted. the chief yeoman hesitated and then called walter to him. "i suppose you and your friend will be interested to know that james haskett has been left behind at key west under military arrest," he began. "indeed! and what for, if i may ask?" "for getting into a rough-and-tumble fight with a soldier named grumbell. it seems grumbell once owned a fishing-smack down east, and haskett failed to settle up on a cargo of fish he sold for grumbell three years ago. they had a quarrel of words and then got to blows, and haskett hit a captain of the regulars who tried to separate them. both he and the soldier are now in prison, and i rather imagine it will go pretty hard with the seaman, for striking a captain is no light offence." and after a few words more, george ellis passed on. of course walter lost no time in carrying the news to his friends. all listened with interest, and si said he was glad haskett was gone. "and i hope he doesn't ever come back," he added. and jim haskett never did come back, nor did walter ever set eyes on the man again. for quarrelling with the soldier and striking the captain of the regulars, jim haskett was dishonorably discharged from the navy, and sentenced to a year's imprisonment at hard labor. thus, in a roundabout way, was the rascal made to suffer the punishment he so richly deserved. chapter xv from cienfuegos to santiago bay from key west the flying squadron set sail direct for cienfuegos. the _brooklyn_, _massachusetts_, _texas_, and _scorpion_ left together, and were followed, twenty-four hours later, by the _iowa_, mentioned in the previous chapter, and by the _castine_ and the collier _merrimac_. cienfuegos is a town of good size lying on a small bay on the south coast of cuba, about midway between the eastern and western extremities. for several days the navy department had been watching, or trying to watch, the movements of the spanish squadron, satisfied at last that it was somewhere in cuban waters. one report had it that admiral cervera was at cienfuegos, another that he was at santiago de cuba, many miles to the eastward. commodore schley was now sent out to bring the truth to light, were it possible to do so. the rainy season, as it is termed, was at its height in this vicinity, and the showers came down nearly all day, striking the hot metal decks, and converting the water into something closely resembling steam. it was so muggy and uncomfortable that hardly any of the jackies could sleep, and more than one poor fellow was overcome and had to be carried to the sick bay for treatment. "if that spanish squadron has passed santiago and cienfuegos, and is crawling up around the western turn of cuba, it won't be long before we see some hot work," observed caleb, as he lounged at a porthole, devoid of any clothing but his shirt and trousers. "any kind of work would be hot," said walter, laughingly. "why, i think a fellow could cook eggs on deck." "puts me in mind of a voyage i took to south america," put in si, who had just soused his head into a bucket of water, and was dripping from nose, ears, and chin in consequence. "we lay off the mouth of the amazon for two days, waiting to get on a cargo of rubber. it was right under the equator, and the tar just poured out of all our seams. one afternoon i ran across the deck in my bare feet, for i was taking a swim, and as true as i live i blistered my feet." "oh, that's nothing," returned caleb, dryly. "i was under the equator once, off the coast of columbia in the bark _sally d_. the captain let us go fishing in the jolly-boat. we caught about a dozen fish and threw 'em in the bottom as fast as they came in, and when we got back to the bark hang me if the first two fish we had brought up weren't baked as nice as you please, all fit for the captain's table." and caleb turned away and began to whistle softly to himself, while si continued his ablutions without another word. among old sailors, "matching yarns" is a constant pastime, and the stories sometimes told would shame even a baron munchausen. the watch on board of the warship was now more strict than ever, and the men slept at their guns, sometimes not seeing a hammock for several nights. everybody, from the captain down to the apprentices, felt that a crisis could not be far off. it must not be imagined that while commodore schley was skirting the southern coast of cuba, the northern coast was neglected, for such was not the case. the blockade of havana and vicinity still continued, and in addition rear-admiral sampson took his own flagship, the _new york_, and several other warships, and sailed eastward, thinking to occupy the st. nicholas channel. thus, if admiral cervera tried to gain the vicinity of havana by the northern coast, he would be likely to fall in with sampson; if he took the southern way, schley would intercept his path. by keeping his ships in the st. nicholas channel sampson remained ever ready to dash northward should the spanish destroyers take a new course and show themselves along our own coast. "we are coming in sight of land," cried walter, toward nightfall, two days after leaving key west. "i suppose this is some port on the southern coast of cuba." "it is cienfuegos bay," returned caleb. "i just heard one of the officers say so. we're to lie at anchor until morning, and then perhaps the fun will commence." at this announcement walter's heart beat quickly, and it must be admitted that he did not sleep a wink that night for speculating on what the morrow might bring forth. in this particular, his thoughts were not far different from those of every one else on board. daybreak brought more rain, and the big warship rode on the long swells of the ocean grim and silent. not far away lay the _texas_, and several newcomers could be seen approaching from a distance. "this looks like business," observed si to walter, and the boy nodded. immediately after breakfast the signal was hoisted to clear ship for action, and once more the jackies rushed to their various places and got into fighting trim. then the great engines of the _brooklyn_ began to work, and they crept slowly toward the entrance to the harbor. "if cervera is there, he keeps himself pretty well hidden," remarked one of the officers, within hearing of walter. "i don't see anything that looks like a warship." presently the flagship came to a halt, and the _texas_ steamed past her and quite close to the harbor. here the spaniards had a small land battery, but it kept silent. the inner portion of the bay was hidden from view by a high spur of land. what to do next was a problem. if the spanish squadron was really there, it would be foolhardy to rush in and do battle while the enemy would have the support of the shore battery. commodore schley thought the matter over and, ever on the alert, decided to play a waiting game. sunday passed without anything unusual developing, and so did the day following. the strain on the men at the guns was great, for they were on duty constantly. night and day the bosom of the outer bay was closely watched, for it was known that cervera had with him one or two torpedo-boat destroyers, and these were dreaded more than anything else. "let one of those torpedo destroyers get near us, and we'll go up as quickly as did the _maine_," said caleb. "i'm not afraid of the dagos, but let me get out of the way of a torpedo boat every time." and this opinion was shared by all walton's messmates. "there's another boat coming up," announced si, at six o'clock on tuesday morning. "walton, what do you make her out to be?" "she's the _marblehead_," was the old gunner's answer, after a long look at the craft. "and she's got despatches for the commodore," he added, as the signal went up and a small boat put off for the _brooklyn_. soon commander mccalla of the _marblehead_ came on board, and a long conference with commodore schley resulted, after which the newly arrived officer departed for his own warship with all possible speed. mccalla's mission was to communicate with the cuban insurgents who were encamped near cienfuegos, with a view to ascertaining if admiral cervera's ships were really in the harbor. the morning passed quietly, and by noon the _marblehead_ and her commander returned. the cuban spies had made an investigation, and not a single ship of war belonging to spain had been found, outside of a little harbor vessel of small moment. it was now thought that if admiral cervera was not at cienfuegos he must either be on his way hither or at santiago. accordingly, toward evening, the squadron received orders to sail for santiago. "we're off for santiago bay," said caleb. "and if we don't find the dagos there, i'll give up where they are. perhaps they have gone back to spain." he continually alluded to the spaniards as dagos,--a term which became quite common among soldiers and sailors during the war, although many referred to the enemy as the dons. it had cleared off, and the sun shone down fiercely on the deck and elsewhere. inside of the steel turrets the air was stifling, and no one could remain at his post over a couple of hours. from below, the engineers, firemen, and coal-heavers came up constantly for a whiff of fresh air. "we're badly enough off," remarked walter. "but look at those poor chaps. why, some of the firemen look ready to melt." "yes, and the worst of it is they never get any credit when it comes to a battle," added caleb. "now to my mind, the engineer who sticks to his engine during a battle, obeying orders and running the risk of having a shot plough through a boiler and scald him to death, is just as much of a hero as the chap behind a gun--and in one way he's more of a hero; for if the ship should start to sink, a gunner has got the chance to leap overboard and swim for it, while the man below is likely to be drowned like a rat in a trap." "and the coal-heavers work harder than negroes," put in paul. "just think of the tons and tons of coal they shovel every twenty-four hours when we are under full steam. i'm quite certain such work would break my back." "oh, life on a warship isn't all a picnic," was si's comment. "if a fellow enlists to have an easy time of it, he deserves to get left. i enlisted to serve uncle sam, and i'm going to do it--if providence will give me the chance." as commodore schley sailed toward santiago from cienfuegos, rear-admiral sampson, gaining additional information concerning the whereabouts of the enemy, moved slowly and cautiously eastward toward cape maysi and the windward passage. thus, if cervera was where he was supposed to be, he was bound to be discovered before many more days passed. "do you know anything about santiago bay?" asked si of walter. "i've travelled to south america and central america, but i never stopped anywhere in cuba." "i know only what the geographies teach," answered walter. "it is on the south side of cuba, a hundred and some odd miles from the eastern end of the island. it is said to be a very pretty harbor, about eight miles long and one to two miles wide. santiago, which is the next largest cuban city to havana, is located on the northeast shore. i heard caleb say that the entrance to the harbor is shaped like the neck of a crooked bottle, and that on the eastern side there is a strong fortress called morro castle, and opposite to it a heavy concealed battery called la zocapa. somehow, it's in my mind that we'll see a good deal of the harbor before we come away," concluded the boy. chapter xvi the finding of admiral cervera's fleet "well, this doesn't look much like fighting." it was paul who uttered the remark. the youngest member of the gunners' crowd rested in the shadow of one of the long guns, half asleep. near by sat walter and si, each writing letters, although there was no telling when the communications would be taken from the _brooklyn_ and sent home. at key west walter had looked for some word from ben and from job dowling, but none had come. "i'd like to know if my uncle went to boston, and if he learned anything concerning that deck mumpers and the stolen heirlooms," walter observed to si, after nodding to paul, in agreement that it didn't look like fighting. "well, you'll have to possess your soul in patience," answered the young yankee. "but oh, this is dead slow!" and thrusting his letter into an envelope, he addressed it and laid it away. several days had been spent around the mouth of santiago bay, without anything being brought to light. if the spanish fleet was within the harbor, it knew enough to keep out of sight, that was certain. "if i was commodore schley, i'd rush past old morro and make short work of this," grumbled paul, stretching himself and yawning. "why, we'll all die of laziness if this keeps on." "i hear the _merrimac_ has broken down," put in caleb, who had just come below. "that means another wait of twenty-four hours or more, even if cervera isn't in the harbor. why under the sun must those dagos play such a game of hide-and-seek? why can't they come up and fight like men?" "perhaps admiral cervera is bombarding some of our cities at this very moment--" began si, when a sudden loud hurrah caused all hands to leap up and make for the deck. "what's up?" came from a hundred throats. "the _iowa_ has just signalled that she has seen a big spanish warship showing her nose around the harbor point!" was the wild answer. "we've found the dons at last!" and then came another hurrah and a wild yell. "let us get at 'em! down with the spaniards! remember the _maine_ and dewey's victory at manila!" commodore schley was on the afterbridge of the flagship. as the yelling broke loose, he smiled grimly. "yes, they must be in there," he said to captain cook. "and if they are, they'll never get home." prophetic words, as the events of just five weeks later proved. owing to the heavy swells of the ocean, the warships under the commodore's command had drifted somewhat apart, but now, when it was known definitely that admiral cervera's ships were in the harbor before them, the various craft were signalled to draw closer, until they lay within four to six miles of the entrance. this may seem a long way off to some of my readers, but it must be remembered that guns of the present day can carry as far as ten to twelve miles when put to it, and a destructive fire can be maintained at seven or eight miles. the night that followed was a trying one, for no one knew but that admiral cervera's warships might come dashing out of the bay at any instant ready to do them deadly battle. the _brooklyn_ had long since been stripped for action, many articles of wood being thrown overboard, to avoid splinters when shot and shell began to fall. the small boats were covered with strong nets, also to keep splinters away, and everywhere throughout the ship the hoses were connected with the water-plugs, to be used in case of fire, and all water-tubs were kept filled for a like purpose. the magazines were kept open, and every gun, big and little, stood ready to be fired at the word of command. even the wardroom tables were cleared off and covered with the sick-bay cloths, and the surgeons saw to it in a quiet way that their bandages, knives, and saws were ready to hand. "say, but that looks like war, eh?" whispered paul, jerking his thumb in the direction of one of the improvised operating tables. "gracious, it's enough to give a fellow a cold shiver." "then don't look that way, paul," answered walter. "as si said, life here isn't expected to be a picnic. we may gain lots of glory, but we'll have to work for it,--and maybe suffer, too." it was the th of may, decoration day, but no services of a special character were had, although the civil war was talked of by a dozen veterans of both the north and the south, who were now standing once more shoulder to shoulder, as washington, jefferson, and a hundred other patriots of old had intended that they should stand, once and forever. "we're under the stars and stripes to stay," said one man who had worn the gray at gettysburg. "just let those dons show themselves, and we'll lick 'em out of their boots." the man's name was berkeley, and he was as good a soldier as he was a sailor, and wore both union and confederate medals for bravery. walter had just fallen into a light doze early in the morning when a dull booming awoke him with a start, and made him leap to his feet. "what is that--guns firing?" he asked. "that's it, lad," came from caleb. "the commodore is giving his defiance to the enemy, i reckon. there she goes again," he went on, as half a dozen sullen reports rolled over the water. "i just wish we were in this." a spanish warship, the _christobal colon_, had again showed herself at the entrance to santiago bay, and the _iowa_, the _massachusetts_, and the _new orleans_, had been ordered to move to within seven thousand yards and open fire. away they darted, and passed and re-passed the harbor entrance twice, firing as they sailed. what damage was done it was impossible to tell, but that the _colon_ was hit seemed very probable, for she soon disappeared. the shore batteries also took part, and sent one big shell directly over the _iowa_, where it burst with a noise that was deafening, but without doing any damage. "gracious! what a racket!" exclaimed walter, as he watched the bombardment from afar. "racket!" repeated caleb, who stood beside him. "why, lad, this is nothing to what we'll have when we get mixed up. i only hope the commodore signals us to line up for the scrap," he went on, for commodore schley had left the _brooklyn_ temporarily, and hoisted his pennant on the _massachusetts_. but the signal did not come, much to the old gunner's disappointment. by dark the bombardment was at an end. it had been brought about by the commodore with the view to ascertain the strength of the enemy, his ability to shoot straight, and the number and location of the shore batteries. now this information was gained, and it was likely to be of great value in the near future. it had been decided, should admiral cervera's fleet be discovered in santiago bay, that commodore schley should unload the collier _merrimac_ as quickly as possible, and then sink the craft directly across the channel at the narrow entrance. if this was accomplished, it would make it impossible for the spanish warships to escape until the sunken wreck was blown up and cleared away, and in the meantime several other available american vessels could be hurried to the scene of action. a number of spies had been sent ashore, and at last the commodore was positive that the enemy was just where he wanted him. "and now we'll sink the _merrimac_ and bottle him up," he said. the _merrimac_ was an iron steamboat of five thousand tons' burden. she had previously been a "tramp" steamer; that is, one going from port to port, picking up any cargo that came to hand. she carried a large quantity of coal for the various ships, and, as we already know, had followed the flying squadron from key west to cienfuegos and the present ocean territory. she was a heavily built craft, carrying two masts, and just the right sort for the plan now at hand. a heavy salute on the morning of june announced the coming of admiral sampson with a number of additional warships,--the _new york_, _oregon_, _mayflower_, _porter_, and others. the _new york_, it may be added here, was a cruiser, similar to the brooklyn, only somewhat smaller. the _oregon_ was a battleship of the first class, of over ten thousand tons' displacement, and carried four -inch, eight -inch, and four -inch guns in her main battery, over twenty guns in her secondary battery, besides several gatling guns and three torpedo tubes. this noble vessel had just made a record for herself by steaming, at full speed, from san francisco, around cape horn, to our eastern coast, without a break-down,--a journey without precedent for a heavy battleship, so far as our own navy was concerned. in the past, foreign critics had imagined that our vessels were not quite as good as theirs in thoroughness of build; now these critics were silenced, and they stood looking on, and wondering what those "clever yankees" would do next. the _merrimac_ had been under the command of captain james miller, but now she was eased of a large quantity of her coal, and turned over to lieutenant richmond p. hobson, an assistant naval constructor. hobson had his plans arranged in detail for sinking the _merrimac_, and all he asked for was a crew of six or seven men, to aid him in running the collier into the harbor channel. "i know it looks like certain death to go in," he said, "and therefore i want only volunteers with me." "you can get them easily enough," said rear-admiral sampson, with a smile. "i know a hundred men on the _new york_ who will be only too anxious to go, no matter how dangerous the mission." volunteers were called for, and, to the credit of our navy, be it said, that the crews of the different ships offered themselves almost to a man. "we can die only once," said one old gunner; "take me!" "i'd like to go, captain," said caleb, appealing to captain cook. "can't you put me on the list somehow?" "i'll go," said walter, readily, and si said the same. paul was so young that he knew they would not take him. of course where only seven men were wanted and hundreds had begged to be allowed to go there were numerous disappointments. at last the list was made up of the following--names to be remembered by every patriotic young american: lieutenant hobson, in command; o. w. deignan, helmsman; g. f. phillips, engineer; f. kelley, fireman; j. murphy, coxswain; g. charette, mine batteries; d. montague, anchor hand; r. clausen, extra wheelman. the men were all experienced sailors, and fully realized the extreme peril which awaited them, when they should run the _merrimac_ in directly under the fire of morro castle and the la zocapa battery. a start was made late on wednesday night, the _merrimac_ cruising up and down before the harbor entrance, trying to gain a favorable opportunity for entering. but none showed itself, and by orders of the rear-admiral the attempt was postponed until the night following. in the meantime a catamaran was built and attached to the _merrimac's_ side, to be used in getting away in case the small boats became disabled when the craft was wrecked. chapter xvii in which the "merrimac" is sunk "it's too bad we can't get places on the _merrimac_," observed walter to si, as the two walked to their quarters after the selection of men had been made. "if lieutenant hobson succeeds in getting the collier up in the harbor entrance and sinking her, it will be a big feather in his cap." "my idea is that the heavy guns of old morro will blow the _merrimac_ clean out of the water before she gets within quarter of a mile of where she is to be sunk," answered the yankee lad. "those on board are running the greatest risk of their lives." "but the glory, si!" "no glory if you're killed." "but you said you would go." "so i would--but i wouldn't expect to come back alive. i'll wager we never see hobson again, nor none of his men." the fierce heat of the day had given walter a headache. as evening came on it grew worse, and he was not able to sleep during the night. "i hope i'm not getting the cuban fever," he remarked to caleb, who had offered several simple remedies ready at hand. "better report and go on the sick list," advised the old gunner. "if it's fever, the sooner you take it in hand the better." at first walter demurred, but finally, as the ache in his head began to creep all over him, he reported to one of the surgeons. "i don't want to go into the sick bay," he said, "but i wish you would give me something." "yes, you need something," was the answer. "we don't want any men to get down so soon. we may have to stay on the blockade here for some time, if cervera refuses to come out and fight us." "or we block him in with the wreck of the _merrimac_," said walter, with a faint smile. "oh, that will be only a temporary check, to give admiral sampson time to get his fleet into shape and give the army authorities time to send on an army of invasion. the army is already gathering at tampa," replied the surgeon. the medicine was forthcoming, and walter was at once given a big dose and told to repeat every two hours. "it has quinine in it and will make your ears ring and your head buzz, but that won't hurt you," said the surgeon. "if you feel worse by to-morrow morning, report to me again." this was at eight o'clock. by noon walter felt as if a buzz saw was in full operation in his head, while he could not hear at all. but he continued to take the medicine, and rested in a hammock slung up in the coolest spot to be found between decks. "oh dear!" he murmured, when left alone. "how my head does spin around! if i get very sick, whatever will become of me?" and he buried his face in his jacket sleeve, to suppress a groan that was bound to come. by nightfall he was worse, if anything, and both caleb and si advised him to go into the sick bay for further treatment. but he shook his head. "no, i reckon i can stand it till morning," he said. "there may be a turn for the better by that time." midnight found him on deck, under the impression that the fresh night air would do him some good. to tell the truth, he was hardly responsible for what he was doing, for his head was in a worse whirl than at any time previous. he staggered to the side and leaned over. the warship rose and fell on the bosom of the ocean, and the water danced and twinkled before his eyes. nobody was near him. how it all happened he could never tell afterward. he must have leaned over too far, or slipped, for suddenly he seemed to awake as by a shock, and felt himself going down and down into the greenish element which washed up against the _brooklyn's_ sides. he tried to scream, but his mouth filled with water and he could only splutter. when at length he arose to the surface, the waves had carried him a hundred feet away from the ship. he tried to cry out, but he was too weak to utter more than a whisper. he threw out his hands and began to swim in a mechanical way. but instead of carrying him back whence he had come, the mighty waves lifted him closer and closer to shore. ten minutes had passed, and walter felt that he could keep up no longer, when he came into contact with a large box which had at one time been filled with naval stores, but which, on being emptied, had been thrown overboard from one of the warships. the box was over four feet in length and built of heavy slatting, and afforded a fair degree of buoyancy. lying across the top of the receptacle he floated on, wondering in a bewildered way how this strange adventure was going to end. "if only i could get to one of our ships," he thought. "if i don't, i must either drown or else be cast up on the coast, in which case the spaniards will most likely capture me. if i--oh, there is a ship now!" walter was right; a two-masted vessel was bearing directly down upon him. the vessel carried no lights and moved along as silently as a ghost. "i'll be run down!" was the boy's agonizing thought, when, on coming within a few hundred feet, the craft began to turn in a small circle. then, when halfway around, her engines came to a stop and she drifted idly on the waves. a chain was dangling from the vessel's stern. it was but three yards away, and making a frantic leap walter clutched it and hung fast. scarcely had this been accomplished than the steamer moved off again, dragging him behind her. in his weak state it is a wonder that walter was not compelled to relinquish his hold; but life is sweet to us all, and he hung on grimly, and setting his teeth, began to climb up the chain hand over hand. in a few minutes he reached the taffrail, fell, rather than climbed, over, and dropped unconscious on the deck. how long he lay in this state walter did not know. he came to his senses to find himself being shaken by somebody bending over him. "what are you doing here?" was the rough demand. "don't you know that all of the regular crew were ordered off at three o'clock?" "i--i--where am i?" stammered walter, sitting up. "where are you? don't you know?" "no, sir." "you're on board of the _merrimac_." "the _merrimac_!" echoed the boy, and attempted to rise to his feet. he was still very weak, but otherwise his involuntary bath had done him much good. "exactly; the _merrimac_. how dare you remain on board against orders?" "i didn't remain on board. i--i fell off of my own ship, the _brooklyn_, and came near drowning, when this vessel came along and i managed to catch hold of a chain that is dragging over the taffrail. i climbed up and then--then i don't remember anything more." "humph! that's a likely story. how did you happen to fall overboard?" went on the man, who was one of the volunteers on this never-to-be-forgotten expedition. in a few words walter told him. by this time the youth felt stronger, and got up on his feet. "i hope i shan't be in the way," he said, as he concluded. "you had better keep out of the way," was the grim return. "come forward, and i'll report the matter to lieutenant hobson. if you have to go in with us, the best thing you can do is to strip off your clothing, and buckle a life preserver around you--just as the rest of us have done. of course if you were on the _brooklyn_ you know what we intend to do, and let me tell you we've some mighty hot work ahead of us." and throwing him a life preserver, the man stalked off, leaving walter standing on the forward deck of the collier in the darkness. it was a little after three o'clock in the morning, and the _merrimac_ was headed north-northeast, directly for the harbor entrance. from far ahead shone a spanish flashlight, located on a hill, and by steering for this, lieutenant hobson knew the craft would be taken just where he wanted her. walter was but lightly attired, and without stripping off any more clothing he placed the life preserver around him, under the arms. "when the _merrimac_ goes down, we may not even have the catamaran to fall back on," he thought. boom! it was the report of one of the spanish guns on shore, and a heavy shot whizzed over the bridge of the _merrimac_, where lieutenant hobson and the helmsman were standing, and fell into the waves on the starboard side. the aim was so close that the wind from the shot carried off the helmsman's cap! other shots soon followed, and in the excitement of the moment walter's presence on board was forgotten. the _merrimac_ was now running at a tremendous rate of speed, her fires roaring fiercely and her boilers threatening to burst at any instant. quivering from stem to stern under such high pressure, she shot into the harbor entrance and straight for the narrowest part of the channel. by this time the spanish guns from all sides were sending down on her a shower of shot and shell, awful to contemplate. seeing he could do nothing, walter ran for the shelter of one of the companionways. "put the wheel hard a-port!" came the order from the bold commander, who, if he was excited did not show it. "lively now!" "ay, ay, sir!" came from the helmsman, and the wheel went over, and was lashed fast. "she isn't coming over!" came another cry, a moment later, and while shot and shell were flying, in all directions. "what's the matter there? charette, go down and look at the steering gear." at once charette ran off at his best speed. he was gone but a moment, and came back all out of breath. "one of the rudder chains has been shot away, sir," he reported. "shot away!" came from several. "that's bad." to this hobson did not answer, but instantly ordered the engines stopped. "and open the sea-valves and come up," he added. "there is not a minute to lose now, lads, if we want to sink her and escape alive." morro castle and the battery opposite had heretofore been firing alone, but now came shots from smith cay, up the harbor, and from a spanish warship which was bearing down upon the scene. "we must fire the mines now!" walter heard somebody say. "fire them as closely together as possible, and then make for the starboard side amidships." this order had scarcely been given when the wires attached to the mines were touched off. a sullen roar from beneath the _merrimac_ followed, and the vessel was thrown high up in the air, while great columns of water spouted up on every side. then slowly but surely the collier began to sink. chapter xviii walter's adventure on shore although the _merrimac_ had been blown up and was sinking, the spaniards continued to fire upon her without interruption, and as before, the air was filled with solid shot, bursting shells, and the whistling of leaden messengers from rapid-firing rifles. the order to gather at the starboard was a wise one, for this spot was the best protected on the deck, as the port side was settling rapidly. to take to a small boat or the catamaran would have been the height of foolishness, for a strong searchlight was being thrown on the scene, and the men would have been picked off by the spanish gunners at will. with the others walter rushed to starboard and found a hiding-place close to the rail. "i wonder what will happen next," he muttered. he was certain that something would take place very soon, for the waves of the harbor channel were already rolling over a portion of the _merrimac's_ deck. a few anxious minutes passed, when suddenly the doomed collier gave a heavy list to starboard, and walter found himself sliding along the rail and unable to stop himself. "hold on!" shouted somebody. "who is that?" still weak, and with the flying spray drenching his face, walter could not answer, and in a second more the questioner had disappeared amid the gloom, smoke, and flying water. again came a lurch of the collier, and walter was hurled flat and sent spinning against the smoke-stack. as he arose he saw lieutenant hobson and his men climbing over the starboard rail. realizing, even in his bewildered state of mind, that he could not do better than to follow them, he, too, made for the rail, going over at one point as the courageous commander of the expedition went over at another. the crew were swimming for the catamaran, which had been shoved off from the _merrimac's_ side, and walter came after them. hardly had the catamaran been gained, than, with a final lurch and quiver, the _merrimac_ went down, partly across the narrow channel, but not exactly in the position in which she would have been placed had not the rudder chain been shot away. [illustration: with a final lurch the merrimac went down.] as the craft sank, a yell came from the spanish battery nearest at hand, the gunners thinking they had sunk an american man-o'-war and not dreaming that the sinking had been done by those on board and purposely. but none of the americans paid any attention to these cries, all thinking only of escape, now the work of the night was over. a steam launch under the command of ensign joseph powell had been moving up and down the harbor waiting for a chance to pick hobson and his men up. but a spanish picket boat lay between those on the catamaran and the launch, so escape in this direction was now cut off. the float was still attached by a long rope to the wreck of the _merrimac_, and the men were now ordered to remain where they were, clinging to the catamaran with only their heads showing above water. "if you try to swim away, the spanish sharpshooters will pick you off as quick as a wink," was the word passed around. thus cautioned, all the brave crew remained where they were until daylight began to show itself. then a large launch steamed up, carrying several oarsmen, half a dozen sharpshooters, and admiral cervera himself. "do you surrender?" came in spanish, while every sailor on the catamaran was carefully covered. "we surrender as prisoners of war," was lieutenant hobson's reply, and then he and his men were ordered to swim to the launch one at a time and give up their arms, if they had any. this was done, and the steam launch returned to the _reina mercedes_, one of the spanish warships. later on, hobson and his men were sent ashore under a strong guard, marched up a hill to morro castle, and turned over to general toral, the military governor of santiago province. when he made the leap for the catamaran walter was not as fortunate as those around him. he entered the water close to the _merrimac_, and when the great collier sank, the suction drew him under, and he went so far down that he fancied he would never come up. his breath was gone, a gulp partly filled him with water, and when at last the surface of the bay was again reached he came up more dead than alive. he set out to swim instinctively, the life preserver holding him up, although it had not been light enough to counteract the suction of the sinking ship. where he was going he did not know, for the glare of the searchlight and the splashing of shots on the water was perfectly bewildering. "i'm lost!" he thought a dozen times. "o god, help me to get out alive!" and that prayer was answered, for presently his foot touched bottom and he saw land ahead,--a bit of sandy beach between morro castle and a battery located on estrella cove, for the tide was coming in, and had carried him up the harbor instead of down. as walter waded out of the water he heard several pickets shouting to each other in spanish. without waiting for them to come nearer, he dove out of sight in some bushes back of the beach, and then started to walk to a woods still further inland. so far, the intense excitement had kept him up, but now came the reaction, and he felt as sick as he had while on the _brooklyn_. his head began to spin and strange lights flashed before his eyes, while chills crept up and down his backbone. "i reckon i'm in for a spell of sickness, whether i escape or not," he groaned, and reaching the woods, threw himself down under a mahogany tree to rest. walter thought he could not sleep, but presently the pain became less and he sank into a troubled slumber. he roused up to find a tall, fine-looking negro shaking him. as soon as he opened his eyes, the negro began to question him in spanish. "i can't understand you," said the youth, and shook his head. "_americano_, mistair?" questioned the negro, and walter nodded. "you come from big fight, maybe?" he went on, brokenly. "what fight do you mean?" "fight down by morro last night. spanish sink your ship, maybe, not so?" and the negro laughed. "our men did the sinking. but who are you? a spaniard?" "no, me cuban, carlos dunetta." "my name is walter russell, but i suppose it might be smith for all the difference it makes to you," replied walter, moodily. "what do you intend to do? turn me over to the spanish authorities?" "to de spanish? no, no!" carlos dunetta leaned forward. "_cuba libre!_ 'member de _maine_! not so?" and he smiled broadly. "now you are talking!" ejaculated walter, joyfully. "you are an insurgent, i suppose. do you belong to general garcia's troops?" again the negro leaned forward. "carlos dunetta spy for de general," he whispered. "come, want to get away, must hurry!" and he took hold of walter's arm. their course was directly into the woods, under broad mahogany and grenadillo trees, and over rough rocks overgrown with rank vines. insects and bugs were numerous and spider-webs hung everywhere. "udder men all caught and taken to prison," said the cuban as they progressed. "i hear dat from udder spy." "well, i'm not out of the woods yet," said walter, seriously. "woods safe place in daytime," answered the negro, not catching his true meaning. they had progressed less than half a mile when walter began to lag behind. "i can't go any farther," he declared. "i've been sick and i'm about used up." "sick? what is de mattair?" "i don't know--unless it is malarial fever." at the word "fever" carlos dunetta drew down the corners of his broad mouth. "fever? dat is werry bad--_americano_ canno stand dat. maybe i best carry you to josefina's hut. josefina she my sistair. she take care of you if so you be sick." the tall negro took walter upon his back with ease and continued on his way. presently they reached a trail, and passing along this for the distance of a hundred yards, came within sight of a long, low hut, thatched with palm. the negro gave a peculiar whistle, and immediately a short, fat negro wench put in an appearance, followed by a man of twenty-five or thirty. the man was fairly well dressed, and evidently a cuban of spanish descent. "it is all right, carlos!" cried the wench. "this is señor ramona." "señor ramona!" exclaimed the negro, and rushing up he dropped walter and took the out-stretched hand of the cuban gentleman. a long talk in spanish, followed, of which walter understood hardly a word. yet he felt certain the pair were talking about the american warships outside of the harbor, the blowing up of the _merrimac_, and about himself. suddenly the negro ran back to him, at the same time calling the wench. "you sick--i forget," he said. "come; nice bed here." and he pointed to a grass hammock suspended from one of the rear corner posts of the hut to a near-by tree. "you lay dare; josefina make good drink for you; den you feel bettair." walter was glad enough to accept the invitation, for standing unaided was now out of the question. as soon as he was in the hammock the negro woman ran off for a wet bandage, which she tied tightly over his forehead. carlos dunetta evidently had an important message for señor ramona, for no sooner was the talk between the pair at an end, than the cuban brought out a horse from the shelter of the trees, and dashed down the trail at a breakneck speed. "me watch, warn you if any spaniards come," said carlos, on returning to walter's side. "you bettair rest, or get fever werry bad." "do you suppose there is any hope of my getting back to my ship?" "de ship dat blow up?" "no, a big warship out there," and walter waved his hand in the direction of the coast. at this, the tall negro shrugged his shoulders. "carlos can take you to de shore--but no got boat. maybe you swim, not so?" "well, hardly," answered walter. "i may be a pretty good swimmer, but four or five miles is too much for any man." the negro retired, and walter lay back watching the woman, who had brought out several bags filled with herbs. selecting some of the herbs, the woman steeped them in water, and poured the tea into an earthen bowl, sweetening the concoction with sugarcane ends. bringing the bowl to walter, she motioned for him to drink. the youth had expected an unsavory mess, but he found the tea very pleasant to the taste, and ten minutes after he had taken half the contents of the bowl he was in a sound slumber, from which he did not awaken until nearly nightfall. in the meantime josefina removed the life preserver and made him otherwise as comfortable as possible, proud to think she was serving _un americano_ who was battling against the enemies of her beloved cuba. "you had bettair come into de house now--night air werry bad for you," announced carlos, as walter sat up in the hammock and stared around him. "how feel now? weak?" "i--i dreamed i was back on the _brooklyn_ and sailing for home," was the hesitating reply. "my head feels better, but i'm afraid my legs have gone back on me," walter went on, as on trying to stand he found he must support himself against the tree. "this is the queerest spell of sickness i ever had." "never mind--if only so be dat de fever is broken," said carlos, seriously. "come." and he about carried walter into the hut. usually negro huts in cuba are dirty and full of vermin, but this was an exception. in her younger days, josefina had worked for a titled lady of santiago, and there had learned cleanliness quite unusual to those of her standing. in a corner of the hut was a pile of fresh sugarcane husks covered with a brown spread, and to this she motioned walter, and here he rested until the following morning. chapter xix carlos, the rebel spy "well, i'm not out of my troubles yet, but i suppose i'm better off than those fellows who were captured and taken off to some spanish dungeon." it was walter who mused thus, as he sat up and rubbed his eyes. the herb tea josefina had made for him had "touched the spot" and he felt quite like himself again. the native cubans have to fight fevers constantly, and, consequently, know a great deal about proper remedies. "will you eat?" questioned carlos, who sat by, smoking a cigarette, while josefina busied herself in preparing a morning meal of rice-cakes and strong coffee. "i haven't much appetite, but i suppose i ought to eat if i want to get back my strength. but see here," walter went on. "i can't pay you a cent for what you are doing for me, for i have no money with me." "dat's all right; josefina and me no want pay--we glad to do for you," answered carlos; and josefina smiled so broadly that her eyes were fairly closed. the rice-cakes were well done, and walter ate several of them, and also sipped at the heavy black coffee, sweetened with sugarcane drippings. the meal over, carlos leaped up and lit a fresh cigarette. "you stay here and i go to shore--see if you can get to ship," he said. "if spaniards come, josefina show you where to hide, so no can find you." "i'll have to stay, for i can't walk the distance to the shore--yet. by the way, where am i?" "dis place back of estrella, 'bout halfway to aguadores, on the guama river. can see warships from mouth of guama." "yes, i've heard of the guama. some of the fellows on board ship said we might capture that point, or guantanamo bay, so as to have a place to coal when the ocean was rough. you are going to the shore?" "if spanish pickets let me," grinned carlos. "werry strong spanish guard around here now. werry much afraid american soldiers come." "perhaps they will come, if sampson needs help," replied walter, but without knowing that the army of invasion at tampa was already preparing to leave for cuba, and his own brother ben with it. after carlos was gone, walter tried to carry on a conversation with josefina, but as the wench's english vocabulary was as limited as was the boy's knowledge of spanish, the talk soon lagged. "_cuba libre!_ 'member de _maine_!" she said over and over again, and smiled that awful smile that almost caused walter to burst into a fit of laughter. during the morning she made him some more tea and insisted upon his drinking it, greatly to the benefit of his health and strength, as he soon realized. it was growing late in the afternoon, and walter was wondering when carlos would get back, when the sound of a rifle-shot from a distance startled him. before he could get to the doorway of the hut, josefina was outside and speeding up the trail in the direction her brother had taken. "get back!" it was the voice of carlos, and he was running beside his sister, who kept up with him, despite her weight. "the spaniards are coming." "soldiers?" gasped walter. "yes; ten or fifteen. they caught me going through de pickets, but i knocked one so, and anodder so, and got away. come wid me, before da catch you!" and he took hold of walter's arm and turned him to the back of the hut. wondering what would happen next, but remembering what had been said about a hiding-place, the youth followed carlos to the rear wall of the structure. here, directly against the logs, grew a tall ebony tree. "dat tree hollow," explained the cuban. "climb to limb and drop inside. josefina haul us out when spanish go 'way." and he gave walter a lift up. the lower branches were but twelve feet from the ground, and were easily gained. carlos came up also. "let me drop first," he said. "den you come on top of me. be quick, or too late!" and down he went into darkness, and walter came after. the hollow portion of the tree was not over twenty inches in diameter, and it was a lucky thing for both inside that neither was stout nor broad of shoulder. as it was, they stood breast to breast with difficulty, and yet not daring to make a sound. a shout came from the trail, sounding in strange contrast to the song josefina had begun to sing--an old-fashioned cuban ditty about a sailor and his lass. soon the soldiers drew closer, and several came around to the side of the hut. "ho! within there!" came in spanish. "where is that wretch we are after?" "wretch!" answered josefina, in pretended surprise. "whom do you mean, kind sirs?" "you know well enough--the tall fellow who knocked over our guards and ran in this direction." "i have seen nobody; i have been busy washing," answered josefina, pointing to a few articles of wearing apparel which lay soaking in a water-butt. "you cannot humbug us!" cried the leader of the spanish detachment, in a fury. "tell me where they are, or i'll run you through!" and he ran at josefina with pointed sword. it is doubtful if he intended to carry out his threat, but the wench thought him in earnest, and the yell she gave would have done credit to a cannibal of the south sea islands. the cry of terror from his sister was more than carlos dunetta could stand, and in a twinkle he placed his hands on walter's shoulders, shoved himself upward, and showed himself at the top of the opening. "let my sister alone, you dogs!" he burst out. "let her alone!" and leaping to the ground, he made after the spaniard with a drawn machete, a long knife used in the sugarcane fields and employed by the insurgents as a favorite weapon. there was a cry of alarm, and then came two shots in quick succession, followed by a fall close to the foot of the tree. "you have killed my brother!" shrieked josefina. "oh, carlos, carlos, what shall i do now?" "back with you, you good-for-nothing woman!" came from the leader of the spanish detachment. "i thought we were on the right trail. we ought to shoot you for lying to us." at that moment came a deep groan of pain, showing that carlos was not yet dead. he had been shot in the arm and through the back, but the wounds were not dangerous, although painful. without paying attention to what more the spaniards had to say, josefina busied herself over the body of her brother, laying him out on the grass and binding up his wounds with such rags as were handy. while she was doing this the spaniards began an excited conversation among themselves, of which, of course, walter understood not a word. "your brother had a very convenient hiding-place in the tree," suggested the leader of the detachment, a greasy, lean-faced corporal, who rejoiced in the name of pedro ruz. "had he not shown himself, it is doubtful if we should have located him." "you are bad men to shoot him--i want nothing to do with you," was josefina's only response. "go--and leave my brother to me." "leave him here!" burst out pedro ruz. "no, no, he goes with us as a prisoner. if i am not mistaken, he is the spy captain coleo has been after these many days." "you cannot take him away--a journey will kill him." "he must go--whether it kills him or not. he can ride on the back of the horse one of my men is bringing up. captain coleo will want to interview him before nightfall. and let me tell you, if it is discovered that he has been carrying information to the rebels or those yankee pigs out in the waters beyond the bay, why, so much the worse for him, that's all." and corporal ruz shrugged his shoulders suggestively. in a moment more the horse was brought forward, a beast as lean as its owner, since fodder in that territory was becoming a scarce article. since carlos could not move himself, he was lifted up to the saddle in anything but a gentle fashion. josefina began to expostulate, but the only attention paid to her was by one of the men, who snatched at her arm and hurled her backward. "you must learn to mind your betters," said the soldier. "our worthy corporal knows his business." "i will search the man, to see if he carries any despatches," put in corporal ruz. "ha, you rascal, let me get at that breast pocket of yours. and, camara, climb up into the tree and look into that hole. there may be something worth finding there." chapter xx in the hands of the enemy as walter did not understand what was said, he was not aware of his peril until the spanish soldier began to climb the tree. then he realized the truth, and his heart sank within him. "it's all up with me now," he half groaned. "i wonder what they will do with me after they find me." reaching the top of the opening, the soldier paused and shouted something to his companions regarding the darkness of the hole below. "light a match and drop it down," ordered corporal ruz. "this rascal carries nothing," he went on, disappointedly, having found carlos's pockets empty of anything of value. the negro did carry a message, but it was on a small patch of thin paper, which had been rolled up tightly and concealed in his thick woolly hair. the match was lit and dropped, and all ablaze it landed upon walter's head. he caught it in silence and put it out, but the movement was noticed from above. "there is some one else in the tree--a white man," cried the soldier. "come out of that!" he continued. walter guessed what the command meant, and as further concealment would have been useless he attempted to crawl from the hole. but this was not so easy, and in the end the soldier had to lend a hand, and then both leaped to the ground together. "_un americano!_" ejaculated corporal ruz. "_de donde viene v.?_" he added, asking walter where he came from. at this the boy shook his head. "i don't understand you," he said. "_no habla v. castellano?_" continued the corporal, asking if he did not speak spanish. again walter shook his head. "yankee pig!" murmured the corporal, using a term quite common in cuba during the war. "why does he not learn our beautiful language? does he expect we will learn his dirty english?" he turned to the soldier who had discovered walter, and between them they searched the lad's clothing thoroughly, and even took off his shoes and stockings. "nothing," growled the under-officer. "it is strange." carlos had been almost unconscious, but was now recovering. "we are in serious trouble, i am afraid," said walter, addressing him; but carlos pretended not to understand, not wishing the spaniards to know that he spoke english, for then they would have been more certain than ever that he was a spy. in a few minutes the entire party had left the hut and was making its way along the trail, carlos on horseback and the others walking, walter between the corporal and a spanish private, and josefina bringing up in the rear as if unwilling to leave her brother. the soldiers were eight in number, and each was armed with a mauser rifle of recent pattern. they were a hungry-looking set and their uniforms were sadly in need of repair. six were of middle age, but the other two were no older than walter, for conscription into the spanish army begins at as early an age as it does in the navy--some of the soldiers and sailors being scarcely fifteen to sixteen years old! the course of the party was upward, over rocks and trailing vines, and through a woods where hardly a breath of air was stirring. the heat soon made walter's head ache again, and he was glad enough when a small spanish camp was gained and he was allowed to sit down in the shade of a plantain and rest. the encampment was in the open, the only shelter being that provided for the officer in charge, captain coleo--a bit of dilapidated canvas stretched between four trees fifteen or twenty feet apart. under this shelter were located a couple of hammocks, a small folding table for writing, and a camp chair. walter found captain coleo a thorough gentleman despite his surroundings. he was well educated and spoke english fluently, with a soft accent which under other circumstances would have been quite pleasing. "so you are an american youth?" he said, after he had listened to his corporal's report and examined carlos. "and where did you come from, and what are you doing here?" feeling there would be no use in concealing the truth, walter told his story. at the mentioning of the _merrimac_ the spanish captain's brow grew dark. "it was a brave deed, but it will do your countrymen small good," he said. "the boat is not directly across the channel, so the harbor pilots have discovered. all of your comrades are now prisoners in morro castle, and i presume that is where i shall have to send you." "as a prisoner of war?" "as a prisoner of war. and you can be thankful that in trying to escape you were not shot down," continued captain coleo. walter was very thirsty, and said so. "you look as if you were getting ready to have the fever," was the captain's comment, and he had a soldier bring walter a tin cup full of _guarapo_, water sweetened with sugarcane ends, and said to be healthier than the plain article. good water in cuba is scarce, and although walter did not know it, it was only the captain's natural good-heartedness that obtained for him what he wanted. it had threatened rain for some hours, and as nightfall came on, the first drops of a violent tropical storm descended. soon from a distance came the rumble of thunder, and spasmodic flashes of lightning lit up the woods. the soldiers huddled under the shelter of a clump of low trees, while captain coleo sought the protection of the canvas, accompanied by walter, carlos, and a guard. walter's hands had been bound behind him, and he was allowed to sit on a small block of wood beside one of the hammocks in which the wounded negro reclined. "we will not move to santiago to-night," said the spanish captain. "i think the storm will clear away by morning." he was busy making out a report, and sat at his little table for the purpose, a spluttering mambi taper fastened to a stick driven into the soil being his only light. the taper went out half a dozen times, but there was nothing to do but to light it again, and this captain coleo did without the least show of impatience. to him war was a business, and he was satisfied to take matters just as they came. the guard trudged around and around the patch covered by the canvas, his rifle on his shoulder and the never-failing spanish cigarette in his mouth. occasionally he glanced toward walter and the negro, but his interest in the prisoners soon gave way to his own discomforts, and he gave them no more attention. presently walter felt a hand steal over his shoulder. "what you think--we run for it, maybe?" whispered carlos. "i'd like to run, but we may get shot," whispered walter in return. at this carlos shrugged his shoulders. with two mauser bullets in him the tall negro rebel was still "game." it was such men as he who had kept this unequal warfare in cuba going for three long years despite spain's utmost endeavors to end the conflict. "raise up a bit and i untie rope," he said, as the guard made another round and walked from them. "maybe we can go when big thunder and lightning come--not so?" "all right--i'll go you," cried walter, lowly, and in a bit of western slang. "a fellow can't die but once, and i have no desire to be taken to the dungeon of morro castle, or to any other spanish lockup." he raised up, and in a trice carlos had the cords about his wrists unloosened. captain coleo still sat writing. but now the taper went out again and he paused to relight it. at that instant came a blinding flash of lightning and a loud peal of thunder which startled the few horses the camp possessed and caused them to prance about madly. "now!" cried carlos, and with one quick leap he cleared six feet of ground between the hammock and the nearest patch of woods. walter also leaped, and away they went side by side through the wind, rain, and darkness. crack! crack! it was the reports of two mausers, and the ping of a bullet from the spanish captain's pistol followed. walter felt a strange whistling by his ear, and putting up his hand found it covered with blood. the bullet from the pistol had scratched the side of his head. had his aim been an inch closer, gentlemanly captain coleo would have killed the youth on the spot. "you are hit?" queried carlos, breathing heavily, for loss of blood had made him weak. "i--i reckon it's not much!" panted walter. "but hurry up--they are coming after us!" the boy was right; both the captain and the guard were following the pair with all possible speed, while three others brought up in the rear, the other soldiers remaining behind to manage the horses, three of which had broken their tethers and were bounding down the trail at a breakneck speed. could he manage to escape? such was the one question which walter asked himself as he stumbled on in the darkness. a very few minutes would suffice to answer the all-important query. chapter xxi the flight to the seacoast carlos knew the wood well, and now he took hold of walter's hand. "put udder arm up, or get hurt maybe," he said. "nasty trees around here." and walter found this was true, for presently a low and twisted branch caught him and flung him flat on his back. had his arm been down he must have been knocked senseless. the spanish captain and the guard came crashing along behind them, shouting "_alto!_" (halt) at the top of their lungs. captain coleo was very much chagrined that they had gotten away so easily, and blamed the guard roundly. the latter did not dare to answer back, and felt he must catch the fleeing prisoners or suffer for it. the course had been straight ahead, but now carlos turned to the southward. presently they came to a halt at the edge of a mountain torrent. the pursuers were still on the track and drawing closer. "jump and go ahead; i will come after," panted carlos, who could run no more. "don't wait!" he added, as he saw walter hesitate. "but yourself--" began walter. "never mind--go!" broke in the negro; and walter made the leap over the stream and ran on. instantly carlos sought the shelter of a near-by tree and became silent. "i do not see them, _capitan_," observed the guard, as he and captain coleo reached the spot. "have they crossed, do you think?" "i will see, rampo," was the answer, and the captain hurried on in the direction walter had taken. scarcely was he out of sight than with set teeth carlos came forth from the shadow of the tree and crawled up behind rampo as silently as a panther seeking its prey. a quick, nervous clutch and the negro had the soldier's mauser. then came a heavy swing of the butt, and with hardly a groan the spanish guard went down with a broken skull. "_cuba libre!_" muttered carlos, grimly. "that for maceo, our fallen hero!" referring to antonio maceo, the patriot who had led the rebels in eastern cuba for several years, only to be shot down at last in ambush. in the meantime walter ran on, not knowing where he was going, and hardly caring, if only his liberty might be assured to him. occasionally a flash of lightning lit up the scene, but this only served to make the general darkness more intense. soon his foot caught in an exposed tree-root, and he went headlong, and rolled over and over to the bottom of a hollow filled with rank vegetation, foul-smelling moss, and brackish water. before he could collect his scattered senses he heard the spanish captain coming up. he arose slowly to his feet, but, struck by a sudden idea, remained in the hollow, ankle-deep in water, and screened from view by the vegetation previously mentioned. a flash of lightning revealed the captain and at the same time uncovered the youth. for a second both stood spellbound, then the spaniard drew his pistol. "surrender!" he shouted; and the former mildness in his tone of voice was now missing. "surrender, or i'll shoot you where you stand." [illustration: "surrender, or i'll shoot you where you stand."] "don't shoot," answered walter, readily. "i'll come out." "where is that cuban rebel?" "i don't know." "you don't know? ha! don't fool with me, lad--i am in no humor for it now." "well, i don't know, and that is all there is to it. we separated several minutes ago." "i do not believe you--he is hiding somewhere in the hollow. tell me where, or as sure as i stand here, i will put a bullet through your head." and the pistol was aimed straight at walter. before the youth could remonstrate, indeed, before he had time to think, the crack of a mauser penetrated the damp air. a second of silence followed, and then, to walter's amazement, captain coleo sank down where he stood, a ball through his brain. "i hit him! what a fine shot!" the words came from carlos, as he emerged into the opening, the rifle still in hand. "that makes number two, for de udder rascal is laid low with a broken head. señor, we are in luck, but let us make de most of our chance." "but--but--is he dead?" asked walter, in a hoarse whisper. to him such a proceeding seemed little less than murder. "dead? to be sure he is dead. but don't let dat worry you. see de blood on your left ear, where he tried to serve you as i served him. come, before de udder soldiers arrive." and, catching walter by the arm, carlos hurried him away. "and this is war!" thought the boy. "oh, how cruel! how barbarous! but carlos is right, the captain tried to kill me." he drew a long breath. "i'm glad i wasn't the one to knock him over." the pair had gone on about a hundred yards further when they came out on a broad highway, used principally as an ox-team road. here carlos called a halt again, to get his breath and take a view of the situation. "hark--a horse come!" he ejaculated suddenly, and slipped a cartridge into the mauser rifle, for he had taken the ammunition box from the dead soldier. "back, out of sight--ah!" walter ran to the shelter of a tree. but at the same time the negro bounded forward, throwing the rifle to the ground. it was no horseman approaching, only one of the animals that had broken away during the heavy thunder and lightning. making a clutch at the beast's bridle, carlos held fast and brought the horse to a sudden halt. "we in luck," he observed, as walter came out of hiding. "mount wid me, and we'll soon be miles away!" "you get into the saddle, and i'll ride behind," answered walter, who saw how weak carlos now was. and thus they went on until several miles had been covered. presently, from a distance, the youth heard the booming of the surf. "is that from the seacoast?" he asked; and the negro nodded. "and where are we?" "we close to de ocean, two or three miles east from san juan hill. we stop pretty soon--werry much tired." and carlos closed his eyes. he would have fallen from the horse had not walter held him fast. "turn to left at first cross-road," he muttered, and then fainted. "poor chap!" thought the boy. "he kept up well, with two bullets in him. i must do what i can for him." and he urged the horse on, at the same time keeping his eyes open for the side road mentioned. soon it came into view, and five minutes later he found himself at the entrance to a hut similar to that occupied by josefina, who had now disappeared entirely from the scene. beyond the hut the road lost itself in a wilderness of small brush. the hoof-strokes of the horse had been observed, and soon several men, cubans and negroes, came from the building. "carlos!" cried several. they turned to walter. "what does this mean, señor?" came in spanish. "spaniards," answered walter, and pointed behind him. then he pointed to the gun and to the wounds carlos had received, and also showed his own bloody ear and scalp. the dumb language was instantly comprehended, and two men carried the unconscious negro into the hut, while others took charge of the horse and conducted walter inside. the lad found the small abode crowded with insurgents, who had come in to escape the drenching rain, and the air was heavy with the smoke of cigarettes and the smell of a stew seasoned with garlic, which was cooking over a lire in the rear. a constant flow of conversation was kept up, of which he understood only an occasional word. poor carlos was in a bad way, and by morning it was easy to see he could be removed only with difficulty. yet he was cheerful, or tried to be so, and smiled when walter came to him. "i have news for you," he said, in his broken english. "your warships fight, bang, bang, bang! down by the water, at aguadores and udder places. think ships go up by guantanamo bay, maybe. if sailors land, you have a chance to join them--not so?" "i just hope some of our boys do land, and that right away!" cried walter. "can't i get somebody to show me the way to the seacoast?" "gilberto, my brudder, show the way. but not to-day. maybe to-morrow or next day--when it is safe." gilberto had just come in; a stout negro as short as his brother was long, but a rebel fighter to the core. he, too, could speak a little english and said he had been a sailor. "sail from santiago to philadelphia twice with ore," he said. "very nice country, america; me like de people. only werry cold in winter; no like dat--make go dis way." and he gave a shiver. later on, walter learned that the entire district was rich in minerals and that large quantities of these were shipped from santiago and from a near-by town called baiquiri. the day passed slowly, and so did the next. in the meanwhile the cubans came and went. they were a detachment of garcia's army, the main body of which was located many miles further northward. they were watching the seacoast and trying to communicate with the american ships of war, which could be seen on fair days lying in the offing. they knew that once a landing was effected by the americans, uncle sam would speedily supply them with what they so greatly needed--clothing, guns, and ammunition. once these were obtained, they felt that they could secure their independence. they had yet to learn that the trained soldiers of spain could be conquered only by the equally, or better, trained soldiers of the states. on the morning of the third day, and while they could distinctly hear the sounds of heavy firing in the vicinity of morro castle and the estrella battery, walter and gilberto started off, each on horseback. the youth felt once more like himself, for the cubans had continued to give him drinks of herbs which had entirely banished the lurking fever in his system. before leaving walter heard from the negress josefina. she had escaped injury, and fled to the northward, there to join a great number of women and children, the wives and young people of the insurgents. the course lay along a stretch of tableland and then up the side of a small mountain. at one point on the mountain top there was a clearing, and here a distant view could be obtained of the ocean to the south of the "pearl of the antilles," as cuba had often been termed. "your ship's over dare," explained gilberto, pointing with his long fingers. "might see dem if we had glass like dis." and he shut up one hand and placed it over the other, in imitation of a spyglass. "do the spaniards guard the coast?" "to be sure, señor, very heaby guard, too, at aguadores and guantanamo bay." "then we'll have to go slow when we get near the water's edge." "we no go to water right away, señor--wait till we see de coast clear. gilberto find you good hiding-place and bring eating, and there you stay till i say come--not so?" "i suppose that will be best. i'm sure i don't want to be taken prisoner again," concluded walter, very positively. on they went, down the opposite side of the mountain. they were now travelling in an easterly direction, and before night many miles were covered. at last they came to a series of rocks overlooking the ocean, but situated at least a quarter of a mile back from the beach proper. "here is a good place to hide; gilberto know it well," said the guide, and pointed out a rude cave. "here _americano_ can stay many days and spaniards not find him. you take it easy, and i bring food to you." and then gilberto hurried off alone. walter was glad to rest, for the travelling even on horseback had been very trying. he sat down, and in half an hour gilberto returned with some bread, some jerked beef, and a number of other eatables, done up in a bit of coffee sacking. "dere, dat last two, t'ree days," said the guide. "now lay low, as _americano_ say, and gilberto come back one day or udder. i take horses, and say _buenas noches_." and with this good night, gilberto disappeared down the trail, leaving walter to himself. strange as it may seem, the youth never saw or heard of either gilberto or carlos again. chapter xxii the landing of the marines at guantanamo while walter was in the depths of the cuban wilderness, trying to escape from the spanish soldiers, history, so far as it concerned our war with spain, was moving forward rapidly. as soon as it was felt that cervera could not escape from santiago bay without running the risk of a fearful battle with admiral sampson's or commodore schley's squadron, preparations were made to send an army of invasion forward. for such an army a safe landing-place must be secured, and with this in view, the american warships began the bombardment of various places along the coast, from santiago bay to guantanamo bay, twenty odd miles farther eastward. the first of these heavy bombardments took place on the sixth of june, and was directed against morro castle, the batteries at punta gorda and zocapa, and at the village of aguadores, already mentioned. aguadores is several miles to the eastward of santiago bay, to the rear of the rocky promontory upon which morro castle is located, and it was felt that if once a footing could be obtained here, the actual invasion by the soldiers would become an easy matter. the bombardment lasted many hours, and the various batteries were much damaged and the spanish warship, the _reina mercedes_, was so badly riddled that she was later on sunk in the channel, thus blocking the outlet to the bay more completely than ever. no damage was done to the american ships. through this bombardment a landing was effected at baiquiri, not far from aguadores, by a small body of marines, who burned up some spanish stores and spiked a number of old-fashioned guns. following this attack came one upon guantanamo and the other settlements clustered around the shores of the bay of that name. here the fighting was as fierce as before, but before it was over a body of marines from the _oregon_ were landed, and later on came six hundred marines from the _panther_. the spaniards stood their ground for only a short while and then fled to the mountains, and the american flag was hoisted amid a wild cheering from the troops at hand and those on the warships. no sooner had the landing-places at guantanamo, baiquiri, and aguadores been secured than the army of invasion under general shafter left key west for these points, the particulars of which expedition have already been related in "a young volunteer in cuba." walter slept "like a rock" during the first night in the cave, being thoroughly exhausted by his long ride. he did not awaken until long after the sun had come up, and for the moment could not realize where he was. a scanty breakfast was speedily despatched, and he walked out to inspect his surroundings. mindful of what gilberto had told him about the enemy, he was careful how he exposed himself, and at the first sign of anything suspicious he ran to cover. thus the day passed away slowly. in vain he tried to make out some of the warships far out at sea. to his naked eye they were but specks on that ceaseless tide which glared like molten lead in the fierce rays of the sun. on the following night the youth underwent a curious experience. he had just thrown himself down to rest when, without warning, the cave was filled with a light that was dazzling. thinking a fire must have suddenly descended upon him, he leaped up, when, as silently as it had come, the light disappeared. "now, what in the world does that mean?" he asked himself, and started for the cave opening, when, swish! the light came back, almost blinding him. then he understood it all. "it's a searchlight from one of our ships!" he cried, half aloud. "if only they could see me and take me on board!" he watched for the light to reappear, but it never showed itself again, being trained upon morro castle and the entrance to santiago harbor. on the third day in the cave walter's stock of provisions gave out. no one had come near him, and the loneliness of his situation was maddening. "i can't stand this any longer," he mused. "i must get out, if only to hunt for something to eat." fortunately for him, gilberto had left him a pistol and several rounds of cartridges. to be sure, the weapon was an old-fashioned affair, but it was better than nothing, and soon the youth was out in the woods to the rear of the rocks trying to scare up something to shoot. the woods had been well ransacked by both spaniards and cubans, but several hours' hunt yielded two birds, besides some half-ripe plantains and some nuts. walter was about to return to the cave to cook the birds when from a distance he heard loud shouting, and presently came the rapid discharge of firearms. "a battle of some kind is on," he thought, and ran to where he had discovered an ox-cart trail. he had scarcely reached the shelter of a clump of bushes, when a detachment of cubans, closely followed by two companies of spanish cavalrymen, rushed past, both parties firing as they moved. "this is getting hot," thought the youth, and started to retreat, when he heard more soldiers coming from the direction of the cave. as there now seemed no help for it, he crossed the trail and plunged along a side path, leading eastward,--a trail running directly to guantanamo. walter felt that the best thing to be done was to put distance between himself and his enemies, and he did not stop running until several miles had been covered. he had, meanwhile, crossed one small mountain stream, and now he found himself on the bank of another. there was no bridge, and the watercourse looked rather dangerous to ford. "i might as well follow the bank down to the ocean," he reasoned. "but i must have something to eat first." and finding a secluded nook, he built a tiny fire and broiled his two little birds, both of which made hardly a meal. then, obtaining the purest drink possible from the river, he continued his journey. by nightfall walter had covered many miles, yet no ocean came to view, and now he felt that he must be lost in the wilds of the island. as this conclusion forced itself home to him he smiled grimly. "lost in cuba, and i came down here to help man a gun on the _brooklyn_," he muttered. "was there ever such a turning-around before! i wonder what i had best do next." this was not an easy question to answer. it was already dark under the thick trees, and to spend the night in such a spot was not pleasant to contemplate. at last he came to a clearing. here he was about to settle down, under the shelter of a small cliff of rocks, when something appeared that caused him to yell with all the strength of his lungs. it was a snake, five feet long, and it advanced rapidly, hissing as it came. walter had met snakes before, harmless reptiles not half as big as the present one. but he did not know but that this reptile might be poisonous, and gaining the top of the rocks he blazed away with the pistol, not once, but several times. the last shot hit the snake in the tail, and away it darted, out of sight and into the river. "ugh! what a horrible creature!" he murmured, as he stood still, watching for the possible reappearance of the reptile. "i wish i was out of this. i'd give a year's wages to be safe on board of the _brooklyn_ once more." the words had just left walter's lips, when he heard a movement behind him. turning swiftly, he beheld a spanish soldier gazing at him from a distance of less than fifty feet. the soldier had his rifle, and now the weapon was aimed at the boy's head. "_alto!_" came the spanish command to halt. "_americano!_" walter's surprise was complete, yet he kept his wits about him. as the spaniard raised his gun, the youth made a quick leap for the shelter of a near-by tree. bang! went the mauser, and the bullet clipped the tree bark. then walter took aim, and trembling in spite of himself, pulled the trigger of his pistol. the enemy was hit in the shoulder, and uttered a deep cry of pain. "if there are others with him i'm in for it now!" thought the boy, and took to his heels along the bank of the watercourse. from behind came a cry for help and another to arms, and in less than a minute a whole company of spaniards were in wild pursuit. a dozen shots rang out, but walter was not hit, and plunged on. but he was no match for his pursuers, and they gradually drew closer and closer. then the youth stumbled and fell, and ere he could arise he found himself surrounded. chapter xxiii in a spanish prison the spaniards who had taken walter a prisoner were the most villanous the youth had ever beheld. they were all short, thin, and exceedingly yellow, as though suffering from tropical complaints, and looked more than half starved. their clothing was in rags, for they had been in the wilds of the island, thousands of miles from home, for nearly two years, and a heartless, or poverty-stricken, military department had failed to supply them with what they absolutely needed. none of them could speak english, and several talked volubly in spanish, at which walter could do nothing but shake his head and shrug his shoulders. he was motioned to arise, and as he did so his pistol was taken from him, and presently his hands were fastened tightly behind his back. the course of the party was along the river to a rude bridge, over which walter was marched in double-quick time. they emerged upon a narrow highway, along which they encountered half a dozen detached spanish companies, some moving eastward and others in the opposite direction. "i'm in for it now," thought the youth. "escaping from this crowd will be out of the question." night was well advanced when they turned into a small settlement fronting guantanamo bay. here were half a dozen log houses thatched with palm, while not far off was the office of a mineral company, now deserted by the proprietors, for business in this section of cuba had long since come to a standstill. without ceremony walter was taken to one of the log huts and thrust inside. the place was scarcely twenty feet square and was crowded with fifteen or sixteen insurgents, whites and negroes, who huddled on the floor, making themselves as comfortable as possible in their miserable surroundings. on the outside of the hut eight spanish soldiers stood on guard, with rifles ready to shoot down the first prisoner that attempted to escape. "_un americano!_" exclaimed one of the prisoners, a bright looking cuban, as he edged his way to walter's side. "you are in a sorry plight, boy." "what a vile-smelling place!" murmured walter. "how long have you been here?" "two days and nights, with only some stale bread and soup to eat,--and the soup was made of mouldy meat. oh, that we were free!" "_silencio!_" roared one of the guards, and poked his rifle end into the doorway. "i will shoot the first prisoner who dares to speak again!" he added in spanish. walter wished to question him, but did not dare, and so remained silent. it was past midnight, and presently most of the prisoners went to sleep. huddled in a corner, the lad gave himself up to his dismal reflections. daybreak found the spanish soldiers very active, and catching a glimpse of them through the open doorway, walter felt that some important movement was contemplated. as a matter of fact the marines from the _panther_ had landed, and the spaniards were going to do their best to either capture them or drive them back to our warships. before noon the firing in the distance was heavy, and the spaniards could be seen rushing their commands hither and thither, as though hardly knowing how to conduct the campaign which had been thrust upon them. evidently they realized that landing force was too large for them, for they gradually fell back, occupying that night the settlement where the prison was located. on the day following, the attack upon both sides was renewed. the rattle of musketry was almost constant, and before long several bullets hit the prison itself. the prisoners were about to remonstrate at this when, on looking out, they discovered that their late guards had fled, leaving them to do as they pleased. "_cuba libre!_" yelled the insurgents and lost no time in piling into the open air. not far away lay several dead spaniards, and rushing up to the corpses they stripped them of their arms, after which they disappeared into the brush. "i wonder if the army of invasion has come," was walter's thought, as he, too, sought the open air. a short sword lay beside a writing-table under a near-by shelter, and he appropriated the weapon. "i'm going to join our men or know the reason why!" and away he went toward the water, which could now be seen quite plainly between the rocks and hills. the marines, after fighting from early afternoon until the following morning, were now intrenched on a small hill, protected in front by a dense chaparral. they were utterly worn out, and it was found necessary to reënforce them by men from the _marblehead_ and other vessels. several field-guns had been brought ashore, and although the firing from the spaniards was heavy, our gallant men held the ground they had first claimed. "halt! who comes there?" came the command, from a thicket, and walter stopped short, although the words, spoken in true english, filled him with joy. "are you an american?" questioned the youth, eagerly. "i am, and who are you?" "walter russell, cruiser _brooklyn_. oh, but am i not glad to get back among the boys again!" "from the _brooklyn_? what are you doing ashore here?" questioned the marine, a bronzed but evidently a good-natured man of middle age. "it's a long story. i've been a prisoner twice, and i was afraid i was about done for when the guards up and ran away from the prison and let me and a crowd of cubans escape. how can i get back to my ship?" "you're asking me too much now. go down yonder and report to our commander. i reckon there ain't no call to rouse up the corporal of the guard, with everybody utterly worn out. you're true blue--i can see that by the cut of your jib." inside of five minutes more walter found himself surrounded by half a dozen officers, including a major of marines, who questioned him closely regarding his adventures and concerning the various detachments of spanish soldiers that he had encountered. "you've been through a good deal, lad," said the major, slapping walter on the shoulder. "i dare say you wouldn't like to go through it again." "no, indeed! the spaniards are--are brutes!" exclaimed the youth. "i only hope we send them from cuba a-flying. i think they and the cubans must have been fighting for the past three years like a lot of cats and dogs. it's high time uncle sam took a hand." this reply brought forth a hearty laugh from those gathered around. walter, young as he was, had hit the nail right on the head, as later events proved. the major of marines did not see how the lad could be transferred to the _brooklyn_, which was a good many miles off, in the direction of santiago. "you'll have to remain here until some boat bound for commodore schley's flagship chances along," he said. "at present only the _marblehead_, _suwanee_, and _porter_ are here, but others are coming and going constantly." "and what of the army of invasion?" asked walter, with keen interest. "i believe it has already left key west. i know it started from tampa several days ago." "was the seventy-first new york with the troops?" "they were. why do you ask?" "my brother is a member of that regiment. hurrah! he'll be down here soon," concluded walter. he was now dismissed, and lost no time in hunting up one of the marines' cooks, who speedily filled him up with meat, bread and butter, and coffee. "we're not living like kings, you see," said the cook, but grinning to see how the food disappeared. "you're living like kings in comparison to the way the cubans and the spaniards are living. if the army comes up and besieges santiago, i'll wager the city will go hungry in no time," returned the boy. during the balance of the day the marines were kept busy resisting several additional attacks from the spaniards. the onslaughts were heavy and determined, but each time the enemy was beaten back, and at nightfall old glory still waved from the flagstaff where it had originally been run up. a foothold had been gained by our side which was not to be taken from us. walter had selected a cosy corner to rest in and was sleeping soundly when a sudden alarm rang out. "the dons! they are coming over a thousand strong! to arms, everybody!" and then came a grand rush. the report was true; the spanish column had organized a midnight attack, feeling they knew the ground much better in the dark than would their opponents. on they came, yelling like demons, while the marines stood their ground firmly and fearlessly. "i must do my share of fighting," thought the boy, and bounced up with the rest. he had already been supplied with a carbine and ammunition, and now he lost no time in attaching himself to the nearest company at hand. "don't send me back, captain; i can shoot as well as the rest, i think." "all right, lad, come on," was the answer. "company, attention! by columns of fours--forward, march!" and away they went, up a small hill. then came the order to halt, and the company broke up into a broad skirmish line. "take aim! fire!" and then and there walter did his first actual fighting for uncle sam and our own glorious stars and stripes. the determined front shown by our marines non-plussed the spaniards for a few minutes, and they came to a halt. but then they advanced again, and the fire from each side became hot and irregular. the battle had thus waged for the best part of an hour, and the americans felt that they must be beaten back by sheer force of numbers, when reënforcements came up, and in addition one of the warships steamed close to shore, and threw the rays of her powerful searchlight upon the enemy. as soon as the spaniards were located the warship trained its rapid-firing guns inland, and then the enemy beat a hasty retreat. "hurrah! the fight is ours!" shouted walter, enthusiastically. "see them run!" "it was lucky for us the warship came up," put in a marine beside him. "those dagos ain't going to give ground without a big fight, that's certain." it was nearly daylight when the company returned to the camp and was dismissed. walter was more worn out than ever, but too excited to sleep. "at present i'd just as lief be a marine," he observed to his side partner in the contest. "oh, don't worry, your ships will have their hands full when cervera takes it into his head to come out and fight," was the answer. "you'll have no such walkover as dewey had at manila--i'll promise you that." at noon a lieutenant of marines came up to where walter stood, watching a drill which was in progress. "are you walter russell, of the _brooklyn_?" he asked. "i am, sir," and walter saluted. "then you had better hurry down to the shore. there is a steam launch there, and i heard the officer in command say he was bound for the _iowa_ and the _brooklyn_. if you want to get on your ship, i presume he will take you along." walter waited to hear no more, but ran for the landing-place with all possible speed. the boat had come in with despatches and was to leave again inside of ten minutes. the officer in charge was close at hand, and the youth's situation was speedily explained. "all right, i'll take you," was the brief answer. "go aboard and forward." and the officer turned away. walter did as directed; and a few minutes later the steam launch left the landing-place and steamed down guantanamo bay toward the ocean, or to be more particular perhaps, the caribbean sea. chapter xxiv back to the "brooklyn" again the steam launch was the neatest craft of the kind walter had ever seen, and he had come in contact with a great number while sailing on lake erie. it was fifty-five feet long, about twelve feet wide, and as beautiful a boat as a designer could plan. it was manned by eight stalwart men, all well drilled to their duties, and carried in addition six marines, each of whom was a sharpshooter, and also a rapid-firing gun of small caliber. the launch rode the waves like a thing of life and easily made ten miles an hour. soon guantanamo was left behind, and they began to creep up the coast in the direction of baiquiri. in the bow was a lookout, who had a marine glass which was constantly turned shoreward. "a flag!" said the lookout, about noontime, and immediately the launch came to a stop. "where is it, parkhurst?" asked the officer in charge of the craft. "yonder, just below that stretch of rocks, sir," answered the lookout, and handed over his glasses. the commander of the launch took a long look, then ordered the craft turned to starboard, and they steamed into a little harbor not a great distance from a tiny cuban settlement. a small boat was thrown out, the commander and two launch hands leaped in, and it at once advanced. then those on the larger craft saw a dozen men rush from the shelter of some brush, one holding a white and the other a cuban flag. the small boat was beached in true nautical style, and the cubans and americans entered into a conversation lasting the best part of half an hour. letters were exchanged, and then the party broke up as rapidly as it had gathered. although walter did not know it, the letter delivered by the american commander was for the rebel leader, general calixto garcia, while that received in return was for admiral sampson and general shafter. all related to the landing of the army of invasion, now so close at hand. the conference over, the launch darted on her way, and dinner was served, to the officers and sharpshooters first, and then to the crew and walter. "oh, we're doing some fine work along this coast," said one of the crew to the youth, while eating. "those dons will be greatly astonished some day--when our boys in blue fall on 'em." it was night before the _brooklyn_ came into view, looking exactly as she had when walter had so unceremoniously left her. how the youth's heart beat at the sight of his ship! how would those on board receive him, and what would they say when his story was told? "russell!" exclaimed the officer of the deck, when he came up over the side. "why, we all thought you had fallen overboard and been drowned." "i came pretty near being drowned," was the reply. "you can't imagine, sir, how glad i am to get back!" "but where have you been?" "i've been on the _merrimac_, among the cubans and the spaniards, and in a spanish prison, besides being down to guantanamo bay with the marines from the _panther_, sir." "great scott, boy, do you expect me to believe all that!" burst out the officer, in sheer astonishment. "as you will, sir; it's true, though." "but--but--let me see; you said you were on the _merrimac_?" "yes, sir." "and on shore among the cubans, and then among the enemy?" "yes, sir." "and then among the marines at guantanamo bay?" "exactly, sir. i escaped from a spanish prison, and was lucky enough to fall in with the marines by accident. i fought with them too, sir." "russell, after you disappeared surgeon barker said you had been sick--had been troubled with some sort of fever in your head. don't you believe you went out of your head entirely, and imagined all this?" "no, sir." "well, i reckon that's the truth of the matter, and the best thing you can do is to turn yourself over to the surgeon again for further treatment. how is your head?" and the officer of the deck placed his hand on walter's forehead. "ah, rather hot, as i thought. you had better go to bed." and he turned away. "i don't think i'll go to bed just yet," murmured walter, and lost no time in reaching the berth deck. here he came up behind si and caleb playing one of their favorite games of checkers, while paul stood looking on. "crown that man," caleb was saying, when he chanced to glance up, "walter! or is it a ghost?" he fairly yelled, and leaped up, scattering board and men in all directions. "walter, where on earth did you come from?" and he reached out his hand. "it is walter, back from the grave!" ejaculated si, and grasped the other hand, while paul caught the youth by the neck. "we thought you were drowned!" said all three, simultaneously. "they said you had gone out of your mind, and committed suicide," added paul. "well, i didn't commit suicide, and i'm as well as ever," was the merry return. "but--but--i don't believe you'll think i'm telling the truth when i give you my story." "that depends on what sort of a yarn you spin," returned caleb, dryly. "where have you been--sinking cervera's fleet single-handed?" "not quite, but i've been pretty close to the fleet, and pretty close to the spaniards." and dropping on a box walter told his story, interrupted every few minutes by some newcomer who advanced to shake him by the hand, for since joining them he had made many friends among the jackies and petty officers. "i don't wonder the officer of the deck wouldn't believe you, lad," remarked caleb, when he had finished. "it's a big yarn; beats jonah and the whale all to pieces--not but what _that's_ a true story, seeing as how it's in the good book. you are certain you wasn't taken down with the fever while you were on shore?" "not enough to lose my mind." "i believe walter," put in si. "but if i were you i wouldn't tell this tale to the others," he added in a lower tone. "they'd be jealous of you, you know." "i don't care, i'm telling the simple truth," answered walter, stoutly. that evening word was passed to him to report at the captain's cabin, and he went, just as soon as he could slip on his best suit of clothing, wash up, and comb his hair, for on board of every man-o'-war a visit to "headquarters" is a big thing to any of the crew, and a "sprucing up" is, consequently, indispensable. this was the first time walter had visited the cabin of the _brooklyn_, and the elegant surroundings immediately caught his eye. but in days gone by, before he had been compelled to live with the miserly job dowling, he had been used to a home furnished just as handsomely, and therefore the surroundings did not overawe him. there was a small table in the centre of the cabin, at one end of which sat commodore schley, looking over a map of the cuban coast. at the other end of the table sat captain cook, the firm and strict, yet well-beloved commander of the flagship. "you sent for me, sir," said walter, as he came in, "toed the mark," and saluted. "you are walter russell?" asked captain cook, while commodore schley dropped the map and looked on with interest. "yes, sir." "you have been absent from the ship ever since june the second, or third?" "yes, sir. but i couldn't help it. i was sick and fell overboard,--and i've had a whole lot of adventures since." "so the officer of the deck tells me," answered the captain, dryly. he looked at the commander of the squadron. "commodore schley, would you like to ask russell any questions?" at this the commodore smiled and pulled meditatively at the little goatee he wore. "russell, you can tell us your story in detail. but do not take over ten minutes," he said, and covered his eyes with his hands, as if in deep thought--one of his favorite attitudes. standing as before and still "toeing the mark," walter told his story again, simply but forcefully. whether his hearers were listening or not he could not tell, for not a word was said until he had finished. then, however, came a flood of questions concerning the spot at which he had landed after leaving the _merrimac_, the names of the various cuban and spanish leaders that he had encountered, and the names of the marines with which he had fought. he was also questioned about the trails and their conditions. "could loaded wagons get over them, in your estimation?" asked commodore schley. "not very well, sir. in one place i saw an ox-team with a load of fruit, and the load was in danger of being dumped every minute. some of the paths are not fit for a pack-mule to use." "what of the cubans you met? were they well armed?" "a few of them had guns, but most of them had nothing but their machetes, sir. ammunition, i was told, was very scarce." "what of food?" "that was scarce, too." and walter smiled. "a good eater would starve to death on what both the spaniards and the cubans have to offer." "do the spaniards expect an army of invasion--that is, did you hear any talk on the subject?" "i caught a few words, sir. i cannot speak spanish myself." commodore schley mused for a moment. "that is all," he said, addressing captain cook. "the boy has certainly had some remarkable adventures. he is better off than poor lieutenant hobson." "that's true," responded the commander of the _brooklyn_. he turned to walter. "you can go, russell; if we want you again, we will send for you." "yes, sir," was the youth's reply, and, saluting, he turned and left the cabin. the interview had been a very formal one, but he was proud to think that he had come into personal contact with his gallant captain and his equally gallant commodore. chapter xxv the bombardment of the santiago batteries when walter returned to his friends he was immediately surrounded and asked what had happened in the cabin. "did the commodore slap you on the back and call you a bully boy?" queried si. "well, hardly," answered walter, with a quiet smile. "they plied me with questions and said i had had some remarkable adventures; that's all." "didn't praise you?" queried caleb. "no." "didn't rush up and shake hands even?" put in paul. "not at all. i saluted and toed the mark, and kept toeing it until i left." at this paul's face fell. "why, i thought you would be right in it, walter," he said. "i guess you've been reading some dime and half-dime colored-cover novels, paul. i imagine that is the way they do in such books." "that's it. why, i've got a story about 'dewey's boy bodyguard.' the hero in that overheard a plot against dewey, and dewey clasped him to his breast and made him a captain of marines." "indeed! and you believe such a yarn?" "dewey couldn't make the boy a captain of marines, not if he was an admiral twice over," put in caleb. "those yarns are pure trash. paul, you had better study some good book on gunnery, and try to become a gun captain." "i thought the story was slightly overdrawn," said paul, growing red in the face. "there is another about the 'boy hero of havana,' who saves general lee's life at the time the americans are getting out of havana. i suppose that is untrue, too." "to be sure, paul. general lee was in no great danger at that time. of course some of the sensational papers had to make the most of it, and they reported that he was travelling around with a six-shooter in his pocket, and a detective dogging his footsteps. as a matter of fact he walked around with nothing but a white cotton umbrella, to keep the sun off." "i'll burn the whole batch of colored stuff up," cried the apprentice; and he did, at the big galley fire. no one on board ever caught him reading dime and half-dime novels again. although the marines had established themselves fairly well at and near guantanamo, the spaniards were determined to drive them off, and to hold this landing and a number of others, several of the warships were kept busy bombarding the enemy's strongholds and in firing with gatling guns at the spanish soldiers whenever they put into appearance along the coast. the day after walter came on board the _brooklyn_, which remained on the blockade off santiago bay, the _texas_, _marblehead_, and _suwanee_ ran into guantanamo bay and attacked the fort at caimanera, a small village not far from guantanamo. the attack began at two o'clock in the afternoon, and in less than two hours the fort was in ruins, and those who had garrisoned it were fleeing inland for their lives. caimanera was thus taken, but to hold it was as difficult as it was to hold guantanamo. many of the people were in sympathy with the spanish government, and some went so far as to soak the streets and some of the houses with coal oil that the town might be burned down at a minute's notice. while this was going on, admiral sampson determined to make another attack on the outer defences of santiago harbor, only sparing morro castle, in which it was understood that lieutenant hobson and his men were confined. it was weary waiting for the transports to arrive with the army, and something must be done to tear down the numerous fortifications the spaniards were constructing. the orders for the bombardment were issued on wednesday evening; and at once a subdued but excited talk took place among the various crews of the blockading squadrons, which now numbered the following ships, along with a few others of lesser importance:---- first squadron, under the direct command of admiral sampson, the flagship _new york_, battleships _iowa_ and _oregon_, protected cruiser _new orleans_, gunboat _mayflower_, torpedo boat _porter_, and the sprightly _scorpion_. the second squadron, under commodore schley, embraced the flagship _brooklyn_, battleships _massachusetts_ and _texas_, and the _marblehead_ and _vixen_. other vessels, such as the _indiana_, _dolphin_, and _suwanee_, were kept busy plying between the blockading fleet and guantanamo bay and surroundings. it was half-past three in the morning when the men were called up and served with coffee. among the first on hand was walter. "now for a first real use of our gun," he said to si. "i've been aching for this ever since i enlisted." before four o'clock came the call to quarters, and the men ran to their various stations, and stripped for action, most of them wearing little more than an undershirt and a pair of trousers. the weather was frightfully hot, and the interior of the cruiser was little better than a bake-oven. possibly this was one reason why the thoughtful admiral planned the attack for so early in the day. silently the warships steamed for the mouth of the harbor, and took up their various positions in a grand semicircle, the heavy fighting ships in the centre, and the torpedo boats on the ends, ready to take care of any infantry fire, should the spaniards hurry their soldiers to the shore. the big ships kept at a distance of three thousand yards--not quite two miles. "we're a long way off," observed walter, as he assisted in loading the "polly," as caleb had named his gun. "twenty-nine hundred yards!" came the report from the range-finder; and the crew went to work to elevate the gun accordingly. in the meantime, the magazines had been opened, the ammunition hoists set in motion, and powder, shot, and shell were delivered everywhere from barbette to fighting-top. "we're near enough to blow 'em sky-high if we strike 'em right," muttered the old gunner, who, with the smell of powder in the air, was in his element. "how about that hose, stuben?" he went on to the hose-man. "dot hose it's all right alretty," answered carl stuben, a round-faced german, who was an american citizen, even though he did speak the language but brokenly. heretofore walter had had but little to do with the man, yet they got along very well together. it was too dark to begin firing, and for half an hour the ships lay quiet, every man ready to obey a command the instant it was given. this was a nerve-trying test for walter, who wondered how the thing would sound when all of the ships began firing. slowly it grew lighter, and the men became more anxious. the guns were trained on the shore batteries to the west of the harbor entrance, while other ships covered the batteries on the east. boom! it was a broadside from the _new york_, directed against the battery below el morro. instantly every other warship present responded in a deafening crash and a shock to be heard many miles away. at once the air became filled with the smoke, and on shore the dirt and masonry of the batteries were seen to fly in all directions. "oh, my!" gasped walter, as the gun before him belched forth its mass of flame and smoke. "what a noise! did--did we hit anything?" "i hope we did," answered steve colton, the second gun captain, laconically; and then came the order to unlock the breech of the gun. as the breech fell back a cloud of smoke swirled into the sponson hood, impregnated with the odor of saltpetre, which caused walter and several of the others to cough violently. "never mind; you'll get used to it before you die," went on colton. the gun being opened, carl stuben caught up his hose-pipe, turned on the nozzle and sent a stream of cold water through the gun, to both clean and cool the interior. by the time this was accomplished the hoist had another shell ready, and this was shoved in by the mechanical rammer. brown prismatic powder followed, with a small quantity of black prismatic powder behind it, as a primer. then the breech-block was swung into position and locked again, and the electrical connections were adjusted. all this had been done almost in the time it takes to tell it, but the next shot was not discharged at once, since the various gunners had strict orders to take their time and make every discharge count. it was not like a pitched battle where every moment counted. but though the gunners took their time, there were so many ships and so many guns that the firing was continuous--a spiteful cracking of rapid-firing guns, mingled with the thunder-claps of the gigantic thirteen-inch guns and the solid banging of the eight-inch and eight and ten pounders. "this is war and no mistake," remarked walter. in ten minutes his undershirt had become as black as a stove-cloth, and he himself looked almost like a negro. in the meantime the perspiration was streaming from every pore of his body. "war!" shouted caleb. "why, lad, this is nothing. if only cervera would come out, then you would see some fun." the order had been passed to lessen the charges in the big guns and elevate them more, in order to secure a plunging fire. the effect of this change in tactics was soon apparent, as shot and shell began to drop directly into the spanish strongholds or behind them. soon one of the batteries was completely silenced, and a cheer went up from the warship nearest to it. it must not be imagined that the spaniards took this attack quietly. no sooner had the american warships opened than they returned the fire with equal fierceness. but although at an elevation, and using guns which were stationary, their aim was wild, and only a few of their shots took effect. as one battery after another was silenced, several of the warships elevated their guns still more and put in large charges of powder, and, as a result, one shell was carried far up the harbor to where the _vizcaya_ lay and burst directly over her deck, doing considerable damage and injuring several sailors and an under-officer. presently a terrific explosion rent the air. one of the shots from the _texas_ had landed in a powder magazine and sent it skyward. the spectacle thus caused was magnificent, and for a moment all in the squadrons watched the timbers, rocks, and dirt as they sailed through the air, some coming down inland and some falling with loud splashes into the sea. "that's a shot worth making!" cried caleb. "hurrah for the man as trained that gun!" and the cheer was given with a will. chapter xxvi in which the army of invasion arrives "maybe i ain't hot and tired, walter. i could sleep standing up and go in an ice-house and do it." it was si who spoke, as he was washing himself in a bucket of water set on the gun-track. the water had been fresh when si began his ablutions and was now dirty, but the yankee youth was still far from clean, for gun smoke and gun dirt have a disagreeable knack of getting into the pores of one's skin. the bombardment had lasted over an hour and every land battery had been silenced. yet, as the american ships drew away, one or two guns spat out spitefully after them. "you'll feel all right in an hour or two, si," answered walter. "oh, but wasn't it glorious! i could stand such bombarding for a week. what a sight it was when that powder magazine went up." "such a bombardment costs uncle sam a good many thousand dollars," put in caleb, leaving the gun to get a drink of water from the tub standing by. "a week of it would put a big hole in his pocket, large as it is." "i presume that is so, walton. but say, why don't we run in and finish things, now we have knocked the batteries out?" "better ask the admiral, lad; he's the one who knows. remember, we didn't touch morro castle nor that fortification on smith cay,--and those spanish warships are somewhere around the bend, out of sight. i reckon the time ain't quite ripe for running in yet. if we run in now and do up that spanish fleet, we haven't men enough to take santiago itself. we must wait until shafter arrives with his army." "but why did we go at them at all for, then?" "to keep 'em from becoming too well fortified. now they'll have their hands full for several days repairing damages, and in the meantime our army may arrive--at least, i hope it does." si had been right about the heat. even in the united states we had a spell of uncommonly hot weather, and down here, under the tropical sun, it was "sizzling," as walter expressed it. during the noon hour no one thought of going on deck unless it was absolutely necessary. refreshments of any kind were at a premium, and when a society known as the colonial dames sent on a number of boxes of oranges and lemons for distribution, the jackies could hardly contain themselves for joy. cuban sugar was easily obtained, and lemonade and orangeade became the order of the hour. having been away on shore, walter had not felt the monotony on shipboard so much, but those who had been on the blockade for nearly three weeks felt fearfully bored, especially as reading matter was scarce. every scrap of a newspaper was saved and passed around, and poor paul was collared and tossed up in a canvas hammock for having burnt the penny-dreadfuls previously mentioned. "mail! mail! mail!" such was the welcome cry which rang through the _brooklyn_, several days after the bombardment just described. the news caused a commotion, and all who could rushed on deck and peered eagerly over the side as several heavy mail sacks were hoisted on board. hardly anybody could wait for the mail to be distributed. "three letters for me, and a bundle of newspapers!" cried walter, joyfully. "here's luck and no mistake." he studied the various post-marks for a moment. "one from boston, in my uncle's handwriting; one from tampa, florida, and that's from ben; and one from--yes--hong kong, china, and that must be from dear old larry. now which shall i read first? oh, i must hear from larry first." and dropping on deck he tore open the letter from the other side of the world and perused it eagerly. "well, i never!" came from him, a few minutes later. "si, walton, listen to this! my brother larry was with dewey at manila and helped whip the dons! oh, but larry's the boy, after all! just read the letter for yourselves." and he tossed it over. ben's letter came next, a rather short communication, for ben had never been much of a boy to write. "i am high private in the best company of the seventy-first regiment of new york," he wrote. "we are down here at lakeland, near tampa, getting into condition to invade cuba. at present things are slow and awfully hot, but we look for livelier times ahead and that keeps up our spirits. my chum, gilbert pennington, has joined theodore roosevelt's rough riders. i hope we go to cuba together. "i suppose you are quite a jack tar by this time and walk with a regular swagger. larry is now a bigger fellow than either of us, for he was on the _olympia_, dewey's flagship, at the battle of manila bay. he wrote me all about it and said he would write to you, too, so i suppose you already have the letter. "uncle job seems to be coming around to his senses--with giving both you and me permission to take care of ourselves. if i were you, i would not let up on him about going to boston. those heirlooms ought to be located, and he is the man who must push the work, even if it does cost a few dollars. i want father's watch, and i am sure you and larry want the wedding rings. "i have made many friends while in the army, but i also have two enemies, gerald holgait and dwight montgomery, and i am afraid that sooner or later they will try to play me some mean trick. however, i will be on my guard against them. good-by and good luck to you." "i hope ben does come down," mused walter. "and if he has any enemies of the jim haskett sort he had better look out." and then he turned to the communication from job dowling. "my dearest nephew," began the guardian, and the term of address made walter smile. "your letter was a big surprise to me, and i ain't over it yet. that you should meet that thief gets me, and i don't understand it nohow. however, i packed my valise (my new one that cost me a dollar thirty-five, although wilson says it is worth the money) and the next day i took the cars for boston on a ticket i got at cut rates, although it was tolerably dear even at that. when i got to boston i introduced myself to mr. phil newell, the one-legged man you used to work for, and he took me to police headquarters, and now i am stopping here at a boarding-house on hammond street. the police sent a detective to me, and he is going to find them heirlooms and that rascal of a deck mumpers, or whatever his name is, or know the reason why. if he finds the things, i'm to give him two hundred dollars in cash; if he don't, i pay his travelling expenses and no more. i wouldn't make such a bargain, but i know all you boys want the things back and i can't do the running after the thief. it's a waste of money, but it can't be helped. i want to show you and ben and larry that your uncle means well in spite of what you think of him. "newell says for me to tell you he will send you a bundle of newspapers. he says he knows how lonely life on board of a man-of-war gets sometimes. i hope you don't get hurt, if you get into a fight down in cuba. keep out of the sun, and write when you can, care of newell's news-stand--for i stop there every day, after the detective's report. the detective hopes to get the things back before this week is out. "your loving uncle, "job dowling." the letter was a mere scrawl, horribly mis-spelled, and it took walter fully quarter of an hour to decipher it. "well, uncle job is turning over a new leaf," he thought, as he put it away. "i only hope that detective is all right, and don't hoodwink him into paying over his money for nothing. i reckon the letters ben and i wrote him scared him pretty well, otherwise he wouldn't agree to pay two hundred dollars if the heirlooms are recovered." caleb had read larry's letter with much interest. one portion of it, relating to the narrow escape from disaster during the battle, interested him not a little. "your brother had a close shave," he said. "to fire a gun when the breech is unlocked is a fearful thing." "i don't see how it could happen on board of such a ship as the _brooklyn_," answered walter. "everything works like clockwork here." "you don't know how a thing would work in the middle of a battle, lad. men get excited, and sometimes the jarring of the shots breaks the electric connections. more than likely that gunner was firing his piece by hand at the time. i've done the same, when the electric connection gave out. last month i heard from a friend of mine, a gunner on the _new orleans_, that used to be a brazilian warship. they couldn't get their electric-firing apparatus into shape nohow, and had to do everything by hand,--and that is the time accidents occur. but somebody ought to have been watching that breech-block--your brother or somebody else." and then caleb turned away to his duties. larry had written that he was now in hong kong, and did not know whether he would go back to dewey's squadron, or return to the united states. "you'll hear from me again soon, one way or another," he added in a postscript. for a day or two, all of walter's spare time was spent over the newspapers his former employer had been kind enough to send him, but drills and other duties must not be neglected, and now that the army of invasion was hourly expected, discipline on the warships became more rigid than ever. at last, one clear morning, a cry echoed and reëchoed from one warship to another:-- "the transports are in sight! general shafter's army has arrived!" what a shouting, cheering, and yelling broke loose! jackies flew to the deck, and up the military masts, and all other points of vantage. yes, the news was true, over thirty transports were coming up from the direction of guantanamo bay, having rounded cape maysi some hours previously. the army of invasion had really arrived, nearly seventeen thousand strong. as that vast fleet came up, convoyed by fourteen warships, it presented a most imposing appearance, and guns boomed loudly to welcome it. "is the seventy-first on board?" was walter's question; and when at last he heard that it was, his heart beat quickly. "ben must be there!" he thought. and ben _was_ there, and thinking of walter at the same time. "santiago is doomed now," said caleb, as he surveyed the scene. "that's so," put in si, tossing up his cap. "and old cervera must either come out and fight, or haul down his colors. oh, but won't we just smash things when that army is landed!" and walter agreed with both of them. as soon as it could be arranged, the army was landed at baiquiri, siboney, and other points, guantanamo being reserved as a coaling station for the warships. after the first landing, a strong detachment of regulars and rough riders was thrown out, and then followed the battles of la guasima, san juan, and el caney, described in detail in the previous volume of this series. the soldier boys fought bravely, and ben russell and his chum, gilbert pennington, were well to the front, as we know. the landing of the troops was no easy matter, for the surf ran high, and it was feared that the spaniard might make a heavy onslaught at any instant. all the small boats of the warships were called into use, to land men and army stores, and while this work was in progress, many of the ships began to bombard various points along the coast, for the purpose of confusing the enemy, so that they would not realize the truth of what was taking place. the ruse succeeded, and during the landing the spaniards remained comparatively quiet, hardly knowing in what direction to turn, or what to do, since the americans were covering over a hundred miles of rugged coast-line. the debarkation at an end, the _brooklyn_ returned to her position on the blockade. all hands knew that something important would soon happen, and, consequently, everybody slept thenceforth "with one eye open." "cervera must not be allowed to escape, night or day, under any circumstances," was the order passed, and it was to be obeyed to the letter. chapter xxvii the spanish fleet and its commander "now that we are so anxious to catch admiral cervera and smash his ships, i should like to know something about the man and his command," remarked walter, a few days after the army had landed. he addressed george ellis, who, in his quiet, gentlemanly way had taken a liking to the youth. the two were seated in the shadow of one of the forward guns, taking it easy, for the morning drills were over and it yet lacked half an hour to mess time. slowly the _brooklyn_ rose and sank on the waves of the caribbean sea, four miles outside of santiago bay. this was the usual distance in the daytime. at night, despite the danger of an attack by a torpedo destroyer, the warships came in much closer, and the glare of the searchlights never left morro castle or the narrow harbor entrance. "i know very little about admiral cervera excepting that he has been in the spanish navy for many years and is said to be one of the finest gentlemen that ever trod the deck of a ship. why he ever allowed himself to be bottled up like this is more than i can understand. i imagine, though, that he was on his way to havana, to break the blockade there, when he heard that admiral sampson was coming for him one way and our commodore the other, and he concluded that the best thing he could do would be to scoot into the bay yonder and save himself and possibly santiago. they say he carried a lot of guns and ammunition for the spanish army. he can distribute those as well at santiago as he can at havana, for i understand general toral here is as hard up as blanco is at the other city." "and what of the ships under him? they say he has six. do you know how big they are?" went on walter. "he has four warships and two torpedo destroyers," answered the chief yeoman. "i got that straight from lieutenant blue, who went ashore for admiral sampson, made a detour of seventy miles, and from the top of a high hill saw the ships in the harbor through his powerful glasses." "somebody said all the big ships were armored cruisers." "that is true, and three of them, the _vizcaya_, the _almirante oquendo_, and the _maria teresa_, are sister ships, of seven thousand tons each. each is about three hundred and sixty feet long and can speed at eighteen to nineteen knots an hour. they carry about five hundred men each, and every one has a main battery of two -inch hontoria and ten . -inch hontoria guns, with a secondary battery of eight -pounders, ten -pounders, several machine guns; and they also carry six torpedo tubes each." "and what of the fourth cruiser?" "she is the _cristobal colon_, the fastest of the lot, even though her displacement is two hundred tons short of the others. they say she can run eighteen knots an hour with ease and twenty knots if she is put to it. her armor belt is six inches thick, alongside of twelve inches on the other cruisers. she also carries about five hundred men, and she has a main battery of two -inch and five -inch guns, and a secondary battery of rapid-firing rifles, and pounders and two maxim guns. her torpedo tubes number four." "then they are no small fry to battle with," observed walter. "when their batteries break loose they ought to do some talking." "they will talk. we mustn't expect any walkover, if cervera ever comes out of his hole." "and what of the two torpedo boats?" "they are sister ships, the _pluton_ and _furor_, each of three hundred and eighty tons displacement. they say that each has a speed of twenty-seven knots an hour, and both are equipped with the latest appliances for such crafts, carrying regular, automatic, and rapid-fire guns, and also fourteen-inch schwartzkopff torpedo tubes." "i should say they would be good things to keep out of the way of," exclaimed walter. "we've got our eyes wide open for them, lad. to be sure, one or another of them may play us some dirty trick of a dark night--but that is one of the risks to be taken in war times," concluded the chief yeoman, as a petty officer called him away. all on board the warships waited eagerly for news from the army of invasion. it was known that the rough riders had had a severe skirmish at la guasima, but that was all, so far as the jackies went. possibly the officers knew more, but if so, they kept the knowledge to themselves. "another dull week will come to an end to-morrow," remarked si, as he and walter were on their way to the mess table. "oh, but i'm sick of laying around looking at old morro. if only those ships would come out, we'd sink them all in less than two hours; i feel sure of it." si's growl was becoming a universal one, even the officers grumbling a good deal. all wanted to fight cervera's fleet, and the more the spanish admiral kept himself hidden, the more angry did they become. many almost begged to have their ships forced into the harbor, no matter what the consequences--they stating that anything would be better than this everlasting waiting. the blockade had now lasted five long weeks. in the meantime, matters elsewhere had not been idle. chagrined over dewey's victory at manila, spain resolved to send another fleet to the philippines by way of the suez canal, taking, for this purpose, almost all the warships left in her home waters. as soon as this was brought to light, our own naval board decided to send an american fleet to the coast of spain, and commodore watson was placed in command of the expedition. but before the american warships could sail, the spanish fleet, having gone through the suez canal, turned back for home, and the american warships remained where they were, and dewey was left unmolested at manila, so far as spanish operations were concerned, although the insurgents under general aguinaldo soon began to give him a great deal of trouble. saturday morning dawned misty but hot. from a great distance could be heard the rattle of musketry, showing that the army of invasion was slowly but surely advancing. "they're in it all right enough--" began si, when there came a sudden call to quarters, and at the same time the _brooklyn's_ engines began to move and she headed for santiago bay. "hullo, what does this mean?" "perhaps we are going to force an entrance!" ejaculated walter. "hurrah, if we do!" "better not count your chickens before they are hatched," remarked caleb, who had just rolled from his hammock. they soon learned the truth of the movement. the shore batteries were again to be bombarded, and this time not even morro castle was to be spared, it having been ascertained that hobson and his men had been removed to safe quarters. "down with old morro; we'll show the dons a thing or two!" was the cry, and off rushed the men to their guns, their eyes brighter than they had been for many a day, for morro castle had been an eyesore to all. the flagship _new york_ was leading the fleet, which, as before, soon ranged up in a semicircle. inside of five minutes every vessel had her station. "cast loose and provide!" the now familiar cry was scarcely needed, for the jackies were already at work, stripped, as before, of all their superfluous clothing. shot and powder were quickly handled, and the flagship began the firing, which immediately broke forth in all its fury, deafening everybody and sending forth a great cloud of smoke which hung over the warships like a pall. "morro's flag is down!" came the shout. it was true. a gunner on the noble _oregon_ had taken careful aim and cut the flagstaff in two. the falling of the spanish emblem was greeted with a wild cheer. at once the spaniards tried to put another flag up, but it was some time ere they succeeded, and then it was a tiny affair, hardly visible excepting with a glass. "we'll try for that battery yonder!" exclaimed caleb, during the height of the bombardment. "i think those fellows have been firing this way ever since they started." he had scarcely spoken when bang! something hit the armor plate directly under their gun, hurling the gunner, walter, and several others back by the shock. "they've struck us, but the shot didn't pierce our armor," remarked caleb, calmly, as he got up. "all right, you villains, here's the compliment returned!" and he made his preparations with care. the shot following was the best they had yet placed. it struck into a battery on the west shore of the harbor entrance, ploughed up the foundation of a six-pound gun, and sent the piece flying high into the air. "my, but that was immense!" cried walter, while si and the others cheered wildly. "give them another!" and they did give the battery another, and then a dozen more, until at last the place was silenced, showing that what was left of the gunners had fled. at half-past seven came the order to cease firing, but it was fully twenty minutes later before the last of the warships' guns were discharged. by this time not only the batteries but also old morro were filled with gaping holes. it is more than likely that if the fleet had sought to enter the harbor at this time it could have done so with comparative ease. the work at the gun had been very hot, and as soon as they were able to do so, walter and si scurried to the upper deck to get a bit of fresh air. "it fairly stews the fat out of a fellow," grumbled si, running the perspiration from his forehead with his forefinger. "i'll bet i'm ten pounds lighter than before this blockade began." "never mind; it's one of the fortunes of war--" began walter, when of a sudden a strange whir and a singing sound filled the air. it was a shell, fired from morro castle, just as the _brooklyn_ was turning away. "look out!" yelled si, and dropped down, but the words were still on his lips when the shell exploded, sending the fragments flying in all directions. both boys were struck, and with a groan walter fell senseless to the deck. chapter xxviii "the enemy is escaping!" "is he dead, surgeon?" "oh, doctor, he'll live--say he'll live!" caleb and si had followed the senseless form of walter to the sick bay of the warship, the yankee youth with the blood streaming from a deep cut in his left cheek. both were in distress for fear their comrade was seriously injured. "yes, he'll live, but he has had a narrow escape," was the reply of the medical man in charge of the case. "the bit of shell scraped his left temple, as you see. had it come a little closer, it would have gone through his brain." walter had been placed on a swinging cot, and now his head was bound up. before this operation was over he opened his eyes. "whe--where am i?" he stammered. "wh--what hit me?" "praise god, he's himself again!" murmured caleb, reverently. "i was afraid he was a goner." "so was i," whispered si. "and i don't know how i could spare walter--he seems so like a brother." "you must lie quiet for a while," said the surgeon. "you'll be all right by to-night." and then he gave walter some medicine to brace his nerves, for they had been sadly shattered by the shock. the remainder of that saturday was spent in bed. on this memorable day the fighting on land had been even more fierce than on the sea. the army of invasion had taken the various outposts of santiago, and the very city itself now lay at general shafter's mercy. it was felt that a day or two longer would bring matters to a climax. when walter joined his comrades after supper he looked rather pale and scared. almost silently he took si's hand and wrung it. "you are all right?" he whispered. "no hurt to speak of," was the answer. "but we were pretty close to death. oh, si, i never realized before how quick one could be put out of this world!" "neither did i, walter. after this i'm going to--well--i'm going to attend church more regularly, that's all. i never did take much to sech matters afore, like you do." "it's always well to be prepared for death, si--i'm going to try to be prepared after this," was walter's low answer, and in the darkness of the berth deck they clasped hands again. they understood each other pretty well, these boys. on sunday morning the sun arose clear and strong, and early in the day an awning was spread over the quarterdeck of the flagship _brooklyn_, and preparations were made to pass a hot day as comfortably as possible. "we will rest to-day," was the word passed around, and the jackies were not sorry, for the bombardment on saturday morning had tired them out. the _brooklyn_ rested about three miles out from santiago bay, and not far off lay the _texas_. between the two ships the long, green waves rose and fell, only making a soft slish-slish as they struck the vessels' sides. the jackies lolled here, there, and everywhere, some talking, some reading old newspapers which from frequent handling would scarcely hold together, while a few studied the bibles they had brought with them. presently from the _texas_ came the musical bugle-call for church service. "i'd like to go on board of her once," said walter to si, as they listened to the bell that followed. "she's certainly a fine-looking craft." "three bells," put in caleb, as he came up. "come on, lads, first sunday in the month, remember, and the articles of war have got to be hearkened to." "that's so; i had forgotten," answered walter. and he and the others dropped below, to don their cleanest and neatest "rigs," for general muster. soon the call came, and from all parts of the big cruiser the men hurried to their various divisions, while the higher officers buckled on their swords, and the executive officers prepared to make their inspections. on the quarterdeck, near the hatchway, sat commodore schley, musing thoughtfully, as he gazed over the waters in the direction of morro castle. the fighting commodore undoubtedly felt as hot as anybody, for he wore a thin, black alpaca coat and an equally thin, white summer hat. he was now in sole command of the blockading fleet, for the _new york_ had carried admiral sampson many miles away, to confer with general shafter. for some time there had been smoke in the harbor entrance in front of the warships, and many were wondering what it meant. "must be a supply boat for the batteries," said several under-officers, and this theory was accepted as correct. nevertheless, commodore schley glanced toward that smoke more than once. "we are going to have general muster, commodore," announced captain cook, as he presented himself, followed by executive officer mason, and the commander of the fleet _pro tem._ nodded. but those keen eyes were still bent shoreward. suddenly, from the forward bridge there came a yell through a megaphone, a yell that electrified everybody who heard it. "after bridge there! report to the commodore and the captain that _the enemy's ships are coming out of the harbor_!" there was no necessity to report, for commodore, captain, and all others heard the cry. there was a second of silence. could this news be true? then came the command of the executive officer. "_clear ship for action!_" "hurrah! the enemy is coming out at last! to your guns, boys! remember the _maine_!" these and a score of other cries rang out, while men rushed hither and thither, dropping one garment or another as they ran, and kicking shoes right and left, for no jackie will do work worth the counting unless he is barefooted. everybody had on his best clothing, but that did not matter, and down into the grimy depths of the big vessel dropped the firemen, coal heavers, and all the rest of the "black gang," as they are termed, for steam must be gotten up in a tremendous hurry or the enemy would surely get away. ton after ton of coal was thrown onto the fires, and the firemen coaxed and coaxed until the black lumps grew first red and then white, and converted the water in the boilers into high-pressure steam. "fire up! for the sake of the ship's honor, fire up!" came in a hoarse cry down the speaking-tube, and the men did fire up as never before, until all were ready to drop from the terrific heat. and all this while the engineers were watching their engines, oiling this part and that, and making every pound of steam do its utmost to send the great armored cruiser dashing and hissing through the sea to that point where the spanish fleet was trying to escape. for admiral cervera could stand it no longer inside of the harbor. with the army of invasion at the very outskirts of santiago, and with the american fleet beyond his bay of refuge, something must be done, and done quickly. he would run for it,--run at the top of his speed--and trust to luck, if not providence, to get out of range and reach cienfuegos or havana. santiago bay was "too hot to hold him." it was the big prow of the _maria teresa_ that first showed itself, quickly followed by the _vizcaya_, _oquendo_, and _colon_, with the torpedo boats _pluton_ and _furor_ bringing up closely in the rear. all were under a full head of steam, and the thick smoke shot up in heavy clouds from every funnel. for an instant all seemed to pause at the gateway to the sea, then, led by the _maria teresa_, they turned westward along the coast. to this side of the blockade now lay but three american warships, the _brooklyn_, _texas_, and the little _vixen_. if he could only get out of range of these, admiral cervera felt that he would, for the time being at least, be safe. boom! it was a three-pounder, fired from the _iowa_, lying some distance to the eastward of the _texas_. she, too, was flying the signal, "the enemy is escaping," in red and white and blue flags. beyond the _iowa_, still further eastward, lay the pride of the western coast, the mighty _oregon_, and it was this ship that first started up her engines in pursuit, having, by chance, a good head of steam up. and as the _oregon_ turned in one direction, the little _resolute_ turned in the other, to carry the news to the absent rear-admiral. three minutes had not yet passed, yet a complete transformation had occurred on the _brooklyn_. five hundred men had scuttled to as many different directions, battle hatches had been lowered, water-tight compartments closed, hose attached and decks wet down, fire tubs filled, magazines opened, hoists put into operation, and ammunition delivered to turret, decks, and to the fighting-tops. down below, fire had been started under four fresh boilers, and a dozen different connections between engines made. nor was this all. splinter nets had been spread as before, all useless woodwork thrown overboard, and the surgeons' operating tables made ready. the warning gun from the _iowa_ was followed by a gun from the _texas_, and then the _brooklyn_ helped to "open the ball" with her forward eight-inch guns. another great naval battle, fully equal to that of manila bay, was now on. "it's a question of do or die, boys!" cried caleb, as he worked over the heavy gun before him. "hustle now, as you never hustled before, or the dagos will get away. now then, polly, do the best you can!" and _bang!_ went the gun, with a noise that was deafening. ten minutes later walter felt as if his hearing had left him entirely, so incessant was the firing. the first fire from the enemy came from the _maria teresa_, and was an eleven-inch shell directed at the _brooklyn_. hardly had this been discharged when the _indiana_, coming up behind the _iowa_, took a long-range chance and sent a shell directly upon the _teresa's_ deck, doing not a little damage. then the firing became general, and shot and shell was hurled in every direction. so far, the _brooklyn_ had been headed directly for the harbor entrance, commodore and captain being intent upon cutting off the enemy's westward flight, if possible. this course soon brought the _maria teresa_, _vizcaya_, and the _brooklyn_ into close proximity, and presently all were lost to view in a dense cloud of smoke, from which shot long streaks of fire, as battery after battery was discharged at close range. "give it to 'em!" was the cry that rang throughout the _brooklyn_. "don't let up on 'em! we must do as well as dewey did, and better! remember the _maine_, and three cheers for uncle sam!" such cries were truly inspiring, but presently the men became silent, as the work began to tell upon them, and they realized what a fearful task still lay before them. "the second ship's flag is down!" was the welcome news which soon drifted down from the fighting-tops. it was true, the _vizcaya's_ big silk flag had been riddled completely and the halyard shot away; but soon another flag was run up. later on the _brooklyn's_ flag also came down, but it did not remain so more than two minutes before a jackie had it up again. the battle had but fairly begun, and the _brooklyn_ and the _maria teresa_ were having it "hot and heavy," when suddenly the bow of the _vizcaya_ began to turn swiftly. at once a cry rang out. "that ship is going to ram the _brooklyn_! see, she is turning full toward her!" the warning proved true. the _vizcaya_ was turned fairly and squarely for commodore schley's flagship. bells were ringing on board of her for "full speed ahead." on and on she came, like a demon of the deep, in one wild, terrible effort to ram the vessel walter was on and sink her! chapter xxix the destruction of the spanish fleet "we are lost!" "that ship will cut us in half!" "give her a broadside, boys, before we go down!" these and a hundred other cries rang out, as the _vizcaya_ came leaping over the waves on her awful mission of death and destruction. then gun after gun roared out, sending shot and shell on the enemy's deck. if this was their last hour on earth, these brave jackies were going to make the most of it. but commodore, captain, and executive officer were all on the alert and were not to be caught napping. as the _vizcaya_ came on, the necessary orders were given, and the _brooklyn_ began to turn in a twelve-point circle to starboard. like a flash she swept past the warship dashing on to destroy her, and then the command rang out, "give her another broadside!" and the port guns, twenty in number, vomited out their death-dealing shots and shells, raking the spanish deck from end to end, and killing and wounding a great number of sailors and officers. to this awful fire was added that from the _oregon_, which now came up to assist the flagship. realizing that the plan to ram the _brooklyn_ was a failure, the _vizcaya_ started westward once more. it was now high time to turn attention to the two torpedo-boat destroyers, _pluton_ and _furor_, that were coming out of the harbor at a speed of twenty knots per hour. once these destroyers gained the open sea, to catch them would be impossible. like long, steel arrows glistening in the sunlight, they darted through the greenish waves and for a moment hid themselves behind their big sisters. then on came the _gloucester_, a converted yacht, commanded by lieutenant wainwright. wainwright had been executive officer of the _maine_ when she was blown up in havana harbor, and had vowed more than once to sink something if only he were given a chance. like an avenging angel the _gloucester_, but lightly armed, bore down upon the torpedo boats and sent shot after shot into them. then the destroyers began to turn, as if to sink the little enemy who dared to molest them, but now it was too late,--the big warships were coming to the _gloucester's_ aid. it was the _oregon_ and the _iowa_ that first came to the converted yacht's assistance, and as the destroyers turned, first one way and then another, as if to ram or to run, a perfect hailstorm of shot and shell landed on their sides and decks, churning up the water into a milk-white froth, and causing the destroyers to look like gigantic whales lashing themselves in their death throes. the noise was even greater than it had been before, and the smoke made the heavens above look as if a violent thunderstorm was at hand. finding they could not withstand such a combined attack, and with the _texas_ hurrying to the scene, the destroyers turned tail, as if to make for the shore. as the turn was made a huge shell, flying over the masts of the _gloucester_, hit the _pluton_ directly amidship, and with a crash and a splutter she broke and sank, leaving the still living members of her crew struggling in the boiling waters for their lives. left to herself, the _furor_ again paused, like some wild animal seeking in vain for cover. she started to get behind the _oquendo_, but, in spite of the fire from the shore batteries, the _gloucester_ went in after her, with every available gun doing its utmost, and fairly filling her with small holes. at last the destroyer could stand it no longer, and with a lurch she struck on a reef and began to break. in a moment more the water poured over her sides, and her crew was compelled to surrender. the instant the surrender was made, the converted yacht, from being an angel of vengeance, became an angel of mercy, and to gallant lieutenant-commander wainwright fell the honor of rescuing hundreds of wounded and drowning spaniards who must otherwise have perished. such was the close of this running fight. at the front, the four big warships were still trying to push on, with the _brooklyn_, _oregon_, _iowa_, _texas_, and _indiana_ in the chase. with a full head of steam the noble _oregon_ reached a position between commodore schley's flagship and the _texas_, and every vessel in the line belched forth its messengers of death and destruction. presently a cry echoed throughout the squadron regarding the _oquendo_. "she is on fire! see, she is burning in three places!" the report was true. a shell had burst near the quarterdeck of the warship, and now high to the sky arose a column of yellowish red smoke. then the flames burst out of her bow. in vain the spaniards tried to man their fire-hose. a shower of projectiles from the fighting-tops of our own ships assailed them and drove them to shelter, while the big guns continued to "pump up" shot and shell as never before. but the _oquendo_ was no worse off than the _maria teresa_, if as badly. she staggered on, and a few minutes later passed her sister ship as if looking for aid, when aid could not be given. "the _maria teresa_ is on fire!" was the next cry, but a few minutes later. "down goes cervera's flag! hurrah, boys, we've got em 'on the run! give it to 'em hot!" yes, the admiral's flag was down, and so was the mast that had held it. would the spanish emblem go up again? all watched anxiously, and meanwhile the _brooklyn_ continued to pour in her hottest fire. "she's going ashore!" rang through the american flagship. "she's burning up!" and then came a heavy shot from the _brooklyn_, another from the _texas_, and staggering like a thing of life, the _maria teresa_ ran for the beach, a mass of seething and roaring flames. admiral cervera's doom was sealed. five minutes later the _oquendo_ was also cast on the shore. four of the enemy's ships had been laid low, but the great fight was by no means over. shot and shell were flying around the _vizcaya_ and _cristobal colon_, but both warships kept on their way, the _colon_ slowly but surely forging to the front. both spanish ships were returning the americans' hot fire, and many a shot hit the _brooklyn_ and many a shell burst over her deck. but as yet no serious damage had been inflicted. but a calamity was at hand, as rapid in its execution as it was appalling. near the forward eight-inch turret george ellis was standing, watching the struggle of the enemy's ships to escape. "ellis, give us the range again!" shouted captain cook. "i'll have it in a moment, captain," answered the chief yeoman, and took up his stadiometer. making his calculation, he turned to commodore schley, who was but a short distance away. "it is fourteen hundred yards to the _vizcaya_, sir," he said. these were the last words he ever uttered, for an instant after there was the whistling of a shell, and those standing around were horrified to see ellis's headless body drop to the deck below. the poor fellow had been killed instantly, in the very midst of his duties. what a shock this was to those about him i will leave my readers to imagine. never until now had they realized what this awful war meant. "poor ellis, he was such a fine man!" murmured one comrade as he turned away. and then his face grew even more sober. "but he's the first on board of this ship. what of those poor dons yonder, who are going down by the wholesale?" and though they were enemies, his heart beat in sympathy for the poor wretches who were struggling madly amid shot, shell, fire, and water for their lives. fortunately the _iowa_ was already coming to the succor of the defeated ones. "we're going to catch it now, lad," remarked caleb to walter, as he pointed through a rift in the cloud of smoke hanging over the gun. "there are two of the enemy's ships, and they are both going to pound us. where in the world are our other vessels?" "the _oregon_ is coming up!" came from the after-deck, a minute later. "and the _texas_ isn't far behind." around the gun it was suffocating, and every hand was ready to drop. indeed, fainting fits were frequent, but the most that could be done for a sufferer was to either throw some water over his head or yell out to the surgeons' helpers to carry the men to the ward room for treatment. as the _brooklyn_ was struck here and there, splinters began to fly, and a number were injured, although no one seriously. the _texas_ had done wonderful work on the _maria teresa_ and the _oquendo_, and now did her best to keep to the front of the chase. but the speed was too great for her, and gradually she dropped behind, although still continuing to throw shot and shell after the _vizcaya_ that had dropped some distance behind the _colon_. it was now apparent to all that if any vessel was going to get away it was to be the _colon_, for her speed was greater than the _vizcaya_ and as yet she had hardly been touched. "the _vizcaya_, boys, the _vizcaya_!" came the cry from the quarterdeck. "don't let her screen the _colon_!" "we'll pound 'em both!" was the answer. "remember the _maine_! remember manila bay!" and then the mighty guns of the _brooklyn_ and _oregon_ roared out swifter than ever, and the _vizcaya_, doing her best to sink one or the other of the american warships, was raked as if passing through a blizzard of fire, until her men were forced again and again from their posts, and at last the guns were abandoned. then fire caught the craft in its awful embrace, and rolling from side to side, she, too, sought for a harbor of refuge, but found none. down came her colors, and at the same instant she struck with a crash on the rocks. the fight had started at quarter to ten. now it was but quarter past eleven,--just an hour and a half,--and all the spanish ships but one had been destroyed. such is the appalling swiftness of modern naval warfare. where in olden days jack tars had fought for hours, they now fought for minutes. but the destruction of the _vizcaya_ had taken time, and the _colon_ was forging onward, panting and throbbing like a thing of life trying to escape from unspeakable terrors. down in the bowels of the warship the furnaces were at a white heat, and the engineers had long since pushed their engines far past the danger point. "faster! faster!" came the cry from the deck and tower. "it will be better to blow up than to allow the yankee pigs to sink us. we must save at least one ship!" and the engines pounded and quivered, threatening each instant to blow into a million pieces. for once don quixote was making the run of his life. unable to stand the heat, walter had obtained permission to lay off for a few minutes and get some fresh air. a look from the spar deck had showed him the _colon_ dashing far ahead, enveloped in a thin line of smoke. every few seconds a flash of fire would come from her stern guns, but the marksmanship was poor and no serious damage was done to the _brooklyn_. the boy returned to his gun to find caleb and the others in deep perplexity. something was wrong with a shell, and it had become wedged in the gun and could not be pushed forward to its proper place or hauled back. "we can't use polly any more!" groaned caleb. "i'll fix her!" cried si doring, and caught up a rammer. in a moment the brave yankee lad was crawling out over the smoking piece toward the muzzle. but he had scarcely reached the outward end of the gun than the _brooklyn_ gave a lurch and down he slipped over the side and into space! chapter xxx final scenes of the great fight "si has fallen overboard!" the cry came from half a dozen throats at once, and walter's heart almost stopped beating, so attached had he become to the yankee lad. "if he's overboard, he'll be sucked under and drowned," he groaned. "i wonder if i can see anything of him." without a second thought he leaped on the gun and began to crawl out, on hands and knees, as perilous a thing to do, with the vessel going at full speed, as one would care to undertake. "come back!" roared caleb, trying to detain him. "you'll go overboard, too." at that moment came a cry from below, and looking down the steel side of the _brooklyn_, walter beheld si clinging to a rope ladder, one of several flung over, to be used in case of emergency. "si, are you all right?" he called loudly. "i--reckon--i--i am," came with a pant. "but i had an awful tumble and the wind is about knocked out o' me." and then si began to climb up to the deck. "he's on the ladder and he's all right," shouted walter, to those still behind the gun. then a sudden idea struck him. "hand me another rammer, stuben." "mine cracious! don't you try dot," cried the hose-man. "you vos fall ofer chust like si." "yes, come in here," put in caleb, and paul also called upon him to return. "i'm all right," was the boy's reply. "give it to me, stuben." and catching the rammer from the hose-man, steve colton passed it forward. "in war we have got to take some risks," he reasoned, as caleb gave him a severe look. "then why didn't you get out on the gun, steve?" was the old gunner's dry response; and the second gun captain said no more. rammer in hand, walter edged closer and closer to the muzzle of the polly. the _brooklyn_ was moving up and down over the long green waves, sending the spray flying on both sides of the bow. he gave one look down, felt himself growing dizzy, and then kept his eyes on the gun. [illustration: rammer in hand, walter edged close to the muzzle.] at last the muzzle was gained, and not without difficulty the rammer was inserted. the projectile had not been very tightly wedged, and a firm pressure sent it backward, so that caleb could catch it and pull it out through the breech. then throwing the rammer aboard, walter lost no time in coming in again. he had been exposed to the direct fire of the enemy, but no shot had come near him. "boy, you're too plucky," exclaimed caleb, catching him by the shoulder. "you ought to be flogged for your daring. let me see your hands. ah, just as i thought; both of 'em blistered. go and put some sweet oil on 'em, and a bit of flour. i'll bet the end of polly is red-hot." "well, it is pretty hot," replied walter, and then he was glad enough to follow caleb's advice, for both hands smarted a good deal. soon si joined him, to get something for his hands also. the _colon_ had now drawn out of range, so firing would have been a useless waste of ammunition. down to the gunners came the order: "cease firing." and a moment later, "all hands on deck for an airing." what a laughing and shouting ensued as the jackies poured up, to secure the best viewing places they could within the ship's regulations. hot, tired, ready to drop from exhaustion, they shook hands with each other, sang, laughed, and whistled. "three cheers for commodore schley!" came suddenly from somebody, and the cheers came with vigor, and a tiger, and then came a cheer for captain cook and a cheer for the _oregon_, coming up with ever increasing speed. the _oregon's_ men cheered in return, and for a moment one would have thought this was holiday-making instead of grim war. the _colon_ was close to shore, while the _brooklyn_ and the _oregon_ lay from two to three miles out to sea. some miles farther westward the cuban shore slopes southward to cape cruz. if the _colon_ kept on her present course she would have to make for the cape, thus coming down toward the american warships. "we will catch her there," said commodore schley, confidently. the _oregon_ was flying the signal "remember the _maine_" from her masthead, and as she drew still closer to the _brooklyn_, another shout of approval went up. the two warships would fight the _colon_ between them, if only they could get within range. it was now noontime, and a hasty mess was served all around, and the men continued to air themselves, something easy to do with the ponderous ship speeding the waters at an eighteen-knot rate. suddenly from the _oregon_ came the boom of a thirteen-inch gun, and the shell fell just astern of the _colon_, sending the water up like a fountain. the battle was again on. "now for it!" cried caleb, as the spanish warship turned southward down the coast, and the polly spoke up as fiercely as at any time during the contest. "the spaniards are losing heart!" came the cry, a few minutes later. "they ain't doing half the firing they were!" it was true; the _colon_ was running short of ammunition, and her officers saw what a hopeless fight a contest with the _brooklyn_ and _oregon_ would prove to be. with shot and shell falling all around him, captain moreu hauled down his flag and sent his ship ashore at rio tarquino. the battle was won, and dewey's magnificent victory at manila, which the world in general had declared was a miracle that could not be matched, had been duplicated. henceforth american warships and american sailors would stand as the equals of any nation on the face of the globe. and now that the contest was over what was to follow? to me, the hours that came after are even greater in honor than those glorious hours of victory. already down the shore, the work of rescuing the sailors and marines from the _maria teresa_, _oquendo_, and _vizcaya_ had begun, and now the crews of the _brooklyn_ and _oregon_ turned in to aid the wounded and the dying, and those in danger of drowning, on the _colon_. boat after boat went out, close to the sinking cruiser, now burning fiercely, with abandoned guns going off, loose powder and shells exploding, and magazines in danger of tearing all asunder. amid such perils did our noble jackies work, hauling man after man from the ship, or from the water, and taking them to our own warships, there to be cared for as tenderly as though they were our own. some of the spaniards could not understand this treatment. they had been told that the americans were butchers and had no hearts, and when they realized the truth many burst into tears of joy. when the battle was all over, some of our officers and men could not comprehend what had been accomplished--that a whole fleet of spanish warships had been destroyed, that hundreds of men had been killed and many more wounded and taken prisoners, and that the loss to our side had been but one man killed, a handful wounded, and no ship seriously damaged. "it was an act of providence," said more than one, and captain philip of the _texas_ spoke thus to his crew, as he gathered all around him on this never-to-be-forgotten sunday, so bright and clear:-- "i wish to make confession that i have implicit faith in god and in the officers and crew of the _texas_, but my faith in you is only secondary to my faith in god. we have seen what he has done for us, in allowing us to achieve so great a victory, and i want to ask all of you, or at least every man who has no scruples, to uncover his head with me and silently offer a word of thanks to god for his goodness toward us all." the thanks were given, some dropping upon their knees to deliver them, and this outpouring of hearts travelled from one ship to another throughout the entire fleet. "poor ellis!" said walter; "the only seaman to give up his life! it's too bad!" and when george ellis's body was buried with all naval honors he wept as bitterly as did anybody on board of the flagship. the victory had been gained, but the work of the fleet was not yet over. the army still occupied the outskirts of santiago, and general shafter had sent word to general toral that unless he surrendered, the city would be shelled monday morning. at a conference with admiral sampson, later on, it was decided that the fleet should take part in the bombardment even if it was necessary to force an entrance into the harbor. without delay our warships were gotten into condition for this task. but the bombardment did not come--for the reason that both on land and sea the enemy had had enough of fighting. several days passed, and the conditions of a surrender were discussed. in the meantime lieutenant hobson and his men were released and turned over to us in exchange for a number of spanish prisoners. several of the men remembered seeing walter, and were glad to learn that the youth had escaped. the battle on sea had taken place on july the third, and my readers can imagine what a glorious fourth of july followed, not only among the soldiers and sailors, but among our people at large. all over the land cannons boomed, pistols cracked, rockets flared, bells pealed forth, and bands played for the marching of thousands. it was a real old-fashioned "yankee doodle time," as one down-east paper put it, and north, south, east, and west united in celebrating as never before. less than two weeks later santiago surrendered, a peace protocol followed; and the war with spain came to an end. chapter xxxi together once more--conclusion "and now that business is finished, an' i'm most awfully glad on it; yes, i am!" it was job dowling who spoke. the uncle and guardian of the three russell boys was sitting by the side window of his home in buffalo. in his lap lay a small, flat package, which had been wrapped in heavy brown paper and well sealed. in his hand was an open letter which he had just finished reading. "it was a dreadful price to pay thet detective," he resumed. "but i couldn't git them hairlooms back no other way, and i'm afraid the boys would raise the roof ef i didn't git 'em back. it's a comfort to know thet thief was caught and is going to be tried for even a wuss crime than stealin' them rings an' the watch an' the australian diamond. i hope they give him about twenty years in prison." he paused to put the package away in his dilapidated secretary. "so ben is coming home this week? i wonder what he'll have to say when he faces me? somehow, i don't know wot i'm going to say myself." and he dropped into his chair again. job dowling was a different man from what he had been. the determined stand taken by larry, walter, and ben had opened his eyes to the knowledge that he had no mere children to deal with, but boys who were almost men, and who were fully capable of taking care of themselves. his visit to new york, when he was robbed of the russell heirlooms, had caused him considerable loss of self-confidence, and the trip to boston after the thief had awakened him to the fact that, after all, he was of but little importance in this world. his efforts to help the police recover the heirlooms had been laughed at, and even the detective had shown him plainly that he was hindering more than he was helping. finally he had returned home in disgust, and the detective had finished the work on the case alone, recovered everything, and sent deck mumpers to jail to stand trial on half a dozen charges. the detective's bill had been over two hundred dollars, a sum the paying of which had nearly given job dowling a fit; but now the whole thing was settled and he was awaiting ben's return, for the gallant young volunteer had been shot in the left arm on the day before santiago surrendered, and was coming home on sick leave. ding! ding! it was a double ring at the front-door bell, and before mrs. graham, the new housekeeper, and a great improvement on the tartar-like mrs. rafferty, could get to the door, job dowling was there himself. "ben an' walter!" he exclaimed, as he found himself confronted by two nephews instead of one, as expected. "well--er, how is this?" "how do you do, uncle job!" exclaimed ben, extending his hand. "aren't you glad to see me too, uncle job?" put in walter. "why--er--of course, of course!" came with a stammer; and job dowling held out both of his bony hands. "come right in. this is mrs. graham, my new workwoman." and the lady of the house, dressed in a neat wrapper and with a clean kitchen apron on, came forward and bowed. "knows a sight more than mrs. rafferty did," went on the uncle, in a whisper. "i didn't know walter was coming on till day before yesterday," continued ben. "we met quite by accident in new york, and we made up to come on together and surprise you." "i see--i see." job dowling was still very nervous, and he could hardly tell why. at one instant he thought he ought to quarrel with them, the next that it would be quite proper to embrace them and tell them they were forgiven and could henceforth do as they saw proper. but he chose a middle course and did neither. "sit down and make yourselves to hum, and, mrs. graham, you had best get a few extry chops--three won't be enough. tell boggs to send me the best on the stand." at this order walter nudged ben, and both looked at each other and smiled. "he's reforming," whispered the young sailor. "only give him time, and he'll be all right." "yes, mr. dowling," put in the housekeeper. "and you said something about pie yesterday, when master ben should come. what of that?" "ah, yes, so i did, so i did." the former miser wrinkled his brow. "how much does a pie cost?" "ten and twenty cents." "boys, do you think you could eat a twenty-cent pie?" "do we?" cried walter. "just try us and see, uncle job." and now he clasped his guardian half affectionately by the shoulder. "then get the twenty-cent pie, mrs. graham, and be sure an' pick out the best. you--er--have the other things?" "yes, sir--potatoes, green corn, and coffee." "very good." and as the housekeeper retired, job dowling turned to the boys again. "and how is your arm, ben? not seriously hurt, i trust?" "it's only a scratch," was the answer. "and you, walter?" "i'm all right. but how have you been, uncle job, and what of that stolen stuff?" "oh, i'm only tolerable--got quite some rheumatism. the hairlooms is all safe--but they cost me two hundred and twenty-seven dollars an' a half to git 'em!" and the guardian nodded to emphasize his words. "well, they're worth it," answered ben, promptly; and job dowling did not dare dispute the assertion. "where are they?" "in the desk. i'll show 'em to you, and then ye can both tell me all about yer adventures on the water and in cuby." the heirlooms had just been brought out, and ben was examining the watch, when a form darkened the window opening,--the form of a boy dressed in a natty sailor suit. all looked up in wonder, and all cried out in unison:---- "larry!" "ben, walter, and uncle job!" came from the youth who had fought so gallantly under dewey at manila. "here's a family gathering, for sure!" and with a light leap he cleared the window-sill and actually fell into his brothers' arms, while job dowling looked on with a half smile on his wrinkled face. "i couldn't remain away from the united states any longer," explained larry, when, an hour after, all sat down to the really excellent dinner job dowling had provided. "while i was at hong kong i got a good chance to ship on a steamer for san francisco, and we came home on the double-quick, for the government had chartered the vessel to carry troops to the philippines. maybe i'll go back under dewey some time, but not just yet. i've got some prize money coming to me, i don't know yet how much, and i'll lie off to see." "and i've got prize money coming, too," added walter. "i like the navy first-rate, and shall stick to it for the present, even if i have a chance of being mustered out." "i haven't any prize money coming, but i am to be a second lieutenant of volunteers," put in ben. "our regiment is to be mustered out very soon, and then i'm going to try for something else in the same line." "and what is that, ben?" asked job dowling and the other boys together. "i'm going to try for a commission in the regular army." "hurrah! that's the talk!" came from larry. "and if you stay in the army, i'll see what i can do toward working my way up in the navy." then both lads looked toward their guardian. job dowling scratched his chin in perplexity, and cleared his throat. "all right, boys--i should say young men, fer ye ain't none o' ye boys no more--go an' do as ye please, i ain't got nothin' agin' it. you have all done yer duty to uncle sam, an' thet bein' so, it stands to reason ye are capable o' doin' yer duty to yerselves an' to me. to look back it 'pears to me thet i made some kind of a mistake at the start with ye, an' so i say, you willin' an' me willin', we'll take a fresh start,--an' there's my hand on't." "uncle job, you're a--a brick!" came from walter, and a general handshaking followed, and then, as mrs. graham came on with a coffee-pot and the dessert, ben arose with the cup in his hand. "boys, let us drink uncle job's health in a cup of coffee!" "we will!" came from his brothers. "and eat it, too,--in a piece of that pie!" concluded the ever-lighthearted larry. * * * * * here we will bring to a close the story of walter russell's adventures while "fighting in cuban waters," which has taken us through a thrilling naval campaign and shown us what true american pluck can accomplish even under the most trying circumstances. as my readers know, the russell boys had a large inheritance coming to them, and now that job dowling had come to his senses regarding a proper treatment of them, it was to be hoped that matters would move much more smoothly for all concerned. through larry it was learned that his old-time friend, luke striker, was still with dewey in philippine waters and had been promoted to the position of first gun-captain on board the _olympia_, much to the old yankee's credit and delight. frank bulkley, ben's soldier chum, was still sick with the fever, but was at his home in the metropolis, and was out of danger, which was much to be thankful for, considering what awful havoc that fever had made with the army of invasion. walter's friends were all on the _brooklyn_, and it was not long before the lad was anxious to get back to them, for he had become very much attached to the noble flagship that had rendered such a good account of herself in the mighty conflict with cervera's fleet. gilbert pennington, ben's friend of the rough riders, was in cuba, but expected to come north shortly. gilbert had an offer of a position as bookkeeper with an importing firm in new york, but was destined to see a good deal more of fighting ere he settled to work behind a desk. when ben spoke of trying for a commission, and larry said he should remain in the navy, both thought that fighting for the american army and navy was at an end. this supposition was correct so far as spain was concerned, but the insurgents in the philippines under general aguinaldo refused to recognize uncle sam's authority, and it was not long before a large army had to be sent to manila and other points, to coöperate with dewey in restoring peace and order. ben could not resist the temptation to join these soldiers in a distant clime, and with more fighting in view, larry hastened to rejoin the _olympia_. in another volume, to be entitled, "under otis in the philippines; or, a young officer in the tropics," we shall follow the future adventures of these two brothers, and shall also see more of gilbert pennington, luke striker, and several others of our old acquaintances. and now, for the time being, good-by to all our friends, and especially to walter russell, the american lad who made such a record for pluck while "fighting in cuban waters." by edward stratemeyer the old glory series under dewey at manila or the war fortunes of a castaway. a young volunteer in cuba or fighting for the single star. fighting in cuban waters or under schley on the brooklyn. "'under dewey at manila' is a thoroughly timely book, in perfect sympathy with the patriotism of the day. its title is conducive to its perusing, and its reading to anticipation. for the volume is but the first of the old glory series, and the imprint is that of the famed firm of lee and shepard, whose name has been for so many years linked with the publications of oliver optic. as a matter of fact, the story is right in line with the productions of that gifted and most fascinating of authors, and certainly there is every cause for congratulation that the stirring events of our recent war are not to lose their value for instruction through that valuable school which the late william t. adams made so individually distinctive. "edward stratemeyer, who is the author of the present work, has proved an extraordinarily apt scholar, and had the book appeared anonymously there could hardly have failed of a unanimous opinion that a miracle had enabled the writer of the famous army and navy and other series to resume his pen for the volume in hand. mr. stratemeyer has acquired in a wonderfully successful degree the knack of writing an interesting educational story which will appeal to the young people, and the plan of his trio of books as outlined cannot fail to prove both interesting and valuable."--_boston ideas._ "stratemeyer's style suits the boys."--john terhune, _supt. of public instruction, bergen co., new jersey._ "'the young volunteer in cuba,' the second of the old glory series, is better than the first; perhaps it traverses more familiar ground. ben russell, the brother of larry, who was 'with dewey,' enlists with the volunteers and goes to cuba, where he shares in the abundance of adventure and has a chance to show his courage and honesty and manliness, which win their reward. a good book for boys, giving a good deal of information in a most attractive form."--_universalist leader._ the bound to succeed series richard dare's venture or striking out for himself. oliver brights search or the mystery of a mine. to alaska for gold or the fortune hunters of the yukon. "in 'richard dare's venture,' edward stratemeyer has fully sustained his reputation as an entertaining, helpful, and instructive writer for boys."--_philadelphia call._ "'richard dare's venture,' by edward stratemeyer, tells the story of a country lad who goes to new york to earn enough to support his widowed mother and orphaned sisters. richard's energy, uprightness of character, and good sense carry him through some trying experiences, and gain him friends."--_the churchman_, new york. "a breezy boy's book is 'oliver bright's search.' the author has a direct, graphic style, and every healthy minded youth will enjoy the volume."--_n. y. commercial advertiser._ "'richard dare's venture' is a fresh, wholesome book to put into a boy's hands."--_st. louis post dispatch._ "'richard dare's venture' is a wholesome story of a practical boy who made a way for himself when thrown upon his own resources."--_christian advocate._ "it is such books as 'richard dare's venture' that are calculated to inspire young readers with a determination to succeed in life, and to choose some honorable walk in which to find that success. the author, edward stratemeyer, has shown a judgment that is altogether too rare in the makers of books for boys, in that he has avoided that sort of heroics in the picturing of the life of his hero which deals in adventures of the daredevil sort. in that respect alone the book commends itself to the favor of parents who have a regard for the education of their sons, but the story is sufficiently enlivening and often thrilling to satisfy the healthful desires of the young reader."--_kansas city star._ "of standard writers of boys' stories there is quite a list, but those who have not read any by edward stratemeyer have missed a very goodly thing."--_boston ideas._ by everett t. tomlinson the war of series comprising the search for andrew field the boy soldiers of the boy officers of tecumseh's young braves guarding the border the boys with old hickory mr. tomlinson, who knows the "ins and outs" of boy nature by heart, is one of the most entertaining and at the same time one of the most instructive of living writers of juvenile fiction. in his younger days a teacher by profession, he has made boys and their idiosyncrasies the absorbing study of his life, and, with the accumulated experience of years to aid him, has applied himself to the task of preparing for their mental delectation a diet that shall be at once wholesome and attractive; and that his efforts in this laudable direction have been successful is conclusively proven by his popularity among boy readers. library of heroic events stories of the american revolution _first series_ stories of the american revolution _second series_ by oliver optic all-over-the-world library. a missing million; or, the adventures of louis belgrade. a millionaire at sixteen; or, the cruise of the "guardian mother." a young knight errant; or, cruising in the west indies. strange sights abroad; or, adventures in european waters no author has come before the public during the present generation who has achieved a larger and more deserving popularity among young people than "oliver optic." his stories have been very numerous, but they have been uniformly excellent in moral tone and literary quality. as indicated in the general title, it is the author's intention to conduct the readers of this entertaining series "around the world." as a means to this end, the hero of the story purchases a steamer which he names the "guardian mother," and with a number of guests she proceeds on her voyage.--_christian work, n. y._ all-over-the-world library. second series. american boys afloat; or, cruising in the orient. the young navigators; or, the foreign cruise of the "maud." up and down the nile; or, young adventurers in africa. asiatic breezes; or, students on the wing. the interest in these stories is continuous, and there is a great variety of exciting incident woven into the solid information which the book imparts so generously and without the slightest suspicion of dryness. manly boys will welcome this volume as cordially as they did its predecessors.--_boston gazette._ all-over-the-world library. third series. across india; or, live boys in the far east. half round the world; or, among the uncivilized. four young explorers; or, sight-seeing in the tropics. pacific shores; or, adventures in eastern seas. amid such new and varied surroundings it would be surprising indeed if the author, with his faculty of making even the commonplace attractive, did not tell an intensely interesting story of adventure, as well as give much information in regard to the distant countries through which our friends pass, and the strange peoples with whom they are brought in contact. this book, and indeed the whole series, is admirably adapted to reading aloud in the family circle, each volume containing matter which will interest all the members of the family.--_boston budget._ transcriber's note italic text is denoted by _underscores_. superscripts have been converted to normal text. obvious typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation of external sources. more detail can be found at the end of the book. [illustration: colonel embury p. clark] springfield in the spanish-american war by walter w. ward illustrated press of enterprise printing company easthampton, mass. . to the officers and men of g, b and k companies second regiment massachusetts infantry, u. s. v., and h company, naval brigade. preface. in the spanish-american war of , springfield rose to the occasion as she did in and and sent her youngest and best and bravest sons to the front. it was her sons who fought and fell at el caney, the one battle of modern times where infantry, practically unsupported by artillery, captured a well fortified town and it was her sons who were in the lead in drawing the attacking lines so tightly about the city of santiago that its surrender had to follow. it was her sons also who, on the high seas, on a fast auxiliary cruiser, did faithful service as a portion of the navy and had the satisfaction of doing their share in remembering the maine by sinking a spanish transport and a gun boat. her sons fell on the battlefield and died in the camps and hospitals after enduring as soldiers, the hardships and toils of one of the shortest yet most important and bloodiest campaigns in history and of the honors of that war, springfield claims a goodly share for herself. in the near future a monument, the funds for which have been contributed from near and far, will be erected in springfield to the memory of the officers and men of the second regiment, massachusetts infantry, u. s. volunteers who fell or died in the spanish war. on that monument, whatever form it may take, will be inscribed the names of bowen, harry and paul vesper, bearse, noone, piper, boone, jones, richmond, packard, kelly, moody, burnham, malone, burke, little, stetson, creley, lyons and morehouse. but their names have long before this been permanently inscribed on the hearts of their comrades and in no place are they more secure. they died for the flag, the highest honor possible to an american citizen. this volume is written in the attempt to portray as clearly as memory serves what these men and their comrades did in the war with spain. while not actually a history, the intention has been to show as clearly as possible the people of springfield what it was their sons and brothers and friends in her four organizations at the front went through in their short campaign. springfield, nov. . w. w. w. list of contents. chapter. page i. which is preliminary to those which follow it, ii. which tells about the calling out of h company, naval brigade, iii. how g, b and k companies went to south framingham, iv. wherein is told how we were transformed from "tin" soldiers into the real article, v. we get orders to leave for the sunny south and obey them, vi. we go to the southland and begin to find out where we are at, vii. we stay in ybor city and then enjoy (?) life on the transports in the harbor, viii. we have a lovely sail on the palatial knickerbocker and reach cuba without mishap, ix. wherein is related our landing at daiquiri and some things which subsequently happened, x. in which is to be found the tale of crab hollow and some other things, xi. which tells how we got ready to take the town of el caney, xii. wherein is related some events which happened to us on july first, xiii. we learn some more things about the art of war as conducted in these days, xiv. we continue our education in the art of war and learn a few things, xv. we have to face another enemy more deadly than the spaniards, xvi. our voyage homeward on the death ship mobile, xvii. we and our friends enjoy ourselves at camp wickoff, montauk point, xviii. in which is told how we prepare to quit uncle sam's service, xix. we become plain citizens once more and square accounts with uncle sam, xx. wherein is narrated the adventures on the high seas of springfield's sailors, roster, the roll of honor, springfield's dead heroes, the campaign in cuba. experiences of co's g, b and k, m. v. m., and h co., naval brigade in the war of and record of its service in the operations against santiago. by walter w. ward. chapter i. which is preliminary to those which follow it. within the few years preceding the fateful one of a decided impetus had been given the military spirit in springfield by the stationing of two additional companies of the state militia in this city. to the already organized companies, g and b of the massachusetts volunteer militia, had been added k company, the company of that name in amherst having been disbanded and its letter transferred to springfield. the organization in this city of a company of the state naval brigade and the building of a handsome and commodious state armory helped to place the militia of springfield on a higher level in the public interest and regard than had previously been the case. springfield has always been rich in military tradition. her earliest sons helped fight the indians who disputed the right of the first settlers to the lands they roamed over in the fertile connecticut valley; they had served in the colonial wars and springfield blood was shed in the revolutionary war. soon after this war springfield was the scene of one of the episodes of shay's rebellion. in the civil war she sent her full quota and more of her young men to serve under the flag and after the war the ranks of her militia companies were always kept filled with her best young men. undoubtedly the presence here of a united states military post and the famous springfield arsenal has done much to aid in keeping up the military spirit. for long years, reaching back to a time before the rebel guns opened fire on fort sumter, springfield's one military company was the city guard, which after being attached to several of the state militia organizations became under the final reorganization of the state troops b company of the second regiment of infantry, m. v. m. in a number of the veterans of the civil war organized the peabody guard which was attached to the second regiment as g company. both these companies were always composed of good material and maintained a high place in the state militia, not only for excellence in drill but in discipline and marksmanship. the location of regimental headquarters here several years ago aided in making military interest more rife than for some years. with four companies of militia instead of two, with headquarters and a fine new armory in place of the more or less unsatisfactory quarters previously occupied and with public feeling more united in their support than it had been for years the militia of springfield felt they had entered upon a new period and it was one, which though they did not then realize it, was to soon test the courage and soldierly qualities of many of the officers and men of the springfield militia. but with this then unknown the spirit of soldierly pride and loyalty to their organizations led officers and men to constant striving to be at the top or as near the top as possible, of the militia of the state in all things soldierly. in drill, in discipline, in knowledge of guard duty, in marksmanship and in all the other details that go to make up a good soldier there was assiduous practice and to the furtherance of that end many of the ceremonial features of military life, to which great importance had previously been attached, were discarded as far as possible. this was thoroughly in line with the policy of the state military authorities and its value was to be proven sooner than was anticipated. it did not take a very far seeing mind to realize in the fall of and the first two months of that matters with regard to the policy of the united states in the affairs of cuba might soon produce a crisis so acute that the military power of the republic would have to be called upon. certainly it was realized by the militiamen and the progress of events from the beginning of to the night of the destruction of the maine was by none more closely watched than by the men who gathered in the company rooms in the armory each night. when it was known definitely that the long anticipated call to arms could not be much longer delayed the local militia was never in finer fettle. the ranks of every company were filled and soldierly enthusiasm ran high. new arms, not comparable of course with those of the regular army but better than any previous militia armament, had been issued and the equipments and uniforms were in good and serviceable condition. applications for enlistment were so numerous that had there been eight companies instead of four their ranks could have easily been filled up. it was on the th of april, , that the call for troops came to springfield. on the d president mckinley had issued the first call for troops and six days later gov. wolcott designated col. e. p. clark of the second as one of the six commanding officers to raise a regiment of volunteers for the united states service. it was provided that members of the militia were to be given the preference in enlistments to the volunteer regiments, the residue being made up by enlistment of other citizens. the second was ordered to report at the state camp ground at south framingham on may for muster into the united states service. april th fell on friday and may on tuesday of the following week so that there was not any too much time in which to enlist men for the companies and get everything in readiness for service. but what time there was on hand was so well utilized that promptly at the hour ordered on the morning of may d the three springfield companies were at the armory with full ranks and fully equipped, all the state property and equipage not needed packed up and ready for shipment to the state arsenal. every officer of the three companies and fully per cent. of the men who had been in their ranks in the militia service was on hand. capt. john j. leonard of g, a veteran in the militia, was at the head of his company and with him his two lieutenants, t. a. sweeney and e. j. leyden. capt. henry mcdonald of b company, a veteran both of the regular army and the militia, and his lieutenants, william l. young and harry j. vesper were on hand promptly and so was capt. w. s. warriner and lieutenants p. c. powers and harry h. parkhurst of k company. all three companies were proud of their officers and they had every reason to be. and here a little digression. no effort of any kind was made to transfer as absolute unities the companies of militia into companies of united states volunteers. it can truthfully be said that no man was asked to go to south framingham by the officers. on the contrary col. clark and the company officers were all careful to impress upon the men of the militia that their volunteering into the service of the united states was purely a voluntary and personal matter with them. there were dozens of instances in which the officers realized that the sacrifice was such as some of their men should not make. there were men with families dependent upon them or so otherwise circumstanced that it was best for them not to go and these men were talked to candidly and kindly and dissuaded from putting their names on the enlistment rolls. it was a volunteer movement purely and simply and the second was in the highest sense of the word a volunteer regiment. long before the orders for mobilization at south framingham were issued preparations had been made to the end that massachusetts might be ready to respond to the first call for troops from the national government. early in april gov. wolcott had constituted some of the officers of the state militia as his advisory board in matters relating to the part massachusetts would take in the war. on april , col. clark of the second and some of his field and staff officers were called to boston in consultation with the governor and on the th gov. wolcott in his capacity of commander-in-chief of the military and naval forces of the state issued an order calling upon the militia to hold themselves in readiness for duty within hours. chapter ii. which tells about the calling out of h company, naval brigade. meanwhile, and while the infantry were getting in readiness, springfield had already sent some of her sons on duty. the naval arm of the service was in a far more advanced state of preparation than was the army and it was the general opinion that of necessity the war would be one in which the navy would take the most prominent part, leaving but little for the land forces to do except garrison duty. springfield had taken great pride in her company of the massachusetts naval brigade since its organization and expected great things of it in the event of its being called upon for duty. on april came the first intimation that springfield was to be called upon for men. although war had not been declared and strenuous efforts were being made to head it off by the peace-at-any-price men, the navy department had set about getting into commission all the vessels that it could. at the league island navy yard, philadelphia, there lay a number of the old time monitors, some of them having been moored there since shortly after the close of the civil war, and it was decided to put them into condition for harbor defense purposes. two were to be assigned to boston harbor and on april came orders to lieut. j. k. dexter, the commander of h company naval brigade, to proceed to the league island yard as an officer of one of the monitors. lieut. dexter left that night and remained on duty at the yard until april , when he returned to bring down the detail of his company which was to form part of the crew of the single turreted monitor lehigh. it was not until april th that the lehigh detail left for the philadelphia navy yard although there had been many rumors as to when the men would go and the quarters of the company at the state armory were filled every night with the men and their friends. on the th lieut. dexter returned unexpectedly from philadelphia and at once set about getting his detail together. it was on sunday, but with the aid of the alarm list system, the telephone and special messengers the men were soon notified and assembled at the armory. the detail as finally made up was: lieut. jenness k. dexter; chief boatswain's mate, frank h. bowen; boatswain's mates, robert t. whitehouse, a. t. wright; gunner's mate, f. w. baum; coxswain, w. s. johnson; acting coxswain, s. l. ruden; quartermaster, w. a. sabin; and seamen paul h. lathrop, r. h. b. warburton, w. f. bright, r. p. king, a. mellor, a. n. luce, and l. e. ladd. the detail marched to the union station at about . and took the o'clock train for new york, receiving an ovation as it passed through main street and again at the station as the train pulled out. on the same day lieut. (junior grade) henry s. crossman, who was in command of the company during the absence of lieut. dexter, received orders from capt. weeks of the naval brigade to hold himself in readiness to proceed to the brooklyn navy yard and there report to admiral bunce, commanding the yard, as watch officer of the auxiliary cruiser prairie to which the massachusetts naval brigade was to be assigned. lieut. (junior grade) w. o. cohn was ordered to be in readiness to proceed to boston and report for duty on the u. s. s. minnesota, ensign w. s. barr was ordered to be in readiness to go to the brooklyn navy yard as one of the watch officers of the prairie and ensign fred t. ley was ordered to the same ship as watch officer and captain's clerk. on april d these orders were changed, lieut. cohn and ensign barr being ordered to report for duty on board the monitor lehigh on her arrival in boston harbor. on april d, lieut. crossman received orders to proceed with the remaining men of h company to the brooklyn navy yard there to go on board the prairie as part of her crew during the war. these orders were received on the morning of the d and as soon as it became known about the city that the men were to go, the war time scenes of were re-enacted. it was at first planned to have the company take an early evening train but as lieut. crossman found they could go just as well on the early morning train from boston he decided to take that, thus giving the men more time in which to settle up their affairs and get everything in readiness for leaving. information about the prairie had already been pretty well disseminated about the city. it was known that she was formerly the fast steamer, el sud, of the morgan line and was capable of doing excellent duty as one of uncle sam's auxiliary cruisers. at the time she was in the brooklyn navy yard being changed over from a passenger and freight vessel to a war ship and the job was requiring longer time than had been anticipated. [illustration: lieut. paul r. hawkins. adjutant. major f. g. southmayd. lieut. e. e. sawtell. quartermaster. ] the quarters of h company and the state armory were the busiest places in springfield that afternoon and evening. the "jackies" were getting their dunnage rolls and equipment together and relatives and friends were on hand to say farewell and see their "boys" off. owing to the time at which the company had orders to leave the armory, . a. m., it was hardly expected there would be much of a crowd on hand to give the command a suitable farewell but this was a mistake. long before the hour at which the company was to leave the streets leading to the union station were crowded and more enthusiasm was shown than had been the case in springfield for many a day. it was at . o'clock in the morning of the th that the company, fully armed, equipped, in the regulation uniform of the jackies of the navy left the armory and marched through main street to the union station to take the . train for new york, special cars for the company having been attached to the train. in spite of the lateness of the hour springfield's citizens and the relatives, friends of the company were determined not to let the command leave the city without some demonstration. all night long up to the time for leaving the armory the building was filled with the relatives, friends of the members as well as those who while not bound to them by any intimate ties yet wished by their presence to show appreciation of the spirit which had prompted the young men to answer their country's call, even though it involved sacrifices hard indeed to make. from midnight until the hour for departure main street was well filled with a waiting crowd and when the company marched from its armory, swinging into main street, a cheer went up which was continuous until the train had borne the company out of sight of the assembled thousands. rockets and colored fire lent brilliancy to the march and as the station was neared the denser grew the crowd until it was with difficulty a way was cleared for the company. thousands, men and women, had gathered at the station and it was a scene worthy the pencil of a great artist, that farewell as the men marched up and boarded the cars with military precision. there were cheers and good wishes, personal farewells and tears, all commingling in one mass of sound that the station space had never heard before. but as the engine bell rang and the train began to move with slowly increasing swiftness out of the station all sounds merged into mighty cheers, which rose thunderously from the thousands of people. in that uproar of cheers were submerged for the time the sobs of a few whose near and dear ones were on the train. so springfield sent her first contingent to serve under the old flag in the war against spain. chapter iii. how g, b and k companies went to south framingham. while the naval militiamen of springfield were being sent off to their places of duty amid the cheers of the people plans for the mobilization of the land forces of the state were going on apace. the call of president mckinley for troops was issued on april and six days later on april , col. embury p. clark of the second regiment of infantry, m. v. m., was designated by gov. wolcott to raise a regiment of volunteers to answer the president's call as one of the four volunteer infantry regiments assigned to massachusetts. on the same day col. clark was ordered to have his regiment report for duty at the state camp ground, south framingham, at noon of may d, he being also ordered to assume command of the camp formed there by the four volunteer regiments. on receipt of these orders col. clark immediately notified his field and staff and company officers and from that time on everything at the state armory was done with a snap and a jump. only a few days remained before may d, for that day fell on tuesday, and it was friday afternoon when the orders were received. under the call the company strength for infantry was fixed at three officers and enlisted men, but had it been instead of there would have been but little trouble in filling up the ranks. more men were anxious to enlist than there were places for and a hard problem for the company officers to face was that of discouraging and rejecting applicants for enlistment most of whom pleaded for the privilege as strongly as a ward politician does for a paying office. on an average about per cent. of the men in the militia companies enlisted in the volunteers and it is only just to state that a good number of those who did not were "talked" out of it by their officers who realized, perhaps better than the men themselves, that going to the front meant more sacrifices than men with dependent families or relatives should be called upon to make. meantime all was hurry and bustle at the state armory but order soon came out of all the apparent chaos and early on the morning of tuesday, may d the local field and staff officers of the regiment and g, b and k companies, thus formed in the order of seniority of their captains, stood in the big drill shed, in full marching uniform with knapsacks packed and overcoats rolled up on them looking soldierly, and ready for whatever duty might call them to do. it was a dismal morning in more than one way. a drizzling rain fell at intervals and there was gloom in many hearts among the crowds of people lining main street and the union station and its approaches. though not a shot had yet been fired in actual conflict between the united states and spain on land and dewey's great victory at manila had been won without the loss of a single american life, yet the people were beginning to understand that the grim realities of war might be brought home to them and this thought had its influence in repressing any too enthusiastic demonstration. but there was a demonstration, nevertheless. outside the armory were hundreds of spectators, including relatives and friends of the boys and awaiting them were the members of e. k. wilcox post, g. a. r., the veteran corps of g company and some veterans of b company, all headed by the second regiment band to act as escort for the companies as far as the union station. shortly after o'clock the troops left the armory and headed by the escort marched through main street and around court square to city hall, where the column was reviewed by mayor h. s. dickinson and the city government. thousands of people were massed here and there was some cheering. the fire department boys at headquarters on pynchon street saluted the troops with a small cannon and on the rest of the way up main street to the station there was some cheering but not any too much. at the corner of main and lyman streets the escort halted and formed in line. as the companies marched by the old soldiers of the civil war gave us three cheers, in which the militia veterans joined. the remainder of the march to the station was through a close packed crowd of men, women and children. there was some cheering, but as the soldier boys began to file into the waiting cars of the special train sobs and tears broke out from many of the women and as the train pulled out a few moments after o'clock tears were more in evidence than cheers. as one of the boys put it, "they sent the naval boys off with cheers and kept the tears for us." this feeling was augmented by the enthusiasm with which the people of worcester sent their three companies off. when our train pulled into the worcester depot we found the building jammed with people, some perched upon the tops of standing engines and cars and the worcester companies were so surrounded with people it was at first hard to tell where they were. when our special stopped and the worcester men began to board it a volume of cheers went up that was almost enough to take the roof off the building. everyone was cheering apparently and those who were not were so few in number that it was impossible to distinguish them. after leaving springfield there were small crowds at every station between there and worcester and though the train did not stop there was much cheering and waving of hats. this was repeated during the run from worcester to south framingham. it was shortly before noon when we reached south framingham and marched to the camp ground amid the cheers of the townspeople. reaching there the companies were dismissed to quarters and dinner, which the company caterers had ready for us, we not going on government rations until some days later. a majority of the boys had been in camp at south framingham before but this was different. a state militia encampment is one thing and a camp of united states volunteers is another. the old familiar wall tents were there but without the customary big blue chests in which were always stored much that was good in the way of refreshment for tired and thirsty militiamen. there was a trifle of added sharpness to the commands of officers and non-commissioned officers and there were various other little things which combined to show us that we were on the way to be the "real things" instead of "tin soldiers" as we had been dubbed in our militia days. "physical examination of recruits" was the rock on which the desires of many of us to get at the hated spaniards were to split and the rock began to show itself that very afternoon when a of worcester was ordered over to brigade headquarters for examination. before the shades of evening fell thirteen of its men had been rejected by the examining surgeons and as bad news always spreads through a camp with greater rapidity than good, many of us were wondering whether we would meet the same fate or not within the next few days. all the line officers and per cent. of our men in the militia had come with us while there were more than enough "rookies" to fill out the quota. the recruits were, some of them, in uniform and a number had formerly been in the militia service, so that they took kindly enough to the opening of camp life. but as the militia companies had only been composed of enlisted men there were not uniforms enough at the time to equip the extra men and some of the "rookies" looked odd and felt it in their civilian attire. more than one practical joke was played upon them before "taps" sounded, but the great majority of the men were tired enough to get to quarters and hug their luxurious mattresses before the bugles sounded the last call of the day. of the field and staff and non-commissioned staff resident in springfield and vicinity not all came to camp. col. clark and major southmayd were on hand as was lt. paul r. hawkins, the regimental adjutant. quartermaster colson of holyoke did not come and to his place was appointed corporal e. e. sawtell of k company. major brown of adams, the regimental surgeon and lt. j. t. hendrick of springfield, assistant surgeon did not volunteer and a new surgical staff was appointed, consisting of dr. henry t. bowen of springfield as major and surgeon, dr. ernest a. gates of springfield and dr. john s. hitchcock of amherst as assistant surgeons with the rank of first lieutenants. dr. hitchcock was a member of i company when appointed. there were several changes in the non-commissioned staff. corporal robert n. ingersoll was made sergeant-major vice paul norton and ross l. lusk quartermaster-sergeant vice melville snow of holyoke. three hospital stewards instead of one were assigned to the regiment, and the appointees were ulysses g. fortier of holyoke, s. h. greenberg of boston and edson p. howes of springfield. no color sergeants were provided for in the volunteer regiments and these positions were filled by detail. it was a matter of much regret that no place was provided for the paymaster and inspector of rifle practice. in the second as a militia regiment these positions had been filled respectively by lieut. a. c. edson of holyoke and a. e. taylor of chicopee falls but no such positions were provided for in the volunteer service and these officers were forced to remain behind. the first guard mount of the camp was held in the afternoon with first lieut. p. c. powers of k company as officer of the guard. so closed our first day at south framingham. [illustration: surgeon henry c. bowen surgeon ernest a. gates.] chapter iv. wherein is told how we were transformed from "tin" soldiers into the real article. it did not require many day's of camp life at south framingham to convince about all of us that we were there strictly for business. the weather was rather cold and there were a few flurries of snow although it was in may. the nights were so cool that huge fires of wood were built on the color line each night and around these the men gathered spending the time in singing, story telling and in wondering how soon we would start for the front and just what part we of the second would take in subduing the pride of the haughty spaniard. but little in the way of drilling was done at first, but after a day or two the work of whipping the "rookies" into shape was begun, the process being the simple one of having them fall in with the company and learning the drill as best they could. squad drills were also carried on and it was during these that the raw material was best worked up. hardly had the regiment arrived in camp before regulation united states army blankets were issued to the men and issues of rubber blankets, "working suits" of brown canvas followed. private pomeroy of k company was the first of the springfield men to be taken ill. he had not been feeling well before leaving home but pluckily made up his mind to go with his company just the same, and would not admit his illness. soon after arriving in camp his condition became so serious that the surgeon was called to him and pomeroy was found to be suffering with tonsilitis. he was removed from the camp to a hospital in south framingham, but while there scarlet fever developed and he was sent home as soon as he had recovered sufficiently to be able to travel. pomeroy felt much worse over his inability to go with his regiment than he did over his illness, serious as it was. the physical examinations soon made many sore hearts among the boys in camp, although the results of some of them were extremely satisfactory to the parents, relatives or friends of some of the would be soldiers. they were in charge of capt. bushnell u. s. a., who was assisted by the surgeons of the volunteer regiments in camp. b company was examined on wednesday, the day after our arrival in camp and before sundown fully twenty men, including some of the oldest and best men of the company had been rejected for one cause or another. the commissioned officers of the regiment were also up for examination the same day, and among those rejected was first lieut. thomas a. sweeney of g company and one of the most efficient and popular officers of the regiment. his rejection was a hard blow to him for he had set his heart on going with his men and to be rejected for what he considered to be a trivial cause was worse to him than being hit by a spanish bullet. his grief was shared by his fellow officers and men, by whom he was exceedingly well liked. his place was filled by william c. hayes, a former first lieutenant of the company. lieut. w. l. young of b company was officer of the guard on wednesday, and among the incidents of his tour of duty that night was the rather unusual but efficient method by which a private of g company who had been placed on a somewhat remote post relieved himself from further duty after walking his post only a short time. the aforesaid private concluded that he would be much more comfortable in his tent with his "bunkies" than walking his post for the remainder of his two hours, and so proceeded to the guard house, placed his rifle in a corner and announced to the officer of the guard "i'm relieved." before lieutenant young could recover from his astonishment at the new method of getting out of guard duty, the private had gone to his own quarters where he slept peacefully for the remainder of the night. the results of the physical examinations were to "throw out" many of the best men in the three springfield companies, and as this was not at all satisfactory to their captains, some vigorous "kicking" resulted. in many cases men were rejected for trivial causes, but as the result of vigorous objections to the policy, made by captains leonard, mcdonald and warriner, a number of the rejected men were re-examined and the majority of them accepted. in some instances more than two examinations were given the same man, and an instance where grit and a determination to go with his company got the best of the examining surgeons was the case of sergeant richard h. bearse, better known as "dickie." he was twice examined and rejected but through his efforts, aided by those of capt. mcdonald, he was given a third trial and passed. could those people who had been for some years in the habit of sneering at the militiamen as "tin soldiers" have seen the way in which the rejected ones took their fate they would have changed their minds as to the soldierly calibre of the men of the second. it was easy to tell the rejected ones as they came across the parade ground from the surgeon's quarters, many of them with tears in their eyes, all with downcast faces, because their bodies had not been strong enough to let them go with the regiment. their hearts were strong enough to go to the front and fight for the flag but the government demanded stout bodies as well as stout hearts, and so, many were refused. it was not always in tears and "blue" looks that the rejected appeared from the examining rooms. often a rejected one would emerge, uttering sarcastic and profane remarks as to the amount of surgical knowledge possessed by the examiners, and their qualifications generally, and some of the men exhibited a versatility of language in discussing their rejection and the surgeon who was responsible for it only possessed by men of genius. the rejections left the ranks of the springfield companies much depleted and it was necessary to send officers to that city for recruits to fill the vacancies before the companies could be mustered in. capt. leonard of g, lieut. young of b and lieut. powers of k were sent on this duty and with them went about all of the men who had been rejected. as soon as the purpose of their visit was known in springfield they were besieged by applicants for enlistment but having learned wisdom from what had happened in camp they took the precaution to have all the applicants pass a medical examination before bringing them to south framingham and as a result few of the new men they brought down failed to pass the examining surgeons at the camp. on may , another member of k company, private cook, was taken ill with tonsilitis and was sent home, much to his disgust. on the same day the field and staff officers of the second were mustered into the united states service by lieut. e. m. weaver, d artillery, who had been detailed as mustering officer for the massachusetts volunteers. adjutant paul r. hawkins was the first one to be mustered and he was followed by quartermaster e. e. sawtell. surgeon bowen and assistant surgeons gates and hitchcock had been mustered in on the day after our arrival in camp and had been assigned to duty in assisting in the examinations of recruits. first lieut. w. c. hayes of g joined his company on the afternoon of the th and after being examined and accepted was assigned to duty. on saturday and sunday, the th and th, three batches of additional recruits arrived in camp and were at once handed over to the examining surgeons. by sunday k company had filled its ranks to the required number of enlisted men and on that day was duly mustered into the military service of the united states for a period of two years "unless sooner discharged." the ceremony was a simple one. the company was marched over to brigade headquarters and formed in column of twos facing the mustering officer, lieut. weaver. the latter called out each man's name, beginning with the first sergeant and as each man answered he stepped to the front and facing about took position in front of the company in the same formation. the roll call over, the company was faced to the front, lieut. weaver removed his cap and the men uncovered. then lieut. weaver read in impressive tones the oath of allegiance to the united states and administered it to the company, thus completing the ceremony which marked the transition of militiamen and raw recruits into soldiers of the united states. k company was the first company in massachusetts to be mustered into the united states service and so far as known the first company in the country to be mustered in. that afternoon "government rations" were issued to k and the next day the men began eating them instead of the meals which had up to then been supplied by a caterer. some of the men who failed to understand the difference between uncle sam's diet and that furnished at militia encampments found fault of course with the rations. butter and milk are unknown in the regular soldiers' menu unless the company fund is drawn upon for them, and some of the men couldn't understand why they were not supplied and found fault accordingly. later when we were all living luxuriously(?) in cuba on "sowbelly" bacon, hardtack and coffee, sometimes without sugar, these men remembered with fond but unavailing regret the once despised government rations at south framingham. the fond parents and relatives who were told in letters from camp of how meager and unsatisfactory the first food furnished by uncle sam was may correct their idea by glancing over the rations issued for the first five days to k company while at south framingham: lbs. potatoes; lbs. flour; - / lbs. bacon; lbs. rice; - / lbs. beans; lbs. coffee; - / lbs. sugar; lbs. salt; / lb. pepper; lbs. soap; lbs. onions; - / lbs. candles; - / gallons vinegar and lbs. fresh beef. it is understood of course that the soap and candles were not issued as edibles but for cleansing and illuminating purposes. and it can also be seen that in the above rations there are possibilities for good eating and plenty of it. as a matter of fact milk and butter were soon supplied from the company funds. g and b companies were mustered in on the th with full ranks. g was to have been mustered in the day previous but when the time arrived one private, a raw recruit, was missing and as the entire company was obliged to be on hand for muster the ceremony was dispensed with for that day and the men were marched back vowing vengeance upon the man who had kept them for hours from getting into the service. before very long another recruit was found and when the missing private turned up full of penitence and other things his uniform was taken off and after receiving a talking to from capt. leonard that made his cheeks burn with shame he was shipped out of camp. the boys found plenty of amusement during their camp life and with nearly young fellows in one regiment time did not hang very heavily on their hands during the times between drills and other duties. base ball and other sports were indulged in and letter writing and visits to the other regiments or an occasional pass to town prevented anything like ennui. in the springfield companies there were few tent crews that did not have some distinctive appellation for their habitation. private j. c. ryan of b made his tent famous as a "steam laundry" and in g street there was the "hotel dingbat," so named because the men who occupied it could not think of anything else to call it. in k there was quickly organized an outfit later to be known as the "wee haws" and which made itself somewhat famous by the gift of song possessed by its members. the "board of license commissioners" so famous during the encampment of was on hand but its members had but little of an official nature to do as the camp of ' was officially a "dry camp." a good share of the dryness was, however, confined to the weather and a careful search of the records fails to show that any inmate of the camp died of thirst, although there were some serious cases. chapter v. we get orders to leave for the sunny south and obey them. all of the time during our stay in camp speculation was rife as to when we were going to the front and how; also under what designation were we going. it had been circulated that we were to be known as the d united states volunteers, and other rumors, all of which turned out to be just as near the truth as that one were put into commission. these marked the origin of the "jo jo" bureau of misinformation which later became an important feature of the campaign. [illustration: commissioned and non-commissioned officers of g company] on the night of wednesday, may th at . , orders were flashed over the wires from washington to lieut. weaver to send the second at once to tampa, fla., where the army of invasion of cuba was gathering. almost everyone except the guard and a few officers and attaches at regimental headquarters, was asleep when the orders came but within a very few moments after their purport had been announced, there was the wildest scene of excitement in the camp that had ever been witnessed in south framingham. from lieut. weaver the orders were quickly transmitted to regimental headquarters and from there to the officers of the regiment. inside of ten minutes from their receipt by lieut. weaver, every man of the second was awake and in his company street and exultant shouts that went up, quickly aroused the other regiments. the second was to be the first command from the old bay state to be ordered outside her boundaries for active service and the men were so proud of it that they could not refrain from reminding the men of the other three regiments of the fact. to the credit of the latter it must be said that although at first they were a bit inclined to sulk because their regiment was not the first to be called upon, yet they soon realized that the honor was in a sense as much massachusetts' as it was the second's, and their cheers joined in with ours. meanwhile, the regimental and company officers were doing some lively work. col. clark had gone to springfield that morning, and a number of officers and men were away on leave, no one expecting that the orders would come for a day or two. the regiment was ordered to move the next day and before the orders had been known of but a very few minutes, telegraph and telephone messages were sent to the absent ones informing them of what had happened. this done, the work of completing the equipment of the regiment was taken up and pushed in lively fashion. there were many little details to be attended to and there was little sleep for headquarters that night. how well the work was done is attested by the fact that at an early hour the next morning the regiment had its tents struck and packed, and long before the hour at which many of the folks at home were eating their breakfasts, was in readiness to move. reveille was sounded at o'clock that morning and by there was but little remaining to be done. although anxious for active service there was one thing about the orders which was not at all relished by the regiment and that was the route to be followed. it had been expected and understood that when the second would go south its route would be through worcester and springfield, thus giving us a chance for a genuine _au revoir_ to home and friends. we all of us knew that the "farewell" accorded us on leaving springfield for the camp at south framingham would be tame indeed to the reception we might expect when we passed through there as united states volunteers, with a large v, and bound for the front. some of the boys, to be sure, dreaded the thought of having to say "good bye" to the accompaniment of tears and sobs again but the majority were anxious for one more look at what part of springfield to be seen from the union station and were consequently much disappointed when it was announced that instead of going via springfield, the route was to be by way of newport, r. i. there was much disappointment, too, in springfield when the route was announced. but not to be beaten, a party of citizens headed by major h. s. dickinson, arranged for a special train to south framingham, the day we were to leave and so we were not allowed to go without some sort of a farewell demonstration from the people of our own city. on the day previous to our receiving the "rush" orders to the south, a number of visitors including ex-lieut. gov. w. h. haile, col. a. h. goetting and james d. gill of springfield were in camp, and it came to their attention that the second was not provided with a band or even field music. no regimental bands were included in the organization of the volunteer regiments nor even field music, the sole musical property being the bugles of which there were two to each company. it was looked upon as a proper and desirable thing that the second should at least have field music, or in civilian parlance, a drum corps, and these three gentlemen constituted themselves a committee on ways and means to that end. it was known that there were enough musicians in the regiment to form a drum corps if there were instruments provided for them and before the next day through the generosity of the three gentlemen named, the second was provided with fifes, drums, etc., and the members of the corps selected. thursday, may th, we bade good-bye to south framingham. there was difficulty in getting transportation for our baggage and it was not until a late hour in the afternoon that everybody was in readiness. meanwhile we hung around our former quarters and killed time as best we could. a short time after dinner, our last meal on the "old camp ground," the "assembly" and "adjutant's call" were sounded and the regiment was formed to pass in review before gov. wolcott. the march past over, hollow square was formed and the governor presented the officers their commissions and made a brief speech telling us to uphold the honor of the old commonwealth. while this was going on we heard the strains of a band and soon in marched a delegation from springfield, headed by the second regiment band and led by mayor dickinson, members of wilcox post of the grand army and peabody guard veterans, while relatives and friends of the boys made up the rest of the in the party. soon after their arrival we were dismissed and then followed one of the interesting scenes of our war experience. hardly had we broken ranks before we were surrounded by the visitors and there was falling upon each other's necks, handshaking, good wishes, smiles and tears all commingled in one scene of such excitement as we had never been through before. every male visitor brought cigars or refreshments for the boys and for an hour or so nothing was too good for us. but all things have an end and finally the bugles blew and after a last hurried kiss or handshake we fell in again and marched out to the parade ground for the last time. the colors dipped once more to the governor and then through a double line of cheering soldiers from the other regiments and our own friends we marched out of the camp and down the dusty road to the railroad station, escorted by two troops of cavalry and amid the cheers and good wishes of the thousands who thronged the walks. we passed under the handsome arch erected by the people of south framingham in honor of the soldiers and after one last opportunity to say farewell went on board the special trains waiting for us. so we left good old massachusetts. on our way to newport we were shown how the people of other places regarded us. at every station our train passed through there were cheering crowds and enthusiasm seemed to be in evidence everywhere. we reached newport about . and were transferred to the palatial steamer "pilgrim" of the fall river line. "this isn't so bad for army travelling," was the common remark as soon as the boys found what accommodations had been made for them. there were nearly enough staterooms to provide every man with a bunk and those who failed to get a room found nice, thick mattresses spread for them on the saloon floors. it brought the "trip to new york" and valiquet back to the memories of many of us because the accommodations were so different. but it was a tired lot of boys that boarded the pilgrim that night and it was not long before all of them were testing the mattresses and bunks, after indulging by the way for the first time in the "travel ration." this was our first encounter with the canned beef department but somehow it tasted better then than it ever did afterwards. also we allowed our teeth to play with the ligneous hardtack and finally fatigued with our exertions we slept soundly. the next morning when we woke up we were in the east river and at the sight of her blue coated cargo every steam craft that met the pilgrim saluted with steam whistles while their crews or passengers as well as those of the sailing craft cheered and waved handkerchiefs or anything else waveable. from every factory along the shore came the shrieks of the steam whistles and the shouts of their occupants and our progress down the river to the fall river line pier was a triumphal progress. when we reached the pier it was not long before we were transferred to the transports saratoga and vigilancia, the springfield companies being on board the latter. then it was that we began to realize what war was. down in the dirty, dark and ill smelling hold we could see men at work building rough wooden bunks for us and the language used concerning these bunks and their location was copious and picturesque to a high degree. no "pilgrim" accommodations were these. no mattresses inches thick to rest our weary bones upon but the soft and splintered pine boards were to form our couch. also the travel ration with its components of canned roast beef(?), canned corn beef, canned beans and hardtack was beginning to pall upon our palates. we were not used to such epicurean fare and began to fear gout and other incidentals of too luxurious living. so we gathered together and said things but all the time the carpenters went on constructing the bunks and no dinners were brought on for us from the waldorf-astoria. our first cruise on the vigilancia was further up the north river where we waited until late in the afternoon and while waiting many of the boys managed to get ashore. some of them were nearly left behind as we pulled out of the dock and a few did get left on shore, but they chartered a tug and soon caught us. that night our transports sailed down the harbor as far as bedloe's island where we anchored opposite the bartholdi statue and where we stayed anchored until the next afternoon. that night the much discussed wooden troughs officially named bunks were used and were the cause of much profane language for which the recording angel ought to be able to find a good excuse if he has any love for volunteer soldiers in his composition. late that afternoon we were taken over to jersey city and transferred to a special train of three sections of cars each on which we were to make the trip to tampa. and thus ended our first sea voyage. chapter vi. we go to the southland and begin to find out where we are at. on saturday evening, may , we started once more for the south, this time by train and had the distinguished honor of beating out the much-advertised st new york, which had been ordered to start at the same time, but forgot its tentage on board the steamers and was obliged to wait for several hours in consequence. our train accommodations could have been much worse, the train being run in three sections of cars each and as four companies travelled on each section this arrangement gave each company three cars, while a sleeping car was reserved for the officers and with a baggage car made up the section. with three cars to a company there was plenty of room for the men and we managed to sleep quite comfortably. at every station along the route we received plenty of greetings and this happened so frequently after we got below mason & dixon's line that the boys wondered a little, inasmuch as we were from "black massachusetts." but it was evident that all but a very few of the people of the south realized that the civil war was over and we got no heartier reception anywhere along the route than in virginia and north and south carolina. we reached washington early sunday morning and made a brief stop just long enough to allow some of the boys to make a raid on a couple of milk wagons. to our disappointment the train did not run through the city but skirted it and we failed to get a glimpse of any of the show places. we kept on going and late monday evening, the th, landed at lakeland, fla., where we went into camp, our destination having been changed by telegraphic orders received soon after crossing the florida line. life on the train was not very exciting. we made but few stops and those mainly to change engines. in south carolina we made our first acquaintance with wood burning engines. after these were hitched on it was a case of stopping every few miles to "wood up." when the train did not stop for wood it did for water and between them both progress was slow to us but we found that according to southern ideas we were going at express speed. our troop train was a great attraction for the children at the stations where we stopped and it was a common thing for the boys and girls of these places to hand us bunches of jessamine and magnolia flowers while the older folk looked on approvingly. the colored people were somewhat demonstrative but both they and the white folks never neglected an opportunity to sell us cakes and pies at every stop. the pies reminded us of those we had been getting at home, they were so different, but as a relief from canned meat and beans they were welcome. occasionally when we stopped we found it possible to purchase bottled beer of an inferior grade, but better than most of the water we had to drink. on the trip south lieuts. young and vesper of b company established records as sleepers that put them far ahead in their class. captains leonard and mcdonald had the same section in the sleeping car and about every night there could be heard a more or less vigorous protest from the former against capt. mcdonald's use of a horse power pipe. lieut. harry parkhurst of k was the victim of much "jollying" over a story printed in a new york newspaper to the effect that he was a nephew of the rev. dr. parkhurst of new york, but he took it good naturedly. at dupont, ga., private william ferrier of g foraged a little during a brief stop and captured a diminutive specimen of the "razor back" hog prevalent in that locality and bore him in triumph to the train. any visions of pork chops which might have been indulged in were dispelled by a look at the pig's anatomy which was plainly visible through his skin but he was taken along just the same and met his fate at lakeland when he was killed and roasted by private "dido" hunt of g and served up to a small but select circle. at one of the many stops in florida a portly colored lady hung about the train and made violent love to the good looking officers, her comments on the personal appearance of some of them being rather more pungent than flattering. so far as known she did not steal any of them. during the stay at south framingham privates e. n. aiken and b. r. madison of k company had blossomed out as composers and one of their effusions which was sung by the more or less able musicians of the company in camp and on the train to the tune of: "there'll be a hot time in the old town to-night" was as follows: "when you hear those guns go bang, bang, bang, we'll all join in and lick that dago gang, for we want war or we'll have no name at all, there'll be a hot time when the bugle shall call." the above was private aiken's. here is private madison's: "in the battle front we stand with our rifles in our hand and for cuba's freedom we will ever fight; and with showers of shot and shell, we'll send the spaniards straight to h----l, when we march into havana bye and bye. chorus. tramp, tramp, tramp the boys are marching, cheer up, cuba, we will come, and beneath the starry flag we'll tear down the spanish rag and float the cuban flag forevermore." our arrival at lakeland was marked by an incident which went to show that we were not in the north. just as our train pulled in a shooting affray, in which a couple of troopers from the tenth u. s. cavalry, a colored regiment and some white people participated, occurred and a white citizen of the town was killed. as nearly as we could understand it the troopers were not to blame but shot in self defense but there was much excitement in the town and strong patrols of the first u. s. cavalry, a white regiment, were sent out. we were kept in the train that night and the next morning after a bath in one of the many lakes from which the town takes its name, marched to our camp at the fair grounds and on the shores of lake morton. the camp was pitched on an elevation and under the southern pine and cypress trees from which hung long festoons of spanish moss. much of this was gathered for bedding but it was soon abandoned for this purpose when it was found that it harbored numbers of lizards and sometimes small snakes. our neighbors at the camp were the first and tenth regular cavalry and the st new york which arrived a day after we did. the st men being from manhattan were inclined to be a bit fresh at first but they soon came to understand that the second was not exactly a "farmer" regiment and let us alone. one disagreeable incident went to show that among the new york officers were some snobs. sergeant james gibbons of g while "down town" one day went into the dining room of the hotel and ordered his dinner. the commanding officer of the st and some of his officers were in the room at the time and as soon as he realized that an enlisted man was actually daring to eat in the same room with him his indignation became so great that he walked over to the table where sergeant gibbons was seated and ordered him to leave the place, saying that only officers were allowed in the dining room. sergeant gibbons did not feel like moving and the hotel proprietor assured him that he would be served as well as any officer. so he refused to budge and enjoyed his dinner, much to the disgust of the new york officer. life at lakeland was fairly enjoyable. the temperature was high, ranging from on one day it rained to on a day it did not. we had our big wall tents we had brought with us from south framingham and soon had them filled with more or less crude devices in the way of furniture. mattresses there were none and our beds were mother earth which was of a brunette hue down there. bathing in the lake was a favorite pastime between drills but after the muddy bottom had been stirred up a little it was a question whether we were dirtier before the bath or after it. there were all kinds of "jo jos" about a huge alligator who made his home in the lake but he had evidently heard of our appetites and kept out of sight. the first cavalry, camped some distance on our right, had established a canteen soon after its arrival and it became a favorite place for our boys. a couple of days after our arrival we got our first mail from home and that day was a red letter one in our lakeland life. just before reaching lakeland some k company foragers had captured a goat at one of the stops but the owner pursued the animal to lakeland and when he put in a claim for him capt. warriner ordered the "billy" given up. our menu in camp was far more varied than on the train for "post" rations were being issued and the company cooks were "getting on to their jobs." private mandeville, who afterwards acquired much fame by being left behind at fort tampa, presided over the kitchen of g. in b company walter butler got up savory dishes and private harry fisher looked after the culinary department for k. butter was conspicuous by its absence from the table and one boy in k missed it so much that he dreamed of it. one night his dreams were so realistic that his cry of "ma, please pass the butter," awoke his tent mates and that expression was the rallying cry in k for several days. the death of private weslie brass of westfield, a member of i company, cast a gloom over the regiment and all the companies turned out to do escort duty when the body was shipped home. his was the first death in the regiment. on sunday, may th, orders came to break camp the following day and proceed to tampa, which we did, arriving there on monday afternoon, the st. chapter vii. we stay in ybor city and then enjoy (?) life on transports in the harbor. our stay in tampa lasted from may st to june th and it was not wholly unenjoyable. in some respects the place was better than lakeland, but we felt the heat far more than was the case in that town and the camp location was not as good as that of our camp there. but we were near tampa and there were many opportunities for us to get to the city, our camp being in one of the suburbs some three miles from tampa and known as ybor city. its population was made up mainly of cubans and negroes and a number of cigar factories were located there. the cubans were all "patriots" of course, but our disenchantment as to cuban patriots had already begun and we paid them little attention. on our right was camped a battalion of the fourth regular artillery (heavy) and this was probably the occasion of a rumor which had persistent circulation for several days that we were to be transformed from infantry to a heavy artillery regiment and assigned to sea coast duty. we had a lovely time pitching our tents and making camp. owing to a delay in laying out the camp it was not until after dark on the day of our arrival that we set to work to pitch our tents and as a result it was not only late before we got to sleep but the next morning considerable work had to be done in rectifying the alignment of the company streets. the soil was nice white sand which made fairly good beds. on the afternoon of the next day we found out what a florida "shower" could do when it tried. the rain came on unexpectedly and within a very few moments everything was in a flood. but few of the boys had taken the precaution to dig trenches around their tents and after the rain began to come down in sheets they were compelled to get out in it and dig or else have their quarters flooded. here was where the value of the rubber blankets issued to us at south framingham was shown. it was while we were at ybor city that our regiment was definitely assigned. we were put into the first brigade of the second division of the fifth army corps, our brigade commander being temporarily col. van horn of the nd infantry while gen. h. w. lawton was in command of the division. this set at rest all the rumors about our being heavy artillery, cavalry and several other things. it also meant that we were to go to cuba among the very first of the invading troops and there was no end of enthusiasm when this was understood. during our stay in ybor city wagoners kingston of b, shene of g and boule of k became expert drivers of the army mule wagon although their trials with the mule were many and various. in b street there were some pathetic scenes when the members of the kanewah club got together and talked over how nice it would be "to be there" even if the gasoline stove did not always work. payday came june th and we got our first "whack" at uncle sam's good money. it was welcome, for since leaving south framingham but little had been in circulation among our boys and we gave the paymaster the "glad hand." in return, he lined us up by companies and gave us greenbacks and a little silver. we had expected a full month's pay but were disappointed, our pay being calculated from may d, the day we had officially been mustered in, to the first of june. there were many applications for passes to visit tampa that day and the majority of them were granted. the seminole hotel and the stores in ybor city and tampa did a rushing business that afternoon and evening. the "wee haws" of k contributed not a little to the gaiety of our camp life at this time and one of their songs to the air of "rally 'round the flag" and reflecting upon the subsistence department was popular. it went like this: down with the hardtack! hurrah, boys, hurrah, down with the canned beef; we wonder what you are; for we'll rally 'round the beans, boys, we'll rally once again shouting the battle cry of "wee haw." 'please pass the butter,' hurrah, boys, hurrah! if the coffee was much thicker we'd sell it off for tar; for we'll never look like billy fish unless we get more grub-- shouting the battle cry of "wee haw." ade potter's growing thinner, healey's just the same brazzil, breck and nesbitt swear, their biscuit box is lame; for george potter ate his canteen and aiken ate the strap and mccullough shouts the battle cry of "wee haw!" about this time some brainless individual sent alarming news home in a letter, which was published in the springfield newspapers, to the effect that sickness was prevalent in our camp and that a large proportion of the men of the three companies from that city were in the hospital seriously ill. as a result we soon began to get letters of anxious inquiry from the folks at home, and it was some time before we could fully reassure them that the reports had been extremely exaggerated and that there was but little illness and none of a serious nature in our ranks. while in ybor city we lost two men, privates luther of k and monteverde of g. both were ordered to be discharged from the service, because of having enlisted while under age and without the consent of their parents or guardians. monteverde was reluctant to leave the regiment and pleaded hard to be allowed to go with us to cuba even as a civilian employee, and when that was refused he offered to go without any pay. but this was found to be impossible and he and luther were obliged to return home. the case of private john k. deloach of b company was a hard one. he had enlisted in south framingham and in some way his relatives, who resided in atlanta, ga., heard of it, and as he was under age and had not their consent, applied for his discharge. orders to have him discharged were issued but they failed to arrive while we were in tampa, and did not reach us until after the regiment had landed in cuba and done its share in capturing santiago. deloach had done his duty during the most arduous part of the campaign, and as a result was given a "bob tail" discharge and left to get back to the united states as best he could. sometimes the rewards of patriotism are not great, and this was certainly one of the instances. june th orders were received to break camp and proceed to port tampa, there to go on board the transports for cuba. we broke camp all right, got our tents down and all baggage packed and saw them sent away and then proceeded to wait. we waited all that afternoon and night and until late in the afternoon of the next day before our belated transportation was arranged for. as a result of a blunder in the quartermaster's department, we were compelled to bivouac that night without any shelter. this was our first real acquaintance with the fact expressed in the statement attributed to gen. sherman, that "war is h--l." late in the afternoon of june th, we marched to the railroad and went on board a train which after a couple of hours brought us to port tampa, distance about eight miles. here we found some practical illustrations of the beautiful manner in which the quartermaster's department was working. it had been stated to col. clark that on arriving at port tampa we were to immediately go on board the transports, but after disembarking from the train and waiting for some time it was found that no transports had been assigned to us. nothing could be done in the matter that night, and we were to be left to shift for ourselves as best we could. there were no barracks in port tampa, and it was too late to go into camp even if we had our tentage with us, which we did not. after considerable scouting, col. clark discovered that quarters might be found in the freight sheds on a long pier, and we started for them only to have the entire regiment halted and held up for some minutes at the point of the bayonet of a sentinel of the first illinois regiment, who was on guard at the entrance to the pier and had orders to let no one pass. this obstacle was finally surmounted and we marched onto the pier and made ourselves comfortable as best we could. during that night on the pier the foraging instincts of private "dido" hunt of g company became active, and as a result he and several members of that company passed the long hours of the night very comfortably. the freight sheds were divided into sections, and in that allowed to g was a lot of freight. included were two innocent looking barrels, but guided solely by instinct "dido" decided to investigate their contents. with this end in view he spread his roll and blanket by the side of the barrels, and, lying on his side began to cut a hole through the staves of one of them. this was rather difficult because of the sentries, but it was finally accomplished, and much to the forager's intense satisfaction, the insertion of his hand through the hole and into the barrel, revealed to him that it was filled with bottled beer. satisfying himself in the only proper manner, that there was no mistake, he acquainted the members of his squad and a few others with his find and soon an impromptu picnic was in progress. under the very noses of the sentries, the contents of that barrel of beer disappeared before morning, and to those in the secret the night passed very pleasantly. [illustration: lieut. william young. capt. henry mcdonald. lieut. harry vesper.] the next morning four companies and headquarters of the second were transferred to the transport orizaba, the companies being g, b, k and d. the transport already had on board the eighth and twenty-second regular infantry, and as a result our boys were crowded about on the decks and compelled to sleep anywhere they could. the officers were crowded into the staterooms and their experiences on the orizaba were not much more enjoyable than those of the men. some of the regulars, with a fine contempt for volunteers, did their best to make things as unpleasant for us as possible, but the majority were of a different disposition and aided us all they could, which unfortunately was not much. we expected to sail that day but did not. the same could be said about our expectations and disappointments every succeeding day until we did finally sail on the th. before that happened we were again transferred, this time to the well remembered transport, knickerbocker. this event happened on the th and when we found that the knickerbocker's number was , that she had that number of letters in her name and that about everybody and everything connected with her was more or less mixed up with the alleged unlucky number some of us began to wonder what would happen. fortunately nothing did, but that was because somebody, not connected with the war department, or with this world, was looking after us. the third battalion was added to our force on board the knickerbocker, the second being on the seneca and the manteo. on the evening of the th the hoodoo began to work. a steam pipe burst and some of the boys, thinking a general explosion would follow, jumped from the deck to the dock, but although there was considerable fuss and excitement no one was hurt. that night sleep on the knickerbocker was out of the question, for a gang of negro roustabouts was engaged all night in loading provisions onto our steamer and their cries, together with the noise of the steam winches prevented any sleep. on the afternoon of the next day, the th, the steamer finally cast off and started down the harbor in the wake of the other transports. after being tied up in tampa harbor for six long days we were at last at sea and bound for cuba. chapter viii. we have a lovely sail on the palatial knickerbocker and reach cuba without mishap. our voyage to cuba on transport no. , unofficially known as the knickerbocker, will long linger in our memories. the knickerbocker was a lovely ship but her loveliness was of such a nature that it was seldom referred to without a free and unlimited use of adjectives in the ratio of more than to . after a while it got to be a case of "don't speak of her past, boys," and we seldom did. the present was bad enough and as for her future, all of us had grave doubts concerning it. there was a story from apparently authentic sources, that before the government, in a moment of temporary aberation, engaged the services of the knickerbocker as a transport, she had been engaged in conveying italian emigrants from new york to new orleans, and her interior condition when we boarded her gave conformation of the stories. many words could be written concerning the knickerbocker and our opinion of her, but as a good share of them would form language not generally used in the best society, it will be perhaps as well to draw the veil of silence over a good part of it. her captain's name was betts and he was an aged individual who savored much of the sea and who evidently had been the victim of an early or late disappointment, either in love or something else, that resulted in souring him towards himself and everybody else. the name of the steward of the boat is unknown, but this did not bother the boys much, their usual designation of him being "thief" or "robber" or any term of opprobrium that came handy. if he was a poor man when the knickerbocker sailed with us from tampa harbor, there was no reason why he could not have returned with money enough to start a fair sized bank account, for he sold us everything there was to sell, and considerable that he had no right to, and he always charged us klondike prices for everything. he was never under suspicion of giving away anything, not even himself. before the voyage was half over there came near being a mutiny among the crew which had discovered, so they said, that the steward was taking the provisions destined for them and selling them to such of our boys as had money and had become weary of the luxurious and varied fare given us by the government. at the same time his extortions had become so burdensome to our boys that muttered threats against him were heard and but for some of the cooler heads among the soldiers he might have been the victim of the vengeance both of the crew and the troops. there were thirteen staterooms on the boat and into these were crowded officers. the men were "bunked" in the hold, and if there was any provision for ventilation other than the hatches, no trace was ever found of it. on the first night out the men slept on the decks and so were enabled to pass the night in considerable comfort, for if the deck planks were hard, there was at least some air and the cool sea breeze made sleeping possible. but on the second night out there came trouble. the surgeon was fearful that the night dews would have a bad effect on the men, and had been told so much of the evil effects of sleeping out in the air in tropical latitudes that he believed it best for the men to sleep below decks. he pressed his views upon the commanding officer, and the result was an order to the officer of the day to allow no men to sleep above decks on that or the succeeding nights of the voyage. naturally, when this order was communicated to the men, there was a protest. there was a decided difference of opinion between the men and the surgeon as to the evil results from sleeping on deck, and the men were inclined to rebel against the order. however, capt. mcdonald of b company was officer of the day, and no matter what his sympathies were, orders were orders. so soon after "taps" had sounded he and the guard made a tour of the boat and the sleepers were informed that they must retire to the bunks below and complete their slumbers. then there was a howl of remonstrance, but it was without avail. the sleepers were rounded up and hustled below. in protest against this came all sorts of noise from the sleeping quarters. songs and yells, and there was much satire in many of the songs, came up from below. the surgeons were alluded to as "horse doctors" and "salts," and one chorus that came floating up through the hatches ran something like this: "what do they give us for stomach ache?" "salts." "what do they give us for a broken leg?" "salts." "what do they give us for rheumatism?" "salts." and so on through a catalogue of all the various diseases incident to man or animals. finally the noise became so great that capt. mcdonald threatened to have the hatches closed, thus destroying the last faint chance of obtaining any air. this was met by the threat that if the hatches were closed bullets would be fired through them, but after a while the noise quieted down and the men dropped off to sleep. after that night the order to sleep below decks was pretty well obeyed as the reason for it begun to be understood by the men and they realized that it was prompted by a desire for their welfare and not to annoy them. not all the boys slept below, however. emery, morehouse and kelly of k had managed to secrete themselves in one of the ships boats and made it their sleeping quarters all the time of the voyage. as it was covered by a tarpaulin they were well protected from the dews or rains, and in any case they managed to keep the secret so well that they were not molested. g company suffered a terrible loss on the day we sailed. private mandeville, the company cook, had managed to cut himself so badly in the arm with a carving knife, during our stay at lakeland, that he had been excused from that duty. on our last day at port tampa he had obtained shore leave and utilized it so well in looking at the wine when it was red, or something that had the same effect, that he was in a trance when the orders came to leave. so when the knickerbocker sailed, g was one man short, and after the requisite ten days had elapsed private mandeville was put on the rolls as a deserter. fortunately for him, it was established on our return that he was not technically a deserter, it appearing that when he woke up he had reported himself to an officer in tampa, and had been assigned to remain with a party of the st new york which had likewise been left behind. of mascots there were many on board. first of all came one james sargent of washington, d. c, a young colored lad better known as "snowball." he had come on from washington with some district of columbia troops and finding that they were not going immediately to cuba or for some other reason he got on board the knickerbocker and attached himself for better or worse to the second massachusetts. any member of the regiment can answer the query as to whether it was for better or worse for the second. then there were james and willie turner, two young white boys from tampa who had an uncontrollable desire to hie themselves over the seas to cuba and there end the lives of more or less spaniards. they remained with us until the landing on the island and then divorced themselves from the second and attached themselves to two regular regiments. both stood the campaign in far better shape than the older men and returned to this country with enlarged views and a determination to enlist in the regulars as soon as they were of the requisite age. g company had two mascots in "rations" and "hardtack," dogs of the cur variety. rations did not last out the voyage, her career being cut short by some miscreant who threw her overboard one night, much to the indignation of the men of the company. a predominating feature of the trip across was the excellent fare provided for the enlisted men by a thoughtful government. life at sea on a steady diet of canned beef, canned beans and canned tomatoes, hardtack and ship's water is not conducive to embonpoint or a cheerful and contented disposition. in the hurry of fitting up the knickerbocker as a transport no provision had been made to do any cooking for the men, even if there had been anything to cook, and there was not even a place where coffee, of which we had plenty, could be made. finally after a couple of days out some vigorous "kicking" resulted in the company cooks being grudgingly allowed the use of the galley for coffee making purposes but with the poor water the coffee was hardly equal to that furnished at delmonico's or other places where most of us had been in the habit of eating. as to the water an entire chapter could not do justice to its qualities. there were two brands on board, one being mississippi river fluid with an equal quantity of mud of a rich brown color in suspension. after obtaining a cupful of this mixture it was necessary to allow it to stand for some little time in order that the mud might settle to the bottom. with all its faults, however, this water when strained was sweet and drinking it did not cause remorse. the other water had been obtained in tampa and it was called water principally because it was contained in the water tanks. it did not look much like water and tasted still less like it. but that and the muddy fluid was all there was to drink and we had to make the best of it. one day when the canned beef was even worse than usual and the canned beans greasier than ever there came to the vision of certain members of the springfield companies, who happened to be looking through the skylight into the steward's pantry, a delicious looking piece of cold roast beef hanging peacefully from a hook and destined for the officers' lunch. constant looking at that well cooked piece of fresh beef begot longing, then covetousness and desire. by a silent but unanimous vote it was decided that such a nice piece of beef would be better appreciated by hungry enlisted men than by the officers who had been getting more or less of it, at their own expense, during the voyage and the next thing was the informal appointment of a committee on ways and means to procure the aforesaid beef. an examination revealed that the skylight could be opened from the deck and further that a boathook was handy. these facts ascertained, a watch was kept until the occupant of the pantry had gone out for a moment, the skylight was quickly opened, the boathook manipulated and the piece of beef lifted to the deck. the cook re-entered the pantry just as the beef was disappearing through the skylight and the expression on his face haunted the participants in the "disappearing beef mystery" for many hours. [illustration: lieut phillip c. powers k. co. captain w. s. warriner k. co. lieut. harry h. parkhurst k. co. ] in one corner of the upper deck that afternoon were a number of men upon whose faces rested an expression of perfect contentment and whose hands could occasionally be seen to wander over their stomachs as if to assure themselves that cold roast beef was a suitable article of diet for a voyage in the tropics. as no ill effects were recorded the question was settled satisfactorily to them but it is also on record that no more tempting bits were hung within reach of open skylights or wandering boathooks. it is also a matter of history that the officers' lunch that day was rather a poor meal and there was no cold meat on the table. but bates didn't care. how the knickerbocker ever escaped being run down or colliding with some other of the vessels of the fleet is one of the mysteries of the deep. not less than half a dozen narrow escapes are on record in the memory of the men who were on her and on one or two occasions the escapes were so narrow that a few feet either way would have done the job for the knickerbocker and her crew and passengers. on one occasion another boat came so near to running us down that half the men were ready to jump into the sea but the other boat finally sheered off by the closest margin. the "thirteen" hoodoo came near to finding believers among those on the knickerbocker before cuba was reached. bathing hours were established on board after the first day out, each company being allowed an hour aft each day during which the men could "turn the hose" on each other to their heart's content. as, however, there was but little salt water soap on board and that little was in the hands of the steward to be retailed by him at robber baron prices these attempts at cleanliness proved rather abortive, for it was soon ascertained that ordinary soap does not lather in salt water and the effects of the bath under these circumstances was worse if anything than in lakeland. so the days went on until on the th we saw the low outline of the cuban coast late in the afternoon and at the same time saw the flashes and heard the dull reports of big guns which told us that the navy was having a brush with the foe. it lasted only for a few moments, but this was the first time we had heard guns fired in actual conflict and although we could see but little the rigging was crowded until long after the guns were silent. we learned afterwards that it was only a little brush some of the blockading fleet were having with a fort near santiago but it was mighty interesting to us while it lasted. all the next day the fleet cruised about apparently aimlessly and that night the knickerbocker "got lost." how it ever happened no one knows excepting the captain of the ship and he never volunteered an explanation so far as we knew. it was expected that we would land that day but just before dusk a dispatch boat raced up alongside and without stopping speed an officer on board shouted through a megaphone an order to captain betts to continue "cruising to the northwest, keeping in touch with the fleet." so off we cruised to the northwest but the rest of the order as to keeping in touch with the fleet was not carried out. the next morning when we woke up we found the knickerbocker all alone with not a sail or line of smoke on the horizon and with apparently no one knowing where we were or what we were doing there. inquiries of captain betts met with gruff and non-committal response and it was not until just before noon that we came in sight of the rest of the fleet off daiquiri and learned that the landing had begun and that had we got there when we should the second would have been the first regiment to land on cuban soil. then things were said concerning capt. betts and his boat that would not look nice in print. over on our left the big guns of the warships were pounding away at the fortifications while the small caliber guns were sending in a storm of bullets into the woods and hills along the shore, clearing them out before the landing. from the warships to the transports danced an almost steady stream of launches and small boats to assist in the landing. the invasion of cuba by the fifth army corps was a fact at last. chapter ix. wherein is narrated our landing at daiquiri and some things which subsequently happened. it was not until well along in the afternoon that the knickerbocker's passengers started for the shore and as it was not all of them landed that day, the third battalion being left on board until the d. for many long hours the steamer backed and filled together with the other vessels and the men, loaded down as they were with their field equipment and waiting for the word to disembark, found plenty of time to enjoy the stirring scenes about them. there were the grim painted war ships, all ready for business and their hustling "jackies" working like beavers to aid in landing us "doughboys." between the big ships danced the saucy torpedo boats and destroyers and quick puffing launches having in tow strings of small boats, these being our means of transportation from the ship to the land. in front were the frowning hills which guarded the coast line and from which an enemy of any determination could have easily prevented our landing. on a plateau directly in front of us was the village of daiquiri, abandoned that morning by the spaniards after a brief bombardment by our fleet, while a force of cubans got along in time to worry the retreating enemy. a portion of the village and the works were still smoldering, having been fired by the spaniards before they left the place. daiquiri was the seat of the spanish-american iron company and a narrow gauge railroad connects it with juguaracito or siboney where the company had quite an extensive establishment. jutting out into the water was a high iron pier and it was supposed we were to land there, but this was found to be impossible after one or two trials. meanwhile after long waiting a dinky little steam launch from the battleship massachusetts and followed by a string of small boats, came alongside the knickerbocker and the youthful ensign in charge allowed that he was ordered to take headquarters and as many others of the regiment as possible on shore. this was agreeable and col. clark and his field and staff embarked in the launch without much trouble, although the job of climbing down a slippery rope ladder, then hanging on by both hands to the side ropes and waiting until the next high wave brought the launch up to within a couple of feet of you and then falling more or less, mostly less, gracefully into it, was not particularly pleasing. after headquarters, a platoon of g company embarked and this filled the boats. how to get on shore from the boats appeared to grow into a serious problem as we neared the landing place. this was an old wooden pier, which jutted out some little distance from the land. there was a heavy surf on and the little basin in which the pier stood was jammed with boats and launches, all apparently very much snarled up but which in reality were being ably managed. after much maneuvering our launch was jammed alongside the pier and the next problem was how to get upon it. the supporting piles rose high up from the water and their slimy surface offered no inducement to attempt climbing. one moment we would be down in the trough of a wave and then the launch would be lifted up almost to the top of the pier and the sailors would be hard put to it to keep the boats from being dashed against the huge piling of the pier. the method of our landing could hardly be called dignified. as the boat would be raised almost to a level with the floor of the pier by a wave our rolls and equipment would be tossed up to some soldiers waiting to assist us. then down the boat would go again and when the next wave raised it we would stand up on the thwarts of the boat, reach up our hands, two of the men on the pier would grasp them and we would scramble up the best we could. in this way the first lot was landed and the boats hustled back to the ship after another load of passengers. the pier was connected with the land by some loose planks and across these we walked gingerly, finally reaching terra firma. we were on cuban soil at last. on shore there was as much bustle and confusion as in the landing. many of the regulars and a part of "ours" had already landed but there appeared to be no system, and officers and men were scattered about everywhere. a short distance from the pier was a typical cuban "shack" as the regulars called it, a roughly built shed with a roof of palm leaf thatch and around this was a lot of cuban soldiers who were making themselves "good fellows" by giving away cocoanuts, of which they had a couple of large bags. they, the soldiers, were of varying shades of blackness and their "uniforms" consisted mostly of nothing. some had more clothing than the others, but few had anything like a complete outfit. they were barefooted and bareheaded but all had the inevitable machete and some kind of a firearm, from the latest model spanish mauser and the navy lee to an old shotgun. they could talk english about as well as we could spanish and the sign language was used with more or less success. having filled up on cocoanuts, which tasted good, we became thirsty. a water pipe ran along the ground and we soon found a faucet, but the first man to take a drink spat out the water and said some sharp and emphatic things concerning it at which we mildly wondered until he calmed down sufficiently to tell us that it was "hot enough to boil eggs in." sure enough it was. the pipes ran along on the surface of the ground and the sun did the rest. "_mucho caliente agua_," commented a ragged "cubana" as he noticed our disgusted looks and one or two who understood enough spanish to know what he meant agreed with him. then he grinned as only a cuban can and pointing to the plateau where the main part of the village was located, said: "_agua fresca_," which being interpreted meant "cold water." so off we started for the plateau and there found several barrels of fresh water which was fairly cool. among the "shacks" which composed the town we found a "brigade" of the "brave" cuban soldiers. they were having a good time recounting their exploits and staring at "_los americano soldados_," whose rough and ready manners were not always to their liking. a few of their field officers were almost white in color and decently uniformed but the majority, like the men, were black and distinguished from their men by small silver stars worn on a strap across the breast, three being the insignia of a captain, two of a first lieutenant and one of a second lieutenant. a point of much interest to our men were the burning shops, which the spaniards had fired before retreating. on the railway track was a locomotive and some cars which had been disabled and burnt. additional interest was caused by the pursuit, capture and summary execution of an unwise pig by a mob of our men and cubans. all our battalions having landed, we began our march into the interior just before o'clock. the brigade commander, col. van horn of the d was injured on the d and the command was temporarily assigned to our commander, col. clark. as lieut. col. shumway was left on the boat, major southmayd took command of the two battalions on shore. we marched some five miles toward santiago, across country, the march being along a narrow and rough trail and halted for the night by the side of the trail. on our way we had to ford a stream and began to experience some of the realities of war. that night we had to face our first real experience at going hungry. it had been understood that we were not to go inland that day and that rations would be sent us from the ships so no orders to take any with us had been issued. a few of the men had the foresight to stuff whatever food they could into their haversacks but the majority had nothing and went supperless to bed. the regulars bivouacked near us were in the same fix and there was much grumbling. however, officers and men were in the same box and there was nothing to do but make the best of it. at dawn the next morning we rolled up our outfits and started off again. our method of packing up was expeditious. each man carried one half of a shelter tent, better known to us as a "dog" tent and later "pup" tents because of their small size, they being just about large enough for two men to crawl into. the half shelter was laid on the ground and upon it was spread first the rubber blanket and then the woolen one. our canvas blouses and whatever personal property we had were then placed on top, together with the tent sticks and pegs and the whole neatly rolled. the ends were secured with the tent rope and the roll thus formed was carried over the left shoulder, the ends hanging down on the right side of the body. thus equipped, with our full canteens and empty haversacks, we took to the road again after our first night on cuban soil. details of men from each company were sent back to the ships after rations and we started for siboney. an early morning march on an empty stomach is not conducive to an appreciation of scenery be it ever so grand, but some of us enjoyed it. all about us were hills and mountains, their peaks clear cut against the blue sky, while from the tops of two or three rose thin smoke columns which we supposed were from signal fires. our trail led us through valleys and over hills until finally about o'clock we struck upon something that looked like a road and on which we were enabled to march for a short time in columns of fours. anyone who had ever seen the second on a parade in springfield or worcester or at camp and seen us straggling along the cuban trail in single file would have laughed outright at the contrast, as we were forced to ourselves. later on we looked even worse. that day the "stripping" process, familiar to all armies in a campaign, was begun. two companies of the second battalion, e and m had "toted" their knapsacks with them from their transports and about the second day out they were sorry for so doing. hardly had we been an hour on the march that morning before the knapsacks began to disappear and the troops which followed us soon knew that the second massachusetts had passed by, meeting scores of cubans with e and m company knapsacks on their backs and sweltering but happy in the closely buttoned cape overcoats discarded with the knapsacks. fortunately our knapsacks and all our heavy baggage had been left on board ship but it was not long before we found our rolls becoming heavy and burdensome. pretty soon a man would quietly drop out of the line, off would come his roll which was quickly opened, and some article he fancied he could do without, thrown into the bush. then the roll would be fastened together, thrown over the owner's shoulder and he would hasten to rejoin his company. a few moments afterward a ragged cubano might be seen poking around about the bushes and next the discarded articles would be in his possession. and it may as well be told here that it was not only the second massachusetts that strewed more or less valuable or necessary articles along the trails. the regulars were with us in that, and although, as a rule, they had brought less baggage ashore with them than we did, they soon found it convenient to get rid of much of it. they even discarded their blankets, some cutting them in half and retaining only one part, while we stuck to the blankets and sacrificed other things. we never were sorry either that we kept our blankets, for if the days were intensely warm, the nights were cool and coverings came in handy. that afternoon, soon after we had struck the short piece of good road referred to above, we left it and following a narrow trail debouched into some woods and after passing through them, found ourselves in a cocoanut grove. there were hundreds of the trees all laden with the fruit, and a halt was ordered, arms stacked and we were allowed to rest. about this time we were decidedly hungry, our breakfast having consisted of nothing and our dinner menu being the same. the cocoanuts looked inviting but they were far away at the tops of the branchless trees. but hunger is a spur and it was not long before some daring ones were "shinning up" the trees and down came the fruit. alas! it was a disappointment to hopes of a satisfactory meal. after the hard, green outer husks had been chopped away it was found that the cocoanuts were green, and a copious flow of soldier language greeted this discovery. but it was not long before it was discovered that the milk of the green cocoanut makes a very palatable drink, and in a few moments we all became milkmen. the march resumed we struck into another piece of woods, forded a brook or two, (we had by this time gotten over minding our feet being wet,) and found ourselves once more on a narrow and rough trail. on our way through the woods we saw, stretched along a rough fence, the body of a huge snake of the constrictor variety, not long killed and looking decidedly fierce. the reptile was about eight feet long and as thick as a man's arm. a little further along we saw something which indicated that we were in a rough country. this was a human skull nailed on top of a post and grinning at us with empty eye sockets and toothless jaws, as we passed. a little further along and we struck another narrow stream which, of course, had to be forded, and up a hill, just beyond that we came to a railroad station and the track. here were some of our advance guard, men of the eighth regulars who informed us that siboney was "just 'round the corner," as one of them put it, and sure enough after a few moments more of the "weary willie" act, we came to a collection of "shacks," and realized that we were in siboney. now that word "siboney" means much to us because it reminds us that there we ate, a fact sufficiently momentous on that day to linger long in our memories. now as to the methods of our eating. it was only a short time before our arrival that the spaniards had evacuated siboney after firing a few shots at our advance guard and the natives, who had "jumped the town" when the spaniards told them there was going to be a big battle in which they were going to annihilate the "pigs of yanquis," were just beginning to come back. we were ordered to camp on a low piece of ground on one side of the railroad embankment and after putting up our "pup" tents a few hungry ones went into the town to see what could be seen and incidentally to acquire what there was to acquire in the commissary line. they were successful in the latter. the natives were glad to see them and freely gave of what little they had. this wasn't much but there was some rice and some queer looking but good tasting messes of which our men were freely invited to partake. in one house in particular there were two aged women who busied themselves for hours cooking rice and other dishes for our men and who at first would not accept anything in payment. finally it was forced upon them and before evening there was more silver money in that poor "shack" than had probably been the case for many a day. all through the village it was the same and the hospitality we received at siboney did much to change for a time the unfavorable opinion we had formed of the cubans. not only was there food but drink. there was cool water in all the houses and there was also "bino," a sour cuban wine like claret and some fiery "rou" or rum which brought tears to the eyes of more than one man who thought he was spirit proof. all that afternoon we mingled freely with the people, looked all through the town, examined with interest the spanish block houses and some of us went in surf bathing on the pretty little beach in front of the town. late that afternoon the third battalion came up and about the same time the details which had been sent back for rations, made their appearance with about enough provisions to whet our appetite, they having found the task of lugging supplies for a company, nearly ten miles, beyond their strength. chapter x. in which is to be found the tale of "crab hollow" and some other things. when we retired to our luxurious couches that night of june d, most of us, excepting the guards, anticipated sleep, but we little recked what that night had in store for us. as told before, our camp was pitched on a low piece of ground and among a lot of sparse bushes. we did not know until the next day that the camping ground was an old burial place, and we were also not well enough up in the natural history of things cuban to understand that if there is any one place the dainty land crab prefers for its habitat it is a cemetery and this preference rests upon a purely gastronomic basis. the land crab and the vulture are the great scavengers of cuba and while the latter disposes of anything eatable left above ground the land crab looks after bodies or anything else placed under ground. in the afternoon we had noticed the holes of the land crabs but paid little attention to them, and only saw a few of the crustaceans, but at night we made their acquaintance at close quarters. we were pretty well fagged out with the heat and the marching, and this, with the strange sensation of having something to eat in our stomachs, tended to drowsiness. but hardly had we got settled in our tents before there were strange rustlings and noises and then the sensation of something crawling. there were some quick arisings and the sound of matches hastily struck and then exclamations and profanity. in some of the companies there was hardly a tent that had not been pitched over one or more land crab holes and the occupants of these had begun an investigation. crawling over the sleepers usually resulted in awakening them and then came the exclamations, the illumination by the matches and the pursuit and slaughter of the visitors. the land crab is not an aggressive animal towards man and the greeting tendered him usually resulted in his scuttling for his hole. not always did he reach there, for many fell victims to ramrods, clubs and other weapons. one able bodied crab was caught in the act of backing into his hole with a stocking in his claws, and yielded up his life for his rapacity. it may have been that he intended to eat the stocking, and had he done so his fate would have been the same anyway. the crabs had a pleasant trick that night of crawling half way up the outside of the tents and then losing their hold and dropping to the ground. that was bad enough as a deterrent to sleep, but it was not all. in the afternoon some i company men had repaired a locomotive disabled by the spaniards, and kept running it up and down the tracks, to an accompaniment of bell and whistle, until a late hour. bright and early the next morning we were up and as on the day before looking for grub. rations were still "shy" and once more we had recourse to our friends the siboneyians who gave us what they could, which was not much, as their own supplies were running low. meanwhile the remainder of the transports had come to siboney and were landing the rest of the expedition. they had a little different method of doing it than at daiquiri. the boats would be filled with men and towed in as near shore as possible when the men would have to jump out and wade ashore. some of them didn't like getting their feet wet but they had to just the same. it was some little time before noon when we heard firing from over the hills and learned that the cavalry brigade had gone on a reconnoisance in force in that direction. it was only a short time afterwards when we saw the first wounded begin to come down the trail and learned that they had found the enemy in force at las guasimas and had quite a go with him. the first and tenth united states cavalry, our old neighbors at lakeland, and the rough riders were engaged and from all accounts were having a warm time. col. clark of the second was acting as commander of our brigade and receiving orders from gen. lawton to reinforce the cavalry, left for the scene with the eighth and twenty-second infantry. they arrived there just as the spaniards were running and finding nothing for them to do returned to siboney. one of the largest buildings in the town had been converted into a temporary hospital and it was soon filled with the wounded. our regimental surgeons, drs. bowen, gates and hitchcock were pressed into service and rendered valuable aid. that hospital was our first introduction to some of the grim realities of war but the boys stood it well and were anxious to get to the front as quickly as possible. one of the warships with the transports added to the excitement by shelling the woods on top of a point near us and we began to conclude it would be our turn next. but it was not long before our thoughts were turned from the vision of great deeds in battle to a more prosaic but necessary matter. a lot of rations had been landed and soon we were revelling in such delicacies as hardtack, "sowbelly" bacon, coffee, canned beef (?) and canned tomatoes. orders were issued for each man to take four days' rations but our haversack capacity was not equal to this and we packed all we could into our rolls. even then we could not take all the issue and what was left we gave to our friends, the people of siboney, who gladly accepted what we didn't want. the issue was hardly begun before col. clark gave us orders to move and off we started about . in the afternoon. we had not gone far in the direction of las guasimas before we came to the conclusion that the commissary department of the army had at least one genius who deserved a medal and some other things. about half the issue of tomatoes was in gallon cans and it was planned to have one man carry them a short distance and then let another sharer of the can relieve him. but our route lay up hill and we hit up a lively pace so that it was not long before there was a "kick" about the tomatoes. the ending of the kick in every case was a noise which indicated that the can had landed in the bushes and when tired out, we reached our bivouac place that night there were but few gallon cans of tomatoes left with the outfit. meanwhile we kept steadily climbing up into the hills, finding rough footing and stumbling over rocks and everything else in the darkness until about o'clock we reached the scene of the battle and found the first and tenth cavalry burying their dead. we passed on in silence but we did quite a bit of thinking. a short distance further up we halted on a level bit of ground by the side of the rough riders and after making our simple preparations for our night's bivouac heard their tale of the fight. our cooking fires were soon going and we not only heard roosevelt's men tell their experiences and gave them our sympathy, but what they wanted more at that particular time, we gave them food, sharing our rations with them. one new york paper, in its story of the las guasimas fight spoke of the second massachusetts as having "supported the rough riders," but so far as we knew our only support to them was that night when we certainly did support them with our rations. when we landed in cuba a detail of men from each company was left on the boats to look after property and as we learned afterwards they heard all sorts of stories about what happened to us that day. but all the stories agreed that the second had been having a bad time of it and that our loss was heavy. one new york newspaper man had been given a circumstantial account of our regiment having been surrounded by the spaniards and of our cutting our way out with a heavy loss in officers and men and was so impressed by it that he wrote a very pretty story which he was on the point of having cabled to his paper when a brother correspondent happened along and convinced him that as we were at siboney until the action was all over we could hardly have been so badly cut up. so the story was not cabled but it was a narrow escape. when we left siboney that afternoon g company was left behind to assist in unloading supplies for our brigade, one company from each regiment being detailed for that purpose. they left siboney early the next morning and reached us just as we were preparing to resume the march again. our next camping place was on a plateau near where had once been a sizeable plantation and which was only a short distance from las guasimas. here we remained two days taking life easy before we again took up the march. on the th we reached sevilla and there remained until late in the afternoon of june th. during our stay in sevilla occurred another food shortage and also the great tobacco famine. rations were hard to get and so were medicines. there was so much feeling over the delinquency in getting our supplies up to us that a meeting of the company commanders was held and a committee appointed to wait upon col. clark to see if something could not be done. the outcome of all the talk was the loan of some of the horses of the field and staff to a detail which, in charge of lieut. vesper of b, went back to the ships and obtained a small supply of provisions and tobacco. the cause of the failure to keep the troops supplied lay with the quartermaster's department which had apparently broken down utterly, for though there were tons upon tons of supplies already landed at siboney there was not enough of pack trains or other means of transportation to get them up to us. we all fared alike at this time, officers and men, regulars and volunteers, and our brigade, the leading one in the army, had been hustled along so fast that it was difficult under any circumstances to get supplies to us owing to the distance and the condition of the roads. on the th the new commander of the brigade, gen. ludlow, reported and relieved col. clark who resumed command of the second. lieut. harry parkhurst of k who had been acting as aide-de-camp on the brigade staff was also relieved and rejoined his company. the tobacco famine was relieved somewhat by some of the weed brought from the ships by the various "relief expeditions" and also by the arrival of the details which had been left on the boats and the majority of the members of which had gained permission to rejoin us as soon as they heard the stories about our having been in action and losing heavily. the horse detail also came up and brought to adjutant hawkins the news that his horse had been drowned while being got ashore. as the chaplain's horse and one owned by hospital steward fortier had been stolen while in tampa by "billy the hostler" there was a shyness of horses around headquarters. while in tampa private t. c. boone of k had been transferred to the signal corps with the rank of sergeant and afterwards became a member of the war balloon squad. on the afternoon of the th we saw the famous balloon for the first time and watched it with interest as it rose above the trees near our camp. we understood that boone was one of the men in the car and for that reason the balloon had more than usual interest for us of the springfield companies. the next afternoon another ascension was made and again we watched the "big gas bag" and speculated in a pessimistic vein upon its successful use. our doubts as to its usefulness turned out to be correct. on the th the good news was announced that we could send mail home that afternoon and there was great scrambling for pens, pencils, paper and envelopes. it was our first opportunity since we had landed to send letters and that it was taken advantage of the big mail bags that left headquarters late that afternoon for division headquarters attested. probably the condition in which about all our letters reached the folks at home was fully explained soon after our return, but it will bear retelling. when we landed most of us had paper, envelopes and stamps. but these were carried either in the haversacks or rolls and with the heat the envelope flaps became stuck together, likewise the stamps and paper became dirty. all were about in the same condition, so in order to get a letter into an envelope it was necessary to slit the latter at one end, insert the letter and then sew up the envelope. as most of the sewing was done with black thread and the envelopes were not especially clean the effect upon the good folks at home must have been rather startling, especially when the letters came without stamps, as they usually did. in place of stamps the government allowed the use of the words, "soldier's letter" in one corner of the envelope and when indorsed by an officer was allowed to go through. from our camp we could see a portion of the fortifications of santiago and especially two large buildings which we were informed were barracks that had been transformed into hospitals and over which we could with field glasses see a number of red cross flags floating. we heard many weird tales as to what the spaniards had done and would do and the stories, mainly of cubans, as to how many troops were in the city, varied all the way from , to , . on the th the much talked of "army" of gen. calixto garcia arrived and it was a motley looking outfit, mostly black in color and of great variety, principally of lack of quantity, as to uniforms but fairly well supplied with arms and ammunition. the knowledge of english of the component parts of garcia's forces was about equal to out knowledge of spanish, but considerable interchange of ideas was effected, principally by signs. one or two of the warriors would stroll into camp and after standing around a bit with the inevitable cuban grin would exclaim, "_santiago, boum, boum?_" at the same time pointing to the city. we could do no less than to assure them there would be plenty of "_boum, boum_" and that when it happened santiago would be "on the bum." the ice thus broken, the cuban's machete was examined and the wearer induced to give an exhibition of its use both as a weapon and a handy tool for many purposes. generally before they left camp they would "borrow" some "tobac" and if they could obtain some hardtack or bacon they went away happy. sometimes they brought us some mangoes or "monkey plums" and then would follow some great bartering. the surgeons in an excess of zeal had warned us against the mango but we pinned our faith to the cubans' declaration that if one didn't eat mangoes and drink liquor on the same day no evil effects would result from the free and unlimited use of the fruit. the mango tastes nice but it is an acquired art to know how to eat it without getting three-quarters of it over one's face and clothing. still it came in handy when our rations were short, which was about always and we were not over fastidious as to how we ate anything in those days. chapter xi. which tells how we got ready to take the town of el caney. it was shortly after noon on june th that the "jojo" department began to circulate the news that we were to move on to santiago that day or the next and for the first and only time during the campaign the "jojo" happened to be right. orders had arrived for a forward movement and although we had no idea of where we were to go or what we were to do there was a feeling of satisfaction that we were to go somewhere and do something. of even more importance than the orders at this particular time was the arrival of a well laden pack train with rations. when the mules were first discerned coming "up the pike" it was supposed they were carrying ammunition as the last two or three pack trains had brought little excepting cartridges. but this time we were agreeably disappointed. there was a plentiful supply of "sowbelly," hardtack and coffee and it was not long before it was being distributed. the tobacco famine had temporarily been relieved and now we actually had food. so we were pretty well satisfied with life after all. how it rained that day! it came on in the forenoon and in less than ten minutes everybody and everything was saturated. it was a straight downpour of water and rubber blankets were of little use in keeping us or our belongings dry so we simply got wet and stayed in that condition until the sun came out and did his best to dry things up quickly. early that afternoon we saw the war balloon again and watched it with much interest, everybody "rubbernecking" at the unwonted sight. in the car, although we did not know it at the time, was poor "tom" boone of "k" and those of us who knew him little recked what the next day would bring to him. for that matter there was considerable uncertainty as to what the future meant for any of us. we heard late in the day that we were sure to get into action on the next day but somehow the knowledge did not appear to worry but a few of the boys. the happenings of the campaign thus far had done much to produce a feeling of contempt for the fighting abilities of the spaniards and some of us figured that all we would have to do was to make a demonstration in force and the enemy would then either retreat or surrender. how mistaken we were the next day was to tell us. it was late in the afternoon when the advance on el caney by lawton's division was begun and it was not until almost o'clock that our brigade, which being one of the nearest to the city, was among the last to get away, made its start. most of us will never forget that night march. the rain of the morning had resulted as usual in making whatever roads and trails there were into very fine specimens of mud puddles and unfortunately for us the greater part of our way led up hill. when the rations were issued in the afternoon the company commissaries had not time to complete their distribution and thinking that the march was to be a short and easy one those of g and b concluded that it would be better to have some of the provisions carried in bulk rather than to take time to divide and issue them. so a number of men from each company were detailed to carry a couple of slabs of "sowbelly" and others the remaining boxes of hardtack. this worked very nicely for a time until it became dark and the hill climbing act began. then there was trouble. the trail up the hill was about as slippery as any we ever marched along in cuba and it was moreover filled with rocks and boulders over which climbing was not the easiest matter in the world. before they had gone very far the ration detail began to think that something was wrong and these thoughts developed into a certainty as we still kept climbing along up a pretty steep ascent and the boxes of hardtack and the sides of bacon (?) began to grow heavier and heavier and more difficult to handle. for convenience in packing them along with us both sergeants scully and bearse had nailed long handles onto the hardtack boxes and had made a somewhat similar arrangement to carry the bacon but the carriers had not gone far before the handles worked off and after awhile it got to be a question of dropping the rations or killing the men trying to carry them. it was pitch dark, the trail was difficult and besides all the men had a pretty fair supply of "grub" in their haversacks, so a silent and informal vote was taken and the bulk of the extra rations were quietly left by the side of the trail. meanwhile the rest of us were not having so much of a picnic even though we were not encumbered with extra baggage. the mud made marching difficult even along the road which led from the camp. soon we left this and came to the san juan creek, passing a company of soldiers who were actually bathing. our surprise at this unwonted scene was not allowed to last long, for the trail lay on the other side of the creek and we were obliged to ford it. this was not by any means as easy as it looked. the banks were high and slippery with mud and the water was over our legging tops but in we plunged and scrambled across to the other side and into a thick piece of woods, shaking the water from ourselves dog fashion as we again took up the march. hardly had we got across before low spoken orders came down the line for every man to keep silent and to march as quietly as possible. this made us realize that something was on and the orders were pretty well obeyed although all the orders in the world could not keep some of the men from saying things concerning the trail and night marches in general. in ragged fashion we stumbled along through the woods, the only military regulation we followed out being that of keeping well "closed up." we simply had to do this because it was so dark and the trail so narrow and rough that unless one kept very "close tabs" on his file leader it was a question of getting lost and going it alone and this none of us desired to do. we had not gone far before we came to another creek or it may have been another turn of the first one, we did not know or care which, but into it we plunged and again got our feet wet and muddy. hardly had we gained the other side before we came across a forlorn looking figure in a bit of a clearing by the side of the trail and a voice with an unmistakeable western twang inquired if we were the rough riders. the owner of the voice was informed that we were the second massachusetts and he then remarked, "well, you're a pretty good outfit and i guess i'll go along with you." he then announced himself as the chaplain of the rough riders and said he had left camp a little behind his regiment and had not only been unable to catch up with it but could obtain no trace of its whereabouts. we told him his regiment had probably gone over towards san juan hill, it being in another division than ours and he then allowed that he would not bother looking further that night but would accompany us. we made no objection and he trudged along with us for the rest of the way. soon after meeting the chaplain we forded creek number three but by this time we were used to getting our feet wet and did not mind it much. after fording this stream, a narrow but rather deep one, we began to get up in the world and soon discovered that we were on the up grade. for nearly two hours more we stumbled along, sometimes passing through thick woods and again along open country. the moon came out faintly after a bit, but her light did little towards revealing to us the difficulties of the route we were following. we had a couple of brief halts but it was not until a little after o'clock that a whispered command to halt was given and we were informed that we were to go into bivouac by the road side. following this order came a renewal of the previous ones against making any noise and we were also given strict orders not to make a fire or even strike a match. these precautions we assumed were to keep our presence unknown to the enemy and although most of us wanted the comfort of a pipe or cigarette after our fatiguing march yet we refrained. there was of course much speculation over the why and wherefore of the night march and the orders against noise or fire but the generally accepted assumption was that we had stolen a march upon the spaniards, had penetrated their lines, and in the morning would march into santiago before the astonished enemy had partaken of his morning coffee. this surmise was given color by the fact that from where we were we could look down into the city, its locality being indicated by the lights from the governor general's palace and other official buildings. we were on a plateau that overlooked the city, and so far as we could judge, our presence was absolutely undetected. santiago appeared to be sleeping peacefully and looked for all the world like some small new england city which is locked up every night at . or and whose residents then go to bed and stay there until morning. [illustration: lehigh detail from company h] for thinking such thoughts we were indeed what are known in the vernacular as "good things," for as it transpired afterwards the spaniards knew all about where we were and where we were going. had it not been for their traditional policy of "manana" they might have sallied out and done several things to us, but they preferred to wait until the next day, which was a lucky thing for us. sleep comes quickly to a soldier in bivouac and soon after our halt every one of us, with the exception of the guards, was asleep. no attempt was made to put up the shelter tents, but we contented ourselves with unrolling them, spreading them upon the grass and wrapping ourselves up in our blankets. a few of us lunched upon hardtack and raw bacon washed down with muddy water from the canteens but the majority of the boys were too tired to think even of eating. that night the premonition came to some of our boys that the morrow would be their last day on earth and although we tried to laugh it out of them they stuck to it that their fate was settled. one of these boys was frank moody of k and so strongly was he impressed with the feeling of coming disaster to himself that he made one of his comrades take his watch and promise to deliver his farewell message to the loved ones at home. tired soldiers sleep soundly and it seemed as if we had only slumbered a few moments when we were awakened, not by the usual bugle call, but by low whispers from the officers and non-commissioned officers. it was hardly dawn and a thin mist concealed from view the city below us and the hills that surrounded us. little by little the mist disappeared before the advance of the sun and when dawn came the scene was so impressive in its grandeur that even the most careless amongst us felt it. just below us was santiago still wrapped in the morning mist and apparently still unaroused from its slumbers. all about us were frowning hills and mountains and in the distance we could see the harbor outside of which sat the grim war ships of the united states waiting for their prey to come out and be eaten up. not a sign from the enemy and we wondered. but we wondered even more when we turned our eyes a little to the right and there saw capron's light battery, still unlimbered and apparently in plain view of the sentries of the enemy and our wonder increased as we saw the smoke from the cooking fires of the batterymen and watched them preparing their morning meal. for, be it understood, our brigade commander had sent word along that the orders of the night before as to noise and fires were still in force and we had breakfasted on hardtack and water. and there were the artillerymen with their fires lighted and frying their bacon and making their coffee as if there were no such orders and not a spaniard within fifty miles. we could not understand it and for that matter we do not to this day. maybe somebody does but if so we never heard of it. it was bad enough to almost smell the hot coffee, for the morning air was cool and raw, and to see the batterymen drinking it with relish, but it was far worse to see them nonchalantly light their pipes and cigarettes and enjoy them. since the night before we had been deprived of the solace of tobacco and anyone who has ever soldiered knows what that means. but when we saw the red striped gunners enjoying the weed we made up our minds to follow suit. in a very short time our pipes were going and the officers sympathetically not only forebore to stop us but soon began to puff their pipes. even a cold breakfast can be enjoyed with a tobacco dessert and that early morning smoke on the threshold of the battlefield was a much appreciated one. meanwhile we had been getting ready and as packing up did not take us long it was but a short time after we were aroused from our slumbers before we had fallen in and were ready for what the day might bring forth. while waiting for orders to march we heard the noise of hoofs coming up the trail and gen. lawton and his staff clattered by us on their way to the front. a couple of cuban officers were with them and they were evidently pleased with the work cut out for the americans that day. only a few moments after the general had passed came the orders to march and we were soon "hitting the trail" again, this time on the down grade. it was then about . in the morning. we moved along slowly, the trail being so narrow it was necessary to go in column of files and it was fully as bad walking as the route we had gone over the previous night. after a little we came to a brook and took advantage of the opportunity to fill our canteens. just on the other side of the brook we passed capron's battery posted on a low hill, the muzzles of the three inch rifles pointed toward el caney and the cannoneers at their posts waiting for the ball to open. by that time we all realized that this was the day we were to go into business. chapter xii. wherein is related some events which happened to us on july first. hardly had we passed the battery before we heard the boom of one of its guns, followed by another and another and we knew then the trouble had begun. we kept on the trail for a while longer, the men keeping well closed up now and keeping eyes and ears alert. el caney was now replying to capron and we could hear for the first time the squeal of the mauser bullets as they began to go over us with a sound like that of a vicious cat at bay. we were under fire but hardly realized it as yet. it was a splendid morning. our trail led along the side of what had once been well cultivated fields, the only indication of that now being the inevitable barbed wire fencing. the skies were cloudless and birds sang as we went along to battle. there were other birds too but they did not sing. hardly had the first of capron's cannon sent its "good morning" salute to el caney before a speck was visible in the sky. larger and larger it grew until we saw it was a buzzard scenting the battle and before long it was joined by hundreds of its kind, all circling about in the air only a short distance from the earth and waiting for the rich feast about to be spread for them. but we recked not of buzzards or what their presence presaged. a short distance further along the trail, a quick order and we changed direction to the right, leaving the trail and going across the field directly toward el caney. barbed wire fencing was in our way but the two wire cutters attached to each company soon made a gate for us. our battalion swung through and into the field while the second battalion kept to the trail and took the field further along. the third battalion and i of the second, as we afterwards found, were halted by capron's battery and were not given front seats to the performance. the field soon changed to scrub and bush through which way was made as best we could without much regard to alignment. then came a bit of forest and then we debouched out upon the santiago road, one of the few thoroughfares in cuba that looked like a road. a halt and then we stripped for action. rolls and haversacks were taken off and piled by the road side. the belts and the pockets of the brown canvas coats were filled with cartridges and we were ready for trouble. meanwhile it was evident that there was trouble ahead of the second. from el caney's forts and trenches came a hail of bullets, while on our right and left there were the krags of our regulars popping away with machine like regularity, their whip like sentences being punctuated at intervals by the -inch rifles of capron's men. over our heads went the mausers in a steady stream and there wasn't a man of the second marching up that road that morning who failed to bow his head, (most of us called it "ducking") in response to their salutation. the th and d of our brigade had gone on ahead of us, had deployed to the left and we could hear their krags answering the mausers. it was our first experience under fire and it is no wonder that nearly all of us wished ourselves, for just a few moments, somewhere else and remembered certain pressing engagements we had at springfield that friday morning. but this feeling was like going into a cold bath. the first plunge is the worst and within half an hour after getting into the action these same men that were "ducking" their heads to the bullets were up on the firing line and acting like veterans instead of men who up to that morning had never faced an armed foe. our education had progressed rapidly. and here a word as to el caney where gen. vara del ray and spanish troops held lawton's division at bay from . in the morning until . in the afternoon. in the general plan for the day's work of july st lawton's division was to sweep over to caney, devote an hour or so to capturing it and then swing over to the san juan forts and aid kent's division to take them. trustworthy (?) cuban advices were that there were only a couple of hundred spanish troops in el caney and the taking of that outpost of santiago was to be but an incident of our march to san juan. but gen. del ray had not been consulted as to this program and the result was our time schedule went to pieces. an entire division against men looks like heavy odds in favor of the division but it must be remembered that the enemy were strongly entrenched with all the advantage of position and knew the ground thoroughly, while we were in the open with little or no shelter and with only a four-gun light battery against stone forts, strong blockhouses and well made intrenchments, so that our advantage in numbers was more than made up by the superior position of the enemy. el caney lay almost directly in front of us, a small town backed up against a steep hill as if at bay and with forts, intrenchments and houses bristling with rifles. to our right on a small elevation was the famous stone fort over which floated the red and yellow flag of spain. a little to the left was the village church, of stone and converted into a fortress while on either sides of both fort and church were the familiar spanish blockhouses. and in front of all were the trenches, well built and covering all the front and sides of the town, a covered way connecting some of them with the fort and with their fronts guarded by fences and entanglements of barbed wire, a protection found of value against the cubans, but which proved to be of less efficiency against the valor of american soldiers. this was what el caney presented to us on that bright july morning. our brigade's work had been mapped out and appeared to be comparatively easy. it was to take position on the left of the american line and cut off the retreat of the enemy towards santiago when he was driven from caney which, as already scheduled, was to be within an hour or so after the initial shot. but the program for ludlow's brigade was changed by force of circumstances, for hardly had the th and d of our brigade got into position before they were attacked and replied in kind and within a few moments the hottest part of the action was taking place on the left instead of being confined to the right and center, as originally planned. and while this was happening we were down the "pike" getting ready to add our contribution to the din of battle. we were not long in getting ready and leaving one man from each company to guard the rolls left by the roadside the seven companies of the second marched to the firing line. the first battalion, g, b, k and d companies, was by this time some distance ahead of the second, while the third was still held up by the battery. col. clark, lieut. col. shumway and adjutant hawkins were standing beneath a huge tree at the intersection of the "sunken" road with the santiago road and hardly had the companies come up before an order came from gen. ludlow to send four companies to strengthen the line of the d on our left. b and k companies of the first battalion and l and e of the second battalion, which had by this time come up, were detailed and b and k, under command of major southmayd started for the d. l and e followed but through some misunderstanding got into a "hot box" and after a time returned to the sunken road and took position there. b and k marched down the sunken road and then across an open space, across which the bullets were flying in a steady stream. it was necessary to "duck" here and it was done without any loss of dignity. this space cleared, the companies came to a bit of bush and then into a gully facing el caney on the left. here was the d, lying down and answering the fire of the spaniards in good style. hardly had b and k reached the gully and taken position when the hail of bullets began to fall among them and men began to drop. private frank e. moody of k was one of the first hit and died almost instantly, the bullet having pierced his heart. on the march of the night before he had felt a presentiment of his fate and so strong was this feeling of his fate that he gave his watch to private fuller to take home to his parents. before long private john j. malone of b got a fatal wound just below the heart and then men began to fall thick and fast. as soon as the two companies had taken their positions they were ordered to fire, but the enemy's return for the first few volleys was payment with compound interest. the smoke from the springfield rifles showed the position of our men and lifting slowly, made just the target which the enemy needed. at this time the line was about yards from the advanced spanish trenches and it must have been just like rifle practice for the enemy. within a moment after the first volley from the springfields crashed out a hail of bullets was poured into the two companies from the trenches and men fell like sheep. capt. warriner, raising on one shoulder to give an order, sank back with a mauser through his body. corporal ward lathrop got one through his head, corporal hoadley got his "in the neck," the bullet going through the right side, wagoner boule had one through his left hand, private ashley of b was hit in the left forearm, private james f. ferrier was shot through the right shoulder and also had a bullet traverse the right side of his head, making an ugly wound, howard meyrick had a double one, one bullet striking his right leg, while another went through his left shoulder and the upper part of his left arm. private c. j. riordan got a bullet through his left hand while private a. e. rose got the thumb and one finger of his right hand nipped, private w. b. riopel was hard hit, the bullet entering his left shoulder and entering the lungs. barkman of k got a mauser through his left elbow and was also hit in the left leg below the knee. [illustration: lieut. h. s. crossman. j.g. h. co. lieut. j. k. dexter. h. co. lieut. w. o. cohn. j.g. h. co. ] as quickly as possible the wounded were picked up by their comrades and taken to the rear, a temporary dressing station being established beneath a huge tree on the santiago road. the first aid bandages came in handily on the field and were used to advantage. lieut. powers took command of k and capt. mcdonald, as cool as if battles were everyday occurrences, kept a watchful eye on his men. the heavy fire which the powder smoke had drawn upon the two companies was also being felt by the d and its choleric commander, major van horn, came rushing over with, "for god's sake, second massachusetts, stop firing! you're making us a regular target for the enemy." this was not all he said, either, but it was stronger language than politeness required. the firing did stop, that is, the volley firing did, but the company commanders gave their men orders to fire at will. soon major van horn came over with another protest and the two companies moved along a little further to the right but on the same line as the d and leaving quite a little gap between them. as the d advanced so did b and k, taking advantage of what cover there was and keeping up their fire for some time. it was perhaps that protest of major van horn that gave the impression that the entire second regiment was ordered off the firing line, an impression that is a very much mistaken one. from the time the two companies took position on the right of the d they fired at intervals and at will until the spaniards were driven from the last trench and el caney was taken. while these things were happening on our left g company was having troubles of its own on the extreme right of the line. sending b and k to the d left col. clark with only g and d companies of the first battalion with him, the three companies of the second battalion having been placed in the sunken road, whose banks gave them some protection from the incessant fire from el caney. g and d were sent further along up the santiago road and g was halted directly in front of a cultivated field which was directly in front of the trenches and the town and was flanked by the stone fort. halting here the second platoon of the company under lieut. edward j. leyden deployed as skirmishers and advanced across the field, taking every possible advantage of cover, of which there was little, and halting at intervals to kneel and fire. the light brown uniforms advancing slowly across the field soon attracted the notice of the enemy, even before the first volley from the springfields gave the spaniards a target, and men began to drop. still the line advanced until it was within yards of the fort and then a halt was ordered and the men threw themselves flat on the ground and began firing at will. now the bullets from both fort and trenches were hailing about them but they kept crawling along until within a range of yards. then lieut. leyden looked around and saw that his men were isolated from the rest of the company and he at once realized that it was suicidal to go further without reinforcements. arthur packard, beloved of all his comrades, had fallen dead on the field with a spanish bullet through his head and george richmond, one of the "old timers" of the company, had fallen fatally wounded. "goldie" bresnan had been ordered to the rear with the blood dripping from a shattered hand and ernest marble, wounded in the head, lay on the field. others had in the meantime joined the little force, men from other companies, but not enough to make a further advance successful. among the reinforcements was lieut. d. j. moynihan of i company, who had left his position with the second battalion and walked across the field to join leyden's men. he essayed his luck as a sharpshooter, borrowing a rifle from one of the men, and fired three shots before he himself sank to the ground with a bullet through his body. before this happened, however, and when he first joined lieut. leyden, lieut. moynihan advised that the advance should continue and suggested a charge. but lieut. leyden pointed to the few men he had and asked what the result would be. there was no answer to this. less than men charging against a stone fort under a heavy fire from it and flanked by the trenches would have been heroic, no doubt, but it would have been deliberately throwing away men's lives and to no good result. so lieut. leyden refused to order a charge but sent lieut. moynihan back to col. clark for orders. these were for him to remain where he was and there the platoon stayed until the town was taken, although some of the men advanced even closer to the fort, taking advantage of some small piles of stones, which had evidently been heaped up as shelter for spanish outposts. all the long afternoon the little squad lay under the pitiless sun, firing whenever there was a chance until they heard the cheers of the charging regulars and saw the red and yellow flag of spain go down from the fort and the stars and stripes replace it. then they sprang to their feet and cheered. but it was not all over then. the fort had been taken but from trench and blockhouse and church and every building in el caney still came the hail of mausers. the dead and wounded of the second were being attended to as best could be done, but their comrades still fought on. two guns of capron's battery had been moved up to a position in the rear of d company and the balance of g and were knocking things about in the old town. gen. vara del ray was wounded unto death and the american troops were drawing their lines closer and closer around caney, but still the spaniards fought on with the courage of desperation. at the fork of the roads was col. clark, sending his staff officers, or rather officer, lieut. paul r. hawkins, hither and thither and giving messages to his orderlies. lieut. hawkins, cool under fire, won a high place in the regard of the men who saw him that day and the orderlies, including private ross of b, showed coolness and courage. two other springfield men, sergeant scully and corporal ross of g were pressed into service as orderlies for a time and did their duty well. two cool and collected men were col. clark and lieut. col. shumway and both exposed themselves, at times against the wish of the brigade commander, along the line. gen. ludlow was for some time at the fork of the roads with col. clark, his dead horse, shot under him, almost at the outset of the action, lying near by, but once he was gone he did not return and neither he nor anyone else in authority gave the orders to withdraw the second from the firing line, as has been stated by some. if any such orders were issued which is doubtful, they were never received by col. clark, and the companies of the second stayed throughout the day where he placed them. meanwhile the big tree a bit down the road was the scene of some grewsome work. soon after the opening of the action lieut. hawkins had been ordered by col. clark to bring up the surgeons and the ground under the big tree was then transformed into a temporary hospital or rather a dressing station. here surgeon bowen and his assistants, lieuts. gates and hitchcock, aided by hospital stewards fortier, greenberg and howes and the members of the hospital corps, labored until the enemy's sharpshooters, discerning the group under the tree, made it an object of attention and the bullet-torn leaves began to flutter down upon the wounded. then the hospital was moved farther down the road and the dead and dying and wounded conveyed there as tenderly as possible under the circumstances. it was here the heroic father edwin fitzgerald, the beloved chaplain of the d, labored from morning until far into the night, caring as tenderly as a mother for the wounded of all the regiments, making their places as easy as possible for them, bringing them water from the distant brook, giving the consolations of religion to all, whether of his creed or not. more than once he visited the firing line and aided in bringing some poor fellow down to the hospital. danger he cared not for and he went on with his work apparently oblivious to his bullet-torn coat, two holes in which bore eloquent witness to narrow escapes. on that day father fitzgerald earned the lifelong affection of the officers and men of the second. and so time wore on until between . and in the afternoon, when ringing cheers announced that the last trench had been won and el caney was ours. then followed the reunion of the regiment. lieut. leyden marched his gallant platoon back and the men fell into their old places in g company. b and k came back from the left with the d and the regiment gathered once more on the santiago road, soldiers now, stained with powder and battle smoke and grim with the thoughts of the day and its events. further down the road in the improvised hospital lay the forms, cold in death, of five brave men and with them were more or less seriously wounded, three of them mortally. the second had received its baptism of blood. chapter xiii. we learn some more things about the art of war as conducted in these days. it was not exactly a joyous reunion as the companies assembled in the santiago road that afternoon. true, we were all glad to see one another again, but the heat and burden of the day had been great and there were many faces missing from the ranks. nearly ten hours on the battlefield under the burning cuban sun and without much to comfort us in the way of food or drink was not conducive to good temper and to this was added the spur of the ingratitude of our so-called cuban allies. it will be remembered that just before the regiment went into action the rolls and haversacks had been discarded and placed by the roadside and it fell out that while the owners were up on the firing line fighting for _cuba libre_, some of the cuban patriots came along and, the guards placed over the property being absent, helped themselves to the rations in the haversacks. these were the cubans, by the way, who were supposed to be fighting over on our left that day, but it seems they had more important business, to them, on hand to bother much about fighting. so as we gathered there in the road in the stillness which followed the battle storm and realized that we were to go supperless there were some things said about our cuban friends which indicated a not very high feeling of esteem for them. once gathered together again and the roll called came the after work of the battle. squads were sent over the field to bring in any dead or wounded that might have been overlooked and to gather up any property left there. the companies which had lost men prepared to march to the hospital to bury the dead and those fortunate ones whose haversacks had been untouched began to light their cooking fires. hardly an hour had elapsed since caney was taken when up came an aide with orders for col. clark and when he read them the assembly sounded and we heard with disgust the orders that the regiment was to move at once to san juan to reinforce the first division. we had anticipated after our hard day's work a bite to eat and a night's rest and here we were disappointed in both. faintly through that day at intervals we at caney could hear the sounds of battle in our rear and we heard late in the afternoon that it was our troops attacking the san juan forts but it was not until after we had finished our job at el caney that we heard what the first division had done. but orders are orders and grumbling does not count against them. the details sent to dig graves were recalled, the equipments were donned again and in a short time we were once more "piking the pike." it was a gloomy march that evening, for the men were not very much inclined to conversation. on we went, now in columns of fours on a fairly decent road for cuba, again in column of files through the bush and finally emerged onto another road. it was now dark, but we kept on until about o'clock we came to a stone bridge over the san juan river and the order to halt was given as the head of our regiment reached the bridge. whether it was to be a mere halt or a bivouac no one seemed to know and no one cared. hardly had the order to halt been given before the men had dropped by the roadside and, worn out by the toilsome march of the night before and the day's work, followed by the march to the bridge, were asleep, many of them without even taking off their heavy rolls. it was not an ideal place for slumber, either. troops were continually passing by and every now and then a mule team would pass with a clatter but the sleepers slumbered on. until after midnight we lay there, waiting for further orders. about one o'clock up came mule wagons and a pack train and soon after the men were awakened and told to "hurry up" and get rations. in a few moments the scene was changed. huge fires were lighted and by their light the rations were given out, the delights of slumber proving to be less strong than the desire to eat and every man awakening to the knowledge that we would soon be on the move again. so it was. hardly had we drawn rations and began to cook them before a battery of artillery moved hurriedly by us to the rear, many of us just having time to draw our legs out of the way of the wheels. next came the th and d of our brigade and by o'clock we too were on the march. following the road over which we had come for a short distance, we soon left it and changing direction to the right, swung into a trail across country. along this we marched for hours amid the darkness, through woods and chaparral and fields, once cultivated. we climbed hills and forded streams, all in the darkness, we brushed the morning mist from the trees and grass as we passed, and when the dawn came found ourselves still on the march, wet and tired and sleepy and bedraggled. daylight made no difference. on we pressed, climbing a long hill, crowned with plantation buildings and from which we could look down upon a scene of beauty, the green-clad hills and mountains, their tops still wreathed in the morning mist and with no sign that aught but peace and happiness lay in the valleys between them. no time, however, this to enjoy scenery, no matter how picturesque. on we went, now down the hill and into a thick piece of woods, where we halted for a little time, then on again until we once more struck a road and reached el pozo, where there had been considerable trouble the day before. without waiting for us the quadrille had already opened. during our halt in the woods we could hear the artillery and the rifles and soon after we reached the el pozo road and once more swinging to the right started for san juan we realized that it might be a case of el caney over again, for we encountered a steady stream of wounded men going or being carried to the rear. down the road screeched the mausers, but still high over our heads and in the distance we could hear the boom of the guns of the spanish forts as they answered our light artillery. still onward, with no band or field music to give us the cadenced step, a minute's halt now and then until we were compelled to leave the road to make way for a battery banging recklessly along to take another position. then across a stream and over an open field in full view of the enemy's trenches on the right, passing the battleground of the day before and, under fire by this time, we swung once more to the right and took position on a hill on nearly the extreme right of the american line. [illustration: private r. g. kelly. g. co. private arthur packard. g. co. private geo. a. richmond. g. co. private andrew little. g. co. private francis a. burk. g. co. corpl p. j. noone. g. co. ] rolls had been again stripped off and it was expected we would go into action, but the spaniards had been given pretty nearly all the fight they wanted that day and there was little for the second to do but to take its position and stay there. for hours the men lay on the hill crest under the blazing sun, without a chance at cooking a meal and hard pressed for water until details were sent back to the stream with canteens. sharpshooters made this mission dangerous but no one refused to go. it was not until early in the evening that the firing died down and it was safe to stand erect and walk about. the rolls and haversacks had been brought up and having been better guarded from prowling cubans this time the contents of the haversacks were intact. by the time darkness came on the hillside on which we were camped for the day, tents had by this time been put up, was illuminated by the cooking fires and once more we enjoyed something that would pass for a meal. this over, sleep was the next necessity and we were not long in seeking our downy couches. but we did not slumber long. just about o'clock there was a disturbance of the peace by the spaniards, who apparently wished to spoil the good time we were having. three or four big guns boomed out and then came the, by this time familiar sound of the mausers. it needed no bell boy to awake us. in a jiffy we were up and scrambling for rifles and cartridge belts. then came quickly spoken orders to "fall in" from the company commanders and the voices of the hurrying non-coms as they rounded up the men. all was black darkness and men stumbled over the grass and roots or slipped on the steep hillside. it was a scene of the utmost din and confusion, orders coming fast and loud, the men, still sleep-blinded, hustling about in confusion, the night's stillness broken by the crash of the spanish rifles and the noise of exploding shells over our heads while on our right we heard the whip-like crack of the krags answering the mausers. "hell's broken loose," avowed a b man as he groped about for his cartridge belt and indeed it seemed so. our battalion had its "shacks" on the top of the hill just below the crest while the other companies were scattered all along the hill but further below, so that the men of the springfield companies were not long in falling in and making their way to the crest. but even then they were not quick enough to satisfy major van horn, the choleric commander of the d, who appeared to have as bad a case of what was known to the boys as the "rattles" as any man ever had. brandishing his sword, he ran about the hill, cursing the second and ordering every man to the front, although it would have seemed he had enough to do to look after his own outfit. col. clark and his officers and the regiment were already on the top of the hill and awaiting events, but for some time major van horn pranced and reared and vented his spleen upon the few men who happened to be a bit slow about getting up until finally his senses returned and he went where he belonged. all in all our officers and men acted with coolness, considering the circumstances. it is not pleasant or conducive to coolness of thought or action to be suddenly pulled out of bed after a day of great exertion and hustle around in black darkness to the accompaniment of rifle bullets and bombshells and especially when it is uncertain whether the enemy is in one's front, flank or rear and go stumbling up a steep hill so that it is small wonder if at the outset a few were "rattled." but in a very short time the lines were formed on the top of the hill and the second waited. it was fortunate that none of our officers lost their heads and ordered their men to fire for the results could not fail to have been unfortunate all around. just below us were three of our own regiments and had the second fired the bullets would have hit our own men. it was a wonder that in the darkness and confusion nothing of the kind was done but officers and men kept their heads well and after the first confused rush up the hill all acted with commendable coolness. but if we did not use our rifles the enemy did theirs and before the affair was over two men of the second had been hit, one of them, private robert g. kelly of g, mortally. a mauser struck him in the left cheek, passing through and severing the lingual artery, lodged in the muscles of the right jaw. the other man hit was private peter n. white of a company, whose wound was not serious. poor kelly was taken to his tent, where he lay in agony all night, the surgeons and hospital stewards doing all they could to relieve him. the next morning he was taken to the division hospital near siboney where he lingered until july th, when he died. there was a story, which has never been denied, that his death was caused by internal hemorrhage caused by the imperfect manner in which his wound was cared for in the hospital. the affair lasted about an hour and when the attacking force of spaniards had been pretty well cut to pieces the enemy retired within his lines once more and the second returned to its slumbers. at a. m. there was some more firing but this was merely an affair of outposts and lasted but a few moments, just long enough to break up sleep for the second time that night. next day was sunday, but it could hardly be called a peaceful one. from daybreak to early in the afternoon the sharpshooters of the enemy were active and a man had to walk humbly and keep well under cover unless he cared to make a target of himself. many of these sharpshooters were inside our lines, not having had an opportunity to get to their own when their companions were driven back and hidden in thick foliaged trees and supplied with rations and water and plenty of ammunition they managed to make matters rather lively for us. early in the day many squads were sent out to locate and capture these fellows but though many were located few were brought in as prisoners. time wore on slowly that sunday. about noon orders were promulgated that an armistice had been declared and that firing on both sides was to cease at o'clock. this was not bad news but evidently all our spanish friends did not hear of it until later, for up to o'clock there was an occasional bullet sent toward us from the outlying trenches. after that hour it was possible to walk about without having to dodge. early that morning we heard the distance-dulled boom of heavy guns from the direction of the mouth of the harbor. we knew that sampson and schley were outside waiting for cervera and his ships but we had heard the guns of our fleet so often that we supposed it was simply another case of throwing a few shot at the morro or the other spanish batteries. gradually the roar of the guns grew fainter and fainter until they died away altogether and it was supposed the attack of the fleet had again been fruitless. but soon after noon the "jojo" department got at work again and rumors began to circulate that this time the fleet had been successful and had forced its way past the batteries and into the harbor. it was not until soon after o'clock that afternoon, however, that we learned what had happened. then we saw major webb of shafter's staff riding up to our brigade headquarters, which were only a few yards away from col. clark's "shack." the major reined up, said a few words to gen. ludlow and the latter hastily summoned the regimental commanders and announced that the spanish fleet had tried to cut its way out of the harbor and had been met by schley's ships and destroyed. it did not take long for the good news to spread and then such cheering as went up. hats went up into the air and there was general jubilation. for once the "jojo" department had been outdone. all along our line we could hear the cheering and then what few regimental bands we had broke loose and gave a jubilee concert which was highly appreciated. we had no religious services that day but the bands played, "there'll be a hot time in old town to-night." discipline was relaxed after the armistice had been declared and the men wandered along the lines, visiting other regiments and going over the battlegrounds of the two days previous. many visited the outposts and took a look at the city and the forts. we could see the spaniards taking life easy in their trenches and we wondered if they had heard what had happened to their fleet. some of our boys, disgusted with their springfields, went "grafting" krags and picked up a good number, together with plenty of ammunition. had the entire regiment been turned loose there is no question but what every man would have replaced his springfield with a krag-jorgensen and as it was nearly were obtained and a corresponding number of springfields thrown away. our sleep was unbroken that night and we were ready to celebrate july th the next morning. our celebration took the form of a little excursion, for soon after our frugal breakfast we were on the march again and began our celebrated swing to the right with the object of encircling the city. our brigade led the advance as it had from the start and after four hours of slow progress we swung to the left and took our position on the now famous "misery hill," an elevation in rear of the city and overlooking it. from the crest we could plainly see the spanish batteries and barracks, while almost directly in front of us were the hospital buildings with half a dozen red cross flags flying over them. we passed our fourth of july quietly enough. not a fire cracker was fired, principally because we did not have any and there was not even a rifle crack to mark the day. late in the afternoon we heard the guns of the fleet again as they hammered away at the harbor batteries for awhile. we pitched our "day tents" and took notice of the fact that our rations were getting low again. next day we were put at work for the first time digging trenches and we enjoyed the job. for tools there were in the entire regiment only a few shovels and picks but the trenches had to be dug and the boys went at it with their mess knives, spoons and tin plates. it was fierce work under the blazing sun and the soil was hard to dig, but the work was done by reliefs and by night of the next day the trenches of our battalion were completed and good ones they were, too. they were dug on the crest of the hill and were deep enough with the earth parapet to give us protection from anything the enemy might send over at us. they were wide enough to enable the men to move about and the earth was cut away at the rear so as to make a sort of seat. more trouble was anticipated at any moment and ammunition in plenty was placed along the trenches. in fact, there was more ammunition than rations about all the time during the campaign. capron's battery, which was with us at el caney, came up the th and took a position on the left of our line of trenches. the digging of intrenchments for this battery afforded us our first opportunity of seeing cubans work and certainly they did work under capt. capron. other regiments kept coming up and taking positions on our left and the circle about santiago began to tighten. meanwhile we had leisure to lie about and figure up our losses. malone of b, shot at el caney, had died in the field hospital the evening of july d and his death came as a shock to his friends in that company. richmond of g died in the same hospital early the preceding evening and that made five good men in the three springfield companies slain by spanish bullets. there were many missing faces from the ranks, too, and we kept hearing rumors that this or that man wounded at caney had died in the hospital. besides we knew some exaggerated stories about the losses of the second had gone home and we knew the anxiety which our friends and relatives in springfield must be feeling. there were other losses aside from the bullets of the enemy. on july th major southmayd and capt. mcdonald left camp, the former going home on sick leave and the latter having injured himself badly in the spine. he was accompanied to the hospital by first sergeant burke, who remained with him until he sailed for the united states. in capt. mcdonald's absence first lieut. w. l. young took command of b company. capt. john j. leonard of g was made acting major of major southmayd's battalion and retained the command to the close of the campaign. the command of k company devolved upon first lieut. phillip c. powers and first lieut. w. c. hayes took command of g company. about this time many of our boys got "next" to a species of poison vine somewhat resembling the poison ivy of new england and with about the same results. the surgeons could find nothing to counteract the effects of the vine until a cuban told them of another plant which being steeped was an effective antidote for the poison and a free use of this soon restored the swollen faces and hands of the sufferers to their normal condition. "misery hill" was a delightful place especially when the rations began to get shy as they did soon after our arrival. the visits of the pack train were few and far between and it was just as likely as not to bring ammunition instead of rations. issues of one or two hardtack and a thin slice of bacon for a twenty-four hours ration were common, and some of the boys supplemented their menu with mangoes and "monkey plumes." sergeant lovely of g enjoyed the distinction of eating twenty-four mangoes in one day, much to the horror of the surgeons when they heard of it, but with no bad results to him. it was while we were on "misery hill" that "dido" hunt achieved added fame by his abilities as a butcher. gen. ludlow had a desire for beefsteak and had purchased a hungry looking cow from some cubans, private hunt as regimental butcher, being detailed to kill the animal. it was just before dusk, one evening, when the cow was led forth to the slaughter and "dido," armed with a revolver, got ready to act as executioner. he fired again and again at the cow, the animal after each shot, looking about in a surprised manner as if wondering what the racket was all about. finally one of the bullets hit the cow somewhere, and with a bellow of pain and fright, she ran off and disappeared in the darkness, leaving private hunt and the man who had been holding the rope gazing at each other. gen. ludlow had no steak that evening and the fate of the cow was never learned although there were rumors that the animal had ended her career in the camp of one of the regular regiments, the men of which had a fresh meat supper that night. a "commissary" had been established near siboney by some enterprising sutlers, and the company officers were enabled to purchase some tea, oatmeal, etc., for their men. these were especially valuable, as several had succumbed to the climate and the toil and exposure of the campaign, and the hardtack and bacon were not the best kind of food for them. about this time, too, we were threatened with an outbreak of measles, but the cases were promptly isolated and the disease did not spread. chapter xiv. we continue our education in the art of war and learn a few things. our stay on "misery hill" lasted just seven days and in that time we learned a few things, the art of trench digging without intrenching tools, standing out in our memory as one most important lesson. we learned how to sleep on a side hill without our bodies slipping entirely out from the shelter tents during our slumbers, this being accomplished by the simple means of driving a couple of pegs into the ground at the opening of the tent and placing a stick against them, our feet resting against the stick and preventing us going any further. we acquired the art of making cigarettes and of using anything at all in the paper line to roll them in. the inner pith of the royal palm came in handily for this purpose when our supply of cigarette paper gave out. we learned how to make one match light several pipes or cigarettes, for matches were scarce and therefore not to be wasted. we learned how to make the brook water passably cool in our canteens, by thoroughly soaking the canvass covering of the canteen and then suspending it from a tree or tent pole, the evaporation of the moisture of the cover slowly cooling the contents. at night the canteens were hung from the tent poles and in the morning the water was usually quite cool. later on long branches of bamboo were used as water vessels and one trip to the brook usually sufficed for the day. in the building of "shacks" by which the regulars who had served in the west designated about everything in the way of a shelter from the sun or rain, we obtained lessons from our friends of the th and d. a couple of crotched sticks across which was laid a center pole formed the usual frame work of the structure and the roof and sides were composed of bushes or palm leaves. these were more airy than our tents and more comfortable except when it rained heavily. also, we learned to do without stockings, the fact being that the bulk of our hosiery was either worn out or thrown away, and we took a card from the regulars and discarded such things in the line thereof, greasing our feet with the luscious "sow belly." in laundry work we became expert. "jim" ryan's steam laundry had long since gone into voluntary bankruptcy, and every man was his own laundryman. insect enemies began to appear, and obtained a lodgment in spite of strenuous efforts. soap was scarce and there were times when water was not the easiest thing in the world to get. our sleeping arrangements were primitive, the usual method of arranging them being to place the rubber blanket on the ground with the coated side down, on this place the woolen blanket and wrapping this about us, go to sleep. our coats, or shoes, or anything else suitable, being utilized for pillows. while on "misery hill" many of the boys cut grass and utilized it as mattresses, but we could not do this on our short bivouacs. as to cooking, we were "stars." that is when there was anything to cook. on these occasions our culinary preparations were delightfully simple and even chafing-dish outfits would have to bow to our superior ingenuity. our cooking apparatus required a small fire of wood, and the utensils were all carried in our haversacks. they were a combined frying pan and plate of tin, the former having a handle, a sharp pointed knife, fork and spoon. the basis of our menu was especially noticeable for its simplicity, the staples being bacon, hardtack, canned tomatoes and coffee. sometimes we had sugar and more times we didn't. occasionally we had a bit of salt or pepper and on these rare occasions there was joy, for then we were enabled to make the stuff labelled "canned roast beef" palatable enough so that it could be forced down our throats. at other times, ugh! if the devil hasn't a special corner in the hot room of his turkish bath reserved for those responsible for that "canned roast beef," he isn't "onto his job." even with such simple means we managed to vary the menus a bit at times. our usual breakfast was bacon and hardtack and coffee. the bacon was usually without a bit of lean and after frying for a moment or two the pan was about half-filled with fat, leaving a shrivelled up and brittle piece of so-called bacon. but it was eaten just the same, our stomachs having been educated up to anything. sometimes we fried our hardtack in the bacon grease and these with black coffee, sometimes without sugar, made up our breakfast. thanks to a beneficent government we had coffee about all the time, if we had nothing else. it came to us in the berry, in paper packages, and our chief concern as to coffee was how to grind or pulverize it. usually this was done by the simple but slow process of putting a few berries in our tin cups and pounding them with a stick or tent pole until they were broken enough to steep. then the cup was filled with water and placed in the fire until the coffee boiled when the cup was taken out by means of a cleft stick or a bayonet and laid aside to cool sufficiently to drink. there was plenty of barbed wire everywhere and by means of the wire cutters rude grates were made on which the tin cup was placed. for dinner the bill of fare and the method of preparing it was about the same, likewise for supper. sometimes, when we had canned tomatoes we made "sludge," a simple confection of tomatoes and broken hardtack, with at times a few "strings" of the corned beef thrown in to give it, not taste, but more body. this "beef" was also used to form the groundwork for an imitation stew, the only resemblance to stew being the name, for it was without onions or potatoes. then we made "santiago sludge cakes," composed of pulverized hardtack and water, the mixture being patted into cakes and fried in bacon grease. sometimes a bit of sugar was sprinkled over them, and we deluded ourselves into the belief that we were eating something very fine. another method of preparing this delicacy was to mix in some canned tomato. mango stew we had at times, but not often, as sugar was scarce. gout might fairly have been expected as the result of this high living, (we were camped on a hill,) but, strange to say, no cases were reported, and even dyspepsia was unknown. our regular hours doubtless aided us in keeping off these two diseases. we were aroused by reveille very early in the morning, usually about dawn and retired early in the evening. it grew dark about o'clock and by that time everyone but the sentries was in quarters and usually asleep. the personal appearance of our officers and men was not as prepossessing as it might have been. coats and collars were not _de rigeur_ and the only headgear was very "bum" looking campaign hats. usually our blue shirts were open at the neck and a blue handkerchief carelessly knotted _a la_ cow boy was our only ornament. suspenders were viewed with suspicion and the cartridge belts, with their thimbles filled with ammunition, served also the purpose of keeping our trousers up. these trousers were showing the wear and tear of the campaign, and needed pressing badly, being also used for pajamas. our leggings were mostly torn and frayed, and went well with the trousers so far as looks were concerned, as for shoes, they too had seen better days. barbers were at a discount and full beards were popular, the most noticeable ones in the three springfield companies being those of lieuts. powers and parkhurst of k, and sergeants scully and murphy of g, although gardella's was not far behind. in k "bert" nichols and "ad" potter had trained down so fine that their bodies failed to cast a shadow, and "billy" fish had got down to less than pounds. the beard possessed by morris grenowitz of b was nearly all that remained of him and jack fulton was travelling in the same road. alberts of b was having a good time with the horses and the chaplain, and in k the turner brothers were having hourly arguments with each other on the relative nutritious qualities of canned roast and corned beef. "wap" packard of g was busy figuring how many men were by his brother's side when he was shot, and had already counted up with several more districts to hear from, and "jim" shene of the same company was planning foraging expeditions with private mahoney of mittineague. "batty" hayes had secured a divorce from "marguerite" gelinas and was busy trying to keep the case out of the papers. so the days passed on "misery hill" until noon of the th, when we were ordered to move on, once more to the right, and we left our fine trenches only to have them occupied by the st new york, the "heroes" of san juan. we halted after a couple of hours, there being some trenches dug by garcia's cubans, and occupied them at o'clock when our batteries opened upon santiago. the affair lasted until , but the enemy's reply was not very loud and we did not get a chance to use our springfields. next morning we were on the march again, and this time it lasted about all day, up hill and down hill, until just before dusk we halted for the night with the right of our brigade resting on the cobre road, thus cutting off the last avenue of escape from the city for the spaniards, and the only way by which reinforcements from holguin or the rest of the province could be put into the city. rumors that a large spanish force was on the way, made us vigilant and our guards were instructed to keep the sharpest kind of a watch, but as events proved, it was not necessary. hardly had the boys got their tents up and their supper cooked, before the mail came up, and such a rush as there was for it. we had received one mail from home while on "misery hill," and every man who failed to receive a letter then, was certain there was one or more for him now and could hardly wait to have the contents of the sacks distributed. that night we had to take off our hats to the cuban rain storm. hardly had the mail been distributed when it began to rain. up to this what rain there was had usually fallen in the afternoon and was not of long duration, but the rain of july th and th will be remembered by every one in the fifth army corps. it came down all night in solid sheets and our shelter tents and rubber blankets were of little use against it. when morning came everybody and everything was drenched, and a more forlorn looking outfit can hardly be imagined. about a. m., the rain ceased for an hour or two and as soon as possible huge fires of bamboo were blazing and the men essayed to dry themselves and their clothing and to cook breakfast. fortunately there was plenty of bamboo near our camp, and the wood burned as well wet as dry. but it was not long before down came the rain again just as bad as during the night, and to add to our discomfort, came orders to pack up and move on again. rolling up our saturated tents and blankets, and wet to the skin, we took up the march and after wading through the deep mud of the cobre road for a short distance, plunged into a trail which would take us to our new position and our last camp in cuba. but it was not long before we found that the trail led through a piece of swampy ground, and before they had gone far the boys found themselves up to their legging tops in mud and the ooze of the swamp. it took a long time to flounder along through this, but it was finally done and the regiment emerged upon firm ground, and was soon on the spot selected for its occupancy. all this time the rain kept on, and it was not until nearly p. m., that it ceased and the sun came out. meanwhile, the well soaked shelter tents had been put up and the men were either huddled under them and saying things about the wet season and cuba, or were standing about with their rubber blankets thrown over their heads. but with the coming of the sun there was a great change. its rays were so fierce that within half an hour there was scarcely any indication that it had been raining all night and all day, the ground dried up rapidly and so did the shelter tents. off came the rubber blankets from the men, and clothing and equipments were spread out to dry in the afternoon sun. wood was hustled for and with the blaze of the cooking fires and the smell of bacon and coffee cheerfulness returned. that evening the boys were put at work again digging trenches. up to this gen. toral had hesitated to respond to shafter's invitation to come out and surrender and the arrival of gen. miles having stiffened up the latter gentleman's backbone, some more trouble was looked for. our brigade was, as usual, on the extreme right of the american line and the th regiment lay directly opposite the head of the harbor, the d next and then "ours." right in front of our center and less than yards away was the bull ring of santiago, a circular wooden building filled with spanish soldiers, while in front of that we could see the trenches with the soldiers lounging about, and with a glass could discern the barbed wire fencing and entanglements in front of the trenches. our position was an exposed one, for from their position the enemy could have raked us front and flank, so at the trenches we went under the direction of major whipple. [illustration: private paul vesper, b. co. private john j. malone, b. co. sergeant richard h. bearse, b. co. ] by this time our regiment had been supplied with a fairly decent number of intrenching tools and the boys, appreciating the necessity for trenches, went at the work with but little grumbling. the trenches were dug on three sides of a square, one in front of each battalion, the work being done by each company in relays. major whipple's battalion now had the right, major fairbanks' the center and ours the left, so that it was in the rear of the other two. the work was continued to a late hour that night, and all the next day, and finished on the morning of the th. the trenches were even better than those dug on "misery hill" and were complimented by gen. ludlow, who was a colonel of engineers before he became a general of volunteers. not to be behind hand the non-commissioned staff of the regiment and the headquarters attaches dug a trench for themselves and the regiment was ready for the next move. twelve o'clock at noon of the th was the hour set for the ending of the truce, and at . a. m. we were ordered into the trenches. everyone felt there was going to be a hard fight this time, for it was considered certain that the enemy would make a determined resistance and our estimate of spanish valor had gone up many degrees since el caney. it was known that an assault by the americans was to follow the bombardment and those who had noted the enemy's preparations for defense knew that we were in for a warm reception and that if we charged up to the barbed wire entanglements and the trenches many would not return. but that made little difference and we took our position in the trenches and waited for the opening gun from capron's battery, posted on a hill in our rear. the horses and the chaplain had gone to the rear and the surgeons and hospital corps were posted in readiness for what might happen. hardly had we got into the trenches when the buzzards began to gather, and this to us was a certain indication of a battle. noon came and the white flag of truce still waved from the governor's palace and the signal gun was not fired. half after and no change. we wondered what was up. nothing much could be seen from the trenches and nearly all of the boys climbed to the top and sat down with eager eyes fastened upon the city we were going to capture. one o'clock and the white flag still floated. now came the "jo jo" department to the front once again, and the news ran from trench to trench, that shafter had postponed the assault and given the spaniards a few days more in which to make up their mind. following this came the information that gen. toral was merely trying to gain time in order that , spanish troops which were coming up, might attack us in the rear while toral's men sallied out in our front. and then down came the rain in large and continuous sheets, soon flooding the trenches and making us forget the impending battle, "jo jo's," and everything else but the necessity of keeping as dry as possible. the rain lasted for an hour and a half, filling our lovely trenches with water and putting them in nice shape for a battle. but hardly had the sun reappeared before we saw a horseman clad in the khaki uniform of shafter's staff galloping along the lines toward us and in his wake we saw the hats of the men in the trenches being thrown into the air, and the wearers dancing as if some extra good news had come. reining up in front of the center trench where col. clark was, the horseman gave him the welcome news that the city had surrendered, and as the constantly increasing knot of officers and men who had got within earshot, began to get ready for a vocal demonstration, the aide added, "orders are not to cheer, boys, for the deal isn't quite fixed up, but you can throw your hats into the air all you wish." well, the boys, followed instructions and the hats went up, while the aide dashed over to the th and d with the news. and it was good news. it meant no more trench digging, no more marching, no more fighting, and last but not least, as some of our long headed and practical ones figured it out, it meant more and varied rations, for now our ships could come into the harbor. the trenches were quickly emptied and we returned to our shacks in pretty good spirits. it was not until three days after, on sunday the th, that the formal surrender took place. the troops were assembled in front of their trenches, and as the gun announcing the hoisting of our flag over the governor's palace, boomed out, we cheered, and then marched back only to be formed in front of col. clark's quarters, where certain men were given a "wigging" which they remembered for a long time. since the th our men had been allowed to go freely outside our lines, and although not permitted to go into the city proper, yet they found some interesting things in the suburbs. one of these was the cemetery and some regulars and a number of second men had gone there and thoughtlessly taken some flowers and trinkets from some graves. this desecration had been reported by the spaniards to gen. shafter and the latter "wigged" gen. lawton about it, lawton repeating the operation to gen. ludlow and the latter giving col. clark and the commanding officer of the d a bad quarter of an hour. so when it came his turn, col. clark let himself out on the men, and his remarks were of the keen and cutting style which makes a man feel good when he hears some other fellow getting them. this concluded the exercises of the day and we were dismissed to think it over. next day the "jo jo" bureau resumed operations and we heard "on the best of authority," of course, that we were to be hustled on to porto rico with gen. miles. next came the news that our brigade, having done so well was to be sent against holguin in the interior of the province where there were some spanish troops, who had been surrendered with those in santiago but did not like it and proposed to fight. within the next few days it was gravely announced by the "jo jo," that we were going to be sent to the philippines, as experienced and acclimated troops were wanted there; that we were to be sent to help capture havana, marching from santiago for that purpose, and best of all, that unless spain sued for peace within a week, we were to embark for that country and invade it. as to the "jo jos" about double pay, the receipt by each man of a lump sum of money in consideration of waiving our claims to a pension, etc., they were numerous and varied enough to fill a large book. in its "jo jo" bureau the second had some distinguished artists. but the most convincing sign of all that the city had surrendered, was the arrival of rations, and they were gladly received. for a day or two it was the familiar bacon and hardtack, but soon we were surprised and gladdened by the sound of mule wagons coming up the road from the city and laden with good looking loaves of soft bread. we then found that army ovens had been established in the city and that we would have bread in abundance. next came some refrigerated beef, and it looked good and tasted better. our first issue of the beef was quickly disposed of, each man's share being taken to the nearest fire and a "bluff" made at broiling it, the majority of the men being too "meat hungry" to do more than merely toast it. that first "beefsteak supper" of ours on the island is remembered yet. next day came more beef, more bread and finally potatoes and onions, while with them were brought along rice and canned tomatoes and bacon and hardtack. the two latter we scorned. eat hardtack and canned beef when we had fresh bread and meat and the materials for beef stew? well, we guessed not. but it turned out we were too proud. there came days when the refrigerated beef became less relished, especially when our noses could learn of its being on the way long before it reached the camp, and we were glad to fall back on the despised, "sowbelly," and by this time in deference to our luxurious tastes, the conscience stricken commissary department was sending us something that resembled bacon far more than anything we had previously had, and that came in nice tin packages. even the soft bread palled on us after a while, and we were glad to nibble a hardtack now and then, especially, when as sometimes happened the bread was sour. a few days after the surrender, b company was gladdened by the arrival of its cook, walter butler, who had remained on the ship and who, on his arrival, took charge of the culinary department and began to concoct some excellent stews. the buzzicot field-cooking outfits, which we had brought from massachusetts with us, were also landed, and that of g was at once set up with private carl mueller as cook and corporal "nat" gardella and "dido" hunt as steward and assistant steward, and "daniel" bellamy, the well-known temperance orator, as chief of the wood and water department. private fisher, the company cook of k, was ill, and k's buzzicot was but little used. the day after our arrival in this camp, private bates of k severely injured his foot while chopping wood, the axe slipping and severing one of the arteries. he was laid up for some days. g and k moved their camps to the other side of the trenches about the th, but b remained where it was. the wall tents which we brought with us from south framingham and used at lakeland and tampa, also came up, and at once took the place of the "pup tents" we had used on the island. our knapsacks and other property which we left on the knickerbocker were also sent to us and we found that some of our things were left, although many knapsacks which had been left well filled, on the boat, had been "touched." once again we began to have the same old shortage of rations, and this time with our ships in the harbor we couldn't understand it. one day we received two hardtack and a spoonful of coffee berries for a twenty-four hours issue. we were out of fresh meat, sugar and everything else, but this only lasted a couple of days and then we got fresh meat, vegetables and beans. chapter xv. we have to face another enemy more deadly than the spaniards. and now that the spaniards had been conquered and santiago was ours we found ourselves facing another enemy even more deadly than the mauser bullets or the machete. up to the surrender the health of our regiment, everything considered, had been fairly good. sickness there was to be sure, but nothing more than was to be expected in a regiment of men subjected to the exposures and hardships incidental to a campaign in a foreign land, and these exposures supplemented by a ration, which even when plentiful, which was not often, was entirely unfitted for soldiers campaigning in a warm climate. again it must be remembered that our work in cuba was performed in the rainy season and that sleeping in mud, marching and bivouacking in the rain and fording deep streams are not conducive to rugged health when persisted in day after day. but so long as the active campaign lasted, the excitement and novelty of it all kept the men up. after the surrender, when there was little or nothing for them to do, they were in condition to fall an easy prey to the "calentura" or malarial fever, and to the diseases of the stomach incident to camp life with a poorly adapted ration. fat bacon and canned beans, containing fully as much grease as beans, are not the kind of food the sensible man going to spend a time in the tropics would select for his menu, but that is what we got and it was eat it or nothing. during the active campaign many men of the regiment were ill from one cause or another, but as a matter of fact, there was nothing like a general outbreak of sickness at any time until some days after the surrender. a number of the men contracted rheumatism from sleeping on the damp ground and there were scattered cases of measles and stomach disorders. but the average daily sick report never went much beyond a dozen cases, which it must be admitted is not bad for an organization of nearly men living under the conditions which we did. for the first few days after santiago surrendered all went well. there were propositions to move the troops further inland and up into the mountains with a view of escaping any possibility of the dreaded yellow fever which was showing itself at siboney, the houses of which village had been burned to the ground in order to remove the danger of infection, but the contemplated move was not made and we remained in our last station until the regiment sailed for montauk point. on the day after the surrender col. clark issued orders for daily company drills and inspections with a view of giving the men something to do, he recognizing, as an old soldier, that idleness is the worst possible thing in camp. he and his superiors realized, however, that the army had passed through a most trying, though short campaign, and that the men deserved a rest, but at the same time there were already warnings that the less active the men were, the easier they fell prey to the climatic diseases of the country. even after we had been in our last camp for a few days, there were signs that the fever was at work and with our limited supply of medicines, it was feared that it might become epidemic. that these fears were only too well grounded was soon to be made manifest. [illustration: corp'l thos. c. boon. k. co. pvt. j. l. morehouse. k. co. private michael r. lyons. k. co. musician frank p. jones. k. co. corp'l w. c. piper. k. co. pvt. arthur burnham. k. co. ] the day following the surrender, col. clark and major bowen, the regimental surgeon, established a hospital in an old and dilapidated wooden building a couple of hundred yards in front of our advanced line of trenches and which had been used as a railway station. it was in poor shape, the roof being partly gone and the flooring bad, but it was better than leaving the sick men in their stuffy little shelter tents or out in the open air. the division hospitals were already overcrowded with wounded and sick men and the regimental commanders were notified that they would have to care for their own sick as best they could. even as bad as the building selected for our hospital was, it was looked upon with envy by the commanding officers of other regiments and it was even suggested to col. clark that he divide it up with the other regiments of our brigade. whether it was the camping along the line of the recently made trenches, the earth of which was said to be full of malarial germs, or that the fever was already in the air that caused the epidemic among our men is not certain, but within a day or two after the sunday on which the stars and stripes were hoisted over the city the fever began its career in our regiment and in a few days over fifty per cent. of the officers and men were affected with it. the daily drills soon had to be discontinued, for hardly enough men to make a decent showing were able to turn out for them in the majority of the companies. it was the same way at the daily inspections. frequently a man standing in the ranks would fall down in his tracks from sheer weakness and would have to be carried to his tent by his comrades. soon there was no pretence of conforming to the orders requiring these drills and inspections and the men, who were able to move at all, did so as if their feet were encased in lead. at surgeon's call every morning there were sights which were enough to appall the stoutest hearted among us. it was directly after reveille that this call was sounded, and then from all parts of the camp dreary processions of what had been strong and hearty looking young men, would drag themselves slowly to the surgeon's tent and stand or lie on the ground waiting for their turn to be treated. and it must be said that the treatment was not of a sort calculated to cheer them up. the only medicines on hand were quinine and salts and a preparation for stomach disorders. of quinine there was a plenty, but after a time the systems of the men, in many cases, became so saturated with it that even doses of thirty grains or more produced but little effect. and what hurt the boys more than the fever or anything else was the feeling, right or wrong as it may have been, that we of the fifth army corps, who had done our work uncomplainingly, and done it well, were being neglected by the government whose call we had obeyed among the first. it was known that our state had sent us away from south framingham with a medicine chest second to none in the army, and that this chest was even now on board of one of the transports in the harbor, but for all practical uses, as far off as the north pole. some of us knew that requisition after requisition for medical supplies had been sent in by our surgeon and had not been honored, that in spite of all our surgeons and stewards could do it was next to an impossibility to obtain an ambulance, and that we were even denied the services of one of our assistant surgeons, dr. gates having been detailed to the fourth infantry, which was at that time without a medical officer. all these things helped the fever. depression was its best ally, and then came nostalgia, the homesickness which men who have never experienced sneer at, but which is the bane of armies, and which in the cuban campaign helped kill more men than the bullets of the spaniards. for nurses for the sick there were only their comrades, willing enough god knows, but unaccustomed to the work, and with their own nerves and tempers wrought up to a high pitch. with lack of surgeons, lack of medicines, lack of nurses, lack of proper food, lack of proper accommodations and lack of everything that sick men should have, it is a wonder that the entire regiment was not left behind to fill graves in cuba. but even a more pitiful sight than the men who answered the surgeon's call every morning had to witness, was the spectacle of the poor fellows who were unable to get up from their beds on the ground, and who lay there day after day under the stuffy tents, their bodies burning up with the fever, too weak or too despairing to even accept the poor nourishment which their comrades tried to get for them, and in some cases so far gone with nostalgia that they refused everything and only wished for death. it is a known fact that fifty per cent. of the men of the second who died in that last camp of ours in cuba, died of nostalgia and nothing else. meanwhile, everything that could be done with the limited resources at command, was being done. the company commanders sent into santiago and bought at the commissary stores, such decent food for sick men as could be procured, and through the efforts of col. clark, some suitable food and delicacies were obtained from the red cross society. the colonel also purchased, at his own expense, a number of cots and hammocks for the regimental hospital. it was indeed a trying time. officer after officer and man after man went down with the fever. adjutant paul r. hawkins was hard hit with it and was finally removed to the second division hospital. major henry c. bowen, the regimental surgeon, also succumbed and was taken to the same hospital where he died. quartermaster e. e. sawtell was another victim but did not go to the hospital. captain john j. leonard of g, was stricken and for long days fought the disease in his quarters, and lieut. edward j. leyden of his company was taken to the hospital. lieut. w. l. young and lieut. harry j. vesper of b were attacked, the former not seriously, however. there were but few men in any of the companies fit for duty and it was difficult to get enough men for the necessary details. the drills were given up for not enough men to make a decent showing were fit to turn out and it was with difficulty that enough men for regimental and brigade guard were provided. some necessary work had to be done and from brigade and division headquarters details were constantly being asked for and every man able to stand on his feet had to be pressed into service. the officers, during this trying time, did all in their power for their men, but it was not much they were able to do and the men felt at the time, that they should have done more. in this they were unjust, for the officers were suffering as much as the men, and the latter have since come to realize that many of the opinions expressed at this time and later, on this subject, were unjust. the fever and the other diseases spared no one, whether he wore shoulder straps or not. dr. hitchcock, our assistant surgeon, succumbed to the fever, and was taken to the division hospital and the surgeon, dr. bowen, soon followed him there. this left us without a medical officer, and for two or three days the outlook for the sick men of the second was a dark one. but we were then provided with two contract surgeons, dr. persons and dr. dunwoody, and both proved themselves excellent gentlemen and hard workers. soon after their arrival, dr. gates, our other assistant surgeon, who had been detailed to the fourth infantry, was sent back to us, and his presence was as good as a tonic to the sick men. his cheery smile and sympathetic ways were even better than his medicines, and for a time, after his return, the health of the command appeared to improve. meanwhile, the famous "round robin" had been sent, and its result was that the fifth corps was ordered to return home as soon as transports could be procured. from then until august the thoughts of the men were concentrated upon the time we were to go home. meanwhile, the men who escaped the fever and other diseases, were doing all possible for their comrades. the company officers, finding that idleness at this time was the worst possible thing for the men who were at all able to get about, set them at work, and though this seemed at the time a hardship to the men, it turned out to be the best thing that could be done, for it not only served to keep them in better shape physically but helped to keep their minds occupied and prevented them from dwelling too much upon the gloomy situation in the camps and from thinking too much of home. they were encouraged and in most cases ordered to build raised bunks for themselves, these serving to keep their bodies off the ground while sleeping, and to erect shelters of boughs and palm leaves instead of remaining in their shelter tents. when the big wall tents arrived there was no further need of these "shacks" but they served a useful purpose even if not handsome looking. it was not long after the surrender that we began to get large packages of mail, including the springfield papers and it is hardly necessary to say that they were welcome. in these papers we found stories of the campaign and of the part the second had played in the actions at el caney and san juan. many of the letters the boys had written from tampa and cuba had been printed and in the reading of these there was much fun. we learned from the papers of the big fourth of july celebration that had been planned in springfield, and how it had been given up when the news of el caney and the rumors of heavy loss in "ours" reached home. and we received the fourth of july buttons which had been made in honor of that occasion and proudly wore them about the camp to the envy of some of the other companies of the regiment. it did us some good to know that we had not been entirely forgotten. and sometimes in the mails there were packages for us, sent by loving friends from home and welcome, whether they contained much or little. the arrival of the mail was an event in those days. sometimes all that there was could be brought from santiago on the back of one horse, but there were times when one of the two wheeled carretas was necessary to transport it. the array of bags would be dumped off in front of the office tent of the regiment and then the work of sorting out the contents would begin. that destined for each company having been piled up, there were usually enough men waiting to take it away, and for the next few hours the men would read their letters and papers and exchange news. the arrival of the mail was invariably followed by a time of letter writing and the return mail was sometimes nearly as heavy as that which had come in. as time went on the fever appeared to be wearing itself out and some of those who had it began to recover slowly until they were able to drag themselves around. for days there was a feeling that the worst was over, and this feeling was especially strong in our battalion, which, by the way, had not as yet been as hard hit by the fever as some of the other sections of the regiment. but then came the yellow fever scare and the deaths of one or two of our men and these resulted in a return of the old depression and consequently the sickness. quartermaster sergeant richard h. bearse of b, was the first man of the springfield companies to succumb to the fever and the nostalgia which accompanied it. he was taken sick soon after the surrender, but kept up and about for some time, as he had all through the campaign. but he went down at last and the end came on rapidly. he died on august st, and there was not a man in the regiment more regretted for all who ever knew "dicky" bearse, loved him. the second man to go, in the battalion, was corporal w. c. piper of k, who died in the division hospital, august th, of pernicious malarial fever. he had been taken there only the day before and his comrades were horror stricken when notified of his death. the day following a detail from his company was sent to the hospital and buried him. private paul vesper of b, died the th, from the same cause as piper, in the division hospital. it was a day or two afterwards that we heard of the famous "round robin" and its result. the thought of soon sailing for home did much to cheer us up and we began to make what few preparations we had to make, although there was as yet nothing authentic about our going. but on the th col. clark received orders to be ready to embark on short notice and the news spread like wildfire through our camp. our working suits which we had worn all through the campaign, and our blankets and haversacks were ordered burned and in place of them we were issued the khaki uniforms of yellow with blue facings. a few days before col. john f. marsh, of springfield, had arrived, and brought with him several boxes of good things sent by the people of springfield. the time was so short that many of the boxes were unopened and were taken to the ship when we sailed. nearly all their contents were looted, however, during our trip to montauk point. august th we received orders to embark the following day, and on the th those of the regiment able to march, fell in, and we "hiked the pike" for santiago. with flags flying we marched through the calle de marina, or marine street, and after a short wait on a pier, were put on a lighter and taken off to the transport mobile, already occupied by the other two regiments of our brigade and a number of horses. the sick officers and men were sent to the pier in ambulances and those able to walk not only had to do that, but were also obliged to handle all the baggage, a job that would have been child's play at other times, but which in our debilitated condition was a task almost beyond our strength. col. clark had been attacked with the fever that morning and was unable to do anything. lieut. col. shumway was so ill as to be unfit for duty but he stuck it out and did what he could. lieut. hawkins and lieut. leyden were brought down from the division hospital and lieut. vesper was brought down from his tent in our camp by captain crosier of d. company. meanwhile there were a number of our men sick in their quarters or in the hospitals who could not be moved to the ship, besides others who had been spotted as "suspicious" cases by the surgeons on the day previous, and ordered to remain behind, it being feared that they were in the first stages of yellow fever. it was necessary that some remain behind to care for these poor fellows, but who to detail to this hard duty was a problem which col. clark finally solved by detailing lieut. w. h. plummer of a company of worcester, and a detail of one man from each company in the regiment to remain. private dozilva lamoreaux of g, private robert a. draper of b and private albert marsden of k volunteered to compose this detail from our companies, and their sacrifices in doing this will not be forgotten by their comrades. privates little, stetson, brownell and dunn of g company, corporal john b. fulton, and privates judd, rivers, champagne, smith, wheeler and frey of b company, and privates maynard, solace and hall of k were left behind on the island, either sick or as yellow fever suspects when the regiment was ordered home. [illustration: st turret's crew. monitor lehigh.] chapter xvi. our voyage homeward on the death ship mobile. our voyage homeward on the mobile was not exactly a pleasant one. at the very outset we again found that in army language we were "up against it." our entire brigade, composing some officers and men, were on the boat, which although large, was not fitted up in very good shape for transport service and as a result there was at first much overcrowding. the mobile had recently conveyed a cargo of mules to porto rico and on her return from that duty had lain for several days in the festering harbor of santiago so that her sanitary condition could not be termed an ideal one. the officers were crowded together in her few staterooms and as for the men they were jammed below decks and above decks in any old way. the eighth and twenty-second regiments had been on board some time before our regiment arrived and of course had appropriated the best portions of the ship to themselves, something for which they could not be blamed so very much. that evening we of the second just simply "bunked" anywhere we could and as a rule we went to bed supperless, for everything was in such a mixed up condition there was no effort made at giving out rations. and on our arrival we found that we were to pass another time with our old friends, the canned "beef" and the nourishing and palatable (!) travel rations. after bidding them farewell, as we thought, forever, this was felt to be the worst blow we had yet suffered but there was no use "kicking" and we made the best of it. fortunately or unfortunately, as one looks at it, the majority of the men had money enough to purchase quantities of canned fruits and delicacies before they left santiago and these helped us out to some extent. what we at first thought was a blessing but which afterward turned out to be the reverse was the presence of a large tank of ice water below decks to which we freely helped ourselves and with evil effect upon some of the men who developed dysentery from indulging too freely in the cold liquid. after a day or two the ice water was shut off from the men, and they were compelled to drink the regular ship's water. there was any amount of grumbling at this but it was the best thing to be done under the circumstances. we remained in the harbor the night of the th and early on the th, our old "hoodoo" number being with us again, the mobile swung her nose around and steamed down the harbor. every man able to be up was on deck as we started out and realized that we were homeward bound at last. there were mighty few regrets expressed at leaving cuba and our chief concern now was to reach home as quickly as possible. it was known that our destination was montauk point, l. i., and beyond that our information was a trifle hazy. passing down the harbor we came to the merrimac as she lay about where hobson had sunk her and we could see that she was not of much avail in stopping the channel. a little further we passed the wreck of the reina mercedes as she lay where the shells from our warships had put her out of business and just a little distance further along we passed out under the frowning walls and grim looking guns of castle morro, over which our flag was now floating. on the other side of the harbor entrance was an unimportant looking sand battery, but it was from it that the spanish guns did their most effective work against our fleet. one turn more and we were out of the harbor and again on the bounding billows. this day quarters were assigned the various companies of our regiment below decks. the men were supplied with hammocks and as these had to be slung close together and the men were just a bit unfamiliar with their management there were many tumbles out of bed that night. we found the sleeping accommodations on the mobile superb. if you say that word "superb" quick it sounds well and that's the way we said it. a number of the men were obliged to sleep on deck and under a covering of loose planks and as it happened to rain two or three nights in succession, they did not like their sleeping quarters any too well. the steward of the mobile was an englishman, like all her officers, and he was a direct descendant of thieves and inherited all their instincts of robbery. he thought nothing of charging $ for a half-pint of vile liquor and his prices for anything else he could sell were in proportion. he contracted with some of the company commanders to furnish a number of loaves of bread each day for the men but the loaves turned out to be nothing more than biscuits and the prices asked were so exorbitant that a complaint was made to the captain of the ship and the steward was compelled to make restitution. one of the first incidents of our passage homeward was the stopping of the mobile by a united states gunboat on our second evening out from santiago harbor. it seems that the mobile was not showing just the proper lights and the gunboat steamed close to her to investigate, firing a blank charge across her bows as a signal to stop. the mobile stopped. then after a brief colloquy between the little gunboat and the big mobile the latter was allowed to proceed. it should be said, however, that when the officers and crew of the gunboat ascertained that the second massachusetts was on board they gave us three hearty cheers. life on board the mobile was not a bit more luxurious than it had been on the knickerbocker or in cuba. we had the same old travel rations and no means of cooking them. after the first day out an arrangement was made whereby walter butler, the cook for b company, was to have the use of the crew's galley to make coffee for the three springfield companies. walter did as well as he could under difficulties but ofttimes the water used in making the coffee was so poor in quality that the concoction was not exactly palatable. but it was better than ship's water. the men messed as best they could. the officers had their meals in the dining saloon, paying $ a day for them and they were not over luxurious. neither were their quarters, for with the entire brigade on board the staterooms were insufficient to accommodate them all and they were forced to double up and in some instances three officers were assigned to one room and forced to "bunk" as best they could. many of the officers and men were just out of hospitals, and for them the voyage was a harder trial than those who were officially in good health. the ship's hospital was established on the aft deck and was protected from the elements only by canvas awnings and during the two or three times it rained during the voyage the sick men were drenched as they lay in their cots or hammocks. surgeon gates and dr. piersons, the contract surgeons who had done so much for our regiment in front of santiago, were indefatigable in their attendance upon our sick and so were the hospital stewards, but the medical supplies were as usual insufficient and the accommodations entirely inadequate. two men were detailed each day to assist in caring for the sick men from their companies and while of course they meant to do all they could for their comrades their performance very often fell far short of their intentions. naturally the sick men were often peevish and troublesome and it cannot be said that the lot of the attendants was a very pleasant one. on our second day out occurred the first death in the regiment, sergeant harold b. wentworth of c company, who had been ill with typhoid fever and malaria. his body was buried at sea a few hours after death and the sad event was the first of a series during the voyage. private george higgins of f company was the next victim, his death occuring on the th. august th was a black day for the second. at . that morning second lieut. harry j. vesper of b company died after a long illness, with gastritis and malaria. he was a very sick man when brought on board but was nursed and cared for as tenderly as possible during the voyage. private james ryan of b was detailed as his attendant and was constantly with him, but even the best of care could not have saved him. the same day his body, wrapped in the folds of the american flag, was lowered into the deep, the mobile being hove to for the purpose. the band of the d regiment played appropriate airs and chaplain wellwood of the second conducted the services. the burial was nearly off cape hatteras. lieut. vesper, who was one of the most popular officers of the regiment, met his fate bravely and died in merciful ignorance of the fact that his brother, private paul vesper of b company, had died a few days before the regiment left cuba. at that time lieut. vesper was ill in the division hospital and it was deemed best to keep the knowledge of his brother's fate from him. on this same day another b company man, wagoner paul j. kingston, answered his final roll call, dying in the afternoon. privates earle c. clark of h company and franklin w. manning of m company, made up the death roll for the day and their bodies were given to the sea. on the th privates charles h. cranston and henry c. collins, both of i company of northampton, died and on the th just before we landed at montauk point sergeant ryder of e company passed away. on the voyage from santiago to montauk our regiment lost ten, one officer and nine men, and it is no wonder that the mobile was referred to as a "death ship." it is no wonder either, under these circumstances, that the men became depressed. cooped up in an ill-smelling hold during the night, fed on unsuitable food and seeing the bodies of their comrades cast overboard day after day it was not strange that they became blue. but happily the voyage did not last long for on the afternoon of the th we sighted montauk point and knew that in a day or two we would be on good united states soil once more. it was night when the mobile cast anchor and early the next morning she was towed into what we supposed was quarantine. we passed several steamers with the yellow quarantine flag hoisted at their sterns and after a while the mobile anchored and some quarantine officers came aboard and inspected the passengers and crew. fortunately this ceremony did not last long and when it was over the mobile was brought alongside a wharf as we in our innocence supposed to allow us to land. but as it happened we were not to land that day. on the wharf were sentries and those of "ours" who happened to get as far as the wharf were at once driven back. neither was any one allowed at first to come aboard. as we swung in the stream before the mobile got to the wharf a small boat containing some springfield newspaper men attempted to get within reach of the mobile, but she was ordered away and at the wharf it was some time before anybody was allowed to come aboard the mobile. the first springfield man we saw was dr. david clark, the surgeon for years of the second while it was in the militia service. he finally came on board and was at once surrounded by the men of the three springfield companies so that it was some little time before he made his way to the quarterdeck, where col. clark and the officers were awaiting him. he brought plenty of news for us and much information concerning montauk point and the arrangement of the camps there. at the same time came aboard baskets of sandwiches and fruit which dr. clark had provided. thanks to the kindness of dr. clark many messages were sent from the ship to the anxious ones at home announcing the safe arrival of the mobile and that the senders were well. it was not until the next day that we were allowed to land and it was a sad spectacle to watch the disembarkation of the gallant second from the ship. the men who were able to walk got down the steep gang plank in some kind of order and after an attempt at regimental formation, marched up to the quarantine camp, a distance of some two and a half miles, over the very roughest kind of a road. the sick were transported in mule wagons and they did not find the ride a very pleasant one. on arrival at the camp it was found all laid out with large wall tents arranged in company streets and the majority of the tents equipped with board floors, a luxury we had not experienced for many moons. rough sinks had been made in rear of the company streets and supplies of soft bread, fruits and milk were waiting for us. a number of the sick officers and men were taken directly over to the hospitals and it began to look as if things might be half decent after all. chapter xvii we and our friends enjoy ourselves at camp wikoff, montauk point. from the beginning it was evident that our lines in camp wikoff were to be cast in more pleasant places than had been the case since we left lakeland in june. to be sure the detention camp was not an abode of princely luxury and there were shortcomings in plenty about it, but there was an honest effort to care for our comfort. there were but few of the officers and men in our regiment in good health and even the men who did not go to the hospitals were in bad shape physically, but the knowledge of the fact that we were on united states soil at last and that but a short time would elapse before we would be en route for home was better than medicine. then, too, there was the great improvement in our food, which was worth something, and there was the presence of our friends from springfield, including some who had made all manner of sacrifices and had endured toil, discomforts and trouble to get to us with help and cheer. no one can doubt but what it was the full intent of those in authority at washington to treat the returned soldiers from cuba in the best possible manner, but it is a matter of common knowledge that as a paving material for a certain warm place good intentions is the very best material yet devised by the arch enemy of mankind. the performance at montauk fell far short of the promise and this was aided by the over officiousness of some very young and very fresh officers who had no idea beyond the blind following of red tape regulations no matter what might happen. it was to these officers that the delay and vexatious troubles experienced by dr. david clark of springfield in his mission of mercy to us of the second can be attributed and others associated with him had to face the same difficulties. the story of how dr. clark, lieut. t. a. sweeney and others were "held up" at the mouth of the rapid fire guns of the converted yacht aileen by one lieut. rhodes, whose name is still cursed by every second regiment man, is still fresh in the minds of all of us and it was only when the presumptuous young officer was made to realize that he was not the only thing that ever happened that the supplies sent to us by loving hands in springfield reached us. there is the memory too of the long and weary hours dr. clark spent underneath the pier at montauk in order to remain inside the guard lines and be on hand to greet us when our ship came in. there are the memories of the good work done for us by our old surgeon when the second was a militia regiment, major brown of north adams, and of lieut. sweeney, e. s. bradford, p. h. quinn, charles lathrop as the representative of dr. d. j. brown, t. w. hyde, and last but by no means least of frank p. frost of springfield, who as the personal representative of henry s. lee, worked like a beaver day and night. the springfield newspaper men, too, should not be forgotten and the thanks of many a poor fellow are due to h. l. hines, g. h. atwood and frank lee of the _union_ and to h. k. regal of the _republican_ and t. w. burgess of the _homestead_ for many kindnesses and unfailing sympathy. the sad scenes attending the disembarkation of the second from the mobile will not be forgotten for many a day by those who witnessed or participated in them. a number of the sick men were taken off late in the afternoon of the th, but when dusk fell gen. young, the commander of the camp, refused to allow any more to be brought ashore until the next day. the next morning the exodus from the ship began at an early hour and continued until at last we were all ashore. first came the sick in a ghastly procession down the steep gang planks and into the ambulances which were to convey them to the hospitals and the sight of the poor fellows was pathetic in the extreme. the sick ashore, then came those able to walk or totter and these men, the majority of them wrecks of their once vigorous selves, dragged themselves to the pier laden down with their baggage and fell in for the march to the camp. those unable to walk were piled into mule wagons and the procession started. it was not a long march, but it was a fatiguing one for the men and they were glad when the big wall tents assigned to the second appeared. this was the "detention" camp for in the eyes of the medical officers we were still suspects even if we had passed quarantine, and we were to be isolated for five days. it was not a bad camp. the tents were new and clean and many of them were provided with board floors, a luxury that reminded us of our militia days at south framingham. it had been the intention of the war department to provide straw for us to sleep on but like many other intentions it was not fulfilled until secretary alger happened to visit the camp of the second and found no straw. then some came along in a hurry. there were cooking outfits, too, and the days of the canned roast beef and the other constituents of the palatable and nourishing (?) travel ration were numbered. in their place came the appetizing beef stew, the roast beef, soft bread and cool milk. there were also canned delicacies, and fruits, and tobacco in plenty. in fact, there were too many good things for some of the boys, as the hospital records attest. it is needless to say that the hospitals were filled. they were overcrowded, and that, too, in spite of the fact that additions were put on as fast as possible. the hospitals were of canvas but with raised floors and were equipped with cots. what the emotions of the sick boys were when they actually found themselves lying on a bed and between clean white sheets, and tended by kind and devoted nurses can be imagined. not only that but they were given plenty of nourishing food and medicine was in plenty. after the lack of everything of the hospitals in cuba the contrast was sharp, even though the montauk hospitals lacked some things. as for the nurses and the doctors there was nothing they were unwilling to do to help the sick. many of the nurses were sisters of charity or sisters of mercy, others were from the red cross society, others volunteers, but all were actuated by the same motives, and worked unremittingly to do all in their power for the boys. some of the doctors were army surgeons and others were contract surgeons, but all worked alike. then, too, there were any number of volunteer hospital assistants, all zealous to help us, some of them a little too much so, and it was a rare thing for the sick men in a hospital ward to lack for attention. diet kitchens were established and a system of looking after convalescent and furloughed soldiers was established. in this work the noble efforts of the massachusetts volunteer aid association was pre-eminent and there are none of us who will forget what its representatives did, not only at camp wikoff but after our return to our homes. not only did the society work among the soldiers from massachusetts, but many a regular soldier was aided and comforted by its representatives. under the influence of proper care and food the men in the hospitals and the camps began to improve and though many died, yet more recovered. as soon as a soldier inmate of the hospital was anywhere near convalescence he was given a furlough to his home and transportation furnished him. at first these furloughs were only for ten days but after a bit they were lengthened to days so that when the second came to leave montauk a good percentage of the officers and men had preceded it home. a large number of the sick men were taken from the camp hospital and sent to new york, new london, new haven and other places where the local hospitals had opened their doors to the soldiers and where the care they received was in some respects better than that possible under the crowded conditions at montauk. in spite or all that could be done at montauk there were many instances of individual hardship and although it seemed as if there were at least two or three people anxious and willing to look after every soldier yet there were cases of apparently unnecessary suffering. soldiers discharged from the hospitals as convalescent would be sent to the depot at montauk, a good two miles from the hospital, on foot and would be compelled to wait for hours in the hot sun before they could get transportation orders. at the depot there were often good men and women with cans of milk or lemonade and food, but even their zealous efforts could not prevent some suffering. all this was perhaps inseparable from the overcrowded condition of the camp and hospitals and the fact that there were not nearly enough officers to do the work properly. on the th the regiment was released from quarantine and moved from the detention to the general camp. by this time rumors that we were to be furloughed and sent home were rife again and the date was finally fixed for the th. meanwhile there had been some important visitors in our camp, including col. roosevelt, secretary of war alger and gen. wheeler and they all had good words to say for the second. also there were many visitors from springfield and western massachusetts and the men were fed upon all kinds of delicacies, in some cases to the detriment of their health. musician frank p. jones of k company was the only springfield man to die in montauk, his death occuring on the th, after he had suffered for days with malarial fever of the cuban type. he had not been ill in cuba but the seeds of the disease lodged in his system there and in his weak condition when we landed at montauk he was unable to resist it. we heard while at montauk of the death in cuba of private arthur m. burnham of k and there were many regrets among his comrades. private burnham was ill when the regiment left santiago for home and so was left behind. on the th verbal orders furloughing the second for days were received and the regiment was ordered to be in readiness the next day to proceed home. at the expiration of the furlough the regiment was to be mustered out at south framingham but this was afterwards changed to springfield. the officers and men were all ready on the th to go home and the night before had been spent in packing up and putting everything in shape. the rifles and equipments had been turned in and the morning was eagerly anticipated. there was much disappointment when the day came and there were no signs of an immediate movement from the camp. hour after hour passed and when it was finally ascertained that the departure was deferred to the next day because of a lack of transportation, there was nothing but disappointment from the commanding officer down to the privates. but the second had by this time learned resignation and so the men waited through the long day and the equally long night for the word that the boat which was to convey the regiment to new london was ready. the night of the th was made memorable by a wild stampede of a number of horses of the cavalry through the camp of the second. the animals were being led to water and in some manner became frightened and getting away from the man in charge ran pell mell through the company streets of the regiment, upsetting stacks of arms and tents and leaving everything in much disorder. fortunately no one was injured. there was but little sleep in the camp that night. the boys were too much excited over the prospect of being at home on the morrow to care much for slumber, and they were up long before reveille sounded. breakfast was hastily cooked and eaten and the outfit, or what was left of it, fell in for the march to the boat, some three miles away. there were ambulances for the sick and these were filled again and again. the men able to march were not numerous, and the companies did not have full ranks by any means. the men were without arms and clad in all sorts of uniforms, the yellow and blue khaki predominating, although there were some who preferred the old militia blue uniforms they had worn from south framingham. the regiment finally started for the pier amid the cheers of the d and other regiments it passed, and a short time after embarking was once more on the water but bound for home this time. the sick men who were unable to stand the journey were left in the hospital and those allowed to go were carefully looked after. arrived at new london the regiment fell at once into good hands. the people of that city had known of its coming and delegations were on hand when the boat came in, with food and refreshments for the boys. meanwhile preparations had been made by the militia authorities of the state, and the people of springfield and other places interested in the second, to look after the men. gen. dalton had sent a detail of staff officers to springfield with full power as to expenses to see that the returning soldiers who had shed credit upon massachusetts were properly looked after, and a special train had been made up to go to new london to bring them on from there. food and refreshments were taken on the train, and representatives of state and city were on board to render all possible assistance. the trip was a comparatively short one. at palmer the three worcester companies and f of gardner were transferred to a train for their destination while the other companies came on to springfield. chapter xviii. in which is told how we prepare to quit uncle sam's service. the home coming of springfield's soldiers was not as glittering or gay a spectacle as had been counted upon by those who watched us march away on the morning of may d. that morning was a rainy and disagreeable one and there were many who consoled themselves in thinking of the rather tame character of our farewell, that when we returned the scene would be a far more cheerful and inspiriting one. it wasn't. for days and days, ever since the story of our losses at el caney and san juan had been known and the people had become somewhat familiar with the tales of sickness and suffering in cuba and camp wikoff, the return of the boys had been anxiously awaited, but when the time came, when it was known for a certainty that the companies were to return, there was a common feeling that the occasion would be an ill timed one for any display of ceremony or pageantry, and as it became more known that the majority of the officers and men were in the poorest possible condition to stand the strain of an official, or even a semi-official welcome it was settled that their return was to be as quiet as possible. the coming of the regiment from montauk had been expected on the th and in anticipation a huge crowd had gathered at the union station to meet the soldiers. but the people were repaid for hours of waiting by the arrival only of a few men who had been furloughed from the hospitals. on the next day it was soon known that the regiment would surely arrive and long before the hour set for the special train to arrive from new london the station and its approaches were crowded with people, including the relatives and friends of the members, not only of the springfield companies but of the companies from the other sections of western massachusetts. in view of the condition of the soldiers special efforts had been made to impress upon the people that the less excitement the men were made to undergo the better for them and to this end the station approaches were roped off and a large force of police was on hand to keep a passageway clear from the cars to the carriages which had been provided to bear the officers and men to their homes or wherever they felt inclined to go. the state and the city co-operated well in making plans for the comfort of the returning soldiers. gov. wolcott was on hand when the special train rolled in and three members of his staff had been at work for several days previous assisting in the preparations for the reception of the men. mayor dickinson and the city officials had done everything in their power to aid the soldiers and with them at all times were the officers and members of the volunteer aid association and many private citizens, good men and women who labored zealously in the good cause. others there were, too, not connected officially with state or city or with any society, but whose work was ably done and is never to be forgotten. [illustration: monitor lehigh in action] at . in the afternoon the train came in and the , people in waiting set up a cheer at the initiative of gov. wolcott. then the people pressed hard against the ropes which marked the clear space on the platform through which the men were to go and the police officers had their hands full for a time in keeping them back. the north side waiting room had been cleared of occupants and outside were hundreds of public and private carriages waiting to carry the boys wherever they might wish. and in this one detail of carriages the thoughtfulness of the people of the city as well as their willingness to do all in their power for the boys of the second were shown. scores of them had volunteered the use of their carriages that day and their offers had been gladly accepted, for in the majority of cases the men were hardly able to walk any distance, and a ride on a jolting electric car would not have been the best thing in the world for them. but there were carriages in plenty and the men were quickly and carefully conveyed either to their homes or the hospitals. when the train stopped the people detailed to look after the disembarkation of the men at once got to work and the boys were quickly but tenderly taken through the waiting room and placed in the carriages. there were many who were unable to walk even this short distance unassisted, but in the majority of cases the men were so glad to be once more at home that the excitement kept them up and some lingered about on the platform, exchanging greetings with their relatives or friends in the crowd. a number of physicians were on hand to look after any of the men who were in immediate need of their attention and in many other ways provision had been made for all. the majority of the men were driven directly to their homes. others went to the house of mercy or the springfield hospital. the , or more people which greeted the returned ones did so in sober but cordial fashion. there was no demonstrative welcome, for common sense told the people that it would have been the worst thing possible for the men whom the crowd wanted to honor. they were in no condition to endure such a welcome and what they wanted was to get to their homes or a resting place as quickly as possible. when the second went away it was in the blue uniform of the militia of massachusetts. the men in the ranks were all young and vigorous and looked a composite picture of youth and strength. when they came back it was in the faded yellow khaki uniforms issued to them in cuba, although a few still wore the blue. the natty uniforms of the officers were worn and soiled and the faces of all were haggard and in many cases the beards of veterans had replaced the smooth cheeks and chins of the militiaman. on almost every face was the badge of the campaign against the pestilential fevers of cuba and the sunken cheek-bones and emaciated forms bore eloquent witness to the hardships and sufferings that had been undergone. it had been no holiday excursion for the gallant second. for days and weeks after the return the greatest interest was shown in the welfare of the men. physicians placed their services at the disposal of the volunteer aid association and that body kept actively at work in its efforts to care for the men. some of the boys were able to be out on the streets and in public places immediately after their arrival but in the majority of cases the men were glad enough to stay at home. others were too ill to make their appearance in public, but those who were had no reason to complain of any lack of interest in them or their doings in cuba. columns were published daily in the newspapers concerning the condition of the sick men and the experiences of the well ones and the sight of the worn campaign uniform on the street was the occasion for a gathering of interested people. but as time went on the interest slackened, as it is in the nature of things so to be, the men showed a marked preference for citizens' dress instead of the uniform, and settled down again to the ordinary ways of life while waiting for their furloughs to expire and their muster out of the service of uncle sam. there had been much concern expressed over the orders instructing the second to assemble at south framingham for muster-out and there was much satisfaction when it was known that the orders had been changed and that springfield had been selected as the place. it was felt that this was fitting and proper and both the local members of the regiment and the people of the city were well pleased at the decision of the war department. meanwhile the men who had been left behind in cuba, at montauk and in hospitals at other places continued to arrive home and some time before the expiration of their furlough nearly all the surviving members of the second were at home. from cuba came the men who were left behind too sick to be moved when the regiment left for home and with them the men who had volunteered or been detailed to remain care for them. but all of them did not come. privates little and stetson of g company had succumbed to disease and dr. h. c. bowen, the surgeon of the second, was also a victim. he was in the division hospital when the regiment sailed and his death soon followed. the fate which befell dr. bowen was a hard one. enthusiastic to volunteer at the outbreak of the war he was assigned to duty as the surgeon of the second with the rank of major and he had high hopes of a useful career in the army as had his friends for him. but he was totally without experience in army medical life, his assistant surgeons, though young and enthusiastic in their profession, were also inexperienced in this line of work and at the very outset he and they were thwarted and discouraged by their incessant conflicts with army red tape and the consequent difficulty in obtaining needed medical supplies for the regiment. time and time again major bowen sent in requisition after requisition but no supplies came in answer to them and had it not been for the finely appointed medical and surgical outfit furnished by the state of massachusetts the equipment of the second would have been meager indeed. with these on hand the lack of proper government supplies was not seriously felt until after the landing in cuba and then with the brilliancy which marked so many other features of the campaign, the second's medical chest was not brought ashore, but was left on board the knickerbocker until some time after the surrender of santiago. as a result the medical supplies were short and though he tried again and again major bowen could obtain no more. soon after he landed he was attacked by the malarial fever and though at first it was in a mild form it combined with the discouragements to which he had been subjected to make him low-spirited and not altogether a genial minister to the sick men or a companion at the mess. directly after the battle of el caney assistant surgeon gates was taken from the second and attached temporarily to the fourth infantry, which regiment had no surgeon and assistant surgeon hitchcock became ill so that the entire work of caring for the second was thrown upon major bowen. this added to his other troubles and his own illness resulted in making the latter extremely serious and though he struggled against it for many weeks he was at last forced to give up. before this he had manfully stuck to his post and tried in every way to do his duty but results of his failing health and his heavy burden of work were mistaken by many of the officers and men for lack of sympathetic feeling and for this he was criticized. this criticism was a mistaken one, for at bottom major bowen was of a kindly and sympathetic nature but it was his misfortune to have his illness and troubles put a veneer of impatience upon his normal disposition and this conveyed the mistaken idea referred to above. in his service with the second major bowen did all possible for a man to do and those who knew the heavy burden under which he toiled have always been willing to accord him the tribute he was justly entitled to. he died in the second division hospital just outside of santiago. some months after his body was exhumed and sent to his family in westfield. there was some mystery concerning the whereabouts of his watch and other effects but some time after his death they were accidentally discovered in new orleans and restored to his parents. at montauk point k company suffered a loss in the death of musician frank p. jones, who succumbed to fever in the camp hospital august th. all through the campaign in cuba musician jones not only kept himself well and his spirits up but his cheery speech did much to help his comrades. it was not until he reached montauk that he gave in to the disease which laid so many of the second low. even after the regiment had returned home and the sick men were being given the best of medical attention and care in their homes or in the hospitals the death angel did not cease. on sept. th corporal patrick j. noone of g company died at his home after a long illness with the fever and two days later his remains were escorted to the grave by his comrades and laid to rest after the three volleys which mark the soldier's burial had been fired. on october , private frank burke of g died and was laid to rest in the same cemetery. meanwhile in both the mercy and the springfield hospitals all that was possible was being done for the sick "soldier boys," and physicians and nurses were untiring in their efforts. both institutions had many soldier patients and they will long remember the devoted care and kindnesses they received. all this time preparations for the muster-out of the second had been going steadily on. it had been settled that the outfit was to be formally discharged from the united states service in springfield and on sept. th first lieut. oliver edwards, th infantry u. s. a., came on to assist in the work preliminary to muster-out. there was considerable to be done in the way of getting ready for the ceremony and there were many things to be explained to both officers and men before all was in readiness. in the effort to have everything clearly understood and all the "kinks" straightened out lieut. edwards was untiring and he made a most favorable impression upon all with whom his duties brought him in contact. chapter xix. we become plain citizens once more and square accounts with uncle sam. october d, , is one of the "star" days in the history of the second, that being the day on which we ceased to be soldiers of the united states and became plain and humble citizens once more. incidentally it was something of a day for springfield for one of the features of the muster-out was a brief parade of the regiment from the railway station to the state armory, where the exercises occurred. before that, the armory had been for some time the scene of much activity. the furlough of the regiment, given it at montauk, had expired october th, and for the rest of the time preceding muster-out the officers and men were required to make the armory their home during the day. their meals were served there, a contract being made with a springfield caterer, and it can be said that the daily menu was far more satisfactory than those we had in the campaign although the government paid for both. during this period, the officers and men were also required to appear in uniform and the streets took on a decidedly military appearance. much interest was shown by the people of the city in everything that pertained to the muster-out and the armory had many visitors daily. but it was all play in those days for some of the officers and men. there is a lot of red tape and formality connected with putting volunteer organizations out of the united states service, and there was plenty of work to be done in making out rolls and all sorts of papers, so that those detailed for this work were kept busy for many days. finally on the d of october, all the companies of the second were assembled in springfield, the local companies marching to the railway station to meet them and after passing in review before the city officials at the city hall, the regiment marched to the armory for muster-out. the parade, the first appearance of the second since it left for the front, brought out thousands of people to watch the men who had done good service on a foreign soil, and had watered it with the blood of many who had marched away on the morning of may d. the regiment presented a curious sight in some respects and as a spectacle it must be said the affair was not an altogether happy one. the men were without rifles or equipments, some wore the faded khaki uniform issued just before leaving cuba, others the old blue outfits of the massachusetts militia and the ranks were thinner than when the regiment left south framingham. there seemed to be a chill in the air, too, and instead of applause there was subdued comment on the appearance of the men as they marched past. [illustration: the prairie] surely the men did not look like ballroom soldiers. the uniforms were in many cases ill-fitting and soiled, the marching was not done with the precision of some crack national guard organizations which did not go to the front, and the faces of the majority of the officers and men wore the yellow signal of service in a pestilential climate. but this in itself ought to have been warrant for some outburst of satisfaction in the gallant deeds of the regiment instead of curious stares and the silence of wonderment. however, there were sporadic cases of applause and as the men did not much care whether they received any or not, they found little fault with the lack of it. only the members of the companies from outside the city wondered mildly what it all meant, and if after all it would not have been as well to have stayed at home and not have tried to stand by the flag when men were wanted. the ceremonies at the armory were informal enough. each company was mustered out in turn by lieut. col. e. m. weaver of the fifth massachusetts u. s. v., who as a lieutenant in the second u. s. artillery had mustered us in at south framingham on may d. he was assisted by lieut. edwards and it did not take very long to put each company "out of business" as united states volunteers. the company was formed, the men answered to their names and took position in the same manner as when mustered in, and this over the company commander was informed that the company was mustered out and that discharge papers for each man would be provided. but the discharge papers did not come that day nor for several days. the paymaster had failed to arrive with the funds and until these were distributed the men had but little use for discharge papers. it was explained that the reason for delay on the paymaster's part was due to errors in the rolls sent in from a few of the companies and as the men wanted their three months pay and allowances rather more than discharges, it is no wonder if some unkind things were said as to the paymaster and these companies. it was not until november th that the long looked for pay arrived, and the companies were ordered to once more assemble at the armory, this time for the purpose of settling accounts with uncle sam. this operation was simple enough, yet very interesting to the recipients of the contents of the small and dingy valise of the paymaster. the three months' pay with the allowances for clothing and ration money made quite a sizable sum for the great majority of the men, and the nice new greenbacks which they received were not refused. with the money came the discharge papers as a sure enough sign that we were no longer soldiers of the united states. many of the officers and men failed, however, to settle up with major sherman on the th. some of the officers had not squared their accounts with the war department and in some cases they were obliged to wait a considerable time before they accounted for every bit of property they were held responsible for and complied with all the red tape. a number of the men were not able to be on hand, owing to sickness and other causes, when major sherman finally arrived and they were likewise forced to wait. an interesting episode of "paying off" time was the breezy disagreement between major sherman and capt. mcdonald of b company, over the former's refusal to pay some eight men of the latter's company, who had, it seems, signed one pay roll and supposed that everything was all right. as it happened, when major sherman came to springfield, he failed to bring the correct roll for b company, and insisted that the members should sign a new one. this was done, but as the eight men referred to were out of the city, they were unable to sign, and when they appeared for their pay, were told they would have to wait for some time. the majority of the men needed the money and needed it badly, but although capt. mcdonald exhausted every effort to obtain it for them, it was not till quite a while had elapsed that they were paid. the opportunity afforded capt. mcdonald for some caustic criticisms of the workings of the war department was not allowed to pass. in those days it was a great thing to be a returned soldier as was instanced in the cases of several of the boys who were members of more or less secret organizations. it got to be a common thing for these associations to show their appreciation of their soldier members by presenting them with money or badges, or some token of esteem, and a number of the men who served with the springfield companies are wearing medals or badges thus presented. probably none of them was prouder of his medal than private morris grenowitz of b company who had the distinction of being the only hebrew in the three springfield companies. he was a member of the young men's hebrew association, and soon after his return the association held a public reception in his honor and presented him with a check for a small sum of money and a gold medal. private peter f. boyer of b company was given a gold watch by the members of an organization to which he belonged and several of the other boys were similarly remembered, among them private william ferrier of g company who was given a handsome gold ring. a number of the members of the springfield companies resided in west springfield and the inhabitants of the village of mittineague in that town honored their soldiers one evening by a big reception and entertainment with plenty of red fire, etc., included. a largely attended public reception and flag presentation was held in the city hall, on the evening of november d, to which the officers and members of the springfield companies, and their relatives and friends were invited and the hall was packed to the doors. gov. wolcott and members of his staff were present and the governor spoke, as did a number of the prominent citizens, all eulogizing the work of the regiment and paying a tribute to the officers and men who had failed to return. the tattered colors of the regiment were in evidence and their appearance in the hall was the signal for an outburst of applause. on this occasion the stands of colors purchased for each company in connection with the fourth of july celebration of , which never came off, were formally presented, and as the representatives of each of the companies advanced to receive the new and handsome flags, the audience broke into applause and cheers. these flags were bought with the proceeds of the sales of the fourth of july badges which were to have been a feature of the celebration and a good sum was realized. previous to muster-out first sergeant t. f. burke of b company had been appointed on the recommendation of col. clark as second lieutenant to fill the vacancy caused by the death of lieut. harry j. vesper. immediately following the muster-out dr. e. a. gates, who had been promoted from assistant surgeon to surgeon with the rank of major, vice bowen, deceased, was ordered to boston and worcester to assist in the work of examining the men of other regiments to be mustered out. assistant surgeon hitchcock was also ordered on this same duty. dr. hitchcock was attacked with a serious spinal trouble and for some months his life was despaired of. he finally recovered but not until after weary months of suffering. soon after the muster-out of the second the provisional militia companies organized in the city during the war ceased practically to exist, although they were not formally disbanded for some time afterwards. the reorganization of the second as a part of the massachusetts volunteer militia did not start until after its muster out of the united states service and it was at one time freely predicted that the work of reorganization would be the hardest task ever experienced by those in charge. it looked so at times, but in spite of the croakers and pessimists who asserted that it was likely that the second would never be the same regiment again the reorganization was quietly and successfully effected and it was not long before the outfit was once again in its old form. a surprisingly large number of the officers and men who had served in the war remained in the regiment and this was especially the case in the three springfield companies, g and b having more of the veterans than k. the state granted the regiment a days' furlough dating from nov. to dec. in order to allow time to get matters straightened out before its entrance upon a career of militia service again. meanwhile steps had been taken toward an expedition to go to cuba and bring back the bodies of the dead of the second. the co-operation of the cities and towns from which the regiment was recruited was obtained and a number of meetings were held in this city, representatives from worcester, holyoke, northampton, greenfield, orange and adams being present with authority from their respective cities and towns. after a number of meetings an expedition was organized which left for cuba in january, . the springfield representatives were lieut. t. f. burke of b company, lieut. fred jenks of k company, private dozilva lamoreaux of g company and private alfred rose of b, the latter going as interpreter. the progress of the expedition was slow at first, owing to many difficulties connected with obtaining permission to disinter the bodies and of getting transportation, but thanks to incessant work and powerful influence these were at last disposed of and the party sailed from new york on jan. . it was necessary to go first to porto rico and remain there some days but after santiago was reached there was comparatively little trouble. the bodies of the springfield men were all located and identified with one exception, that of private robert e. kelly of g, who was fatally shot on the night of july d at san juan. the bodies were encased in metallic coffins and on arrival in springfield were given proper burial. an elaborate service was held over the body of sergeant richard h. bearse of b company in the state street baptist church, representatives of the city government and the organizations of which he was a member as well as his own company, being present. the church was crowded with friends and the ceremonies were impressive. before this the body of musician frank p. jones of k had been brought on from montauk and buried in oak grove cemetery after largely attended services in the state street methodist church. the bodies of the g company men were buried with military honors also and those of privates little and stetson, whose relatives could not be found, were interred in a lot which the company purchased in the springfield cemetery. twice within the year were the springfield companies called together to go over again in memory the deeds of the previous year. for some time there had been desultory talk of public honors being paid to the dead of the companies and finally a memorial service was arranged for and was held in the city hall on sunday afternoon, april . it was one of the most disagreeable days imaginable, a fall of mingled rain and snow filling the streets with slush, but despite this the building was jammed to suffocation. the platform was decorated with appropriate bunting and in front were representations of memorial tablets bearing the names of the officers and men of the companies who had given their lives in the cause. the war-worn regimental colors were brought on from boston for the occasion and were draped in the rear of the platform. affecting tributes were paid to the dead heroes and eulogies were pronounced by some of springfield's most prominent citizens. the camp of the first brigade m. v. m. at south framingham in august, , brought the regiment once more onto the ground where it was mustered into the united states service the year before, but under much different circumstances than then. the ranks of the second contained a very large percentage, a majority, in fact, of those who had gone out with it to cuba and the red sleeve stripes indicating service in war were conspicuous on the blouses of the greater number of the men. at this time old friendships formed during the campaign were renewed and new ones formed. on the occasion of the annual fall drill of the state militia in boston in october admiral george dewey was the guest of the city and the event was also made the occasion of the formal "turning over" of the "war colors" to the state. the second came in for no little share of the honors of the occasion, as well it might. as time wore on after the return of the regiment from the fever stricken camps in cuba the malarial poison left the bodies of the men and within six months afterwards the majority of them had regained their normal health. there were many, however, with whom the exposures and hardships of the campaign had raised havoc and to this day some show the effects of the short but eventful period when they were serving under the flag. the latest man in the springfield companies to succumb to the ravages of disease contracted in the campaign was private john l. morehouse of k company, who died nov. of typhoid fever. in october, , a number of the officers and men of the springfield companies who had served in the cuban war began the organization of a camp of the legion of spanish war veterans, an order patterned after the model of the grand army of the republic and which it is to be hoped will be to the veterans of the war with spain what the grand army is to the men who fought in the civil war. the camp was named after henry s. lee of springfield, whose splendid and self-sacrificing work for the benefit of the soldiers and sailors in the spanish war will never be forgotten by them or the people. thus closes the record of springfield's three infantry companies in the war with spain. it is not a long chronicle but it is one in which the people of the city of homes can always take a just pride. it is not confined to these companies alone either, for aside from the efficient duty performed by her company in the naval brigade, there were many individual enlistments in regular regiments and there was the splendid work done at the united states armory in turning out the arms with which the troops were equipped. as in the civil war the works were run day and night and the force of employees trebled. there was good work done too at the recruiting station and it is not too much to say that springfield was a prominent factor in the war from its beginning to its close. when the rebellion against the authority of the united states in the philippines broke out and volunteers were again called for springfield again showed its patriotism. a number enlisted from this city in the famous th and among them were many of the men who had seen service in cuba. others went into the th and more would have gone had it been necessary. as always the city and its men young and old showed their loyalty to the flag, whether it led the way to the hills around santiago or to the rice swamps and jungles of luzon. chapter xx. wherein is narrated the adventures on the high seas of springfield's sailors. while the land soldiers which springfield furnished the government were enjoying themselves in florida and cuba and toying with the canned roast beef and other incidentals of a campaign, the springfield marine contingent was not having an altogether lovely time. on the monitor lehigh and the auxiliary cruiser prairie there was work and hard work too in plenty but on the whole the rations and the quarters were better than those enjoyed by the infantry contingent. but the boys of h company, naval brigade, pined for active service and those on the lehigh were aggrieved at not getting it while their comrades on the prairie were roaming the seas on a fast ship in chase of the enemy or doing blockade duty off the coasts of cuba and porto rico. it was hard work for the lehigh men to be cooped up on their old, "flat boat" in boston harbor during the stirring times of the summer of but it is to their credit that although they grumbled at their lot as all good sailors do, yet they did their full duty and did it well. the bringing of the lehigh from the league island navy yard to boston harbor was in itself something of an achievement for the tug which towed her broke down and the monitor was forced to proceed under her own steam, much to the surprise of those on the tug clara clorita. this happened at vineyard haven and from that point to boston the lehigh was cast off from the tug and was sailed the remainder of the way under her own steam and by her own crew. when the lehigh left philadelphia the navy yard officials were apprehensive of her behavior at sea as she was primarily a coast defence vessel but the naval brigade men in the monitor found no great trouble in sailing her. the lehigh reached boston on may and on the th the springfield officers and men of the crew were given leaves of absence and furloughs to enable them to attend the presentation of "the ensign" by springfield amateurs at the court square theater for the benefit of the company fund. the crew included lieut. j. k. dexter, lieut, (j. g.) w. o. cohn, ensign walter s. barr and seamen w. a. sabin, a. n. luce, r. p. king, paul h. lathrop, l. e. ladd, w. s. johnson, w. f. bright and r. h. b. warburton. the presentation was a successful one in every way and netted quite a sum. meanwhile the lehigh had been permanently detailed for duty in boston harbor as a coast defence vessel and a disagreeable surprise was in store for some of the springfield men when they returned from their furloughs. they were all anxious to re-enlist for service and had been assured by capt. weeks, commanding the naval brigade, that if they telegraphed to him their willingness to re-enlist before a certain hour on the th, places would be kept for them. but on their arrival on the ship on may th they found that there was only one vacancy left. just how the mistake was made was never thoroughly explained, but it was suspected by the springfield men that there was a scheme to shut as many of them as possible out in favor of some boston naval militiamen. they felt it keenly and lieut. dexter succeeded in straightening out matters so that coxswain johnson and seamen bright and warburton were re-enlisted. sabin, luce and king had already done so and this left only lathrop and ladd out in the cold. in spite of their efforts they could not get in. the officers suffered also from the fact that there were not places enough for all of them in the lehigh's complement as a coast defense ship. lieut. colin was offered the alternative of going on the waiting list or being reduced in rank to ensign. he chose the latter and remained with the ship but there was no place for ensign barr and he was placed on the waiting list and returned home to await orders. later lieut. dexter was taken from the lehigh and placed on the converted ferry boat "governor russell," the property of the city of boston which had turned over to the government, as executive officer. all this time the "prairie dogs," as the crew of that vessel were dubbed by their less fortunate comrades, were having a fairly good time at the brooklyn navy yard. much time was spent there in fitting up the vessel as an auxiliary cruiser and until the work was well advanced the crew was lodged and fed in hotels and later in the navy yard barracks. as it happened, ralph h. newcomb was the first of the springfield men to reach the prairie and report for duty. he was in washington on a visit when orders were issued for h company to report at brooklyn and when he was notified by lieut. crossman he lost no time in getting to that city and the navy yard, beating out his comrades by several hours. hammocks were "swung" on the prairie for the first time on saturday, may th, and from that time until muster-out in september hotel fare was a dream of the past to which the boys looked back with considerable regret. the prairie, completely transformed into a war ship, left the navy yard and steamed down the harbor to tompkinsville. this was on friday, the th of may, but if there was any "hoodoo" it failed to work. the next day the prairie steamed out to sea and had target practice, badly frightening some of the residents of the coast with the big guns. late in the afternoon the prairie gave chase to a suspicious craft which turned out to be an english tramp steamer. the prairie had been assigned to patrol duty on the north atlantic coast with the san francisco. the "frisco" was sighted on the day following and both ships steamed into provincetown and remained there for the next day, sailing out late in the afternoon. it is recorded that the sailors washed clothes during their stay in provincetown and it is evident they were getting a taste of the life of a jolly tar. the regular patrol tour of the prairie was from provincetown north to some miles above boston, then south to nantucket to provincetown, meeting the san francisco off the cape and obtaining mail. these were not idle days by any means. what with battalion drills, inspection, target practice, painting ship and the regular routine of ship's work the long hours of duty passed quickly and the men were pretty well tired out as a rule when the time came to get into their hammocks. but the men of h company learned fast and soon accustomed themselves to life on one of uncle sam's war ships. the one thing they did not take to very kindly in the line of work was coaling ship and this came rather oftener than they had any relish for. in the way of food there was little to complain of, although the fare was not delmonico-like by any means. one of the mess cooks kept a diary of what he served up for every meal during the service of the prairie and it shows that the menus, while probably simple enough to the men on board, would have been regarded as the acme of luxurious living by their brethren of the second. a few samples are given: breakfast, june , indian meal and coffee; dinner, soup, roast beef and potatoes; supper, hash and french toast. june th, breakfast, bacon and potatoes; dinner, sausages and potatoes; supper, beans, cold meat and sausages. the daily average was fully up to the samples given above. capt. train of the prairie was a disciplinarian and there were punishments meted out for various small offences. one man was deprived of shore liberty for three months for throwing swill out of a port hole. for smoking outside of "smoking hours" the customary punishment was hours of extra duty, while for being late with hammocks the sentence was for the delinquents to parade the deck for an hour or two hours with the hammocks on their shoulders. the prairie sailed from provincetown june th for a brief cruise southward, but returned on the th. the weather was very foggy during the cruise and on the th the ship came near running down an english tramp steamer passing within a boat's length of her. on the th the prairie sailed again from provincetown for delaware breakwater, arriving there on the th. the next day she sailed for new york, anchoring off tompkinsville the th. coaling ship was one of the innocent amusements of the day and the men stowed away tons in the afternoon. early next morning the sport was resumed and before breakfast tons more had been put away in the bunkers, the record for the day being tons. the next day the coal situation again took the attention of the crew but they finished the job. shore liberty resulted in some of the men overstaying it and being shut off from any more during the stay. on sunday, june th, the men got into blue dress for inspection but before the ceremony was over orders came to sail at once for key west. off came the blue suits and the men got into their "coal" suits again and finished coaling ship at . in the morning. the prairie sailed for key west on the th, arriving there june st. her stay was short, for the same day she left with mail for the blockading squadron off cuba and sighting the amphitrite the next day transferred her mail to her. later that day the prairie gave the mail to the newport, montgomery, vicksburg and marietta. that afternoon the men on the prairie saw the marietta pick up a refugee from the shore and saw the guns from morro castle fire at her but fail to strike. on july fourth the men paraded in blue and fired the national salute. the prairie for a day or two acted as flagship of the squadron during the absence of the amphitrite at key west. on tuesday, july th, the hawk came alongside the prairie with orders for the latter to proceed to mariel, - / miles from havana, and assist in the capture of a liner supposed to have been trying to run the blockade. the liner proved to be the spanish transport alphonso xii, with a large number of soldiers on board. she had tried to run the blockade but had been discovered and chased so sharply by a couple of the converted yachts attached to the blockading squadron that she was run ashore and lay head on. the troops and her crew had managed to get ashore by the time the prairie came up, but it was not certain that she was not manned and several shots were sent at her from the starboard six-inch guns. after the fourth or fifth shot there was an explosion, evidently her magazine, and as she did not return the fire the prairie ceased firing. during the firing a saucy little spanish gunboat stuck her nose out of the harbor but a couple of six-inch shells settled her fate and she was sunk in quick time. the firing at the alphonso xii was first-rate target practice and at long range, too, all the shells hitting her, although the range was yards. on july th the tecumseh brought a lot of mail from key west for the prairie and a good share of the day was put in in reading it. on the th a small shark was caught and some of the boys secured teeth as souvenirs. monday, july th, the prairie was relieved of blockade duty off mariel and ordered to gibara with the topeka, mayflower and badger, the prairie being made the flagship of the squadron. the trip to gibara was without special incidents and the ships arrived there on the th. just as the blockaders appeared a schooner and two fishing smacks which were just coming out made haste to get back into the port. blockade duty was kept up for several days and occasionally the ship would go in so close to the town that the people could be seen in the streets. the search-lights were used about every night and this work was pleasing to the men detailed for it. the san francisco arrived on the th and took off a lot of mail for the united states. since leaving havana the crew of the prairie had not received any mail and were eagerly expecting some. on the th the supply of sugar gave out and this was keenly felt until some was procured. on the th the maple, which had joined the squadron, caught a small sloop with a crew of four men and laden with tobacco, making the first prize of the tour. one of the marine detail on the prairie was a springfield man named john fenton and on the st he was the victim of a severe accident caused by the slipping of a six-inch shell from his hands at gun practice. the shell landed on his foot, badly crushing it. this same day a delegation of the prominent citizens of gibara came out in a small boat and offered to surrender the town as the spanish garrison was about to leave and the inhabitants were afraid of the negroes in the vicinity. on receiving the offer the prairie steamed to nipe bay where the topeka was found engaged in shelling the town. the dupont took a message to the topeka and the prairie returned to gibara. from a cuban who came out in a dory it was learned that the inhabitants had raised an american flag over the town and were anxious that a force be landed to take possession of the place. it was also learned that the town was short of provisions. the cuban's heart was gladdened by the gift of hardtack, canned meat, corn and coffee. on the th the mangrove brought orders to proceed to guantanamo bay and coal up at once. at guantanamo fresh meat and also newspapers a week or two old were received. wednesday, july th, marked the close of the third month of service of the prairie's crew and as if to celebrate the event the supply came in with a lot of provisions. the work of coaling ship was begun on the night of the th and did not cease until the th, the men standing their regular watches and doing their trick with the coal as if it was nothing unusual. the prairie sailed from guantanamo bay on the evening of the th and reached san juan, porto rico, on the th. some ammunition brought from guantanamo for the cruiser new orleans was transferred to her in boats. the prairie did not stay long at san juan but sailed for ponce on the other side of the island on the st, arriving there the next day. troops were being landed at ponce and the roadstead was filled with war ships and transports. one of the transports became stuck on a bar outside the light-house and the prairie had hard work getting her off the bar. a lot of mangoes brought aboard resulted in a number of the men being made ill from indulging too freely in the fruit. the soldiers on the transport massachusetts, the one which was stuck, were taken on board the prairie and fed, being landed the next day. news of the cessation of hostilities reached the ship august th and was received at first with incredulity. the night of friday, august th, was made memorable by burgess tumbling out of his hammock three times in rapid succession. "rags," the canine mascot, had become subject to fits and was assisted to commit suicide one day while in the harbor. the prairie received orders to sail for the united states and on august th left for santiago, arriving there the th. the ship left santiago the st, with three companies of the seventh infantry on board. all went well until the th, when a heavy fog came on and the prairie ran aground near amagansett point, miles from montauk point. there was considerable confusion, of course, but the prairie was handled well. all the boats were lowered and two kedge anchors were put out, one from the starboard quarter and the other from the starboard forecastle. the boats were out all night and it was not until at high tide the next day that the prairie was hauled off by the tug brittania and a light-house tender. the soldiers were landed and taken to montauk point. after being hauled off the prairie sailed for montauk point, arriving there early in the evening. at montauk the prairie was put into quarantine until the th. hardly was she out of quarantine before she steamed to newport and from there to fall river, where a warm reception was given the fall river men on board the ship. that evening the fall river and new bedford men went ashore but the springfield contingent was kept on board, much to their disappointment. on the th the prairie left fall river and steamed down to newport, the event of the evening being the playing of the "fu-fu" band. the next day the ship started for new york and remained there until the th, when she went to delaware breakwater. rumors of discharge began to agitate the crew soon after arriving in new york and capt. train went to washington to confer with the navy department concerning it but returned with no definite knowledge of the exact time the muster-out would take place. from delaware breakwater the prairie steamed up to the league island navy yard where some of the guns were taken off and transferred to the new york. during the stay in new york and at league island the "rough riders" made several successful initiations. sunday, september , hammocks were lashed for the last time and after the dunnage had been loaded on a tug, the crew mustered and gave three cheers for capt. train and lieuts. stone and stimpson. this done, the crew bade good bye to the prairie and went ashore, going to jersey city by train. after a brief trip on a ferry, the fall river boat was boarded for the trip to that city and boston. the latter place was reached about o'clock monday morning and after passing in review before the governor at the state house the prairie men proceeded to the receiving ship wabash, where they were furloughed until the following wednesday. the boys enjoyed themselves hugely in boston until wednesday, when they were mustered out and given their discharges from the service of the united states. at . that evening, the springfield part of the crew arrived home and were given an enthusiastic welcome in which red fire and fireworks played a prominent part. at the armory the men were greeted by glad relatives and soon dispersed to their homes plain naval militiamen once more after doing their full duty to uncle sam and serving him well. lieut. h. s crossman, who went out with the prairie detail remained on the ship until she was ordered south, when he and some of the other officers were sent out on special duty. he was assigned to duty as recruiting officer on the minnesota and remained there until a short time before the dismissal of the prairie's crew from the service. lieut. j. k. dexter was detailed from duty on the lehigh to duty as navigator on the converted ferry boat, gov. russell, and ordered to take her to key west. the trip was an eventful one, for the gov. russell as a war boat was a fearfully and wonderfully constructed piece of marine architecture, and there were times when it was a question whether she would ever reach a port or not. but finally she was navigated as far as newport news, and after looking her carefully over, the naval authorities decided that it was not wise to expose her again to the high seas. after muster-out of the lehigh detail h company was once more at home and it was not long before the reorganization of the command as a part of the state militia was begun and successfully carried out, a good number of the officers and men who had seen service remaining. today the company is once more in its old position of the best all-round company in the massachusetts naval brigade. on october th, a number of prominent citizens tendered h company a banquet at hotel worthy, and the occasion will long be remembered as a very pleasant one. during the evening the handsome silk american flag, purchased for the company by citizens, was presented by rev. dr. p. s. moxom. roster. field staff and non-commissioned staff. colonel, embury p. clark. major, frederick g. southmayd. adjutant, first lieut. paul r. hawkins. quartermaster, first lieut. edward e. sawtell. major and surgeon, henry c. bowen. major and surgeon, ernest a. gates. sergeant-major, robert n. ingersol. quartermaster-sergeant, ross l. lusk. hospital steward, edson p. howes. g. company. captain, john j. leonard. first lieutenant, william c. hayes. second lieutenant, edward j. leyden. first sergeant, william butement. sergeants, jeremiah f. scully. joseph n. lovely. walter w. ward. joseph a. murphy. james a. gibbons. corporals, robert a. ross. patrick j. noone. michael j. mchale. frank c. keating, chicopee falls. nataline gardella. ernest e. robinson. musicians, patrick j. o'connell. robert d. cargill. wagoner, james r. shene. artificer, benjamin a. seamans. privates frank a. anderson dozilva p. lamoreaux, chicopee timothy t. austin andrew little elmer b. barrowcliffe christopher t. lovett frank j. barsalow john j. mahoney, w. sp'f'd daniel j. bellamy thomas f. mahoney wilbur g. brassard, thompsonville george h. markham james h. bresnahan john b. mandeville patrick j. bresnan ernest p. marble alfred c. brownell dennis f. mccarthy francis c. burke henry e. merchant thomas burke louis monteverde henry t. conrad fred h. morrill george w. campbell carl a. mueller thomas m. conlin james j. o'brien william e. coolidge charles a. nelson timothy j. crowley john j. o'leary william r. dillon, w. sp'f'd arthur h. packard john h. dunn walter a. packard george e. easton jacob peterson william ferrier george a. richmond charles r. fisher william j. rooney theodore gelinas, holyoke william j. root frank m. hannon jeremiah j. shea patrick j. hayes cyrus a. shufelt andrew f. higgins henry j. slattery frank n. hunt fred s. stetson robert g. kelly john e. tobin edward k. lathrop henry b. whitmore henry h. lawler samuel wilson b company. captain, henry mcdonald. first lieutenant, william j. young. second lieutenant, harry j. vesper. second lieutenant, thomas f. burke. sergeants, richard h. bearse. samuel e. smith. george j. mckeown. john j. o'connell. everett w. wilcox. corporals, frank a. wakefield. melvin h. ransom. richard b. blaney. michael j. donahuh. john b. fulton. thomas f. handy. musicians, henry f. ladbury. bernard e. comey. wagoner, paul j. kingston. artificer, orvin e. alberts. privates charles h. ashley donald a. mcphee john bryson william j. mack peter f. boyer daniel j. moriarty william f. barton frank c. mattoon william j. barton axel mahlstrom, east longmeadow john m. carey john j. malone william f. childs howard s. meyrick, agawam matthew j. clark john j. o'donnell theophile j. champagne arthur m. partridge clarence e. chapman giles s. potter, pittsfield william w. chadbourne alwin b. richter albert m. chandler christopher j. riordan lewis r. dikeman thos. r. rooney, westfield frank f. dingman wilmore s. riopel robert d. draper matthew m. p. ryan daniel s. devine james c. ryan albert r. dunn henry p. roberts george degray frank x. rivers john k. deloach clarence b. ross frank l. edson harry h. richards, west springfield henry t. ellis alfred e. rose james f. ferrier john j. smith ellsworth frey frank twohey, worcester eugene b. grenier paul l. vesper morris grenowitz harry c. wakefield joseph genereaux ernest c. whitcomb john c. hurley edwin w. wright robert j. f. judd michael f. kelleher ernest j. monseau k company. captain, william s. warriner. first lieutenant, philip c. powers. second lieutenant, harry h. parkhurst. first sergeant, arthur j. berry. sergeants, fred a. jenks, chicopee. g. burton hall. david a. turner. j. lewis kelly. hyatt w. avery. corporals, william c. piper. thomas c. boone. burdett a. madison. william e. turner. albert marsden. bert f. nichols. musicians, frank p. jones. louis p. castaldini. wagoner, frank n. boule. artificer, wilson c. emery. privates. ernest l. alderman charles hoadley edward n. aiken irving j. johnson horace w. allen ward lathrop wallace h. brown michael r. lyons george l. bates everett w. luther ralph a. barkman myron w. maynard arthur n. broulette charles e. mcleod arthur m. burnham wm. c. mcculloch, chicopee albert j. brunell frank e. moody michael e. breck john l. morehouse james w. britton homer g. munson james a. brazzil samuel w. nesbitt frank l. carr charles owens arthur l. chapman a. l. potter william c. colvin george w. potter alwin a. cameron walter j. reardon george s, creeley phillip h. robinson william r. dunse william e. stephens edwin a. elwell george e. sollace horatio m. field edgar w. snell wm. j. fish, w. springfield harry j. symonds harry d. fisher alfred stone ralph fisk robert b. terrell herman h. fuller nicholas d. vassilli julian b. hawkes william j. walsh louis h. hall harry o. wilkins frank b. hendricks joseph g. woodbury george hallier henry wright, jr. edward r. hubbard william a. webb [illustration: henry s. lee] h company naval brigade. name rating ship lieut. jenness k. dexter u. s. s. gov. russell lieut. (j. g.) henry s. crossman u. s. s. prairie lieut. (j. g.) william o. cohn u. s. s. lehigh william a. dearden, boatswain's mate, d class prairie william owens, gunner's mate, d class " james a. turnbull, gunner's mate, d class " curtis h. jennings, gunner's mate, d class " arthur h. strong, chief q. m. saturn winfred a. sabin, coxswain lehigh herbert e. burns, bayman prairie ernest f. gilbert, shipwright " george h. nobbs, pay yeoman " albert m. pease, cook " seamen. william h. brundett prairie george w. lyman prairie weston f. bright " irving c. lombra " a. w. blauvelt " george l. meacham " webster c. clark " charles b. miller " lewis b. clark " ralph newcomb " winfred w. crosier " guy a. preble " charles crosier " gilbert g. patnode " charles w. dearden " goulding s. patnode " lawrence w. erricson " walter swazey " arthur j. c. fischer " edwin s. smith " robert c. goodale " fred c. steele " robert p. king lehigh mcclellan e. streeter " albert n. luce prairie rupert h. b. warburton lehigh howard loomis " robert h. wheeler prairie ward h. long " henry w. watson " frank ladd " the roll of honor. henry c. bowen, major and surgeon, died in second division hospital, santiago, august , of malarial fever. g company corporal patrick j. noone, died in springfield, september , , typhoid fever. private george a. richmond, died in field hospital near el caney, july , , of wound in head. private walter a. packard, killed on field, el caney, july , . private robert g. kelly, died in division hospital of wound received in action july d, at san juan. private francis a. burke, died at springfield, october , . private andrew little, died in second division hospital, santiago, august , . private fred s. stetson, died in second division hospital, santiago, august , . b company. second lieutenant harry j. vesper, died on s. s. mobile, august , , of gastric enteritis. quartermaster sergeant richard h. bearse, died in camp before santiago, august , , of malarial fever. wagoner paul j. kingston, died on s. s. mobile, august , , of malarial fever. private john j. malone, died in field hospital, july , , of wound received at el caney, july . private paul vesper, died in camp before santiago, august , , of malarial fever. k company. corporal william c. piper, died in second division hospital, august , . corporal thomas c. boone, died in springfield, march , . musician frank p. jones, died at montauk point, l. i., august , . private frank e. moody, killed on field, july , , at el caney. private arthur m. burnham, died in division hospital, santiago, august , , of typhoid fever. private michael r. lyons, died in springfield, april , . private george s. creley, died in springfield, june , . private john l. morehouse, died in springfield, november , . * * * * * since the muster-out three more of springfield's contingent, all k company men, have answered the final roll call. corporal thomas c. boone died in massachusetts general hospital at boston, march , , and private michael r. lyons at springfield, april . private george c. creley died june , at his home after a long illness. private john l. morehouse died in springfield, november , . springfield's dead heroes. henry c. bowen. henry c. bowen, major and surgeon of the second regiment, died in the second division hospital, near santiago, after making a gallant fight against sickness and death, not only for himself but for the regiment under his care. it is not too much to say that but for the heavy burden he was under with the care of over sick and dying men on his hands, he might have recovered from the cuban fever and been alive to-day, but as it was he succumbed. it was his misfortune to go to the front ignorant of the red tape which forms an even more effectual barrier to individual action than did the spanish barbed wire to our troops, and it was this same red tape which was indirectly responsible for his death. when the regiment was in its worst condition in front of santiago, when he was alone in the work of caring for the sick and dying, he found it next to impossible to obtain needed medical supplies for his men, and yet knew he was held responsible for their welfare. it is not to be wondered at under these circumstances that he grew nervous and irritable, and repelled rather than attracted those who tried to help him. the wonder of it was, that sick in body and mind as he was, he bore up as long as he did. but he did what he could and gave his health, and strength, and life in his duty. major bowen was born in castle creek, n. y., the son of dr. charles w. bowen of westfield, and he studied in the public schools there and at wilbraham academy. he gained his medical education in the university of new york and served in bellevue hospital for eighteen months and in the broome street lying-in hospital. he began practice in springfield in and was fast reaching a high place in his profession when the war broke out. at the time of his appointment he was a member of the surgical staff of the mercy hospital where he was liked by patients and officials. harry j. vesper. second lieutenant harry j. vesper of b company, came of fighting stock, his father, o. r. vesper, of springfield, being a one armed veteran of the civil war. harry was born in springfield and was years of age when he died on the mobile. he studied in the public schools, leaving the high school to enter the employ of the springfield homestead. there he rose by steady industry and ability, to be head of the mailing department and business manager of the electrotyping department. for several years he had been deeply interested in the militia and had enlisted in b company, rising through the grades of corporal and sergeant to the second lieutenantcy, to which he was elected and commissioned may , . for two years he had served as adjutant of the first battalion of the regiment, and was popular with everyone in the command. richard h. bearse. the news of the death of no member of the second was received in springfield with more regret than that of sergeant "dickie" bearse of b company. a member of the company for several years, he was known and liked by all the officers and men of the springfield companies, for to know "dick" bearse was to like him. with his pride in b company and the regiment, not to speak of his patriotism, it was only natural he should be anxious to go to the front with the second, and he did so, although he had to twice overcome the examining surgeon's objections. in camp and on the march he was cheerful and helpful and at el caney he was up with the best of them. but all the while the hardships and toils of the campaign were sapping his vitality, and when the deadly calentura came, he had no strength left to resist it, but simply laid down and died. in him b company and the second lost one of their best. sergeant bearse was the son of mr. and mrs. leon bearse and was years of age. his body was brought home and interred in the family lot in oak grove cemetery, after such a funeral as has seldom been witnessed in springfield, an outpouring of grief from hundreds of friends. william c. piper. corporal william c. piper of k, was born at marysville, o., in , and his father is a well known lawyer and probate judge of that state. corporal piper came to springfield in as manager of the stetson shoe store and had charge of the establishment at the time he was mustered in to the united states service. he enlisted in k company in . frank p. jones. musician frank p. jones of k, and one of the best fellows in the second, died in the hospital at camp wikoff, august , after passing through all the hardships of the campaign in cuba without being seriously ill. he was a native of ludlow, mass., and was years of age. he had served in k for three years and though opposed by his parents, could not be kept from enlisting as a volunteer when the call came for troops. of a cheerful, happy disposition, he did much in the dark days of sickness and death in the camp before santiago, to help his comrades, and his example helped many a sick man. paul j. kingston. wagoner paul j. kingston, b company, was an efficient soldier and well liked member of the command. he was years of age when he died on the mobile and was the son of george kingston, an expressman. he was serving the third year of his enlistment in b when the war came and at once volunteered to go to the front. paul vesper. private paul vesper of b was younger than his brother, lieut. harry j. vesper, but had many of the qualities which made the latter so well liked. he was serving his first enlistment in b company when the war came, and promptly expressed a desire to volunteer. he died in the camp before santiago, august , . robert g. kelly. robert g. kelly was the third g company man to fall in the fighting in front of santiago. at o'clock on the night of july d, the crashing of rifle volleys and the screams of shells awoke the second from the sleep of fatigue, and the officers and men rushed to the crest of the hill behind which they had bivouacked. the attack was to the right of the second's position, but while waiting for orders the regiment had to stand the rain of scattering shot and kelly was the first to be hit. the bullet struck him in the left cheek, going through and lodging in the muscles of the other side. he was taken to the division hospital and died there july . he was the son of samuel kelly of springfield and enlisted just before the second was ordered to south framingham. arthur m. burnham. private arthur m. burnham of k was the son of george m. burnham, a well known contractor and builder of springfield. arthur was born in and studied in the public schools. he was popular with his school fellows and with all who knew him. for three years previous to the breaking out of the war he had been associated with his father in business. he enlisted in k company soon after its transfer to springfield and after serving three years, left the company, a short time before the war broke out. he was one of the first of the former members to reenlist when it was known that war was certain and bore himself manfully through the campaign. he was ill with typhoid when the regiment left cuba and was obliged to be left behind. fred a. stetson. fred a. stetson enlisted in g company at the outbreak of the war and served faithfully until he was attacked by the disease which laid him low, only a day or two after his comrades had left cuba for home. he was employed in springfield when he enlisted, but had only been in the city a short time, and had no near relatives living so far as known. he was years old. john j. malone. john j. malone, fatally wounded at el caney, was a member of b company and had been for two years previous to the outbreak of the war. he was a bright, cheerful young fellow and was well liked by his acquaintances as well as by his comrades. his parents died during his childhood and john made his home with a relative. he was employed in the homestead office. at el caney, malone was one of the first men hit, the fatal bullet striking him within a few moments after b company had taken its position with the d. he died in the field hospital. frank e. moody. frank e. moody of k company, killed in action at el caney, was the son of mr. and mrs. c. h. moody of springfield and was years old when he enlisted in k, only a few days before the regiment left for south framingham. he was shot soon after b and k companies took position on the right flank of the d. arthur howard packard. killed instantly at el caney, july , . he was the son of mrs. helen n. packard, who, the wife of a soldier of the civil war, saw her two sons go to the front in the war with spain, both being members of g company. arthur would have been years of age in november, , and had been employed in the homestead office. when only he enlisted in g company and was well liked by his comrades. when the war came arthur insisted on being one of the men to go with the company. through the campaign he was soldierly and cheerful and his bright, if sometimes caustic sayings, did much to help his comrades. he was on the advanced firing line of the second in the squad under lieut. leyden when the fatal bullet struck him and he died instantly. george a. richmond. george a. richmond was one of the oldest members of g company and was born in springfield. he enlisted in , and remained a member of the company for several years. when it was seen that war was coming, richmond was one of the first to apply to capt. leonard for a place in the ranks and joined the company at south framingham. at el caney richmond was with lieut. leyden's squad, and was shot through the head early in the engagement. willing hands bore him to the improvised field hospital where he lay in agony for several hours before death came. he was comforted and consoled by chaplain fitzgerald of the d, who took his last messages. richmond's mother died in his early youth and he had made his home with relatives. he had been employed in the springfield post office. he took a small camera with him to cuba and made a number of pictures. francis a. burke. private francis a. burke of g company, who died at the house of mercy hospital, october , , was the son of thomas burke and resided at spring street. he was employed as a clerk in the store of forbes & wallace and was well liked by his associates. he was years of age. as a youth he took much interest in military matters and was for some time a member of the cathedral cadets. later he enlisted in g company and had served some time when the war broke out. he promptly volunteered and served well in the campaign. thomas c. boone. the circumstances surrounding the death of sergeant thomas c. boone, who went to the front with k company, but was transferred to the u. s. signal corps, were particularly sad as at the time his many friends supposed he was practically recovered from the terrible experience he underwent while in the service. boone died in the mass. general hospital, boston, on march , , after a comparatively brief illness. he was a native of maryland, being born in annapolis in , and came to springfield in , enlisting in k company soon after his coming here. at south framingham boone was appointed a corporal by capt. warriner, but the number of these positions in the companies being reduced boone was obliged to serve as a private. soon after the arrival of the second at tampa he was transferred to the signal corps with the rank of sergeant. he was an expert telegrapher and was selected for that reason. on july d he with col. drew and major maxfield were in the war balloon at san juan and while the balloon was at a height of feet and was being taken over a creek it was pierced by three pieces of shrapnel from the spanish lines and fell. the basket caught in the top of a tree and boone was caught in the anchor and hung suspended over the stream for a long time with the iron hook pressing into his side. then he fell into the water. he was badly injured, but did not realize it at the time. a few days later he was sent to the hospital, but while being conveyed there in a mule team the vehicle was upset and he was again injured. on his return to the united states through an error on the part of some officer he was accused of desertion but after several months the stain was taken away and he received an honorable discharge. boone was a popular member of the company and also popular among a large number of friends. michael r. lyons. michael r. lyons of k company, died in the mercy hospital, springfield, april th, , just a year from the time he enlisted and after making a gallant fight against the effects of the hardships he underwent in cuba. he was a well-liked member of the company and made an excellent soldier, doing his duty quietly and faithfully. all through the campaign, although ill at times, he was cheerful and uncomplaining and his example was not lost on his comrades. his body was taken to palmer for burial. his parents and brothers reside in springfield. andrew little. andrew little was one of the "recruits" of g company, he having gone to the camp at south framingham with the first batch of extra men assembled in springfield after it was known that several vacancies had been caused in the company through rejections by the surgeons. he lived in middlebury, vermont, but had been employed in springfield for some time. during the campaign he served as assistant company cook and stood the hardships and exposure fairly well until a short time before the regiment left santiago for the united states. george c. creley. george c. creley, , was one of the last men of k company to die, his death being due to consumption contracted in service in cuba. his death occurred june , , after a long illness. creley left a father and a sister, the former living in springfield. he was a recruit, enlisting in k as soon as there was an opportunity and his service was faithful. john l. morehouse. the last member of k company to pass away up to the time of issuing this volume, was private john l. morehouse who died nov. , , after an illness of several weeks. he was a cousin of lieut. h. h. parkhurst of k and was well liked by his comrades, being easily one of the most popular members of the company. he was years of age and aside from cousins, had no near relatives. transcriber's note italic text is denoted by _underscores_. superscripts have been converted to normal text. obvious typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation of external sources. except for those changes noted below, inconsistent or archaic spelling of a word or word-pair within the text has been retained. for example: blockhouses, block houses; good-bye, good bye; reenlist, re-enlist; warships, war ships. p . 'andmaintained' changed to 'and maintained'. p . 'hereseveral' changed to 'here several'. p . 't. a. sweney' changed to 't. a. sweeney'. p . 'a. m.' changed to 'a. m.' for consistency. p . 'manilla' changed to 'manila'. p . 'to be be beaten' changed to 'to be beaten'. p . 'somehew' changed to 'somehow'. p . 'employe' changed to 'employee'. p . 'utillized' changed to 'utilized'. p . 'guage' changed to 'gauge'. p . 'oocupants' changed to 'occupants'. p . 'olock' changed to 'clock'. p . 'in the the afternoon' changed to 'in the afternoon'. p . 'envolope' changed to 'envelope'. p . 'anothor' changed to 'another'. p . 'oolor' changed to 'color'. p . 'advavtage' changed to 'advantage'. p . 'boulè' changed to 'boule'. p . 'backman' changed to 'barkman'. p . 'illuminatad' changed to 'illuminated'. p . 'sprinfields' changed to 'springfields'. p . 'greenowitz' changed to 'grenowitz'. p . 'khakir' changed to khaki'. p . 'santiano' changed to 'santiago'. p . 'machette' changed to 'machete'. p . 'round robbin' changed to 'round robin'. p . 'suberb' changed to 'superb'. p . 'recieved' changed to 'received'. p . 'eht use of' changed to 'the use of'. p . 'mpatience' changed to 'impatience'. p . 'lamoreau' changed to 'lamoreaux'. p . 'employes' changed to 'employees'. p . 'phillippines' changed to 'philippines'. p . 'chase of of the' changed to 'chase of the'. p . 'tomkinsville' changed to 'tompkinsville'. p . 'frnak p. jones' changed to 'frank p. jones'. +-------------------------------------------------+ |transcriber's note: | | | |obvious typographic errors have been corrected. | | | +-------------------------------------------------+ [illustration: chaplain robert t. kerlin.] dedication to the brave, true, and generous-hearted boys, my comrades and friends, of the third missouri volunteers, who offered their lives for country in the cause of humanity. the camp-life of the third regiment. by chaplain robert t. kerlin. . hudson-kimberly pub. co. kansas city, mo. preface. what is camp-life like? what did we do? how did we fare? what scenes, incidents, and episodes occurred? these are questions everyone wishes answered by somebody who "saw it all." if one cannot paint, one should have the dramatic skill of a schiller to render all this picturesque manner of life worthily vivid to the reader. how rich it is in its free manifestations of human nature! no restraint here upon one's being and seeming to be what he is. the qualities, good and bad, of our common humanity, therefore, appear unrestrained by the conventionalities, undisguised by the false glosses of civil society. all here has reverted to primitive conditions. enter the camp with me, if you will, and we shall watch together this moving panorama of soldier life; we shall see and hear and feel what as visions and impressions will remain with us forever--and not painfully so altogether, either on account of the evils or the hardships, for everywhere the good is more than the evil and the hardships are endured as by brave soldiers. if your heart be sound and good, as the examining surgeon assured me mine was; if you appreciate the immense significance of this national uprising in arms in the cause of humanity; and if you assume, as you rightly should, that this high motive has mainly influenced these men to enlist and offer their lives--then the scenes of the army shall be to you unforgettable evidences of the life energies awakened and the ideals vivified of a people hitherto supposed to be hopelessly materialistic in their thoughts and mercenary in their ways. the contents of this little book, with the exception of two brief chapters, are letters that were written in camp from time to time and published in different newspapers. it is thought best to present them just as they originally appeared, believing they will thereby most faithfully and vividly bring the characteristics of camp-life before the reader. robert t. kerlin, _chaplain_. contents. page dedication preface valedictory letters from camp: i. panoramic view ii. ole virginny; fun in camp iii. a little more fun; some trouble iv. various things--all interesting v. joy and sorrow; a little sermon vi. the thoroughfare march and encampment in the slough of despond significance of the war chronology list of the dead valedictory. much more remains for the historian, whoever he shall be, of the third regiment yet to relate, which things, some pleasant and forever memorable, some unpleasant and perhaps unforgettable, shall here not be so much as suggested. the writer's inclinations are all toward quietude and harmony; his limitations, besides, are imperative in forbidding. at thoroughfare gap he fell sick of a fever and was _hors de combat_ during the subsequent encampment there and at middletown, pa. he has, therefore, been unable to detail from first-hand knowledge the later and less pleasing experiences of the regiment. the facts, by all concerned, are too well known to require a further _exposé_. when he believed that his pen could be of genuine service to the regiment, he wrote without thought of fear or favor; he would again so write did the circumstances seem to him to require it; that is, if justice to any demanded it and good should be accomplished by it. by these principles let us ever be guided. the war is over; so let the sweet-smelling incense of comradeship and fraternity rise on a common altar of peace. * * * * * and now the chaplain, in bidding his comrades farewell, would make his final words to them worthy of their remembrance, safe for their guidance, and strong for their support to the very end of life. for six months in camp he sought to be their moral guide, their spiritual pastor, and their faithful ministrant in every need of body, mind, and heart. he would still be their counsellor, their friend and helper. as when in camp opportunity could be found he talked to them of the way of life, warned them against vice as destructive, encouraged and exhorted them to virtue as only safe and wise, and tried to bring high and pure influences into their lives, so now at parting he would seek to give them a message of friendship, a token of perpetual comradeship in spirit, and would make known to them his great solicitude for their individual welfare, temporal and eternal. again, and for the last time probably, he would entreat them to be courageous in the days of peace and in civic duties as they were in times of war and in the exactions of a military camp. having faith in the boys, believing them to be his friends and prizing their friendship as his abundant reward for all he sought to do for them, he would now say, out of a heart of anxiety that each one of them may prosper in peaceful life and as a brave soldier come to the end of his earthly career victorious in all manner of virtue: be strong and of good courage; be fearless champions of all that is right, true, and good; espouse and maintain the cause of the just, of the weak, and of the oppressed; resist the proud and the cruel; be an uncompromising foe of evil in all its forms; cherish for yourselves high and worthy ideals; strengthen your wills and gather moral force by manly resistance of wrong and by high achievement of good; strive against bad habits--conquer them if you are brave and wise, else they will conquer you; be loyal to what you have known from childhood to be the wise teachings of all good men. finally, soldiers, follow him who dared to die, alone, forsaken, upon the cross of calvary, that he might bring truth, love, mercy, righteousness, redemption to mankind. follow him! follow him! i. panoramic view. for a week, in camp alger, the boys of the third have been clearing a forest, digging wells, building kitchen arbors and adobe furnaces, spading and raking about the tents and making themselves beds and other household conveniences out of the materials afforded by the forest primeval. from where i am now sitting, underneath the tall pines, in front of my tent, which a squad are putting in order, you can see a string of boys moving in this way or that, bearing logs from the clearing, or carrying a long pole toward the companies' quarters; while in the valley beyond the tents the third new york is drilling to the music of bugle and drum, and a forest of oak trees rises beyond. camp alger occupies an old virginia plantation of acres, about ten miles from washington. but it is not under garden-like cultivation, as the name and location might suggest. it is a wilderness, with here and there a narrow winding road and a small open field. the various regiments--some twenty odd--are located in this vast, uncared-for estate, just where open space can be found or made. ours was placed to the west of those already in the ground when we came, and assigned a little field of about acres in extent. the third new york is encamped along the north side of this field, while we are along the west, and both regiments use it for exercise. the old manor house lies south of us about half a mile. the newer part of the house was built early in this century of brick brought from england, while the older part belongs to the last century, and is built of wood. it is, of course, a historic place, and the lady of the manor told me many interesting things concerning the country around. one of the smooth, sandy roads winding through the estate was made by washington; another is called "gallows' lane," because, during the civil war, so many union pickets met their fate there at the hands of col. mosby's men. the third does not have so many visitors at camp alger as it had at jefferson barracks, and the "producer," that is, the young lady who brings a box of dainties to her soldier laddie, is conspicuously absent. still, we have not been wholly neglected. several missourians living in washington, among them some congressmen, have visited us. they speak of our regiment in the highest terms of praise, and promise to use their influence to get us early to the front. as for ourselves, having a good opinion of our rank, we expect to be among the first on cuban soil. i do not know what impression the newspaper accounts of the third have made upon your minds, but the impression everywhere made by the boys themselves has been extremely favorable. every one i talked with in st. louis, spoke in highest praise of the gentlemanly behavior of the third--in contrast, i am sorry to say, to some other regiments. and it was so all along our journey eastward. wherever we stopped any length of time, as at louisville, cincinnati and parkersburg, the papers spoke in the most commendatory terms of our men. we were at parkersburg nearly a whole day, and "took in" the town. the dailies of that place each gave us a column write-up that made us feel proud of the standard of conduct maintained by our regiment. if a spectacular, dramatic representation of the third regiment in camp alger could be put upon the stage it would be more than the success of the season. i suggest this as an opportunity for any missourian whose aspirations tend toward the dramatic in literature. the writer would have only to be a faithful copyist with enough of the artist's sense and imaginative faculty to select the characteristic and telling features, and present them on a thread of romance. let me just go about with him a day and show him what he could work into a fine spectacular performance. first, the general scene shall be a vast wilderness of pines, cedars, oaks and chestnuts, and other forest trees, with a tangled undergrowth of vines, ferns, mosses, blackberry bushes, shrub honeysuckle, laurel and other flowering plants; narrow, sandy roads, worn deep into the red soil by a century of travel, wind through this wilderness; and here and there as they lead, in their windings, over hill and vale, through deep shades, crossing now and then a clear, rippling stream to which thrushes sing and where mosses and ferns cluster thickly to the water's edge, there should appear in the great forest a little open field, whose yellow soil lies broken into furrows only in strips, indicating to what extent farming had been carried when the government laid hold upon the vast old estate for an army camp. the third regiment shall be placed at the western edge of a small field that opens in the midst of a wilderness and slopes gently southward and eastward toward spring-fed streams that are hidden by shrubbery and fringed by many ferns. the time shall be a day in june, and the action shall open with the rising of the sun. from the higher ground, where the staff officers' tents are situated at the extreme west side under the towering oaks and pines, we shall watch the sun appear above the wooded hill to the east and drive away the white mist in the vale below, while the wild birds, the robins and thrushes, are greeting the dawn with happy lays. the mess fires beyond the tents are started, and in the still air of morning their columns of smoke rise and outspread tall and graceful. hark! the bugle sounds the first call. how it thrills the very soul and makes you feel all the grand opportunity of the new day, awakening the old hope never dead, and kindling enthusiasm for life's enterprises ever new! who would not waken to hear it, however sweet his morning slumbers might be to him? waken to hear, though he should turn over upon his canvas cot and float away into dreamland again with the inspiring notes still echoing through his soul. but if he lies awake he will hear from one quarter "dixie," it may be, played by the band of some other regiment; shortly afterward, "the star-spangled banner" by another, and then the drum corps of our new york neighbors will make sleep utterly impossible. then follows our full bugle corps, with revéille proper: i can't get 'em up, i can't get 'em up, i can't get 'em up this morning; i can't get 'em up, i can't get 'em up, i can't get 'em up at all. the corporal's worse than the private, the sergeant's worse than the corporal, the lieutenant's worse than the sergeant, but the captain's worst of all. oh, i can't get 'em up, i can't get 'em up, i can't get 'em up in the morning; i can't get 'em up, i can't get 'em up, i can't get 'em up at all. then the camp is as alive as a swarm of bees, with a similar hum and buzz of mingled noises. a thousand soldiers in a half-hour's time have dressed, performed their simple toilet--a close-shorn head in many instances enabling a towel to render adequate service as comb and brush, and formed into company lines to respond with a lusty "here!" to the call of their names--soon after to be swinging their guns or clapping their hands in calisthenic drills. the bugle-call to mess is not so musical, and, put into words, is not so poetical, as some of the others, but it serves the intended purpose. it goes as follows: porkee, porkee, porkee without any lean; soupee, soupee, soupee without any bean; coffee, coffee, coffee the worst ever seen! after morning mess you may see a variety of scenes characteristic of camp life. you will see a "fatigue" squad lined up before the sergeant major's tent to receive orders for duty around headquarters. they will rake the yard and roll up the side-curtains of the tents, clear away some brush, or make some improvement in our sylvan settlement. here and there in officers' tents you will see the various school assembled--schools for every rank from major of battalion to the non-commissioned officers. and they will study their little blue-backed "drill regulations" as diligently as in days gone by they studied their blue-backed spellers. at o'clock, say, a battalion marches out of camp to take exercise in the field. while it is performing its evolutions you may perhaps see a skirmishing squad break from the edge of the forest somewhere about, and, with a terrifying yell, make a sudden attack upon the enemy. across that young peach orchard yonder to our south you will see another company advance by repeated short swift runs and sudden stops, falling each time flat upon the ground to fire, thus driving the foe from the field and winning the day against fearful odds. at : , thirsty, perspiring and dust-begrimed, they come hastily into camp, clash their guns down and look for all the world as though they had just come back from the war. they have met the spaniards in the field and "routed them and scouted them, nor lost a single man." when distinguished visitors come to our camp our regimental band comes up to do them honor, and they play, as only this band can, to the delight of all who cover the hillslopes of camp alger within hearing. "ben bolt," "margery," "the merry american," "the stars and stripes forever," and other favorites are finely rendered, but most beautiful of all is their hunting song, with its bugle echo and imitation of the chase resounding through the woods: a hunting we will go, a hunting we will go, a hunting we will go, tantivy, tantivy, tantivy, and then the barking of the dogs and noise of the pursuers and the capture of the quarry. at : we have dress parade. our stage manager may not be able to present this effectively. he would require the services of an entire university corps of students as "supes." the three battalions of four companies each, preceded by the band and bugle corps, march, after some field movements, before the mounted staff. this is the most imposing warlike spectacle to be exhibited. after this the boys are free. soon their tents, viewed from headquarters, will present a diversified and interesting scene. three hundred white canvas houses, dimly lit within by tallow candles, the mess fires glowing underneath their arbors beyond, white-aproned cooks moving about them, and everywhere groups of boys engaged in all manner of amusement in the several company lanes--this is the picture--a sort of midway plaisance. we shall place some of these scenes before you upon the stage. there will be no order or formality, but a jolly, free-for-all. everybody knows, however, who can entertain and what everybody can do, though the amount and variety of artistic talent among these thousand boys is something surprising. we shall first have a mandolin and guitar duet, and this will bring a small group together. b---- b---- will then be called for, and he will increase the crowd. taking the guitar in hand he will sing some comic darky songs in his inimitable way. "the warmest baby in the bunch" will be called for, then a half dozen others all at once. the medley of titles of popular songs will take the crowd best. c---- will then do some whistling. you will think a mocking bird is in camp. such chirping, warbling and piping you will say you never heard, except, possibly, from thrushes, robins and mocking birds. then d---- will be called for. d---- is an irishman, a true son of erin. he has been with barnum as a clown, and now has chosen the army for its freer life. d---- is a splendid fellow. i count him as one of my best friends. our acquaintance came about in this way: one evening at jefferson barracks, before many of the boys in his company came to recognize me, dressed as i was in citizen's clothes, i joined a promiscuous crowd in their lane where they were having an impromptu entertainment. "the girl i left behind me," "the old oaken bucket," and other songs that appeal tenderly to the universal heart, had been sung, and that, too, remarkably well. d---- was called for. he placed one foot upon a pine box lying in the center of the circle and started out upon a song that for its pathos touched each heart. in fact, d---- was in a pathetic way that evening. what was our astonishment and chagrin when d---- turned about fierce as a jungle cat, and began swearing like a mule driver. what had happened to evoke such wrath and malediction? a half mile away some boys were greeting the th, just then arriving, with vociferous cheering; near by some boys of a neighboring company were thrumming quietly upon a guitar and a mandolin. d---- explained, mainly in words which not even kipling was ever realistic enough to string together, that he never could begin doing anything without those "curs" in the neighboring company starting up some noise. d---- was not in the rest of the evening's performance. no amount of persuasion could induce him to proceed. d---- was really not in a happy mood. and though you could not consider his resentment as at all just, anybody would have sympathized with him and have tried to reason away his delusion. but in vain. a few days after i saw d---- by daylight; he recognized me and we had a pleasant little chat. he was all right. again i saw him, and he had a patch on his face. the "farm house," just outside the reservation, had got the best of d----. still he and the chaplain are good friends, for d---- has a good heart. so d---- comes upon the stage and sings, making some fine local hits. now his song will make you weep, because you can't laugh any more, then another will make you cry for the world of pathos in it, and, as you must think, in his heart, too. if you have a heart yourself to appreciate and sympathize with every brother man you will feel, deep down in it like saying, "god bless you, d----, and give you joy." then h----, tall, gaunt, sallow and dry, will recite "st. peter at the gate;" s---- will render "the picture on the barroom floor;" n---- will perform on the flute; a half-dozen couples will give a cake-walk, the ladies being distinguished by a handkerchief tied over the head and a poncho around the waist, and better walking you must admit you never saw. then regretfully we hear the bugle sound tattoo; in fifteen minutes "quarters" will sound, and, in yet another quarter of an hour, "taps." some sacred songs are now called for. the chaplain has been present at all the performance, and his interest and delight have been unfeigned. it may be some boy has let slip a word he wouldn't have spoken if the light had been bright, revealing the chaplain. it may be a hot drop of tallow has fallen upon the hand of some fellow and burnt it while he was intently listening to a song; then he may have spoken hastily. he afterward comes and asks the chaplain's pardon. the whole affair--the various performances and the conduct of the boys, courteous, free and jolly, has been gratifying to the chaplain, and he tells them so, adding a word of encouragement and of counsel. all the boys now want to sing the favorite song of the camp. we, perhaps, have sung "rock of ages," "yield not to temptation," and other old familiar hymns, for they like these best. but now they want to sing, "nearer my god to thee," which, because it is best of all, we have put off to the last. then, with a brief prayer, it may be, for god's blessing upon the soldier boys, and for his protection and guidance, the chaplain dismisses them, while, with heads bowed in reverence, under the stars, heaven's solemn peace seems to have descended upon them. then the most beautiful of all the bugle calls sounds out into the stillness of the night. it is "taps." how melodiously it invites to sweet and peaceful rest. the words but feebly suggest the mellow notes of the bugle: love, good night; must thou go, when the day and the night need thee so? all is well, hasten all to their rest. many things that would be interesting features in a spectacular performance would have to be left out, i fear. you could not, for example, present upon the stage our last sunday morning's o'clock service. but what pertaining to the whole camp could be more important from any point of view? the marching of the company squads in almost full, though voluntary attendance, to the grove, and taking an easy position on the grass about the improvised pulpit beneath the tall forest trees, the inspiring music, the respectful, unbroken and solemn attention given to the sermon, the profound impression, deepened by the response given by some who came forward to witness before all to their acceptance of the savior christ and their purpose to follow him, then the evening service of song, at which still others, with the like courageous and noble decision make choice of the true way of life--this, taken along with the fact that the boys of this regiment are manly, high-spirited and well-behaved, would be impressive, though only suggested by words. a true presentation of the third would, i think, give assurance to many a mother, sister and sweetheart, anxious and prayerful for the welfare of her soldier boy. she would see, for the most part, a sturdy, generous-hearted, gentlemanly, though sun-embrowned and rollicking body of young men--respectful to citizens and officers, kind, though sometimes rough to one another, eager for "fun or trouble," which means a campaign anywhere against the spaniards, and stirred generally by a noble motive that enables them to endure hardships like a good soldier. if the friends of these boys care to know how their present pastor feels about the whole matter he can put it in one sentence, which he hopes will give assurance to anxious hearts. well, then, he takes a hopeful view of every situation, he has faith in the better and nobler qualities of human nature, and to these, by one means and another, always makes his appeal. he enjoys camp life, though fully aware of all the evils he has to oppose. he enjoys his pastoral work--call it not work--his friendly comradeship, with the boys. he is hopeful, he is encouraged by results, and always encouraging. he is thankful to almighty god for the true and generous responses these noble-hearted soldier boys make to the good influences he seeks to bring into their lives. may their loved and loving ones at home write them letters of good cheer and good counsel, and encourage them to be as brave in championing the cross of christ as they certainly will be in fighting for the flag of their country. ii. old virginy. it is reported in camp that the new yorkers, the first night after our arrival and encampment near them, slept on their guns, with bayonets ready for defense. they supposed that of course we were cowboys and toughs, coming as we did from the indian village at the mouth of the kaw. as a matter of fact, however, the west, in the rural districts especially, is further removed from primitive condition than the east, whether that be new england or virginia. these virginia homesteads indeed are old; but they have reverted, as it were, to nature's dominion, and are covered with a second growth of timber and a tangle of blackberry vines. here and there you will see a little meadow white with daisies and fringed with wild roses, or a cultivated field with potatoes, corn or wheat growing in it; but how different does the yellow, stony soil, and the scanty growth thereon, appear from what one sees in missouri. and you will see them plowing with a single horse or mule and the old single-shovel plow. eastern virginia is like another world to one of us westerners. to-day a party of us explored the country hereabouts. first we went to an old homestead about two miles south of our camp to see some old canton chinaware and colonial furniture which i discovered some days ago. it was the possession of the family of masons--one of the f. f. vs. they showed us a gold-hilted sword that was used by gen. john mason in the war of . they had old mirrors, sideboards and tables; old hand-made blue china, over a century old; candelabra that in their day cost from $ to $ , and now, by age, are much enhanced in value; a grandfather's clock that stood on the floor and reached the ceiling, and kept time for the first generation of the republic; and old high-post bedsteads, in which the great-grandparents of many a missouri boy now at camp alger, may have slept. a picture of this old homestead would be interesting to westerners if it could be faithfully rendered. the old, deep-cut, yellow road winds around the north slope of the hill southward of the house a few hundred yards. from this the road leading to the house goes down across a small, sparkling stream well fed by springs which you can see here and there in the green slopes of the hills. the house stands under a deep shade of lofty and wide-spreading chestnuts. it is painted white, of course. all of these virginia houses are so painted or whitewashed. the outhouses are numerous, and likewise exhibit a liberal use of whitewash and white paint. the spring house--that's never wanting on one of these homesteads--the smoke house, the lumber house--which is usually built of logs and was once doubtless a negro cabin--hen house, barns, etc., all looking clean and bright and beautiful in their green setting. from the mason homestead we went to an old mill which i had found out when some days ago i visited the outposts. the old mill has not ground any corn, i presume, for a generation. its mossy roof threatens to tumble in; the old wooden water wheel is falling to ruin, its wooden cogs are fast disappearing. it is a century and a half old. the lady in whose family the mill has always been, and who now lives near it, where her parents, grandparents and great-grandparents before her lived, related to us to-day that washington, when a young man, came along while they were building the stone foundation and said: "boys, what are you building here? an indian fort?" when told that it was a mill, he said it would serve them also as a fort and refuge against the indians. the nails that now but feebly hold the decaying boards to the massive timbers of the frame were hand-made. visitors esteem these, or a wooden cog, or some other old iron or piece of wood, as a valuable souvenir. the dwelling house of the owner stands on the steep hillside a few steps away. as you climb up to it you pass the whitewashed spring house, the old ash hopper, the old-fashioned bee hives, all in the midst of blossoming shrubbery, and come to a door under the large-timbered but cozy old veranda, and look into a low ceilinged room of which the whitewashed joists are unhewn logs. while we enjoy the fresh milk and strawberry pies they set before us, we use our eyes, looking with delight about us upon the old-time things. it can rain as hard here as at jefferson barracks. the night after our arrival, and before the tents were ditched, it rained cats and dogs. the quarters of several companies were inundated--it was easy to get a bath, plunge or shower. one boy sat in his tent perched up on a box with his shoes by the side of him, while the waters swirled around. a shoe was accidentally knocked off and was being hurried away--he makes a run and a splash for it, and returns successful--to find the box with the other shoe swept away into the darkness. he took it philosophically, telling his friends next day that he "went to sleep in the army and woke in the navy." to-night we were given a free entertainment in company g lane. it consisted mostly of dancing. first we had the old virginia reel, and it was given in grand style. the fiddling brought back the scenes of the country picnic and fourth of july of our boyhood. there was one musical feature, however, that was new. one of the boys, with a lead pencil in each hand, sat by the fiddler and thumped on the strings and produced all the effects of a banjo perfectly. then they gave us a cake-walk. there were some half-dozen couples that entered the contest. the ladies wore blue-checked handkerchiefs on their heads and poncho skirts. do not believe any report saying that the boys of the third are discontented and unhappy. go down through the company lanes any evening and see what they are doing. you will see a great many writing, some reading, some playing cards, but most of them will be engaged in some out-door amusement. their amusements are continually varying. at st. louis it was "leap-frog;" now it is "tug-of-war." "cock fighting" and "bull fighting" are also amusements, and are said to be very entertaining. we are invited to see some of this to-morrow evening. of course, the fighting is all between the boys, and when they represent the chickens--as the thing has been described to me--they are so fixed that they tumble all over themselves at the lightest touch. you will hear a great many funny things said, it doesn't matter what the boys are doing. a circus is not more delightful. mascots of every imaginable sort--pigs, chickens, cats, dogs, rabbits, terrapins, goats, small boys--are a special feature of camp life. odd characters, too, are quite as common. i will tell you of one--a "character"--that belongs to company e. he must have been picked up, i think, as a sort of mascot. he imitates a pig in all its swinish habits of grunting, squealing, and being unclean. at jefferson barracks a dozen times a day i looked up to see where that pig was. you could not help thinking one was in camp and was very hungry at that. his face, when you saw him, confirmed the deception. a hungry pig following a pail of buttermilk after one taste is not more piggish than this poor boy. on a recent evening, when i was present at a mixed entertainment, consisting of mandolin and guitar music, singing, reciting, etc., "piggy," as he calls himself, attempted to play his rôle, coming out and getting down in the center of the circle, but he didn't take. the boys were plainly tired of him and called him down. he strongly suggested the court fool of the middle ages. this is the best that could be said of him, an object of extreme pity. what now, after this boy has so long aspired only to amuse people by playing so abject a rôle, at which he has learned to succeed so perfectly--what yet are his human possibilities? well, that night after singing, his captain invited me in to sit with him awhile, and i referred to this boy, whereupon he related this incident of him. he said that a few days before the "pig" had sent for him to come to the guard house, where, for some misdemeanor, he had been incarcerated, and shoot him. the captain found him all broken up--the human was asserting itself in tears--for man is not only the animal that laughs, but the animal that weeps also; and this particular one was proving himself by his tears a man. the boy said: "captain, i want you to take me out and shoot me. i would rather you would just kill me than to treat me the way you do." the captain was astonished and asked what he meant. he replied: "why, you didn't speak to me this morning when i spoke; you just ignored me as if i was nobody. i would rather you'd take me out and shoot me." his captain then explained to him that it was an army rule not to speak to any one in disgrace, and so gave the poor boy relief. the human sense of self-respect was not extinct, but when awakened, was even very strong in this deluded, ignorant boy; which is another confirmation of my fundamental doctrine and principal of action. there are two things i have supreme faith in: the first is human nature, and the second is christ's method of dealing with it. these two faiths must not be separated, if they are to remain true and practicable. only christ's way of approaching and appealing to men calls forth the good that is in them. to have faith in christ, that is, in his way and his doctrine, implies, on the other hand, faith in humanity. whoever will follow christ's method and show his spirit, his tact, faith and love will find human nature nine parts good to one part evil and responsive in kind to every appeal. to awaken the good that is in every man, is the true work of salvation, and that is done in but one way--that is christ's. lowell expressed it all in these words: "be noble and the nobleness that lies in others, sleeping but not dead, will rise in majesty to meet thine own." the kind of treatment we receive at the hands of others is, in the main, the reflection of our own deeds and thoughts. iii. fun and trouble. "guard mounting" is the most ceremonious feature of the daily routine of the camp. it occurs at o'clock each day, and occupies almost an hour. the entire band and bugle corps make the ceremony beautiful and impressive, for all the time that the inspection is in process the band plays its patriotic airs and the bugles sound their calls and marches. the old guard, which has been on duty for twenty-four hours, is relieved, and a new guard assembled upon the parade, and after each has undergone thorough inspection, and the officers in command have made report in formal military manner, the new guard, preceded by the blaring bugles, goes to the guard house to be instructed in general and special orders, and thence detailed to their several posts. the guard is composed of details from each of the twelve companies, in numbers according to the requirements of the camp. our camp at present, with twenty odd posts, requires above seventy men and officers. there is a captain in general command as officer of the day, a lieutenant who is officer of the guard, a sergeant, and a corporal for each of the three reliefs, for the entire sentry force is divided into three parties, each serving in turn two hours and resting four. while, therefore, there is a circuit of outposts extending around all camp alger, yet each particular regiment thus has its own circuit of sentinels, who by day and by night pace their beat and challenge those who pass the lines either way, determining whether, according to orders, the passers-by have a right to proceed. a few nights since, in company with the officers of the guard, i made the circuit of our own posts, in order to learn by actual experience how they performed their duties. it may be asked, why is guard mounting attended with so much of "the pomp and circumstance of war?" so i asked, and the answer from a "regular" army officer was this: "why, there is no more serious responsibility laid upon any one than upon the sentinels. the safety of the entire camp depends upon their faithfulness. this ceremony is designed to impress them with a sense of the immense responsibility resting upon them." a funny thing happened in the third new york shortly after our arrival here. the officer of the guard, on his round giving instructions, passed by a raw guard and told him that the countersign would now be discontinued. after awhile the officer on his way back was challenged by this guard and asked for the countersign. you can imagine that the officer was somewhat surprised at this. but the guard was firm, and insisted that he should give the countersign or stay outside the lines. "why," protested the officer, "i just now told you there was no countersign." "you told me," rejoined the innocent and faithful-minded guard, "you told me the countersign would be 'discontinued.'" these boys joke at every situation. while cutting cedar boughs to make himself a bed the next morning after arriving here, a boy returned my greeting with the proverb: "yes, a gambler's life; one day the turkey, the next day the feathers." it sounded like a proverb, but for all i know it was original and new. the guard house suggests some good stories i heard two evenings ago, when i stopped in to see who was there. i found about twenty boys, the most of whom were in for over-staying their leave in the city or for going without leave. but one who called himself a dutchman was in, as he related, on the following score: the officers of the day and of the guard were on a round of inspection. when they approached his post he called, "halt, who goes there?" the answer came, "officers." he sends off straightway for the corporal of the guard. of course he should have said, "advance and be recognized." they told him this, and his reply cost him a few dollars and a few days in the guard house. it was, "all officers look alike in the dark to me. i wouldn't advance the lord cromwell unless i could see him." the relation of his experience started the boys to telling stories, and for an hour we had a pleasant time. one story was of a sentinel, who, having halted a man and received to his query, "who goes there?" the answer, "a friend with a bottle," commanded, "advance, uncork the bottle, and let it be recognized!" it was said that the guard was unable to more than half-way recognize the bottle and so sent for the corporal who satisfied himself entirely as to the other half. the "moonshine" about here, it may be remarked, is called "two-step"--presumably because after taking a dram of it a fellow doesn't take more than two steps without tumbling. another story equally well represents phases of camp life. the sentry posts of camp alger are usually in pretty stumpy places. one night one of the officers, just about the time a sentinel called out, "who goes there?" having stumped his toe, exclaimed, "jesus christ!" the guard, according to one version, said, "advance and be recognized!" according to another version, he called for the corporal to turn out the chaplain! that seemed to him to be the appropriate thing to do. on another occasion when an officer exclaimed, "the devil," a similar call was made for the chaplain to turn out and meet his satanic majesty, who had arrived in camp. if you would find out what is going on in camp, go some time to the guard house when a large crowd has been "run in," not for any very heinous offense, but for something which they try to justify themselves in, and say they would do again. the crowd will be lively and good hearted, and will have nothing to do but to tell and hear stories. one story on any particular phase of camp life will be a starter; then they follow fast. and the boys will be glad you came if you have chatted with them in a free and sociable way, and will give you a hearty invitation back again.[a] last night i accompanied capt. c----, the commanding officer of the guard, around the sentry circuit of the camp. in the evening i was at the guard house, where two prisoners were immured for a little difficulty they had had, and the captain asked me if i would not like to make this round with him. wishing to know all about it, i met him at : and we went out through the dark. we were halted by every one of the fifteen sentinels. "halt! who goes there?" "friends," i would answer, or, "officers of the camp." "advance one and be recognized," would be the sentry's response. then i would advance, and at the bayonet's point stand till he recognized me or said he could not, and i told him who i was. then i told my companion to advance, while the guard held his gun at port. the sentries made a great many mistakes, as might be expected. sometimes they said simply, "advance," instead of "advance one;" then we both advanced. the captain thereupon showed him the danger of that. sometimes i was permitted, when ordered to advance, to go right up to the sentry without his drawing down his gun upon me. the captain would then show him how he exposed himself by that error. thus he instructed each of the sentinels on duty. one of the "rookies" the other day made a funny blunder. a general instruction to the sentinel is "to walk his post in a military manner, and to salute all commissioned officers and all standards and colors uncased." wishing to get it fixed firmly in his mind, this guard kept repeating it over and over to himself. the result was that at last he got the word "millinery" hopelessly substituted for "military" and in spite of himself would say "colored officers" instead of "commissioned officers." the officer of the guard found him in this confusion of words--and left him so. the army is a good school. the average american youth, to render him a good citizen, needs just the lessons of obedience and respect for authority he gets here. my chief study is human nature under the conditions of camp life and under the diverse manifestations inevitably presented in military life. the guard house and the court room afford an opportunity to become acquainted with some classes and specimens of humanity. one evening last week i was retained as advocate for the defense of two accused of cursing their officers. the trial is not conducted as in a civil court, but according to the following manner in the "field court." the lieutenant colonel constitutes the court, and, having summoned the accused before him, reads the charges and proceeds to the investigation. the advocate for the accused has but a limited opportunity of displaying either his ability or smartness. he can ask only such questions as his client requests shall be asked, and he addresses them not to the witness directly, but to the judge, who puts them to the witness. in the first case in which i was advocate for the accused, the charge was drawn up in the following prescribed and regular manner: _charge_--disrespect toward his commanding officer, in violation of the twentieth article of war. _specification_--in that a---- b----, company ----, united states infantry, did use vile, abusive and threatening language toward his captain. (place and date.) one of the boys was fined $ and the other $ . the fines go to the soldiers' home fund. two days later i was called on to save one of these boys from being tried on a charge of violating the twenty-second article of war, which reads as follows: "any officer or soldier who begins, excites, causes or joins in any meeting or sedition in any troop, etc., shall suffer death or such other punishment as a court-martial may direct." the colonel read the offender this article and gave him a warning he will perhaps remember. the lieutenant colonel's tent and mine are side by side, and the proceedings of his court are, therefore, under my observation. the cases, since pay-day especially, have been frequent, "two-step moonshine" having been boot-legged into camp. some of the boys on outpost duty, thought it would be fun to have some fine spring chickens they found at a farm house. the chickens cost them about $ apiece. a number of boys over-stayed their leave of absence in the city. they, too, pay for their fun. human frailty and freakish love of liberty, more than wilful meanness, appear in the conduct of those brought to trial. and, in most cases, the ancient proverb is illustrated: "he that sinneth against me (says wisdom) wrongeth his own soul." our first funeral occurred last sunday. the circumstances of the case rendered it pathetic in the extreme to whoever paused to reflect. the contrast between the man's mournful career and his honored burial could not have been greater. he died a drunkard's death. he was laid to rest in the national cemetery of arlington, by nature one of the grandest, by associations one of the most famous spots in our whole country. but three days an enlisted man, he was buried with military honors. he was a wrecked and ruined man; he had no relative, not a close friend near him in the hour of his death, but the entire company of which he had so lately become a member, marched ten miles through dust and extreme heat to escort his body to his grave among the great of earth. the bugler, who sounded "taps" for the battleship _maine_ and for gen. grant, and other illustrious dead, sounded the sweet and mellow notes above his mournful tomb, bidding peace and repose to his spirit. what words could be spoken for one of so sad a fate? how much of pathos in it all! how much call for human sympathy, and what warning! the feeling of comradeship and fraternity is more nobly and powerfully manifested among soldiers than among any other class of men i know of. their spirit of generosity toward one another is not less strong than is their sense of justice. these, i would say, are the most marked characteristics of the soldier: feeling of comradeship, spirit of generosity and sense of justice. as for the last, being a fighter by profession, he comes to entertain a high sense of honor, and is called upon to maintain his rights and stand up for his cause. of course, there is code of laws for army life, which, although unwritten, are none the less strict. there is, therefore, no school of character better than the camp. it, indeed, ruins many. so does every occupation and every environment. but those who set themselves strongly against the evils of this way of life acquire a strength and nobleness which are not possible under less strenuous and trying conditions. it is, therefore, a school for character excelling any other. but greater tact and wisdom and stronger personal influence are required here than elsewhere to direct the sentiments and determine the character of those under training. good music, good literature, good addresses and entertainments, and good, thoughtful treatment in general are influences that go far toward making good soldiers and good men. footnote: [a] the boys made merry over every situation and joked and jollied one another under all circumstances. a lady visiting the camp at fairmount park happened, in passing, to see a nice-looking boy in the guard house, and with surprise stopped and asked, "why, what have they put _you_ in here for?" the poor boy blushed and began to stammer; a comrade standing by took in the situation and promptly replied, "for playing baseball on sunday, madame!" iv. various things--all interesting. huckleberries are ripe in the wilderness around camp alger, and many boys from missouri are getting their first taste of the berry immortalized in the name of tom sawyer's adventurous friend. dewberries also find many a nook in the woods and the fallow fields, where of mornings they gleam fresh and black on their low running vines. but most abundant of all are the blackberries. the vines were in blossom when we were at jefferson barracks, and we thought we should like to be there--if not at porto rico or manila--when the berries should be ripe; but we find them more abundant around our present camp and of a fine, large growth. joaquin miller advised the virginians to "plow up their dogs and plant vineyards." were i a virginian i should present to view such a field as solomon said belonged to the sluggard, "lo, it was all grown over with thorns." there can hardly be a better berry-growing region anywhere than among these old, yellow hills, in sight of the nation's capital. all kinds of berries of a fine quality grow well here by nature, which proves that soil and season are congenial. under cultivation, as here and there you may see them, the yield is large and the quality excellent. the boys on their visits to the "ole swimmin' hole" usually get not only plenty of good fresh country milk, but scatter through the woods and get a taste of some kind of berries, or quickly buy out any vender they may chance to meet. the "ole swimmin' hole" is in accotink creek, above tobin's mill. it is just such a place as every one of us was familiar with in boyhood. at the bend of the creek the water deepens, and the old sycamores, leaning half-way across the stream, cast a cooling shade. one aged trunk, with broad limbs, slants up from the water's edge to the deepest place, as if it had at some time said to itself, "now, i'll make this an ideal swimming hole by furnishing the boys a place to plunge from." and so here is where the "immortal boy," since before george washington surveyed the estate of lord fairfax, has spent such happy hours as live in the memory of the man forever. the most prolonged and thorough bath the boys have taken was when they were out last week on their three days' march. having pitched their flies--small tents just large enough for two men to creep under and sleep with their feet sticking out--officers and men make for the little stream like thirsty oxen on the plains. after a long and dusty march could they desire anything more delightful than what was offered by the cool depths of "difficult run?" the bountiful heavens, doubtless with the best intentions, sent them also a shower-bath. and such an one as it was! we thought it could rain at jefferson barracks. it doesn't rain so frequently here, but when it does rain it leaves nothing more to be asked for in that line. the little stream was lashed into a fury, and the boys had to dive to keep from getting wet through. it rains on and on, and pours ever harder. it doesn't matter if the bathers do think they have enough--they get more. and where, meanwhile, are their clothes they would fain put on dry? they are taking a swim, too, and the dust of the hills far away is being thoroughly beaten out of them. imagine the scene. the features of the picture, if you were to sketch it with hogarth lines, would be high green hills rising steeply on either side; a narrow, winding valley, through which wanders the little stream; on the west bank of this rivulet, occupying the whole width of the vale and sloping up to meet the low pines on the western hills, some , toy-like tents, known in soldiers' parlance as "dog-tents" and "flies;" torrents of rain; in the spray and mist of mingling waters an indefinite number of indistinct forms appearing somewhat like the interminable line of royal ghosts in macbeth. there was no complaint in camp of dry weather for twenty-four hours. d----, of company c, had the opportunity of his life presented him, for he is an expert with the pencil, his talent amounting almost to genius. skirmishing in the woods and out-marches to the potomac occupied the following day. for discipline the troops behaved with such caution and vigilance as they would observe in the enemy's country. and in the enemy's country, indeed, they were. that night, just after call to quarters had sounded and quiet had settled down upon the populous village of nomads, the order was passed through camp for every man to be ready to repel a sudden night attack, as a regiment of cavalry had been discovered in the neighborhood by the scouts. you might then have heard a hum of excitement and bustle of preparation, while a thousand bayonets clanked in their sockets and the boys placed their guns by their sides. as for the chaplain, he lay awake straining to catch every challenge and response in the most distant sentry lines, and expecting every moment to hear the blood-chilling yell of the on-rushing enemy as their horses should dash into our camp. the first thing he realized was a quick jerk given to his booted foot sticking from under his "fly," and then the words, "up, chaplain, the cavalry's coming." a red streak lay along the eastern sky above the hills; there was a low hum in camp, which was gradually increasing. lieut.-col. w----'s good-natured laugh said that it was all a joke, and the chaplain, without having to wait to dress, went off grumbling to the creek to wash his face and get ready for o'clock breakfast. the enemy, for reasons sufficient to themselves, failed to carry out their programme. before sunrise the entire third regiment, leading the third brigade, having broken camp, was formed along the winding road that trails up the hillsides from the little valley, and was ready for the command "forward." before the dew had yet wholly vanished from the clover, and before the ripening blackberries had lost their morning coolness, we marched into the old camp led by the band playing "dixie." we had marched about twelve miles in three hours and forty-five minutes, and only three men had to be brought in in the ambulances. it was remarked by some one that we went so fast we could not read the signs in dunn loring. capt. s----'s funny man said it was because the chaplain was in front and he was leading them in "the straight and narrow way." most of the officers marched with the men, and all enjoyed their morning walk. there is no monotony in camp life. there is routine, of course, but many diversions and incidents, and something is continually happening. last night in the small hours an order came from corps headquarters for a check-roll to be taken in every regiment instantly. for a few minutes just before midnight the whole camp was in a stir. "what was it for?" everybody was asking of everybody else. "chesapeake bay is full of spanish gunboats, and they want us at once," said one of the sergeants to his men in hurrying them up. it became known this morning that a few hundred soldiers had been raising cain at falls church, and gen. graham wanted to find out who they were. hence this order for a check-roll. two cavalry regiments were sent out to run in the hilarious lads, but they were only partially successful. the rest of the stampeders are reported to be in baltimore and philadelphia, and no one knows where else. the explanation is that the entire sixth pennsylvania took french leave for the fourth. the other evening, while i was singing with company e, where my friend d---- belongs (whom, by the way, i wronged by intimating that the patch on his face was there as the sign of a good time passed at the "farm house," it being there, as he informs me, only to cover a boil), while we were singing some sacred songs after d---- had executed a fine jig on a foot-square board and the company's quartette has sung, "the bull-dog on the bank and the bullfrog in the pool," etc., a quick command was given for the company to "fall in" with their guns. they didn't wait for the benediction, and i fell in with them to go "where duty or danger called them." they were rushed in double-quick time into the officers' lane and halted. then the cause of it all was whispered about. an obnoxious "shack" had been smashed into and the regiment was called out to capture those committing the deed. what happened? we met a crowd, surrounded by an armed posse, coming from that quarter and going rapidly toward the guard house. an investigation there revealed the startling fact that every one of the forty-odd boys surrounded and put under arrest at the canteen was utterly innocent. every wrong-doer, of course, is innocent till proved guilty; but in the case of this crowd it soon became evident that innocence was indeed injured. they were nearly all "rookies"--that's the word for recruits. how could "rookies" be mixed up so largely in such an affair? a mistake has been made, that is plain. when the uproar occurred there had been a rush of the "rookies" to the spot to see what was going on; the raiders had fled and escaped, of course, and the "rookies" were hustled in. they learned a lesson early. a picture of them lined up two-deep and frightened by the menacing interrogatories of col. gross, while a flickering candle was thrust in the face of each one to discover who he was, and bristling bayonets stood around them; the disappointment of the officers as their mistake and failure became more and more apparent, the fright of the "rookies" as they stood there in the uncertain light and their old clothes, the glad expression of relief when they were ordered to be dismissed--this, too, would be a picture. evenings in camp, both among officers and men, are delightfully spent in such amusements as i have already described, in various kinds of farcical entertainments and in story-telling. the irish element in the regiment is sufficiently prominent to keep everybody happy. a lady friend of our of celtic stock visits us occasionally from washington, and makes her visits memorable by the good irish stories she tells. the other evening when she was here, and there was a lull in the conversation, she suddenly exclaimed, "oh, do you remember the last time i was out here?" "why, of course, we do," everybody replied. "well," said she, "forget that and remember the _maine_!" whereupon the laughing and the story-telling began anew. if a number of first-class romances do not grow out of the exchange of compliments between the soldier boys and the girls who crowded to the trains to see them on their way here, the postmaster of the third will be much disappointed. half of the mail sometimes is addressed to or comes from the numerous places where buttons were traded for bouquets, and sigh was given for sigh, and names were hastily exchanged, as the train sped away. all sorts of souvenirs are sent to parkersburg, athens, cincinnati, and other places, where the senders knew not a soul before their journey through them. unique methods of meeting the emergencies of army life are sometimes devised. one lad, having no paper, but a clean, white collar, for which he no longer has any use, fills it with a tender message, folds it in an envelope, and so gratifies his wish to communicate with the girl he left behind, while he gives her a souvenir she will cherish long and tell the story of many years after the war is over, and their grandchildren, perhaps, are gathered about their knees. another boy has neither paper nor envelope, so he writes upon his cuff, links it together, stamps it, and so sends a message of romantic love to one, it may be, whose fond eyes and fascinating face he saw in some crowd in a strange place. if the chaplain does not have some work to do growing out of all this romance, the postmaster is no prophet, and both of them will be disappointed. rhymers and song-makers are not wanting. a letter left camp yesterday directed in the following poetical style: "hurry me away at a furious rate to kansas city, missouri state, for miss a---- r---- wants me there-- and i'm no humbug, here's my fare." another letter was addressed by means of the same jingle--the name only being different. in this i regret to discover evidence that some young man is richer in sweethearts than in poetic devices. a hardtack was addressed and sent without any envelope, bearing this rhymed message: "i am a hard-tack that none can chew except a very brave boy in blue; no time nor season can alter me, i've been hard'ning since sixty-three; coffee made of clay and rain have tried to soften me in vain, and salt-horse grease has sought to melt or touch my heart--it was not felt!" the most difficult problem in camp, as the situation appears to one concerned in the perpetual welfare of the men as citizen-soldiers, is to provide for their mental needs. let me make ample provision for them in this respect and i will guarantee a good morality. much of the time of the soldier in camp is necessarily unemployed--how shall he occupy himself? idleness is the devil's great opportunity. the men of the third have generally been accustomed to books, magazines and papers--only one man in the entire regiment could not sign his name and he is now dead. the desire for mental employment is, therefore, strong. if it can be met with good literature--as it must be met by some means--it will be far less likely to go out in unprofitable and perilous ways. we have made a good beginning in the way of ministering to the mental and moral needs of the men, having erected a tent feet square and furnished it with tables and seats, and organ and song books, writing material, and magazines and papers. its capacity, however, is altogether inadequate; it is not an uncommon thing to see it filled, and as many more sitting on the logs around it. we had a dedicatory service last sunday morning, at which i spoke of the manifold and liberal uses to which it would be put and led the minds of the attentive audience from the meaning of the ceremony and of the ancient tabernacle in the wilderness to thoughts of the dedication and high uses of the true temple of god, which is man himself. five enlisted men came forward to enlist under the banner of the cross and dedicate themselves to the cause of christ. i know these soldiers, and i know that their action is the result of sober thought and manly decision. i have employed three or four details in building what they termed a "meetin' house." the first time i used a guard-house gang--about twenty boys in for over-staying their leave in washington after pay-day. they kept up their waggery while bearing logs and building seats and sang, "there'll come a time, we pray, when we'll not have to build a church each day." there are a half-dozen fellows in the guard house to-day. i just now promised them, to their delight, to take them out to-morrow and work them. they were glad to get out of the "cooler" on any terms. yesterday i had a volunteer squad--not convicts--helping me "snake" logs with mule teams to our new meeting grounds by the tabernacle. many provocations, of course, arose--mules, stumpy roads, contrary logs, pestiferous knots, etc. but when i saw some fellow getting wrathy over a justly provoking situation and struggling with his righteous indignation, i spoke a timely word--sometimes too late--just to refresh his mind with the fact that he was working on a "meetin' house," and with and for the parson. then we all had a laugh and worked on without cussin'. these boys are now reading my letters. half of them will read, or, gathered about in their company lanes, will hear read, this letter. as their friend who would not have them let this evil habit fix itself upon them, i would entreat them to guard themselves against profanity. v. joy and sorrow. last saturday i received an interesting packet of letters from someone in st. louis, who signed herself simply "r. s. m." the idea was so unique and feminine, and the letters gave so much amusement to the boys that i will tell you something about it. there were ten sealed envelopes in the packet accompanied by a note to myself, explaining the object to be to give a little amusement to the boys, and to help fill up a few minutes with "something unusual." each letter bore a different address, some common name being selected, such as "mr. smith," "mr. jones," and so on. the inscriptions on the backs of the envelopes were the interesting exterior feature. one was addressed in this manner: "when this you see, remember me." "a valentine for a dyspeptic member of company c." then on the back was the following: "it is not a cent, yet it is sent; it costs not a cent, yet it gives a scent." "there's a conundrum sent to you; the answer's scent with it-- 'tis 'lavender blue.'" another was addressed, "for a good boy who may open this july , ' ." on the back of this was written: "from illinois and california--a spray of the giant redwood tree, and a spray of the old fashioned 'yarb' our grandmothers used." another said on the back: "just to let you know that some one thinks of the missouri boys and wants to help them pass a minute away opening a curious envelope." so they ran. the merriment occasioned by the distribution of these envelopes, as that addressed "to one who feels himself to be very young," was delivered to a bald-headed fellow, and the one addressed "to a good child," was delivered to one whom common acclamation pronounced to be worse than peck's bad boy, would have gratified the sender with a vision such as she could hardly have expected. a rhyme contained in the one addressed "to a dyspeptic," ran as follows: "it is better to laugh than be sighing, and sighing's no sign that you're sad, 'tis often a _sine qua non_, sir, that proves your digestion is bad. "so smile at your previous groaning, and rejoice that you're grown past that stage; help others to laugh and be happy and you'll live to a jolly old age." thanks to this thoughtful, gracious lady! she may never know how much good her little plan for cheering the boys has done and will do. she may remain hidden under the initials "r. s. m." but be sure such kind hearts and ingenious hands as hers make this old world brighter and better to live in. it is such little, delicate, thoughtful, feminine acts that bless our lives and do more good ofttimes than books and sermons. the united daughters of the confederacy of st. louis, the same day, sent us three dozen night shirts for our boys in the hospital. this was a most useful gift and amply supplies our regiment in this respect. we are awaiting with delight the fulfillment of their promise, made through their secretary, mrs. w. p. howard, to send us one hundred "sewing kits." these are not the first gifts to prove their patriotism and womanly sympathy for the soldier boys these daughters of the confederacy have sent us. their ministration to the needs of the regiment began at jefferson barracks and has continued, with larger promises of future help. the soldiers' relief society of kansas city, of which mrs. a. w. childs is president, has also sent many boxes of useful articles to be distributed to the soldiers. i was enabled this afternoon, by the provision of this society, to answer the call of the hospital steward for sheets by taking them two dozen white, clean ones, that surely will make the cot of pain more tolerable. at first, during even those days of extreme heat, you might have seen many a sick fellow lying in the hospital in his blue flannel field shirt. now all is white and delightful to see, relieving the eye that must needs look upon suffering. a few evenings ago, as i stood in front of headquarters with a reverend old gentleman, who had served as chaplain in the civil war, watching together and commenting upon the varied scene before us, the galloping orderlies as they bore messages this way and that; the jolting heavy lumber wagons, drawn each by four mules, hauling rations for the regiments; the manifold activities of the soldiers, some carrying water in their large black buckets from the deep and excellent well the government bored for us; some with large boxes of rubbish which they were bearing, each box on two poles, toward the dumps; a crowd reading, writing and playing games in the y. m. c. a. tent, while a half dozen boys on one side, among the logs under the great chestnut trees, were pitching rubber rings at pegs in an inclined board, and a like number on the other side were engaged in the old-fashioned farmers' sunday game of pitching horseshoes, and the band, down in the little plain beyond the tents, was playing its beautiful strains while the guard was being mounted; there passed across this scene of many activities, an object frequently enough seen here, but never seen without its painful suggestiveness--it was the ambulance with the red cross upon its ground of blue. and the man of many years and large experience made a remark i shall not forget. "the red cross," said he, "is the sign of the highest outcome of our civilization. we had no such society as this in the civil war. we had no such hospital system as you have. there is nothing, i repeat, that better represents the spirit of christian civilization than the red cross." while, therefore, as the vehicle thus marked rolled hastily by, giving its momentary pang of sympathy for some hurt or stricken comrade, its triumphant suggestion was of the mission of mercy unexampled in ages past, so supremely christ-like. that night, in one of the hospital tents, we sat by the bedside of his dying son. through the long, slow hours, he upon one side and i upon the other, we watched the heaving breast of pain and the suffering face, and inquired of each other by looks, in the dim light, if there was yet hope for the strong, young soldier to win the battle he was contending in so bravely. in the still evening air, from twenty hillsides, the mellow notes of the bugle bade good-night and peaceful sleep to the weary soldiers--and we thought eternal rest to the soul of the one we were so anxiously watching. slowly the stars, however, went round in their courses and looked down--how calm and distant and seemingly all indifferent, upon the bowed head of the aged father as, toward morning, i could hear his regular, though feeble tread up and down outside. and then, as the bright sun rose, and the smoke from the campfires drifted off down the vales, making such a scene of idyllic beauty; then all the hills and valleys echoed with the sound of revéille calling to action, awakening to new hope and the new day's new opportunities. but not for one soldier was all this--his pulse of life beat too low. till noon he lingered on wrestling with the last enemy, and, as the sun began to slope toward the west, his light on earth went out. in the prime of his years, one of the strongest among his comrades, after ten days of suffering, he passed away--corporal john b. mcnair, a soldier of his country, whose courage was shown not upon the field of carnage where the trumpet and flag inspire on to the deadly charge and heroic deed, but only in a battle where he fought alone, with nothing to inspire, nothing but now and then the kind look or word of comrades to cheer. but he died his country's defender in the cause of humanity. his will be a soldier's reward in heaven. it was last saturday that, near the great and renowned, we laid him to rest in the beautiful grounds of arlington. sunday morning, the th of july, after the regular preaching service, company d, with a considerable number from other companies, met in the y. m. c. a. tent to hold memorial services for richard maloy, who died two days before at fort myer, from where his remains were sent home for burial. circumstances made the services nobly impressive. when the president's call for troops was first made, richard and his brother charles were at home with their widowed mother in kansas city. dick--so was he called by his friends--dick said to his mother, "mother, i will go." she replied, "one cannot go, my son, without the other." "then," said charles, the younger of the two, "i will go also." so they joined the third regiment and went out with their mother's blessing upon them. the rigor of army duty was too severe for their immature bodies. one day charles, just after the return from the hard practice march, was assigned to outpost duty. dick said his brother couldn't stand it, and applied to the sergeant to be put on in his place. the substitution was made. it killed dick. at the conclusion of the memorial, one of his comrades came to me with an open testament in his hand, and, with breast choked with emotion, pointed with his finger to the passage: "greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends." that was enough; it told everything. as for the mother, some said the sudden news would kill her. it did not. when her boys left home for the war it was then that she made her sacrifice and proved her high-minded maternity that could let the larger love of country and of mankind rise superior to the love of her own flesh and blood. she keeps up the traditions of antiquity. sparta had not nobler women. such mothers, who bless their parting sons and bid them go, can receive them, living or dead, comforted and exalted with pride that they were stirred by noble impulses and offered their lives in the cause of humanity. we never know the celestial quantities our every-day earth-born acquaintances possess until the hour of supreme need comes to evoke them. the problem of taking care of an army's sick is indeed no easy one. our army is still experimenting, or rather, it might be said, improving its system with some phases of the matter yet under discussion. the regimental hospital has been done away with, so that what was the hospital of the regiment is now only a medical dispensary. here, in response to the sick call at : every morning, you may see a crowd of soldiers, from to in number, lined up waiting to receive in turn their capsules and pills. two long pine trees in front of our dispensary furnish acceptable seats to the weakened boys. in addition to medicines there is little else left of all the complete and excellent equipment the third started out with, except a half-dozen or so litters, which are used for taking up the sick out of their tents or carrying them off the field to the dispensary until the ambulances can carry them to the division hospital. there never having been any brigade hospitals, there are in camp alger only division hospitals--first, second and third. the second division hospital, where, as we belong to this division, our sick are cared for, is organized with thorough system. in general command there is some one of the regimental chief surgeons or brigade surgeons. then there is a full corps of officers with various ranks and duties. there is a property officer with the rank of lieutenant, and so they run. the chief steward has under him four other stewards and about nurses, there being nurses from each regiment permanently detailed to this service. they are organized with captain, lieutenants, and sergeants, very much like a company, and have regular litter drills daily. there are three general wards, each making a white canvas hall-like chamber nearly paces in length, and three special wards, of which one is for measles and another for critical ailments, and another for surgical cases. in a very serious case, two special nurses are called in and assigned wholly to its care. the whole number of inmates from the nine regiments constituting our division--that is, about , men--has run on a daily average from to . the more critical cases, where it is practicable or advisable, are removed to the fort myer hospital by the side of arlington. the hospital, situated centrally with reference to the various regiments to which it belongs, now constitutes, with its numerous wards, its various officers' quarters, its kitchen and mess tents, and the large number of tents necessary for the nurses and stewards, a little camp all by itself. around it its own guards keep up their regular tread, and down toward the general corral, where scores of government wagons and government mules stand at feeding time, stand the dozen covered ambulances that go night and day on their faithful missions. on monday, of this week, the third underwent inspection by the general inspection officer, major brown, of the fourth cavalry. every man in the regiment, and all the quarters and accoutrements, came under the trained and uncompromising eye. at a.m. the several companies were called in battalions to the parade ground, where the soldiers, each with his usual equipment of gun, knapsack, haversack, field-tent, and canteen, stood under the already hot sun to be examined. then, after disburdening themselves, they were called out again to execute the movements which the inspector might require of them. some phase of the inspection continued until late in the afternoon, when, beginning at o'clock, the entire regiment passed in review before general davis, division commander, and his staff. the fine showing we made elicited round after round of cheering from our new york neighbors, and, at the conclusion, high commendation from the reviewing general. i will conclude with the presentation of another character. i had frequently heard of j----, of company k, and desired to make his acquaintance. i was sitting on the band seats by our tall flagless flagpole, watching the effects of the sunrise and of the first bugle calls. i noticed some one advancing toward me from the direction of company k, at the extreme north side of the camp. it might have been seen that, as he came on with grave and measured tread, the eyes of all his comrades were upon him. but it was equally apparent that he for his part disregarded everything. he came up, but spoke not a word and seemed to be aware of no presence or beholding eye. then he gravely unrolled a cambric flag of the enormous and graceful proportions of inches long by inches broad, and, attaching it to the rope, hoisted it to the top of the pole, while his comrades loudly cheered and laughed at the joke--to all of which he was utterly oblivious--returning with as much gravity as he came. and the toy flag there floated where he raised it aloft, "frenetic," as browning says, "to be free." this fellow's large-featured, benignant, scottish face, with its fringe of hair entirely encircling it, spoke full plainly of a big, jolly, generous heart. the boys all call him "honest bill." the day we were going out on our practice march j---- thought he didn't want to go. in fact, he preferred to stay in the guard house. this was his scheme: he goes down to the line of guards, is challenged, makes a dash through, but returns and gives himself up. quite successful! his large kindly face beams happiness. what does his captain do? nothing but send him along on the march with the penalty of some days in the guard house hanging over his devoted head. this was enough to try any flesh and blood, and almost enough to provoke even a soldier to swear at his ill luck. i think j---- triumphantly resisted the evil one. when he returned to camp on the third day, a wiser and seemingly no less happy man, he threw down from his strong back not only his own burden of soldierly equipment, but the packs of two of his comrades also who had grown faint in the long march. so i know j----. who, from this, doesn't know j----? his heart, sure, is as big as his back is broad, and his nature as open as his face, which shines like a harvest moon. god bless all such comrades. vi. the thoroughfare campaign and encampment in the slough of despond. [there has been considerable said about the mistreatment of volunteer soldiers now in the service of the government, and much of the talk of suffering and want in the camps has been discredited because of its seeming ridiculousness. americans are not ready to believe that the heads of the departments would permit the brave men to undergo the trials and sufferings that have been so graphically pictured by the newspapers, and the more conservative here put these idle rumors aside as the work of sensation-mongers. now a minister of the gospel, a man who is at the front with the soldiers, administering to them spiritual assistance and pointing them, in their dark hours of distress, to a brighter future, has raised his voice, and in words that sink deep into the heart and make the breast of men shudder, he tells us that our boys are being murdered; that the brave sons of missouri are being cut down like grass before the scythe, through the neglect and tyranny of officers in the army who are supposed to look after their comfort. rev. r. t. kerlin, chaplain of the third missouri regiment, writes from thoroughfare gap, va., to a brother minister at st. louis, telling him of these things. dr. kerlin comes from clay county, and the people of this city and this state know him. dr. kerlin's letter is published herewith, but he admits that, as horrible as he has pictured the condition of the second division of the second army corps, it is even worse than he has made it appear, and that the officers and men insisted that he make the truth more explicit that aid might be gotten to them by the patriotic people of this state, in whom they have confidence. the chaplain does not place the blame.]--_the kansas city times._ the last week's itinerary of the second division of the second army corps, general davis commanding, has been written in curses. the results will be borne forever in the minds, hearts and bodies of , patriotic citizen-soldiers. half-fed, wet and muddy, with no change of clothes, a score, on an average, in each company bare-footed, the volunteer soldiers of this division, as they go to their beds of wet straw under their low dog-tents that let the rain through like sieves or as they trudge through the mire of the stubble-field in which we are encamped to-night, can find no language but oaths to express their sense of ill-treatment. here is the story: it should be told in justice to these men, who have offered their lives for their country, who represent the best elements of our american citizenship, who are disposed to be manly, honest and long-suffering, it should be told. as their pastor, knowing what hardships they suffer, as well as what commandments they break, i will attempt the narration. one week ago to-night--tuesday, august d--the order was issued about p.m. for the regiments constituting this division to break camp at a.m. the next day. morning came, and a hotter day has not dawned this hot season. an hour's delay, under heavy marching orders, was not rest. at o'clock the third missouri, or rather two battalions of it, less the men who were bare-footed and sick, marched out of camp alger with the first rhode island, second tennessee, one hundred and fifty-ninth indiana, third new york, twenty-second kansas, sixth pennsylvania, seventh illinois, ninth massachusetts and the recruits of duffield's separate brigade. such forced marching was perhaps never required of soldiers not beating a retreat or hurrying to a strategic point or an imperative attack. within one hour after leaving camp the men were "killed." this is the way they express it. the sweltering heat, the dust, the humid atmosphere, the narrow, deep-cut, dusty roads, closed in by thick woods, combined to make the marching difficult. besides each man carried a burden of not less than seventy pounds--gun, knapsack, haversack, blanket, poncho, field-tent, canteen, mess outfit and day's rations--what wonder that they fell out by dozens and scores? experienced army men said they never knew of such a day's march. it was not the distance, for that was not so great. it was the conditions that have been only barely indicated, and the absence of any apparent reason for it all. when burk station was reached three-fourths of all the men had fallen out. this is a conservative estimate. when the third missouri marched to difficult run a few weeks before--a distance nearly as great--not per cent of its men fell out. company k, for example, lost not a single man on that march. this company arrived at burk station with fifteen men, all told, out of eighty-five that started. other companies fared much worse. rest the next day was simply imperative. most of the men who had no shoes had been left behind in the old camp. now many others were in their bare feet on stony ground. besides this, rations were inadequate. i saw men look at their petty dole of two onions, two potatoes, six hardtacks and a chunk of fat salt pork--the issue for a day--and in disgust toss it to the ground. of course, the country was foraged. those who fell out on the march were not going to starve in a land of plenty, even if a commandment, which they had respected hitherto, did say, "thou shalt not steal." nor was it likely that those who came into camp would be content with such scanty fare when corn in the fields about was in roasting-ear and potatoes were abundant, and chickens and turkeys at the farm-houses around threatened to make a night attack upon the camp unless they themselves were first surprised and captured. the boys did not always stop with the confiscation of this small game. as they marched along the next day they amused the country people, who flocked to the roadside to see them pass, by asking, "who killed the cow?" "who killed the sheep?" and so on, and answering, "such-and-such a regiment." from camp alger to thoroughfare gap, where we are now sunk in yellow mud, not many farms within a mile of the road escaped a visit from soldiers, who took or were given something to satisfy their hunger. i rode on horseback behind the troops and made frequent side-excursions. my statements are based on what i saw with my own eyes and learned from the citizens and from the soldiers--the soldiers making no secret of the fact as they deemed themselves justified by the circumstances. the march from burk station to bull run was through mud. the night before a heavy rain fell and every man in camp, possibly, got drenched. still the marching was improved, but rations were shorter and shoes were more worn. but the boys kept up their spirits surprisingly, only saying they would never forget the maine, not adding "to ---- with spain." it was sunday. i don't know that this made them swear less--who could have told it was the lord's day? if it had been in ' and stonewall jackson had been just beyond the berkshire hills, advancing on one of his alarming maneuvers toward washington, it would have been justifiable to order tents struck at o'clock sunday morning that we might advance and hold thoroughfare gap against the enemy. as it was--others besides the chaplain simply submitted. our camp on bull run was well situated. it could not have been healthier, the water supply for bathing purposes was the best we have ever had, and for drinking purposes was adequate and fairly good. but we were ordered to advance, and that night the soldiers who volunteered to serve their country in a christian cause slept tired, hungry and wet, for another rain-storm beat through their little canvas kennels. our camp this time was on broad run, near bristow. remaining here over monday, we broke camp again this (tuesday) morning, notwithstanding the fact that the rain had poured in torrents during the night that the sky was still overcast and lowering. as the men were marched out i asked a surgeon what he thought of it. his answer was one word, "murder." did you ever hear your country cursed by foreigners? that is nothing; you know their curses harm her not, and despite all foreign prejudice she will march on in her great career. but do you know how it would make you feel to hear your own countrymen cursing the land that gave them birth? cursing, not as tramps might, not as unthinking and harmless fools might, not as envious foreigners, but as patriotic, intelligent, but ill-treated and outraged soldier-citizens. i have to-day heard enough of this to grieve and sicken the heart. the men all day have trudged under their burdens, through miry roads, and waded running streams, that were sometimes waist-deep, and were drenched by two heavy rains. it is raining now after "taps," and has been pouring down as it can only in virginia, ever since evening mess at : . the men know that heavy blame rests upon somebody. they will doubtless be able to locate the responsibility before the march ends. i hope they will, for their indignation is too burning to be misdirected. the responsible party should bear it. what sort of preaching will these men listen to? who will dare to preach the commandments to them--except those they are in no danger of breaking? i think the wise and sympathetic christ, who thought better of publicans and sinners than of the tyrannous and unmerciful rulers of his time would be able to speak words of comfort to these men and influence them to righteousness. but he would first feed them, so the unexampled story of his compassion relates--and there would be fragments to gather up. there are no fragments to gather up in our camp where a dog would starve to death if he depended on the castaway scraps--no fragments of fishes where wagon-grease and machine-oil are used by the soldiers for frying their potatoes in. as the disciples of the same divinely compassionate friend were not forbidden by him to pluck and eat the corn of the fields through which they passed, so shall my disciples, these soldier men, not be forbidden by me. whatever other preachers might do, i cannot preach to them so long as they are hungry, foot-sore, and suffering most of all under a sense of ignoble treatment, while our country knows not the measure of its ready wealth. not long, i hope, will the citizen-soldiers, soon now again to be free citizens, lay the charge of blame to their country, but only to the incompetent or self-seeking parties who are responsible. it is but the soberest judgment to say that, if all the volunteers have been dealt with as these have been, there could be no volunteer army raised in this country for years to come, should the need arise. it is well for the government to think of this. again, the present treatment of the soldiers, by which they are driven to foraging and begging, is making the army a school for tramps. if these soldiers are soon mustered out in large numbers, this country will be overrun, harassed and terrorized by tramps. meanwhile, their endurance, their self-control, their discipline and good behavior can but be wondered at--not that all they do can be approved of by any means--but the conduct of men is largely determined by circumstances, and the circumstances in the present case are averse to all morality. the significance of the war. for our country, in these days, to go to war is a very significant event. in former times, for other nations, it meant not so much; the provocation needed not to involve such high and general interests. to be on the warpath, to plunder and be plundered, to kill and be killed is with the barbarian the usual thing. of our own teutonic ancestors this was true less, much less, than ten centuries ago; and it is very slow indeed that we have outgrown their barbaric, warlike propensity. still, warfare, with the advance of civilization and the increasing power of peaceful arts, with the spread and the strengthening of the sentiments of humanity, and with the deepening of the sense of universal human brotherhood, has gradually grown more and more to be deprecated, condemned and avoided. therefore, in the nineteenth century of christ, the prince of peace, to take up arms and go to war against a sister nation and slay our brother man is a remarkable event, well worth the while of american citizens to reflect upon the causes--they must needs be unique, extraordinary, characteristic of the enlightened time and country in which we live. could the provocation be other than of a moral and humanitarian nature? must it not needs be addressed to conscience and to the sense of all those high and christian principles for which america stands? surely, else, in this day, such sacrifice of life and treasure would never be made. and so it was in our recent war. the very sentiments which the prince of peace, the preacher of brotherhood, kindled in our hearts, were quickened into a flame of noble hostility against the barbarous oppressor of another people. our very enlightenment of conscience, our moral culture, our christian spirit itself impelled us to war. could we prate of fellow-sympathy, of brotherhood, of humanitarianism, and yet not make even the last effort, by a resort to arms, to deliver a people down-trodden, plundered, enslaved? never may our hearts be so hardened, never may our souls be so dead to generous impulse, never may our thoughts be so abjectly selfish, that we will not sacrifice all for human rights, for freedom, for justice, for the happiness and ultimate peace of the world. i thank god for this war--it means so much for us, and through us for mankind. look at its vast significance. our nation has experienced a deep awakening such as this generation never felt before, and such as it needed. its conscience has been cultivated; all the nobler sentiments of life have been given a wondrous new strength. these rose to dominion in our lives, new impulses moved us, new ideals passed before us--we have entered upon a new career of moral life, upon a higher plane, for we undertook a great work for humanity and counted not the cost. we became free from our habitual indifference, we despised our very lives, offering them a ransom for the oppressed. such a six-months of self-forgetting morally enthusiastic life and oblation of peace, comfort, treasure, and blood, were worth more to us than any score of slothful years lived only for material gain. a nation may indeed be "beastly prosperous." america, thank god, is not; though prosperous, she is beyond example. never did there live a people who made such worthy, such philanthropic uses of their prosperity. never did rich and poor, the monarch of millions, and the possessor of a bare competence, make in any land or time so noble a use of his material means. witness our colleges and universities, our churches and charitable institutions, our libraries and museums; witness this war for an oppressed people. thank god we are not insensible of high demands upon us! thank god we are not wholly mercenary and materialistic! thank god we are responsive, disinterestedly, but with wealth and life itself, to other claims than those of self and selfish getting and sending! we, who are called pig-stickers, are capable of generous action--we have given ourselves for the deliverance of the oppressed, thank god! who complains now that this generation is degenerate? who now is pessimistic? who now taunts the youth of the land with being unworthy sons of worthy sires? who that knows of san juan and el caney, of santiago harbor and manila bay, sighs for the heroic days of old and the braver men? the events of the last six months should give us confidence in the better possibilities of ourselves. europeans taunt us with having everything "big" but nothing "great;" big cities, big rivers, big lakes, big mountains, big crops, but no great works of art, no great achievements in science and literature, no great men. false to begin with. this generation is destined to prove it more glaringly so. there is nothing too great to be achieved by those who felt and responded to the high motive of this war. what is the national result of the conflict? new impulses, new motives, new interests, new ideals, new duties, broader views, vaster undertakings, a richer national life. put the oak that has planted his roots deep and far out into the nurturing soil and lifted his storm-defying brow toward heaven; put the lordly oak tree back into the acorn hull; or seize the strong-pinioned eagle after he has soared above the mountain peaks and challenged the tempests of the sea, seize and cage him again in his broken shell, and then you may hope to diminish our country to what it was, confining its expanded members by the old bonds and subjecting its enlarged activities to the old ideals. when were the great days of greece? after the stormy period of the persian wars. it was struggle that made her great. it was philip of macedon that crowned demosthenes prince of orators; it was xerxes and darius of persia that laureled so many poets of the city they sought to destroy. it was the shock of the tumultuous waves of an invading host, it was the tempest of war that roused the life-forces of classic helena, and after the days of heroic struggle came the period of great achievement in the pursuits of peace. it was then that art, sculpture, music, poetry, and eloquence flourished as never in secure days of slothful ease. no argument this for wanton insolence, provoking war; far be it ever from us to be aught else than a peace-loving, peace-preserving nation; but, before god, realizing our great strength and high mission, let us ever hold some things inviolable and dearer than our own comfort, wealth and life. still to be ready to fight and to die for justice and freedom to mankind marks a people as courageous and noble. let such courage, such nobleness be forever the possession of the american people! chronology. april .--enlistment at kansas city, mo. may .--departure for jefferson barracks. may .--(sunday) day of work, fasting and prayer in camp stephens. may .--muster into the united states service. may .--departure for falls church, virginia. may .--(sunday) arrival, erection of tents. june - .--practice--march to difficult run. july -august .--first battalion, major kelsey, at colvin run, constructing rifle-range. august .--departure for thoroughfare gap. august - .--burk station. august - .--bull run. august - .--bristow. august - .--thoroughfare gap. august -september .--camp meade, middletown, pennsylvania. september - .--return to kansas city. september -october .--fairmount park. october .--dismissal on days furlough. october .--camp graham. nov. .--muster out. list of the dead. honor the dead who died for freedom's sake! time will their memory but greener make! brown, philip, private, company f.--died of typhoid fever at fort myer hospital, july th; buried at arlington national cemetery. carr, james e., private, company f.--killed by railway train, august th, at harrisburg, pennsylvania, and buried there. gray, arthur w., private, company k.--died october th, at st. joseph's hospital, of typhoid; buried at forest hill cemetery. kleinke, otto r., private, company d.--died of typhoid fever, august th, in field hospital at camp meade; buried in national cemetery at gettysburg. kinnard, wm. g., sergeant, company i.--died at st. joseph's hospital, kansas city, missouri, september d, of typhoid; buried at forest hill cemetery. lautterbach, charles, private, company l.--died september d, in pennsylvania hospital, philadelphia; buried in that city. maloy, richard d., private, company d.--died at fort myer hospital, july d, of typhoid; buried at elmwood, kansas city. mcnair, john s., corporal, company i.--died in field hospital, camp alger, july th, of appendicitis; buried at national cemetery of arlington. mericle, charles, bugler, company f.--died of typhoid fever, september d, at independence, missouri, and there buried. murphree, c. b., private, company a.--died of typhoid fever, june th, at fort myer hospital; buried at arlington. murray, john p., private, company m.--died of typhoid, september th, at field hospital, camp meade. nicholas, henry g., private, company f.--died at fort myer hospital, august th, of typhoid; buried at lathrop, missouri. parker, fred, sixth company, signal corps (transferred thither from company f).--died september th, at field hospital, camp meade, of typhoid; buried at independence, missouri. rockwell, samuel, private, company c.--died of delirium tremens, at fort myer hospital, june th; buried at arlington. sargent, wm. a., member of u. s. a. hospital corps, transferred from company c.--died september th, of typhoid; buried at sabetha, kansas. spriggs, elwood w., private, company g.--died september th, at kansas city, missouri, of typhoid; buried at medaryville, indiana. thraen, sigmund, private, company a.--died at fort myer hospital, july th, of typhoid; buried at arlington. transcriber note text emphasis denoted as _italic_. [illustration: "a rush was made and the ox cart came to a sudden halt."] when santiago fell or _the war adventures of two chums_ by captain ralph bonehill author of "a sailor boy with dewey," "off for hawaii," "gun and sled," "leo, the circus boy," "rival bicyclists," etc. [illustration] chatterton-peck company new york, n. y. by the same author with custer in the black hills; or, a young scout among the indians. boys of the fort; or, a young captain's pluck. the young bandmaster; or, concert stage and battlefield. when santiago fell; or, the war adventures of two chums. a sailor boy with dewey; or, afloat in the philippines. off for hawaii; or, the mystery of a great volcano. _ mo, finely illustrated and bound in cloth. price, per volume, cents._ new york chatterton-peck company copyright, , by the mershon company preface. "when santiago fell," while a complete story in itself, forms the first volume of a line to be issued under the general title of the "flag of freedom series" for boys. my object in writing this story was to present to american lads a true picture of life in the cuba of to-day, and to show what a fierce struggle was waged by the cubans against the iron-handed mastery of spain previous to the time that our own glorious united states stepped in and gave to cuba the precious boon of liberty. the time covered is the last year of the cuban-spanish war and our own campaign leading up to the fall of santiago. it may be possible that some readers may think the adventures of the two chums over-drawn, but this is hardly a fact. the past few years have been exceedingly bitter ones to all living upon cuban soil, and neither life nor property has been safe. even people who were peaceably inclined were drawn into the struggle against their will, and the innocent, in many cases, suffered with the guilty. this war, so barbarously carried on, has now come to an end; and, under the guiding hand of uncle sam, let us trust that cuba and her people will speedily take their rightful place among the small but well-beloved nations of the world--or, if not this, that she may join the ever-increasing sisterhood of our own states. once more thanking my numerous young friends for their kind reception of my previous works, i place this volume in their hands, trusting that from it they may derive much pleasure and profit. captain ralph bonehill. _january , ._ contents. chapter page i. off for the interior ii. the escape from the gunboat iii. in the wilds of the island iv. in a novel prison v. lost among the hills vi. from one difficulty to another vii. fooling the spanish guerrillas viii. andres ix. across the canefields x. a council of the enemy xi. a wild ride on horseback xii. a daring leap xiii. friends in need xiv. general calixto garcia xv. a prisoner of war xvi. a rescue under difficulties xvii. a treacherous stream to cross xviii. alone xix. the cave in the mountain xx. señor guerez xxi. the attack on the old convent xxii. the routing of the enemy xxiii. on the trail of my father xxiv. in the belt of the firebrands xxv. escaping the flames xxvi. a disheartening discovery xxvii. gilbert burnham xxviii. a battle on land and water xxix. looking for my cuban chum xxx. once more among the hills xxxi. the battle at the railroad embankment xxxii. a leap in the dark xxxiii. captain guerez makes a discovery xxxiv. the dogs of cuban warfare xxxv. the last of the bloodhounds xxxvi. cast into a santiago dungeon xxxvii. the fall of the spanish stronghold when santiago fell. chapter i. off for the interior. "we cannot allow you to leave this city." it was a spanish military officer of high rank who spoke, and he addressed alano guerez and myself. i did not understand his words, but my companion did, and he quickly translated them for my benefit. "then what are we to do, alano?" i questioned. "we have no place to stop at in santiago, and our money is running low." alano's brow contracted into a perplexing frown. he spoke to the officer, and received a few curt words in reply. then the spaniard turned to others standing near, and we felt that we were dismissed. a guard conducted us to the door, and saluted us; and we walked away from the headquarters. the reason for it all was this: less than a month before we had left the broxville military academy in upper new york state to join alano's parents and my father in cuba. alano's father was a cuban, and owned a large sugar plantation some distance to the eastward of guantanamo bay. he was wealthy, and had sent alano to america to be educated, as many rich cubans do. as my father and señor guerez were well acquainted and had strong business connections, it was but natural that alano should be placed at the boarding school which i attended, and that we should become firm friends. for a long time we played together, ate together, studied together, and slept together, until at last as chums we became almost inseparable. some months back, and while the great struggle for liberty was going on between the cubans and their rulers in spain, certain business difficulties had taken my father to cuba. during his stop in the island he made his home for the greater part with señor guerez, and while there was unfortunate enough during a trip on horseback to fall and break his leg. this accident placed him on his back longer than was first expected, for the break was a bad one. in the meantime the war went on, and the territory for many miles around santiago de cuba was in a state of wild excitement. not knowing exactly what was going on, alano wrote to his parents begging that he be allowed to come to them, and in the same mail i sent a communication to my father, asking if i could not accompany my cuban chum. to our delight the answer came that if we wished we might come without delay. at the time this word was sent neither señor guerez nor my father had any idea that the war would assume such vast proportions around santiago, involving the loss of many lives and the destruction of millions of dollars of property. alano and i were not long in making our preparations. we left broxville two days after permission was received, took the cars to the metropolis, and engaged immediate passage upon the _esmeralda_ for santiago de cuba. we had heard of the war a hundred times on the way, but even on entering the harbor of the city we had no thought of difficulty in connection with our journey on rail and horseback outside of the city. we therefore suffered a rude awakening when the custom-house officials, assisted by the spanish military officers, made us stand up in a long row with other passengers, while we were thoroughly searched from head to foot. each of us had provided himself with a pistol; and these, along with the cartridges, were taken from us. our baggage, also, was examined in detail, and everything in the way of a weapon was confiscated. "war means something, evidently," was the remark i made, but how much it meant i did not learn until later. our names were taken down, and we were told to remain in the city over night and report at certain headquarters in the morning. we were closely questioned as to where we had come from; and when i injudiciously mentioned the broxville military academy, our questioner, a swarthy spanish lieutenant, glared ominously at us. "i'm afraid you put your foot into it when you said that," was alano's comment at the hotel that evening, when we were discussing our strange situation. "they are on the watch for people who want to join the insurgents." "perhaps your father has become a rebel," i ventured. "it is not unlikely. he has spoken to me of cuban independence many times." as might be expected, we passed an almost sleepless night, so anxious were we to learn what action the spanish authorities would take in our case. when the decision came, as noted at the opening of this story, i was almost dumb-founded. "we're in a pickle, alano," i said, as we walked slowly down the street, lined upon either side with quaint shops and houses. "we can't stay here without money, and we can't get out." "we must get out!" he exclaimed in a low tone, so as not to be overheard. "do you suppose i am going to remain here, when my father and mother are in the heart of the war district, and, perhaps, in great danger?" "i am with you!" i cried. "for my father is there too. but how can we manage it? i heard at the hotel last night that every road leading out of the city is well guarded." "we'll find a way," he rejoined confidently. "but we'll have to leave the bulk of our baggage behind. the most we can carry will be a small valise each. and we must try to get hold of some kind of weapons, too." we returned to our hotel, and during the day alano struck up an acquaintanceship with a cuban-american who knew his father well. alano, finding he could trust the gentleman, took him into his confidence, and, as a result, we obtained not only a good pistol each,--weapons we immediately secreted in our clothing,--but also received full details of how to leave santiago de cuba by crossing the bay in a rowboat and taking to the woods and mountains beyond. "it will be rough traveling," said the gentlemen who gave us the directions, "but you'll find your lives much safer than if you tried one of the regular roads--that is, of course, after you have passed the forts and the gunboats lying in the harbor." both alano and i were much taken with this plan, and it was arranged we should leave the city on the first dark night. two days later it began to rain just at sunset, and we felt our time had come. a small rowboat had already been procured and was secreted under an old warehouse. at ten o'clock it was still raining and the sky was as black as ink, and we set out,--i at the oars, and alano in the bow,--keeping the sharpest of lookouts. we had agreed that not a word should be spoken unless it was necessary, and we moved on in silence. i had spent many hours on the lake facing broxville academy, and these now stood me in good stead. dropping my oars without a sound, i pulled a long, steady stroke in the direction i had previously studied out. we were about halfway across the bay when suddenly alano turned to me. "back!" he whispered, and i reversed my stroke as quickly as possible. "there is a gunboat or something ahead," he went on. "steer to the left. see the lights?" i looked, and through the mists made out several signals dimly. i brought the boat around, and we went on our way, only to bring up, a few seconds later, against a huge iron chain, attached to one of the war vessels' anchors, for the vessel had dragged a bit on the tide. the shock threw alano off his feet, and he tumbled against me, sending us both sprawling. i lost hold of one of the oars, and at the same moment an alarm rang out--a sound which filled us both with fear. chapter ii. the escape from the gunboat. "we are lost!" cried alano, as he sought to pick himself up. "oh, mark, what shall we do?" "the oar--where is that oar?" i returned, throwing him from me and trying to pierce the darkness. "i don't know. i---- oh!" alano let out the exclamation as a broad sheet of light swept across the rain and the waters beneath us--light coming from a search-lantern in the turret of the gunboat. fortunately the rays were not lowered sufficiently to reach us, yet the light was strong enough to enable me to see the missing oar, which floated but a few feet away. i caught it with the end of the other oar, and then began pulling at the top of my speed. but all of this took time, and now the alarm on board of the war vessel had reached its height. a shot rang out, a bell tolled, and several officers came rushing to the anchor chains. they began shouting in spanish, so volubly i could not understand a word; and now was no time to question alano, who was doing his best to get out a second pair of oars which we had, fortunately, placed on board at the last moment. he had often rowed with me on the lake at broxville; and in a few seconds he had caught the stroke, and away we went at a spinning speed. "they are going to fire on us!" he panted, as the shouting behind increased. "shall we give up?" "not on my account." "nor on mine. if we give up, they'll put us in prison, sure. pull on!" and pull we did, until, in spite of the cold rain, each of us was dripping with perspiration and ready to drop with exhaustion. boom! a cannon shot rang out, and involuntarily both of us ducked our heads. but the shot flew wide of its mark--so wide, in fact, that we knew not where it went. "they'll get out a boat next!" i said. "pull, alano; put every ounce of muscle into the stroke." "i am doing that already," he gasped. "we must be getting near the shore. what about the guard there?" "we'll have to trust to luck," i answered. another shot came booming over the misty waters, and this time we heard the sizz of the cannon ball as it hit the waves and sank. we were now in the glare of the searchlight, but the mist and rain were in our favor. "there is the shore!" i cried, on looking around a few seconds later. "now be prepared to run for it as soon as the boat beaches!" with a rush our craft shot in between a lot of sea grass and stuck her bow into the soft mud. dropping our oars, we sprang to the bow and took long leaps to solid ground. we had hardly righted ourselves when there came a call out of the darkness. "_quien va?_" and thus challenging us, a spanish soldier who was on guard along the water's edge rushed up to intercept our progress. his bayonet was within a foot of my breast, when alano jumped under and hurled him to the ground. "come!" he cried to me. "come, ere it is too late!" and away we went, doing the best sprinting we had ever done in our lives. over a marsh and through a thorny field we dashed, and then struck a narrow path leading directly into a woods. the guard yelled after us and fired his gun, but that was the last we saw or heard of him. [illustration: "an alarm rang out, a sound which filled us both with fear."] fearful, however, of pursuit, we did not slacken our pace until compelled to; and then, coming to a thick clump of grass at the foot of a half-decayed banana tree, we sank down completely out of breath. i had never taken such fearful chances on my life before, and i trusted i would never have to do so again, little dreaming of all the perils which still lay before us. "i believe we are safe for the present," said alano, when he could get his breath. "i wonder where we are?" "we're in a very dark, dirty, and wet woods," i returned gloomily. "have we got to remain here all night?" "it's better than being in a spanish prison," replied my cuban chum simply. "we can go on after we are a bit rested." the rain was coming down upon the broad leaves of the banana tree at a lively rate, but alano said he thought it must be a clearing shower, and so it soon proved to be. but scarcely had the drops ceased to fall than a host of mosquitoes and other insects arose, keeping us more than busy. "we must get out of this!" i exclaimed, when i could stand the tiny pests no longer. "i'm being literally chewed up alive. and, see, there is a lizard!" and i shook the thing from my arm. "oh, you mustn't mind such things in cuba!" said alano, laughing shortly. "why, we have worse things than that--snakes and alligators, and the like. but come on, if you are rested. it may be we'll soon strike some sort of shelter." luckily, through all the excitement we had retained our valises, which were slung across our backs by straps thrown over the shoulder. from my own i now extracted a large handkerchief, and this served, when placed in my broad-brimmed hat, to protect my neck and ears from the insects. as for alano, he was acclimated and did not seem to be bothered at all. we pursued our way through the woods, and then ascended a steep bank of clay, at the top of which was a well-made road leading to the northward. we looked up and down, but not a habitation or building of any kind was in sight. "it leads somewhere," said alano, after a pause. "let us go on, but with care, for perhaps the spanish government has guards even as far out as this." on we went once more, picking our way around the numerous pools and bog-holes in the road. the stars were now coming out, and we could consequently see much better than before. "a light!" i cried, when quarter of a mile had been traversed. "see, alano." "it must be from a plantation," he answered. "if it is, the chances are that the owner is a spanish sympathizer--he wouldn't dare to be anything else, so close to the city." "but he might aid us in secret," i suggested. alano shrugged his shoulders, and we proceeded more slowly. then he caught my arm. "there is a sugar-house back of that canefield," he said. "we may find shelter there." "anywhere--so we can catch a few hours' nap." we proceeded around the field with caution, for the plantation house was not far away. passing a building where the grinding was done, we entered a long, low drying shed. here we struck a match, and by the flickering light espied a heap of dry husks, upon which we immediately threw ourselves. "we'll have to be up and away before daybreak," said my chum, as he drew off his wet coat, an example which i at once followed, even though it was so warm i did not suffer greatly from the dampness. "we would be sorry fellows to give an explanation if we were stopped in this vicinity." "yes, and for the matter of that, we had better sleep with one eye open," i rejoined. and then we turned in, and both presently fell asleep through sheer exhaustion. how long i had been sleeping i did not know. i awoke with a start, to find a cold nose pressing against my face. "hi! get out of here!" i cried, and then the owner of the nose leaped back and uttered the low, savage, and unmistakable growl of a cuban bloodhound! chapter iii. in the wilds of the island. to say that i was alarmed when i found that the intruder in our sleeping quarters was a bloodhound would be to put the fact very mildly. i was truly horrified, and a chill shook my frame as i had a momentary vision of being torn to pieces by the bloodthirsty animal. my cry awoke alano, who instantly asked what was the matter, and then yelled at the beast in spanish. as the creature retreated, evidently to prepare for a rush upon us, i sprang to my feet and grasped a short ladder which led to the roof of the shed. "come!" i roared to my chum, and alano did so; and both of us scrambled up, with the bloodhound snarling and snatching at our feet. he even caught the heel of my boot, but i kicked him off, and we reached the top of the shed in temporary safety. baffled, the dog ran out of the shed and began to bay loudly, as though summoning assistance. "we're in for it now!" i groaned. "we can't get away from the dog, and he'll arouse somebody before long." "well, we can't help ourselves," replied alano, with a philosophical shrug of his shoulders. "ha! somebody is coming now!" he pointed through the semi-darkness, for it was close to sunrise. a cuban negro was approaching, a huge fellow all of six feet tall and dressed in the garb of an overseer. he carried a little triangular lantern, and as he drew closer he yelled at the bloodhound in a cuban _patois_ which was all greek to me, but which alano readily understood. the dog stopped baying, but insisted upon leading his master to the very foot of the shed, where he stood with his nose pointed up at us. there was no help for it, so alano crawled to the edge of the roof and told the overseer what was the trouble--that the dog had driven us hither and that we were afraid of being killed. a short conversation followed, and then my chum turned to me. "we can go down now," he said. "the overseer says the dog will not touch us so long as he is around." we leaped to the ground, although i must admit i did not do so with a mind perfectly at ease, the bloodhound still looked so ugly. however, beyond a few sniffs at my trousers-leg and a deep rumble of his voice, he offered no further indignities. "he wants to know who we are," said alano, after more conversation. "what shall i tell him?" "tell him the truth, and ask him for help to reach your father's plantation, alano. he won't know we escaped from santiago de cuba without permission." alano did as directed. at the mention of senor guerez' name the overseer held up his hands in astonishment. he told alano that he knew his father well, that he had met the señor only two weeks previously, and that both alano's father and my own had thrown in their fortunes with the insurgents! "is it possible!" i ejaculated. "my father, too! why, he must be still lame!" "he is," said alano, after further consultation with the newcomer. "my father, it seems, had to join the rebels, or his plantation would have been burned to the ground. there was a quarrel with some spanish sympathizers, and in the end both your father and mine joined the forces under general calixto garcia." "and where are they now?" "the overseer does not know." "what of your mother and sisters?" "he does not know about them either;" and for a moment alano's handsome and manly face grew very sober. "oh, if i was only with them!" "and if i was only with my father!" i cried. my father was all the world to me, and to be separated from him at such a time was more than painful. "do you think he will help us?" i went on, after a moment of silence. the overseer agreed to do what he could for us, although that would not be much. he was an insurgent at heart, but his master and all around him were in sympathy with the spanish government. "he says for us to remain here and he will bring us breakfast," said alano, as the man turned and departed, with the bloodhound at his side. "and after that he will set us on a road leading to tiarriba and gave us a countersign which will help us into a rebel camp if there is any around." we secreted ourselves again in the cane shed, and it was not long before the overseer returned, bringing with him a kettle of steaming black coffee, without which no cuban breakfast seems complete, and some fresh bread and half a dozen hard-boiled eggs. he had also a bag of crackers and a chunk of dried beef weighing several pounds. "put those in your bags," he said to alano, indicating the beef and crackers. "you may find it to your interest to keep out of sight for a day or two, to avoid the spanish spies." the breakfast was soon dispatched, the provisions stored in our valises, and then the overseer took us up through the sugar-cane fields to where a brook emptied into a long pond, covered with green weeds, among which frogs as broad as one's hand croaked dismally. we hurried around the pond, and our guide pointed out a narrow, winding path leading upward through a stony woods. then he whispered a few words to alano, shook us both by the hand, and disappeared. "he says the countersign is 'sagua'--after the river and city of that name," explained my chum as we tramped along. "you must wave your hand so if you see a man in the distance," and alano twirled his arm over his head. stony though it was in the woods, the vegetation was thick and rank. on every side were the trunks of decaying trees, overgrown with moss--the homes of beetles, lizards, and snakes innumerable. the snakes, most of them small fellows not over a foot long, at first alarmed me, but this only made alano laugh. "they could not harm you if they tried," he said. "and they are very useful--they eat up so many of the mosquitoes and gnats and lizards." "but some of the snakes are dangerous," i insisted. "oh, yes; but they are larger." "and what of wild animals?" "we have nothing but wild hogs and a few deer, and wild dogs too. and then there are the alligators to be found in the rivers." the sun had risen clear and hot, as is usual in that region after a shower. where the trees were scattered, the rays beat down upon our heads mercilessly, and the slippery ground fairly steamed, so rapid was the evaporation. by noon we had reached the top of a hill, and here we rested and partook of several crackers each and a bit of the beef, washing both down with water from a spring, which i first strained through a clean handkerchief, to get clear of the insects and tiny lizards, which abounded everywhere. "i can see a house ahead," announced alano, who had climbed a palm tree to view the surroundings. "we'll go on and see what sort of a place it is before we make ourselves known." once again we shouldered our traps and set out. the way down the hill was nearly as toilsome as the upward course on the opposite side had been, for gnarled roots hidden in the rank grasses made a tumble easy. indeed, both of us went down several times, barking our shins and scratching our hands. yet we kept on, until the house was but a short distance off. it was set in a small clearing; and as we approached we saw a man come out of the front door and down the broad piazza steps. he was dressed in the uniform of a captain in the spanish army. "back!" cried alano; but it was too late, for by pure accident the military officer had caught sight of us. he called out in spanish to learn who we were. "he is a spanish officer!" i whispered to alano. "shall we face him and trust to luck to get out of the scrape?" "no, no! come!" and, catching me by the arm, alano led the way around the clearing. it was a bad move, for no sooner had we turned than the officer called out to several soldiers stationed at a stable in the rear of the house. these leaped on their horses, pistols and sabers in hand, and, riding hard, soon surrounded us. "_halte!_" came the command; and in a moment more my cuban chum and myself found ourselves prisoners. chapter iv. in a novel prison. i looked with much foreboding upon the faces of the soldiers who had surrounded us. all were stern almost to the verge of cruelty, and the face of the captain when he came up was no exception to the rule. alano and i learned afterward that captain crabo had met the day previous with a bitter attack from the insurgents, who had wounded six of his men, and this had put him in anything but a happy frame of mind. "who are you?" he demanded in spanish, as he eyed us sharply. alano looked at me in perplexity, and started to ask me what he had best say, when the spanish captain clapped the flat side of his sword over my chum's mouth. "talk so that i can understand you, or i'll place you under arrest," he growled. and then he added, "are you alone?" "yes," said alano. "and where are you going?" "i wish to join my father at guantanamo. his father is also with mine," and my chum pointed to me. "your name?" seeing there was no help for it, alano told him. captain crabo did not act as if he had heard it before, and we breathed easier. but the next moment our hearts sank again. "well, we will search you, and if you carry no messages and are not armed, you can go on." "we have no messages," said alano. "you can search us and welcome." he handed over his valise, and i followed suit. our pistols we had placed in the inner pockets of our coats. by his easy manner my chum tried to throw the spaniards off their guard, but the trick did not work. after going through our bags, and confiscating several of my silk handkerchiefs, they began to search our clothing, even compelling us to remove our boots, and the weapons were speedily brought to light. "ha! armed!" cried captain crabo. "they are not so innocent as they seem. we will look into their history a little closer ere we let them go. take them to the smoke-house until i have time to make an investigation to-night. we must be off for pueblo del cristo now." without ceremony we were marched off across the clearing and around the back of the stable, where stood a rude stone building evidently built many years before. alano told me what the captain had said, and also explained that the stone building was a smoke-house, where at certain seasons of the year beef and other meat were hung up to be dried and smoked, in preference to simple drying in the sun. as might be expected, the smoke-house was far from being a clean place; yet it had been used for housing prisoners before, and these had taken the trouble to brush the smut from the stones inside, so it was not so dirty as it might otherwise have been. we were thrust into this building minus our pistols and our valises. then the door, a heavy wooden affair swinging upon two rusty iron hinges, was banged shut in our faces, a hasp and spike were put into place, and we were left to ourselves. "now we are in for it," i began, but alano stopped me short. "listen!" he whispered, and we did so, and heard all of our enemies retreat. a few minutes later there was the tramping of horses' feet, several commands in spanish, and the soldiers rode off. "they have left us to ourselves, at any rate," said my chum, when we were sure they had departed. "and we are made of poor stuff indeed if we cannot pick our way out of this hole." at first we were able to see nothing, but a little light shone in through several cracks in the roof, and soon our eyes became accustomed to the semi-darkness. we examined the walls, to find them of solid masonry. the roof was out of our reach, the floor so baked it was like cement. "we are prisoners now, surely, mark," said alano bitterly. "what will be our fate when that _capitan_ returns?" "we'll be sent back to santiago de cuba most likely, alano. but we must try to escape. i have an idea. can you balance me upon your shoulders, do you think?" "i will try it. but what for?" "i wish to examine the roof." not without much difficulty i succeeded in reaching my chum's broad shoulders and standing upright upon them. i could now touch the ceiling of the smoke-house with ease, and i had alano move around from spot to spot in a close inspection of every bit of board and bark above us. "here is a loose board!" i cried in a low voice. "stand firm, alano." he braced himself by catching hold of the stone wall, and i shoved upward with all of my strength. there was a groan, a squeak; the board flew upward, and the sun shone down on our heads. i crawled through the opening thus made, and putting down my hand i helped alano to do likewise. "drop out of sight of the house!" he whispered. "somebody may be watching this place." we dropped, and waited in breathless silence for several minutes, but no one showed himself. then we held a consultation. "they thought we couldn't get out," i said. "more than likely no one is left at the homestead but a servant or two." "if only we could get our bags and pistols," sighed alano. "we must get them," i rejoined, "for we cannot go on without them. let us sneak up to the house and investigate. i see no dogs around." with extreme caution we left the vicinity of the smoke-house, and, crawling on hands and knees, made our way along a low hedge to where several broad palms overshadowed a side veranda. the door of the veranda was open, and, motioning to alano to follow, i ascended the broad steps and dashed into the house. "now where?" questioned my cuban chum, as we hesitated in the broad and cool hallway. "here is a sitting room," and he opened the door to it. a voice broke upon our ear. a negro woman was singing from the direction of the kitchen, as she rattled among her earthenware pots. evidently she was alone. "if they left her on guard, we have little to fear," i said, and we entered the sitting room. both of us uttered a faint cry of joy, for there on the table rested our valises and provisions, just as they had been taken from us. inside of alano's bag were the two pistols with the cartridges. "now we can go at once," i said. "how fortunate we have been! let us not waste time here." "they owe us a meal for detaining us," replied my chum grimly. "let me explore the pantry in the next room." he went through the whip-end curtains without a sound, and was gone several minutes. when he came back his face wore a broad smile and he carried a large napkin bursting open with eatables of various kinds, a piece of cold roast pork, some rice cakes, buns, and the remains of a chicken pie. "we'll have a supper fit for a king!" he cried. "come on! i hear that woman coming." and coming she was, in her bare feet, along the polished floor. we had just time left to seize our valises and make our escape when she entered. "_qué quiere v.?_ [what do you want?]" she shouted, and then called upon us to stop; but, instead, we ran from the dooryard as fast as we could, and did not halt until the plantation was left a good half mile behind. "we are well out of that!" i gasped, throwing myself down under the welcome shade of a cacao tree. "do you suppose she will send the soldiers in pursuit?" "they would have hard work to find us," replied alano. "here, let us sample this eating i brought along, and then be on our way. remember we have still many miles to go." we partook of some of the chicken pie and some buns, the latter so highly spiced they almost made me sneeze when i ate them, and then went on our way again. our run had warmed us up, and now the sun beat down upon our heads mercilessly as we stalked through a tangle where the luxurious vegetation was knee-high. we were glad enough when we reached another woods, through which there was a well-defined, although exceedingly poor, wagon trail. indeed, let me add, nearly all of the wagon roads in cuba, so i have since been told, are wretched affairs at the best. "we ought to be in the neighborhood of tiarriba," said alano about the middle of the afternoon. "we won't dare enter the town," i replied. "those soldiers were going there, you must remember." "oh, the chances are we'll find rebels enough--on the quiet," he rejoined. on we went, trudging through sand and shells and not infrequently through mire several inches to a foot deep. it was hard work, and i wished more than once that we were on horseback. there was also a brook to cross, but the bridge was gone and there was nothing left to do but to ford the stream. "it's not to our boot-tops," said alano, after an examination, "so we won't have to take our boots and socks off. come; i fancy there is a good road ahead." he started into the water, and i went after him. we had reached the middle of the stream when both of us let out a wild yell, and not without reason, for we had detected a movement from the opposite bank, and now saw a monstrous alligator bearing swiftly down upon us! chapter v. lost among the hills. both alano and i were almost paralyzed by the sight of the huge alligator bearing down upon us, his mouth wide open, showing his cruel teeth, and his long tail shifting angrily from side to side. "back!" yelled my cuban chum, and back we went, almost tumbling over each other in our haste to gain the bank from where we had started. the alligator lost no time in coming up behind, uttering what to me sounded like a snort of rage. he had been lying half-hidden in the mud, and the mud still clung to his scaly sides and back. altogether, he was the most horrible creature i had ever beheld. reaching the bank of the brook, with the alligator not three yards behind us, we fled up a series of rocks overgrown with moss and vines. we did not pause until we were at the very summit, then both of us drew our pistols and fired at the blinking eyes. the bullets glanced from the "'gator's" head without doing much harm, and with another snort the terrifying beast turned back into the brook and sank into a pool out of sight. "my gracious, alano, supposing he had caught us!" i gasped, when i could catch my breath. "we would have been devoured," he answered, with a shudder, for of all creatures the alligator is the one most dreaded by cubans, being the only living beast on the island dangerous to life because of its strength. "he must have been lying in wait for somebody," i remarked, after a moment's pause, during which we kept our eyes on the brook, in a vain attempt to gain another look at our tormentor. "he was--it is the way they do, mark. if they can, they wait until you are alongside of them. then a blow from the tail knocks you flat, and that ends the fight--for you," and again alano shuddered, and so did i. "we can't cross," i said, a few minutes later, as all remained quiet. "i would not attempt it for a thousand dollars." "nor i--on foot. perhaps we can do so by means of the trees. let us climb yonder palm and investigate." we climbed the palm, a sloping tree covered with numerous trailing vines. our movements disturbed countless beetles, lizards, and a dozen birds, some of the latter flying off with a whir which was startling. the top of the palm reached, we swung ourselves to its neighbor, standing directly upon the bank of the brook. in a few minutes we had reached a willow and then a cacao, and thus we crossed the stream in safety, although not without considerable exertion. the sun was beginning to set when we reached a small village called by the natives san lerma--a mere collection of thatched cottages belonging to some sheep-raisers. before entering we made certain there were no soldiers around. our coming brought half a dozen men, women, and children to our side. they were mainly of negro blood, and the children were but scantily clothed. they commenced to ask innumerable questions, which alano answered as well as he could. one of the negroes had heard of señor guerez' plantation, and immediately volunteered to furnish us with sleeping accommodations for the night. "many of us have joined the noble general garcia," he said, in almost a whisper. "i would join too, but teresa will not hear of it." teresa was his wife--a fat, grim-looking wench who ruled the household with a rod of iron. she grumbled a good deal at having to provide us with a bed, but became very pleasant when alano slipped a small silver coin into her greasy palm. feeling fairly secure in our quarters, we slept soundly, and did not awaken until the sun was shining brightly. the inevitable pot of black coffee was over the fire, and the smoke of bacon and potatoes frying in a saucepan filled the air. breakfast was soon served, after which we greased our boots, saw to our other traps and our bag of provisions, which we had not opened, and proceeded on our way--the husband of teresa wishing us well, and the big-eyed children staring after us in silent wonder and curiosity. "that is a terrible existence," i said to alano. "think of living in that fashion all your life!" "they know no better," he returned philosophically. "and i fancy they are happy in their way. their living comes easy to them, and they never worry about styles in clothing or rent day. sometimes they have dances and other amusements. didn't you see the home-made guitar on the wall?" on we went, past the village and to a highway which we had understood would take us to tiarriba, but which took us to nothing of the sort. as we proceeded the sun grew more oppressive than ever, until i was glad enough to take alano's advice, and place some wet grass in my hat to keep the top of my head cool. "it will rain again soon," said alano, "and if it comes from the right quarter it will be much cooler for several days after." the ground now became hilly, and we walked up and down several places which were steep enough to cause us to pant for breath. by noon we reckoned we had covered eight or nine miles. we halted for our midday rest and meal under some wild peppers, and we had not yet finished when we heard the low rumble of thunder. "the storm is coming, sure enough!" i exclaimed. "what had we best do--find some shelter?" "that depends, mark. if the lightning is going to be strong, better seek the open air. we do not want to be struck." we went on, hoping that some village would soon be found, but none appeared. the rain commenced to hit the tree leaves, and soon there was a steady downpour. we buttoned our coats tightly around the neck, and stopped under the spreading branches of an uncultivated banana tree, the half-ripe fruit of which hung within easy reach. the thunder had increased rapidly, and now from out of the ominous-looking clouds the lightning played incessantly. alano shook his head dubiously. "do you know what i think?" he said. "well?" "i think we have missed our way. if we were on the right road we would have come to some dwelling ere this. i believe we have branched off on some forest trail." "let us go on, alano. see, the rain is coming through the tree already." it was tough work now, for the road was uphill and the clayey ground was slippery and treacherous. it was not long before i took a tumble, and would have rolled over some sharp rocks had alano not caught my arm. at one minute the road seemed pitch-dark, at the next a flash of lightning would nearly blind us. presently we gained the crest of a hill a little higher than its fellows, and gazed around us. on all sides were the waving branches of palms and other trees, dotted here and there with clearings of rocks and coarse grasses. not a building of any kind was in sight. "it is as i thought," said my cuban chum dubiously. "we have lost our way in the hills." "and what will we have to do--retrace our steps?" i ventured anxiously. "i don't know. if we push on i suppose we'll strike some place sooner or later." "yes, but our provisions won't last forever, alano." "that is true, mark, but we'll have to---- oh!" alano stopped short and staggered back into my arms. we had stepped for the moment under the shelter of a stately palm. now it was as if a wave of fire had swept close to our face. it was a flash of lightning; and it struck the tree fairly on the top, splitting it from crown to roots, and pinning us down under one of the falling portions! chapter vi. from one difficulty to another. how we ever escaped from the falling tree i do not fully know to this day. the lightning stunned me almost as much as my companion, and both of us went down in a heap in the soft mud, for it was now raining in torrents. we rolled over, and a rough bit of bark scraped my face; and then i knew no more. when i came to my senses i was lying in a little gully, part of the way down the hillside. alano was at my side, a deep cut on his chin, from which the blood was flowing freely. he lay so still that i at first thought him dead, but the sight of the flowing blood reassured me. a strong smell of sulphur filled the air, and this made me remember the lightning stroke. i looked up the hill, to see the palm tree split as i have described. "thank god for this escape!" i could not help murmuring; and then i took out a handkerchief, allowed it to become wet, and bound up alano's cut. while i was doing this he came to, gasped, and opened his eyes. "_què_--_què_----" he stammered. "wha--what--was it, mark?" i told him, and soon had him sitting up, his back propped against a rock. the cut on his chin was not deep, and presently the flow of blood stopped and he shook himself. "it was a narrow escape," he said. "i warned you we must get out into the open." "we'll be more careful in the future," i replied. and then i pointed to an opening in the gully. "see, there is a cave. let us get into that while the storm lasts." "let us see if it is safe first. there may be snakes within," returned alano. with caution we approached the entrance to the cave, which appeared to be several yards deep. trailing vines partly hid the opening; and, thrusting these aside, we took sticks, lit a bit of candle i carried, and examined the interior. evidently some wild animal had once had its home there, but the cave was now tenantless, and we proceeded to make ourselves at home. "we'll light a fire and dry our clothing," suggested alano. "and if the rain continues we can stay here all night." "we might as well stay. to tramp through the wet grass and brush would be almost as bad as to have it rain--we would be soaked from our waists down." "then we'll gather wood and stay," said he. quarter of an hour later we had coaxed up quite a respectable fire in the shadow of a rock at the entrance to the cave, which was just high enough to allow us to stand upright, and was perhaps twelve feet in diameter. we piled more wood on the blaze, satisfied that in its damp condition we could not set fire to the forest, and then retired to dry our clothing and enjoy a portion of the contents of the provision bag alano had improvised out of the purloined napkin. as we ate we discussed the situation, wondering how far we could be from some village and if there were any insurgents or spanish soldiers in the vicinity. "the rebels could outwit the soldiers forever in these hills," remarked alano--"especially those who are acquainted in the vicinity." "but the rebels might be surrounded," i suggested. "they said at santiago they had too strong a picket guard for that, mark." "but we have seen no picket guard. supposing instead of two boys a body of spanish soldiers had come this way, what then?" "in that case what would the spanish soldiers have to shoot at?" he laughed. "we have as yet seen no rebels." "but we may meet them--before we know it," i said, with a shake of my head. scarcely had i uttered the words than the entrance to our resting-place was darkened by two burly forms, and we found the muzzles of two carbines thrust close to our faces. "who are you?" came in spanish. "put up your hands!" "don't shoot!" cried alano in alarm. "come out of that!" "it's raining too hard, and we have our coats off, as you see. won't you come in?" at this the two men, bronzed and by no means bad-looking fellows, laughed. "only boys!" murmured one, and the carbines were lowered and they entered the cave. a long and rapid conversation with alano, which i could but imperfectly understand, followed. they asked who we were, where we were going, how we had managed to slip out of santiago, if we were armed, if we carried messages, if we had the countersign, how we had reached the cave, and a dozen other questions. both roared loudly when alano said he thought they were rebels. "and so we are," said the one who appeared to be the leader. "and we are proud of it. have you any objections to make?" "no," we both answered in a breath, that being both english and spanish, and i understanding enough of the question to be anxious to set myself right with them. "i think our fathers have become rebels," alano answered. "at least, we were told so." "good!" said the leader. "then we have nothing to fear from two such brave lads as you appear to be. and now what do you propose to do--encamp here for the night?" "unless you can supply us with better accommodations," rejoined my chum. "we can supply you with nothing. we have nothing but what is on us," laughed the second rebel. both told us later that they were on special picket duty in that neighborhood. they had been duly enlisted under general garcia, but were not in uniform, each wearing only a wet and muddy linen suit, thick boots, and a plain braided palm hat. around his waist each had strapped a leather belt, and in this stuck a machete--a long, sharp, and exceedingly cruel-looking knife. over the shoulder was another strap, fastened to a canvas bag containing ammunition and other articles of their outfit. these specimens of the rebels were hardly what i had expected to see, yet they were so earnest in their manner i could not help but admire them. one of them had brought down a couple of birds, and these were cooked over our fire and divided among all hands, together with the few things we had to offer. after the meal each soldier placed a big bite of tobacco in his mouth, lit a cigarette, and proceeded to make himself comfortable. "the spaniards will not move in this weather," said one. "they are too afraid of getting wet and taking cold." darkness had come upon us, and it was still raining as steadily as ever. our clothing was dry; and, as the cave was warmed, the rebel guards ordered us to put out the fire, that it might not attract attention during the night. we were told that we had made several mistakes on the road and were far away from tiarriba. if we desire to go there, the rebels said they would put us on the right road. "but if you are in sympathy with us, you had better pass tiarriba by," said one to alano. "the city is filled with spanish soldiers, and you may not be able to get away as easily as you did from santiago." alano consulted with me, and then asked the rebel what we had best do. "that depends. do you want to join the forces under general garcia?" "we want to join our fathers at or near guantanamo." "garcia is pushing on in that direction. you had best join the army and stay with it until guantanamo is reached." "but we will have to fight?" said my cuban chum. the guard smiled grimly, exhibiting a row of large white teeth. "as you will. the general will not expect too much from boys." there the talk ended, one of the rebels deeming it advisable to take a tramp over to the next hill and back, and the other crouching down in a corner for a nap. with nothing else to do, we followed the example of the latter, and were soon in dreamland. a single call from the man who had slept beside us brought us to our feet at daybreak. the storm had cleared away, and now it was positively cool--so much so that i was glad enough to button my coat up tightly and be thankful that the fire had dried it so well. the second rebel was asleep, and had been for two hours. we followed one out of the cave without arousing the other. a tramp of half a mile brought us to a high bank, and here our rebel escort left us. "across the bank you will find a wagon-road leading to the west," he said. "follow that, and you cannot help but meet some of our party sooner or later. remember the new password, 'maysi,' and you will be all right," and then he turned and disappeared from sight in the bush. the climb to the top of the bank was not difficult, and, once over it, the road he had mentioned lay almost at our feet. we ran down to it with lighter hearts than we had had for some time, and struck out boldly, eating a light breakfast as we trudged along. "i hope we strike no more adventures until the vicinity of guantanamo is reached," i observed. "we can hardly hope for that, mark," smiled my chum. "remember we are journeying through a country where war is raging. let us be thankful if we escape the battles and skirmishes." "and shooting down by some ambitious sharpshooter," i added. "by the way, i wonder if our folks are looking for us?" "it may be they sent word not to come, when they saw how matters were going, mark. i am sure your father would not want you to run the risk that----look! look! we must hide!" alano stopped short, caught me by the arm, and pointed ahead. around a turn in the road a dozen horsemen had swept, riding directly toward us. a glance showed that they were spanish guerrillas! chapter vii. fooling the spanish guerrillas. "_halte!_" it was the cry of the nearest of the spanish horsemen. he had espied us just as alano let out his cry of alarm, and now he came galloping toward us at a rapid gait. "let us run!" i ejaculated to my cuban chum. "it is our only chance." "yes, yes! but to where?" he gasped, staring around in bewilderment. on one side of the road was a woods of mahogany, on the other some palms and plantains, with here and there a great rock covered with thick vines. "among the rocks--anywhere!" i returned. "come!" and, catching his hand, i led the way from the road while the horseman was yet a hundred feet from us. another cry rang out--one i could not understand, and a shot followed, clipping through the broad leaves over our heads. the horseman left the road, but soon came to a stop, his animal's progress blocked by the trees and rocks. he yelled to his companions, and all of the guerrillas came up at topmost speed. "they will dismount and be after us in a minute!" gasped alano. "hark! they are coming already!" "on! on!" i urged. "we'll find some hiding-place soon." around the rocks and under the low-hanging plantains we sped, until the road was left a hundred yards behind. then we came to a gully, where the vegetation was heavy. alano pointed down to it. "we can hide there," he whispered. "but we will be in danger of snakes. yet it is the best we can do." i hesitated. to make the acquaintanceship of a serpent in that dense grass was not pleasant to contemplate. but what else was there to do? the footsteps of our pursuers sounded nearer. down went alano, making leaps from rock to rock, so that no trail would be left. i followed at his heels, and, coming to a rock which was partly hollowed out at one side and thickly overgrown, we crouched under it and pulled the vines and creepers over us. it was a damp, unwholesome spot, but there was no help for it, and when several enormous black beetles dropped down and crawled around my neck i shut my lips hard to keep from crying out. we must escape from the enemy, no matter what the cost, for even if they did not make us prisoners we knew they would take all we possessed and even strip the coats from our backs. peering from between the vines, we presently caught sight of three of the spaniards standing at the top of the gully, pistols in hand, on the alert for a sight of us. they were dark, ugly-looking fellows, with heavy black mustaches and faces which had not had a thorough washing in months. they were dressed in the military uniform of spain, and carried extra bags of canvas slung from their shoulders, evidently meant for booty. that they were tough customers alano said one could tell by their vile manner of speech. "do you see them, carlo?" demanded one of the number. "i thought they went down this hollow?" "i see nothing," was the answer, coupled with a vile exclamation. "they disappeared as if by magic." "they were but boys." "never mind, they were rebels--that is enough," put in the third guerrilla, as he chewed his mustache viciously. "i wish i could get a shot at them." at this alano pulled out his pistol and motioned for me to do the same. "we may as well be prepared for the worst," he whispered into my ear. "they are not soldiers, they are robbers--bandits." "they look bad enough for anything," i answered, and produced my weapon, which i had not discharged since the brush with the alligator. "if they are in the hollow it is odd we do not see them on their trail," went on one of the bandits. "perhaps they went around." his companions shook their heads. "i'll thrash around a bit," said one of them; and, leaving the brink of the gully, he started straight for our hiding-place. my heart leaped into my throat, and i feared immediate discovery. as for alano, he shoved his pistol under his coat, and i heard a muffled click as the hammer was raised. when within ten feet of us the ugly fellow stopped, and i fairly held my breath, while my heart appeared to beat like a trip-hammer. he looked squarely at the rock which sheltered us, and i could not believe he would miss discovering us. once he started and raised his pistol, and i imagined our time had come; but then he turned to one side, and i breathed easier. "they did not come this way, _capitan_!" he shouted. "let us go around the hollow." in another moment all three of the bandits were out of sight. we heard them moving in the undergrowth behind us, and one of them gave a scream as a snake was stirred up and dispatched with a saber. then all became quiet. "what is best to do now?" i asked, when i thought it safe to speak. "hush!" whispered alano. "they may be playing us dark." a quarter of an hour passed,--it seemed ten times that period of time just then,--and we heard them coming back. they were very angry at their want of success; and had we been discovered, our fate would undoubtedly have been a hard one. they stalked back to the road, and a moment later we heard the hoof-strokes of their horses receding in the distance. "hurrah!" i shouted, but in a very subdued tone. "that's the time we fooled them, alano." my cuban chum smiled grimly. "yes, mark, but we must be more careful in the future. had we not been so busy talking we might have heard their horses long before they came into view. however, the scare is over, so let us put our best foot forward once again." "if only we had horses too!" i sighed. "my feet are beginning to get sore from the uneven walking." "horses would truly be convenient at times. but we haven't them, and must make the best of it. when we stop for our next meal you had best take off your boots and bathe your feet. you will be astonished how much rest that will afford them." i followed this advice, and found alano was right; and after that i bathed my feet as often as i got the chance. alano suffered no inconvenience in this particular, having climbed the hills since childhood. we were again on rising ground, and now passed through a heavy wood of cedars, the lower branches sweeping our hats as we passed. this thick shade was very acceptable, for the glare of the sun had nearly blinded me, while more than once i felt as if i would faint from the intense heat. "it's not such a delightful island as i fancied it," i said to my chum. "i much prefer the united states." "that depends," laughed alano. "the white mountains or the adirondacks are perhaps nicer, but what of the forests and everglades in florida?" "just as bad as this, i suppose." "yes, and worse, for the ground is wetter, i believe. but come, don't lag. we must make several more miles before we rest." we proceeded up a hill and across a level space which was somewhat cleared of brush and trees. beyond we caught sight of a thatched hut. hardly had it come into view than from its interior we heard a faint cry for help. chapter viii. andres. "what is that?" ejaculated alano, stopping short and catching my arm. "a cry of some kind," i answered. "listen!" we stepped behind some trees, to avoid any enemies who might be about, and remained silent. again came the cry. "it is a man in distress!" said alano presently. "he asks us not to desert him." "then he probably saw us from the window of the hut. what had we best do?" "you remain here, and i will investigate," rejoined my cuban chum. with caution he approached the thatched hut, a miserable affair, scarcely twelve feet square and six feet high, with the trunks of palm trees as the four corner-posts. there were one tiny window and a narrow door, and alano after some hesitation entered the latter, pistol in hand. "come, mark!" he cried presently, and i ran forward and joined him. a pitiable scene presented itself. closely bound to a post which ran up beside the window was a cuban negro of perhaps fifty years of age, gray-haired and wrinkled. he was scantily clothed, and the cruel green-hide cords which bound him had cut deeply into his flesh, in many places to such an extent that the blood was flowing. the negro's tongue was much swollen, and the first thing he begged for upon being released was a drink of water. we obtained the water, and also gave him what we could to eat, for which he thanked us over and over again, and would have kissed our hands had we permitted it. he was a tall man, but so thin he looked almost like a skeleton. "for two days was i tied up," he explained to alano, in his spanish _patois_. "i thought i would die of hunger and thirst, when, on raising my eyes, i beheld you and your companion. heaven be praised for sending you! andres will never forget you for your goodness, never!" "and how came you in this position?" questioned my chum. "ah, dare i tell, master?" "you are a rebel?" the negro lowered his eyes and was silent. "if you are, you have nothing to fear from us," continued alano. "ah--good! good!" andres wrung his hand. "yes, i am a rebel. for two years i fought under our good general maceo and under garcia. but i am old, i cannot climb the mountains as of yore, and i got sick and was sent back. the spanish soldiers followed me, robbed me of what little i possessed, and, instead of shooting me, bound me to the post as a torture. ah, but they are a cruel set!" and the eyes of the negro glowed wrathfully. "if only i was younger!" "were the spaniards on horseback?" asked alano. "yes, master--a dozen of them." alano described the bandits we had met, and andres felt certain they must be the same crowd. the poor fellow could scarcely stand, and sank down on a bed of cedar boughs and palm branches. we did what we could for him, and in return he invited us to make his poor home our own. there was a rude fireplace behind the hut, and here hung a great iron pot. rekindling the fire, we set the pot to boiling; and andres hobbled around to prepare a soup, or rather broth, made of green plantains, rice, and a bit of dried meat the bandits had not discovered, flavoring the whole mess with garlic. the dish was not particularly appetizing to me, but i was tremendously hungry and made way with a fair share of it, while alano apparently enjoyed his portion. it was dark when the meal was finished, and we decided to remain at the hut all night, satisfied that we would be about as secure there as anywhere. the smoke of the smoldering fire kept the mosquitoes and gnats at a distance, and andres found for us a couple of grass hammocks, which, when slung from the corner-posts, made very comfortable resting-places. during the evening alano questioned andres closely, and learned that general garcia was pushing on toward guantanamo, as we had previously been informed. andres did not know señor guerez, but he asserted that many planters throughout the district had joined the rebel forces, deserting their canefields and taking all of their help with them. "the men are poorly armed," he continued. "some have only their canefield knives--but even with these they are a match for the spanish soldiers, on account of their bravery"--an assertion which later on proved, for the greater part, to be true. the night passed without an alarm of any kind, and before sunrise we were stirring around, preparing a few small fish alano had been lucky enough to catch in a near-by mountain stream. these fish andres baked by rolling them in a casing of clay; and never have i eaten anything which tasted more delicious. before we left him the cuban negro gave us minute directions for reaching the rear guard of the rebel army. he said the password was still "maysi." "you had better join the army," he said, on parting. "you will gain nothing by trying to go around. and you, master alano--if your father has joined the forces, it may be that will gain you a horse and full directions as to just where your parent is," and as we trudged off andres wished us godspeed and good luck over and over again, with a friendly wave of his black bony hand. the cool spell, although it was really only cool by contrast, had utterly passed, and as the sun came up it seemed to fairly strike one a blow upon the head. we were traveling along the edge of a low cliff, and shade was scarce, although we took advantage of every bit which came in our way. the perspiration poured from our faces, necks, and hands; and about ten o'clock i was forced to call a halt and throw myself on my back on the ground. "i knew it would be so," said my chum. "that is why i called for an early start. we might as well rest until two or three in the afternoon. very few people travel here in the heat of the day." "it is suffocating," i murmured. "like one great bake-oven and steam-laundry combined." "that is what makes the vegetation flourish," he smiled. "just see how it grows!" i did not have far to look to notice it. before us was a forest of grenadillo and rosewood, behind us palms and plantains, with an occasional cacao and mahogany tree. the ground was covered with long grass and low brush, and over all hung the festoons of vines of many colors, some blooming profusely. a smell of "something growing green" filled the hot air, and from every side arose the hum of countless insects and the occasional note of a bird. "i wouldn't remain on the ground too long," remarked alano presently. "when one is hot and lies down, that is the time to take on a fever. better rest in yonder tree--it is more healthy; and, besides, if there is any breeze stirring, there is where you will catch it." "we might as well be on a deserted island as to be in cuba," i said, after both of us had climbed into a mahogany tree. "there is not a building nor a human soul in sight. i half believe we are lost again." alano smiled. "let us rather say, as your indian said, 'we are not lost, we are here. the army and the towns and villages are lost,'" and he laughed at the old joke, which had been the first he had ever read, in english, in a magazine at broxville academy. "well, it's just as bad, alano. i, for one, am tired of tramping up hill and down. if we could reach the army and get a couple of horses, it would be a great improvement." my chum was about to reply to this, when he paused and gave a start. and i started, too, when i saw what was the trouble. on a limb directly over us, and ready to descend upon our very heads, was a serpent all of six feet in length! chapter ix. across the canefields. "look, mark!" ejaculated alano. "a snake!" i yelled. "drop! drop!" i had already dropped to the limb upon which i had been sitting. now, swinging myself by the hands, i let go and descended to the ground, a distance of twelve or fifteen feet. in less than a second my cuban chum came tumbling after me. the fall was no mean one, and had the grass under the tree been less deep we might have suffered a sprained ankle or other injury. as it was, we both fell upon our hands and knees. gazing up at the limb we had left, we saw the serpent glaring down at us, its angry eyes shining like twin diamonds. how evil its intention had been we could but surmise. it was possible it had intended to attack us both. it slid from the upper limb to the lower, and stretched out its long, curling neck, while it emitted a hiss that chilled my blood. "it's coming down! run!" i began; when bang! went alano's pistol, and i saw the serpent give a quiver, and coil and uncoil itself around the limb. the bullet had entered its neck, but it was not fatally wounded; and now it came for us, landing in the grass not a dozen feet from where we stood. luckily, while traveling along the hills, we had provided ourselves with stout sticks to aid us in climbing. these lay near, and, picking one up, i stood on the defensive, certain the reptile would not dare to show much fight. but it did, and darted for me with its dull-colored head raised a few inches out of the grass. with all of the strength at my command i swung the stick around the instant it came within reach. it tried to dodge, but failed; and, struck in the neck, turned over and over as though more than half stunned. by this time alano had secured the second stick, and now he rushed in and belabored the serpent over the head and body until it was nearly beaten into a jelly. i turned sick at the sight, and was glad enough when it was all over and the reptile was dead beyond all question. "that was a narrow escape!" i panted. "alano, don't you advise me to rest in a tree again. i would rather run the risk of fever ten times over." "serpents are just as bad in the grass," he replied simply. "supposing he had come up when you were flat on your back!" "let us get away from here--there may be more. and throw away that stick--it may have poison on it." "that serpent was not poisonous, mark. but i will throw it away,--it is so covered with blood,--and we can easily cut new ones." the excitement had made me forget the heat, and we went on for over a mile. then, coming to a mountain stream, we sat down to take it easy until the sun had passed the zenith and it was a trifle cooler. about four o'clock in the afternoon, or evening, as they call it in cuba, we reached the end of the woods and came to the edge of an immense sugar-cane field. the cane waved high over our heads, so that what buildings might be beyond were cut off from view. there was a rough cart-road through the field, and after some hesitation we took to this, it being the only road in sight. we had traveled on a distance of half a mile when we reached a series of storehouses, each silent and deserted. beyond was a house, probably belonging to the overseer of the plantation, and this was likewise without occupant, the windows and doors shut tightly and bolted. "all off to the war, i suppose," i said. "and i had half an idea we might get a chance to sleep in a bed to-night." "we might take possession," alano suggested. but to this proposition i shook my head. "we might be caught and shot as intruders. come on. perhaps the house of the owner is further on." stopping for a drink at an old-fashioned well, we went on through the sugar cane until we reached a small stream, beyond which was a boggy spot several acres in extent. "we'll have to go around, alano," i said. "which way will be best?" "the ground appears to rise to our left," he answered. "we'll try in that direction." pushing directly through the cane, i soon discovered, was no mean work. it was often well-nigh impossible to break aside the stout stalks, and the stubble underfoot was more than trying to the feet. we went on a distance of a hundred yards, and then on again to the stream, only to find the same bog beyond. "we'll have to go further yet," said alano. "come, mark, ere the sun gets too low." "just a few minutes of rest," i pleaded, and pulled down the top of a cane. the sweet juice was exceedingly refreshing, but it soon caused a tremendous thirst, which i gladly slaked at the not over clear stream. another jog of quarter of an hour, and we managed to cross at a point which looked like solid ground. "how far do you suppose this field extends?" i asked. "i have no idea; perhaps but a short distance, and then again it may be a mile or more. some of the plantations out here are very large." "do you think we can get back to the road? i can't go much further through this stubble." "i'll break the way, mark. you follow me." on we went in the direction we imagined the trail to be, but taking care to avoid the bog. i was almost ready to drop from exhaustion, when alano halted. "mark!" "what now, alano?" "do you know where we are?" "in a sugar-cane field," i said, trying to keep up my courage. "exactly, but we are lost in it." i stared at him. "can one become lost in a sugar-cane field?" i queried. "yes, and badly lost, for there is nothing one can climb to take a view of the surroundings. even if you were to get upon my shoulders you could see but little." "i'll try it," i answered, and did so without delay, for the sun was now sinking in the west. but my chum had been right; try my best i could not look across the waving cane-tops. we were hedged in on all sides, with only the setting sun to mark our course. "it's worse than being out on an open prairie," i remarked. "what shall we do?" "there is but one thing--push on," rejoined alano gravely; "unless you want to spend a night here." again we went on, but more slowly, for even my chum was now weary. the wet ground passed, we struck another reach of upland, and this gave us hope, for we knew the sugar cane would not grow up the hills. but the rise soon came to an end, and we found ourselves going down into a worse hollow than that we had left. ere we knew it, the water was forming around our boots. "we must go back!" i cried. "i think it is drier a few yards beyond," said alano. "don't go back yet." the sun had set, so far as we were concerned, and it was dark at the foot of the cane-stalks. we plowed on, getting deeper and deeper into the bog or mire. it was a sticky paste, and i could hardly move one foot after another. i called to alano to halt, and i had scarcely done so when he uttered an ejaculation of disgust. "what is it?" i called. "i can't move--i am stuck!" i looked ahead and saw that he spoke the truth. he had sunk to the tops of his boots, and every effort to extricate himself only made him settle deeper. i endeavored to gain his side and aid him, but it was useless. ere i was aware i was as deep and deeper than alano, and there we stood,--and stuck,--unable to help ourselves, with night closing rapidly in upon us. chapter x. a council of the enemy. "well, this is the worst yet," i said, after a minute of silence. somehow, i felt like laughing, yet our situation was far from being a laughing matter. "we have put our foot into it, and no mistake," rejoined alano dubiously. "say feet, alano,--and legs,--and you'll be nearer it. what on earth is to be done?" "i don't know. see, i am up to my thighs already. in an hour or so i'll be up to my neck." to this i made no reply. i had drawn my pistol, and with the crook of the handle was endeavoring to hook a thick sugar-cane stalk within my reach. several times i had the stalk bent over, but it slipped just as i was on the point of grasping it. but i persevered,--there was nothing else to try,--and at last my eager fingers encircled the stalk. i put my pistol away and pulled hard, and was overjoyed to find that i was drawing myself up out of my unpleasant position. "be careful--or the stalk will break," cautioned my cuban chum, when crack! it did split, but not before i was able to make a quick leap on top of the clump of roots. here i sank again, but not nearly as deeply as before. the leap i had taken had brought me closer to alano, and now i was enabled to break down a number of stalks within his reach. he got a firm hold and pulled with all of his might, and a moment later stood beside me. "oh, but i'm glad we're out of that!" were his first words. "i thought i was planted for the rest of my life." "we must get out of the field. see, it will be pitch dark in another quarter of an hour." "let us try to go back--it will be best." we turned around, and took hold of each other's hands, to balance ourselves on the sugar-cane roots, for we did not dare to step in the hollows between. breaking down the cane was slow and laborious work, and soon it was too dark to see our former trail. we lost it, but this was really to our advantage, for, by going it blindly for another quarter of an hour, we emerged into an opening nearly an acre square and on high and dry ground. once the patch was reached, we threw ourselves down on the grass panting for breath, the heavy perspiration oozing from every pore. we had had another narrow escape, and silently i thanked heaven for my deliverance. toward the higher end of the clearing was a small hut, built of logs plastered with sun-baked clay. we came upon it by accident in the dark, and, finding it deserted, lit our bit of candle before mentioned and made an examination. "it's a cane-cutter's shanty," said alano. "i don't believe anybody will be here to-night, so we might as well remain and make ourselves comfortable." "we can do nothing else," i returned. "we can't travel in the darkness." both of us were too exhausted to think of building a fire or preparing a meal. we ate some of our provisions out of our hands, pulled off our water-soaked boots, and were soon asleep on the heaps of stalks the shanty contained. once during the night i awoke to find several species of vermin crawling around, but even this was not sufficient to make me rouse up against the pests. i lay like a log, and the sun was shining brightly when alano shook me heartily by the shoulder. "going to sleep all day?" he queried. "not much!" i cried, springing up. "hullo, if you haven't got breakfast ready!" i added, glancing to where he had built a fire. "yes; i thought i'd let you sleep for a while," he answered. "fall to, and we'll be on our way. if we have good luck we may strike a part of general garcia's army to-day." "if we can get out of this beastly canefield." "i've found a way out, mark. finish your meal, and i'll show you." breakfast was speedily dispatched, and, having put on my boots, which were stiff and hard from the wetting received, and taken up my valise, i followed alano to the extreme southwest end of the clearing. here there was an ox-cart trail, leading in a serpentine fashion through the canefield to still higher ground. beyond were the inevitable rocks and woods. "we seem to have missed everything," i said pointedly. "we have been lost several times, and even now we don't know where we are." "we know we're not sinking to the bottom of that sugar-cane field," replied my cuban chum grimly. "that's something to be thankful for. ah, look--there is quite a respectable-looking highway. let us take to that and keep our eyes and ears open. it must lead to somewhere." we had reached the highway at right-angles, and now we pursued a course directly eastward, which we felt must bring us closer and closer to the vicinity of guantanamo. i asked alano if he recognized the country at all, but he shook his head. "i was never out in this direction," he explained. "my journeys have always been from guantanamo to santiago by water." as we progressed we passed several isolated huts, and then a village containing perhaps a score of dwellings. the separate huts were deserted without exception, but in the village we came across three tall and bony colored women, who eyed us with great suspicion. alano began to open a friendly conversation in spanish with them, and offered to pay them well if they would get us up a good dinner. but this they could not do, for there was little to be had outside of some vegetables. they said they had had some meat, but it had all been confiscated by the soldiers who had passed through only the evening before. "she means a body of spanish soldiers," said alano, after some more talk with the oldest of the women. "she says there were about a hundred of them on horseback, and they were following up a detachment of general garcia's volunteers." "if that is so they can't be far off," i rejoined. "we must be more careful than ever." "if only we could catch up to them, get around them, and warn our fellows!" remarked alano, his black eyes sparkling. "it's easy to see you're a rebel," i said, laughing. "and why not--if my father is one? come, what do you say?" "i am with you, if it can be done. but we mustn't run into needless danger, alano." "we will take care, mark." luckily, the sun had gone under the clouds, so it was not so warm when we resumed our journey, after the negro women had supplied us with the best meal at their command. they smiled broadly when alano told them he was a rebel sympathizer, and each declared her husband had joined general garcia's army several weeks previously. the road now led along the southern edge of a deep ravine, bordered upon either side with wild plantains and cacao trees, with here and there an occasional palm. the highway was stony, and presently alano called a halt. "hark!" he said, holding up his hand; and we listened, to discern the tramping of horses' hoofs some distance ahead. "there are a good many horses," i said. "perhaps it is the spanish detachment." alano nodded. "follow me, and take to the woods if i hiss," he replied. on we went again, but slower than before. the road now wound around to the right, up under a cliff backed up by a small mountain. as the sun was behind the mountain, the path was dark in its more sheltered portions. suddenly alano let out a soft hiss, and we leaped back behind a convenient rock. "they are just ahead!" he cried softly. "they have quartered themselves for the middle of the day in a cave-like opening under the cliff, where it is, no doubt, cool and pleasant." "well, what had we best do?" "get around them, by some means, mark. but, hold up! wouldn't it be fine if we could draw close enough to overhear them--if they are talking over their plans!" "it would be risky," i hesitated. "yes, but think of the service we might do my countrymen!" "that is true. well, i'm with you, alano, but for gracious' sake be careful!" we talked the matter over for a few minutes, and then retraced our steps to where a narrow path led to the top of the cliff. climbing this, we crawled along the edge of the cliff until we reached a spot directly over the encamped spaniards. they were a hearty, bold-looking set of men, handsomely uniformed and thoroughly armed, presenting a decided contrast to the dirty guerrillas we had previously encountered. a number of the soldiers were reclining upon the ground smoking, but a half-dozen of them, evidently officers, were gathered in a circle, conversing earnestly. "they are holding a council of war!" cried alano, after he had strained his ears to catch what was being said. "they are waiting for captain crabo to join them with another detachment, and then they are to aid some others in surrounding the left wing of general garcia's army, which is encamped in the valley on the other side of this mountain." chapter xi. a wild ride on horseback. i was of course deeply interested in what alano had to say, and my heart gave a sudden leap when he mentioned that general garcia's wing of the rebel army was so close at hand. instantly i thought of my father. was he in the ranks? i was about to speak when my cuban chum motioned me to silence. as cautiously as a cat he drew closer to the edge of the cliff, throwing himself flat on his face as he made the movement. i followed suit, knowing full well that i would scarcely be able to understand the council of war being held below, but anxious to get a better view of the soldiery we now considered our enemies. evidently the spanish officers did not imagine any outsiders were near, for they spoke rather loudly, while each gesticulated a good deal in his own particular manner. ten minutes passed, and then there came a pause. alano touched me on the arm, and, as silently as we had advanced, we turned and retreated into the brush back of the cliff. "i have their plans well in mind, mark," he whispered. "oh, if only we could find general garcia and tell him all!" "did you find out just where the general is located?" "pretty nearly--in that direction"--my cuban chum waved his hand. "there is a ravine to cross and then a pass through the mountains. i believe the rebels now hold the pass, but the spaniards mean to gain the high ground and hem them in. if they do that, my people will be slaughtered like cattle in a pen." "and supposing our fathers are with the rebels?" i put in quickly. "yes, i was thinking of that, mark. we had best---- hist!" alano stopped short. from a distance came the sounds of horses' hoofs. "it must be captain crabo," said alano. "lay low!" we drew still further into the brush and waited. nearer and nearer came the horses. then came a shout and a sudden halting. "they've challenged the newcomers," whispered alano, as we heard the words "_quien va?_" evidently the reply was satisfactory, for in a moment more the new arrivals had joined the force under the cliff. looking from our shelter, we saw that captain crabo was the same individual who had had us locked up in the smoke-house some days previously. "we don't want him to lay hands on us again," i said, and alano smiled grimly. "why not get out at once?" i went on. "wait till i hear what captain crabo has to say, mark. he may bring news, and we want to learn as much as we can. if they----" my cuban chum was forced to stop speaking, for with a quick movement i had placed a warning hand over his mouth. some of the soldiers who had been resting were coming up the cliff, evidently to take a look at the surroundings. "come!" i whispered into alano's ear, and turned to retreat. he followed me, and a distance of fifty feet was covered through the undergrowth, when we found ourselves at the edge of another cliff and actually hemmed in by the advancing men. what were we to do? it was a serious question, and one to be decided instantly. already the foremost of the men was less than two rods behind us. we looked around for a place to hide, but none was at hand. then alano gave a cry. "they are coming from the other direction too! we are lost!" scarcely had the words left his lips than we heard a yell from two of the spanish soldiers. we were discovered, and all thoughts of further concealment in that hemmed-in spot were out of the question. hardly realizing what i was doing in my agitated frame of mind, i ran down to the very edge of the cliff at a point about a hundred and fifty feet above where the soldiers were encamped. looking down i discovered a series of crags leading to the highway below. here a score or more of horses were tethered to a mahogany tree. "come, it's our only chance!" i ejaculated, and leaped for the nearest crag below me at the imminent peril of tumbling and breaking my neck. down i went, jumping and rolling from one projection of rocks to another, with alano but a short distance behind me. i heard a command to stop, and then a shot, but paid no heed. with a final bump i reached the foot of the cliff, less than a dozen feet from where the horses were standing. my sudden appearance startled several of the animals, and they plunged and broke their halters. but they did not run away, and the fact that they were loose gave me another idea. "the horses, alano! let us ride away on them!" "yes! yes!" he replied, and in a twinkle we had secured two of the nearest of the animals. we leaped into the saddle just as a second shot rang out. the bullet struck my horse a glancing blow on the flank, and off he tore up the highway as though dug with a spur. i heard alano coming behind me, but did not dare look back, for the highway was a poor one and my beast needed all of my attention. fortunately, riding had been taught to me at broxville military academy, so i felt fairly well at home in the saddle. gathering up the reins, i sent the animal along at all the speed at his command. the shouting behind continued, but no more shots were fired, for the trees now hid both of us from our pursuers. "that was a clever move," cried alano, as he presently ranged up beside me. "we have escaped them and provided ourselves with as good horses as one would wish to ride." "they will certainly follow us, alano. we must see if we can't throw them off the trail." "i see no side road." "well, come on until we strike something." i answered. forward we went, making both horses do their best. half a mile was covered and we forded a small mountain torrent. as the animals paused to stick their noses into the cooling liquid, we listened and heard the spaniards coming after us on the remainder of the animals. "quick!" cried alano. "they have lost no time in following." "there is a side road, leading into the mountains," i returned. "we had better take that." we turned off as i had advised, and it was not long before another half-mile was covered. having reached an elevation of several hundred feet, the road became broad and tolerably level, and we went on faster than ever. "we ought to be getting close to the rebel camp," said alano, a while later. "by the looks of the country we should be near that pass the rebels are supposed to be occupying." "i doubt if it is long before we strike some of your people now," i answered. "but supposing we slack up a bit? the horses can't stand this strain in the heat." "oh, they are used to the heat. but we can take it easier if you say so. there isn't any use of our riding ourselves sore the first day in the saddle." "i suppose they can put us down for horse thieves if they want to." "not much, mark. why, it's more than likely these horses were confiscated from my countrymen in the first place." thus conversing, we galloped along for half a mile further. then, as alano paused to readjust his horse's saddle, i fancied i heard some suspicious sounds behind us, and drew my chum's attention to them. "horses!" cried alano. "they must have found our trail, and are coming after us! come ahead, or we'll be captured after all!" once more we urged our animals forward. but not for long. coming to a turn in the road, alano yelled to me to halt, and pointed ahead. i gave a groan as i looked. a mountain stream, all of twelve feet wide and twice as deep, crossed the roadway. there had been a rude bridge of tree trunks, but this was torn away, and thus our further retreat seemed hopelessly cut off. chapter xii. a daring leap. for the moment neither alano nor myself spoke as we gazed at the gap before us. then i gave a groan which seemed to come from my very soul. "we are lost, alano! they have hemmed us in!" my cuban chum did not answer. instead, he gazed to the right and the left. but this was useless. on our right was a stony undergrowth impossible to traverse, on the left a thick jungle leading down into what looked like a bottomless morass. the hoof-strokes of the pursuing horses sounded nearer, and i expected every moment to see the band of spanish cavalrymen dash into sight with drawn arms, ready to shoot or cut us down. alano must have been thinking the same, for i saw him grate his teeth hard. "mark!" he cried suddenly. "come, it's our only hope." "what?" "to cross the stream." "but how? we can't jump it." "we'll make the horses do it. be quick, or it will be too late. watch me. i am certain these horses know how to do the trick." he rode back a distance of two hundred feet. then on he came, like the wind, his animal well in hand. a cry of command, and the horse rose in the air and went over the chasm like a bird. could i do as well? there was no time left to speculate on the subject. our pursuers were but just around the turn. i rode back as alano had done and started to make the leap. "_halte!_" it was the cry of captain crabo, who was in the lead of the oncoming cavalrymen. i paid no attention. the edge of the mountain stream was reached, and i cried to my horse to move forward. but he was stubborn, and made a balk for which i was hardly prepared. down went his front feet against a bit of sharp rock, and the shock threw me over his head and directly into the middle of the mountain torrent! i heard alano give a cry of alarm, and then the waters closed over my head. down and down i went, for at this point the water was at least fifteen feet deep. the sunlight was shut out as i passed under several overhanging rocks, only to bump up against the roots of a tree, where the water rushed rapidly in several directions. dazed to such an extent that i hardly knew what i was doing, i caught at the roots, held fast, and drew my head above the surface of the stream. i was out of sight of those who were after me, and prudently concluded to remain where i was. my hiding-place was far from agreeable. the tree roots were slimy, and i imagined they must be the home of water snakes. just over my head was a mass of soil over which crawled innumerable black beetles, some as big as a man's thumb. within reach of my hand, a large green-and-white frog blinked at me in amazement. the shouts of the spaniards reached me in a muffled way, as i heard them dismount and tramp up and down the torrent in search of me. i expected every moment to be discovered, but that moment did not come, and quarter of an hour passed. by this time i could scarcely hold on longer to the tree roots. i listened as well as i could, and, hearing no sound, let go my hold. the rush of water speedily carried me fifteen feet further down the stream, and here i caught hold of some bushes and pulled myself up on the bank and out of sight. i was now on the same side to which alano had crossed, and i soon discovered that several of the spaniards had also come over, although on foot. they were in the neighborhood of the highway, and i could make out enough of their talk to know they were deploring their luck in not being able to find me and stop my cuban chum. feeling that it would be foolhardy to leave my place of concealment for some time to come, i endeavored to make myself as comfortable as possible under the shelter of a clump of wild orange trees. these were full of the tempting-looking fruit, which, however, i found on sampling was so bitter it fairly puckered my mouth. but in my bag were some biscuits, and, as these were thoroughly water-soaked, i ate several with a relish. twice did the spaniards pass within fifty feet of my hiding-place, and each time i felt like giving myself up for lost. they remained in the vicinity until nearly sundown, and then withdrew in the direction from whence they had come, growling volubly among themselves over their ill-luck. with cautious steps i left the clump of wild oranges, and hurried to the highway. as alano was on horseback, i felt he must have kept to the road. how far he had gone there was no telling, although it must be several miles if not much further. while at the military academy we boys had, like many other school fellows, adopted a peculiar class whistle. this i felt certain alano would remember well, and, at the risk of being spotted, i emitted the whistle with all the strength of my lungs, not once, but half a dozen times. i listened intently, but no answer came back; and, satisfied that my chum was not within hearing, i went on my way, up the road, keeping an eye open for any enemy who might be in ambush. it was now growing dark, and i felt that in another half-hour night would be upon me. to be alone in that wilderness was not pleasant, but just then there appeared to be no help for it. at the distance of half a mile i stopped again to whistle. while i was listening intently i fancied i heard a rustle among the trees to my right. i instantly dove out of sight behind some brush, but the noise did not continue, and i concluded it must have been made by some bird. presently the road took another turn and made a descent into a canyon from which the light of day had long since fled. i hesitated and looked forward. certainly the prospect was not an inviting one. but to turn back i felt would be foolish, so i went on, although more cautiously than ever. at the bottom of the hollow was a bit of muddy ground, over which a mass of cut brush had been thrown, probably to make the passage safer for man and beast. i had just stepped on this brush when something whizzed through the air and encircled my neck. before i could save myself, i was jerked backward and felt a rawhide lasso cutting into my windpipe. i caught hold of the rawhide and tried to rise, but several forms arose out of the surrounding gloom and fell upon me, bearing me to the earth. chapter xiii. friends in need. i speedily found that my enemies were five in number; and, as they were all tall and powerful men, to struggle against them would have been foolhardy. "don't choke me--i give in," i gasped, and then the pressure on my neck was relieved. "_americano_," i heard one of the fellows mutter. "no talk, you!" he hissed into my ear, and flourished a knife before my eyes to emphasize his words. i shut my mouth, to signify that i agreed, and then i was allowed to rise, and in a twinkle my hands were tied behind my back. two of the men conducted me away from the spot, while a third followed us. the other two men remained on guard at the highway. i wondered if alano had been captured, but just then did not give the subject much thought. there was no telling whether the men were spanish or cuban sympathizers; but, no matter to what side they belonged, i noted with a shudder that they were a decidedly tough class of citizens. leaving the highway, we made our way along a rocky course leading to a small clearing at the top of a plateau. back of the clearing was a rude hut, set in a grove of sapodilla trees. around the hut half a dozen dirty soldiers were lying, who leaped up at our approach. an earnest conversation in a spanish _patois_ followed, and then one of the men spoke to me in spanish. "no speak spanish, eh?" he growled, in return to my assertion to that effect. "who you be? where you go to?" "i am on my way to guantanamo, to join my father," i said, and made as much of an explanation as i deemed necessary. the soldiers glared suspiciously at me when my words were translated to them. then, without ceremony, they began to search me, taking all i had of value from me. "you are not going to rob me, i trust," i said, and the man who could speak english laughed coarsely. "we take all we get," he replied. "all right in war, _amigo_." i was not his _amigo_, or friend, but i was forced to submit; and, even as it was, i was thankful my life had been spared, for they were a cruel-looking band, with less of the soldier than the bandit about them. when i saw a chance, i started in to question them concerning alano, but the nearest fellow, with a flat blow from his dirty hand, stopped me. "no talk!" growled he who could speak english. after this i said no more, but from where i had been placed, at the rear of the hot and ill-ventilated hut, i watched the men narrowly and tried to understand what they were talking about. i heard general garcia mentioned and also the word "machete," the name of the long, deadly knives most of the cuban soldiers carried. at last the men around the hut began to grow sleepy, and one after another sought a suitable spot and threw himself down to rest. the youngest of the party, a fellow not over twenty, was left on guard. with his pistol in his lap, this guard sat on a flat rock, rolling cigarette after cigarette and smoking them. from my position in the hut i could just catch his outline, and i watched him eagerly. i pretended to go to sleep, but i was very wide awake. it must have been well past midnight, and i was giving up in despair, when the last of the cigarettes went out and the guard's head fell forward on his breast. in the meantime i had been silently working at the rawhide which bound my hands. in my efforts my wrists were cut not a little, but at last my hands were free. feeling that the guard and the others were all asleep, i arose as silently as a shadow. several of my captors lay between me and the entrance of the hut, and it was with extreme caution that i stepped over them. the last man sighed heavily and turned over just as i went by, and with my heart in my throat i leaped out into the open. but he did not awaken, nor did the guard notice my appearance. as i passed the latter i saw something shining on the ground. it was the pistol, which had slipped from the guard's lap. i hesitated only an instant, then picked it up and glided onward to the end of the plateau. "_halte!_" the command, coming so suddenly, was enough to startle anybody, and i leaped back several feet. a man had appeared before me, one of the fellows left to guard the highway below. following the command came an alarm in spanish. on the instant the camp was in commotion. the guard was the first to awaken, and his anger when he found his pistol gone was very great. while he was searching for his weapon, the others poured from the hut and ran toward me, leveling their weapons as they came. i was caught between two fires, for the man before me also had his pistol raised, and i did not know what to do. then, to avoid being struck, and not wishing to shed blood, i leaped toward some near-by bushes. bang! crack! a musket and a pistol went off almost simultaneously, and i heard a clipping sound through the trees. just as my former captors turned to follow me into the thicket, there came another shot from down in the hollow of the highway. "_cuba libre!_" i heard echo upon several sides, and a rattle of musketry followed. from a dozen spots in the hollow i saw the long flashes of fire, and i at once knew that a portion of the cuban army was at hand and had surprised the spanish sympathizers who were attempting to hold the highway. the moment the battle started below the plateau those who had held me captive gave up pursuing me, and rushed back to the hut to obtain their entire belongings--feeling, doubtless, that the region would soon get too hot to hold them. i watched them turn away with keen satisfaction, and remained where i was, the guard's pistol still in my possession. for fully half an hour the firing kept up, and then came a rush along the highway and again i heard the cry of "_cuba libre!_" raised, showing that the rebels were getting the best of the encounter and had driven the spanish soldiers from their hiding-places. on went one body of men after the other down the road, until the sounds of their voices and firearms were almost lost in the distance. certain that the plateau was now absolutely deserted, i ran back to the hut and found my valise, which had been thrown in a corner. my pistol was gone, but as i had another, fully loaded and just as good, i did not mind this. with my satchel over my shoulder, i crawled cautiously down to the highway and hurried in the direction i had before been pursuing. i had just reached the opposite side of the hollow, where all was pitch dark, on account of the shade, when a feeble moan came to my ears. moving silently in the direction, i found a negro lying on his back, a fearful wound in his shoulder. the man could speak nothing but a cuban _patois_, yet i understood that he was in pain and desired his shoulder bound up. wetting my handkerchief in the water at the hollow, i washed the wound as best i could and tied it up with strips of muslin torn from the sleeve of his ragged shirt and my own shirt sleeve. for this, i could note by his manner, that he was extremely grateful. "_americano?_" he said. "yes," i replied. then he asked me several other questions, from which i made out that he wanted to know which side i was on. feeling certain i was safe, i said "cuba," and he smiled faintly. "i want to find general garcia," i continued, emphasizing the name. then i tapped my breast, said general garcia again, and pointed off with my finger. he nodded and attempted to sit up. with his bony finger he pointed up the highway, and circled his finger to the northwest to signify i was to turn off in that direction. then he caught me by the arm and whispered "maysi" into my ear--the password. feeling i could do no more for him at present, i went on, and at the distance of an eighth of a mile came to a side road, which was the one he had described to me. it was narrow and rocky, and i had not proceeded over two hundred feet in the direction when a soldier leaped out from behind a banana tree and presented his gun. "_halte!_" he cried. "maysi!" i called promptly. the gun was lowered, and, seeing i was but a boy, the guard smiled and murmured "_americano?_" to which i nodded. "general garcia," i said, and tapped my breast to signify i wished to see the great cuban leader. without a word the guard led me on a distance of a hundred feet and called another soldier. a short talk ensued, and the second man motioned me to follow him through a trail in the brush. we went on for ten minutes, then came to a clearing hemmed in by a cliff and several high rocks. here were over a hundred soldiers on foot and twice as many on horseback. in the midst of the latter was the cuban general i had asked to see--the gallant soldier who had fought so hard in the cause of cuban liberty. chapter xiv. general calixto garcia. my first view of general calixto garcia was a disappointing one. for some reason, probably from the reports i had heard concerning his bravery, i had expected to see a man of great proportions and commanding aspect. instead, i saw an elderly gentleman of fair figure, with mild eyes and almost white mustache and beard, the latter trimmed close. but the eyes, though mild, were searching, and as he turned them upon me i felt he was reading me through and through. he was evidently surprised to see a boy, and an american at that. he spoke but little english, but an interpreter was close at hand, who immediately demanded to know who i was, where i had come from, and what i wanted. "my name is mark carter, and i have journeyed all the way from santiago de cuba," i replied. "i heard that my father and his friend, señor guerez, had joined general garcia's forces." "you are señor carter's son!" exclaimed the cuban officer, and turned quickly to general garcia. the two conversed for several minutes, and then the under-officer turned again to me. "general garcia bids you welcome," he said, and at the same time the great cuban leader smiled and extended his hand, which i found as hard and horny as that of any tiller of the soil. "he knows your father and señor guerez well." "and where are they now?" i asked quickly. "they were with the army two days ago, but both went off to escort the ladies of señor guerez' family to a place of safety. the señor was going to take his wife and daughters to an old convent up a river some miles from here." this was rather disheartening news, yet i had to be content. i asked if my father was well. "very well, although hardly able to walk, on account of a leg he broke some time ago." "and have you seen alano guerez? he is about my own age, and was with me up to this morning," i went on, and briefly related my adventures on the road, to which the officer listened with much interest. "we have seen nothing of him," was the reply i received. "but he may be somewhere around here." the officer wished to know about the spanish detachment we had met, and i told him all i knew, which was not much, as i had not understood the spanish spoken and alano had not interpreted it for me. but even the little i had to say seemed to be highly important, and the officer immediately reported the condition of affairs to general garcia. by this time some of the soldiers who had taken part in the fight at the foot of the plateau came back, bringing with them several wounded men, including the negro whose wound i had bound up. the disabled ones were placed in a temporary hospital, which already sheltered a dozen others, and general garcia rode off with his horsemen, leaving the foot soldiers to spread out along the southeastern slope of the mountain. left to myself, i hardly knew what to do. a black, who could speak a few words of "englis'," told me i could go where i wanted, but must look out for a shot from the enemy; and i wandered over to the hospital and to the side of the fellow i had formerly assisted. the hospital, so called, consisted of nothing more than a square of canvas stretched over the tops of a number of stunted trees. from one tree to another hammocks, made of native grass, were slung, and in these, and on piles of brush on the ground, rested the wounded ones. only one regular doctor was in attendance, and as his surgical skill and instruments were both limited, the sufferings of the poor fellows were indeed great. "him brudder me--you help him," said the black who spoke "englis'," as he pointed to the fellow whose wound i had dressed. "jorge nullus no forget you--verra good you." "is your name jorge nullus?" "yeas, señor--him brudder christoval." "where did you learn english?" "me in florida once--dree year ago--stay seex months--no like him there--too hard work," and jorge nullus shrugged his shoulders. "you verra nice leetle man, señor," and he smiled broadly at his open compliment. "do you know señor guerez?" i questioned quickly. "me hear of him--dat's all." "do you know where the old convent on the river is?" i continued. the cuban nodded. "yeas--been dare many times--bring 'taters, onions, to father anuncio." "could you take me there--if general garcia would let you go?" "yeas, señor. but spaniards all around--maybe shoot--bang!--dead," and he pointed to his wounded brother. the brother demanded to know what we were talking about, and the two conversed for several minutes. then jorge turned again to me. [illustration: "general garcia, the gallant soldier who had fought so hard in the cause of cuban liberty."] "christoval say me take you; you verra good leetle man, señor. we go now, you say go." "will you be allowed to go?" "yeas--general garcia no stop me--he know me all right," and the negro grinned and showed his teeth. i was tempted to start at once, but decided to wait until morning, in the hope of finding alano. in spite of the fact that i knew my chum would be doubly cautious, now we were separated, i felt decidedly anxious about him. the spanish troops were on every side, and the soldiers would not hesitate to shoot him down should they learn who he was. the night passed in comparative quietness. toward morning we heard distant firing to the northwest, and at five o'clock a messenger dashed into camp with the order to move on to the next mountain, a distance of two miles. through jorge i learned that the spaniards had been outwitted and driven back to the place from whence they had come. there now seemed nothing for me to do but to push on to the convent on the river, in the hope of there joining my father. we were, so i was told, but a few miles from guantanamo, but the route to the convent would not take us near the town. jorge's brother felt much better, so the negro went off with a light heart, especially after i had made it plain to him that my father would reward him for any trouble he took on my account. i told him about alano, and before leaving camp we walked around among the sentries in the hope of gaining some information concerning him. but it was all useless. "maybe he went on to father anuncio's," said my negro guide, and this gave me a grain of comfort. the soldiers and jorge and myself left the camp at about the same time, but we did not take the same road, and soon my guide and i found ourselves on a lonely mountain trail overlooking a valley thick with brush and trees. the sun shone brightly, but the air was clear and there was a fine breeze blowing, and this made it much cooler than it would otherwise have been. i missed the horse, and wondered if alano still had the animal he had captured. it might be possible he had ridden straight on to guantanamo, and was now bound from there up the river. if that was so, we might meet on the river road. "werry bad road now," said jorge, as we came to a halt on the mountain side. "be careful how you step, señor mark." he pointed ahead, to where a narrow trail led around a sharp turn. here the way was rocky and sloped dangerously toward the valley. he went on ahead, and i followed close at his heels. "no horse come dis way," observed jorge, as he came to another turn. "give me your hand--dis way. now den, jump!" we had reached a spot where a tiny mountain stream had washed away a portion of the trail. i took his hand, and we prepared to take the leap. just then the near-by crack of a rifle rang out on the morning air. whether or not the shot was intended for us i cannot say, but the sound startled me greatly and i stumbled and fell. jorge tried to grab me, but failed, and down i shot head first into the trees and bushes growing twenty feet below the trail! chapter xv. a prisoner of war. by instinct more than reason, i put out both hands as i fell, and this movement saved me from a severe blow on the head. my hands crashed through the branches of a tree, bumped up against the trunk, and then i bounced off into the midst of a clump of brush and wild peppers. "hi, yah!" i heard jorge cry out, but from my present position i could not see him. "is you killed?" he went on. "no, but i'm pretty well shook up and scratched up," i answered. "take care--somebody shoot," he went on. i concluded i was pretty well out of sight, and i kept quiet and tried to get back the breath which had been completely knocked out of me. a few minutes later i heard a crashing through the brush, and my guide stood beside me. "lucky you no killed," he observed. "bad spot dat." he searched around and soon found a hollow containing some water, with which i bathed the scratches on my face and hands. in the meantime he gazed around anxiously in the direction from which he imagined the shot had come. "maybe no shoot at us," he said, quarter of an hour later. "me find out." with his ever-ready machete he cut down a young tree and trimmed the top branches off, leaving the stumps sticking out about six inches on every side. on the top of the tree he stuck his hat, and then, having no coat, asked me for mine, which he buttoned about the tree a short distance under the hat, placing a fluttering handkerchief between the two. with this rude dummy, or scarecrow, he crawled up the side of the gully until almost on a level with the trail. then he hoisted the figure up cautiously and moved it forward. no shot was fired, and after waiting a bit jorge grew bolder and climbed up to the trail himself. here he spent a long time in viewing the surroundings, and finally called to me. "him no shoot at us. maybe only hunter. come up." not without some misgivings, i followed directions. to gain the trail again was no easy matter, but he helped me by lowering the end of the tree and pulling me up. once more we proceeded on our way, but with eyes and ears on guard in case anybody in the shape of an enemy should appear. by noon jorge calculated we had covered eight miles, which was considered a good distance through the mountains, and i was glad enough to sit down in a convenient hollow and rest. he had brought along a good stock of provisions, with which the rebel camp had happened to be liberally provided, and we made a meal of bread, crackers, and cold meat, washed down with black coffee, cooked over a fire of dead and dried grass. "we past the worst of the road now," remarked jorge, as we again moved on. "easy walkin' by sundown." he was right, for about four o'clock we struck an opening among the mountains where there was a broad and well-defined road leading past several plantations. the plantations were occupied by a number of cubans and blacks, who eyed me curiously and called out queries to jorge, who answered them cheerfully. the plantations left behind, we crossed a brook which my guide said ran into the river, and took to a path running along a belt of oak and ebony trees, with here and there a clump of plantains. we had gone but a short distance when we crossed another trail, and jorge called a halt and pointed to the soft ground. the hoofprints of half a dozen horses were plainly visible, and as they were still fresh we concluded they had been made that very day, and perhaps that afternoon. "who do you think the horsemen are, jorge?" i asked. he shrugged his shoulders. "can't say--maybe soon tell--me see," and on he went, with his eyes bent on the ground. for my part, i thought it best to keep a watch to the right and the left. we went on slowly until the evening shadows began to fall. then jorge was about to speak, when i motioned him to be silent. "there is something moving in yonder brush," i said, pointing with my hand. "i think i saw a horse." we left the road and proceeded in the direction, moving along slowly and silently. i had been right; there was not one horse, but half a dozen, tethered to several stunted trees. no human beings were present, but from a distance we presently heard the murmur of voices, and a minute later two spanish soldiers came into view. jorge drew his pistol, but i restrained him. the soldiers had evidently come up to see if the horses were still safe. satisfied on this point, one passed to the other a roll of tobacco for a bite, and both began to converse in a low but earnest tone. jorge listened; and, as the talk ran on, his face grew dark and full of hatred. the backs of the two spaniards were toward us, and my guide drew his machete and motioned as if to stab them both. i shook my head, horrified at the very thought. this did not suit jorge, and he drew me back where we might talk without being overheard. "what is the use of attacking them?" i said. "let us be on our way." "them men fight general garcia's men--maybe hurt my brudder," grunted jorge wrathfully. "they say they have prisoner--kill him soon." "a prisoner?" "yes." "where?" "at camp down by river. they kill udder prisoner, now rob dis one an' kill too. bad men--no good soldiers." i agreed with him on this point. yet i was not satisfied that he should go back and attack the pair while they were off their guard. "it would not be fair," i said, "and, besides, the noise may bring more soldiers down upon us. i wish we could do something for their prisoner, whoever he is." we talked the matter over, and, seeing the soldiers depart, concluded to follow them. we proceeded as silently as two shadows, and during the walk jorge overheard one soldier tell the other that the prisoner was to be shot at sunrise. a turn in the path brought us to a broad and roughly flowing stream. here a temporary camp had been pitched. half a dozen dirty-looking spaniards were lolling on the ground, smoking and playing cards. from their talk jorge said they were waiting for some of their former comrades to join them, when all were to travel back to where the spanish commander, captain campona, had been left. "there ees the prisoner," said jorge, in a whisper, and pointed along the river shore to where rested a decaying tree, half in and half out of the water. the prisoner was strapped with rawhides to one of the tree branches, and it was--my chum alano! chapter xvi. a rescue under difficulties. mere words cannot express my astonishment and alarm when i saw who the prisoner tied to the tree was. as i gazed at alano my heart leaped into my throat, and like lightning i remembered what jorge had told me the spaniards had said, that the prisoner was to be shot at sunrise. alano shot! i felt an icy chill creep over me. my own chum! no, no, it must not be! in my excitement i almost cried aloud. noting how strangely i was affected, my guide placed his hand over my mouth and drew me back into a thicket. "it is alano guerez!" i whispered, as soon as i was calm enough to speak--"señor guerez' son!" "ah, yah!" ejaculated jorge. "i see he is but a boy. _perros!_ [dogs!]" "we must save alano," i went on. "if he was shot, i--i would never forgive myself." jorge shrugged his shoulders. "how?" he asked laconically. "too many for us." "perhaps we can do something when it grows darker." the guide drew down the corners of his mouth. then, as he gazed at the river, his big black eyes brightened. "yeas, when it is darker we try. but must be careful." "perhaps we can get to him by the way of the river." jorge smiled grimly. catching me by the arm he led me along the bank, overgrown with grass and rushes. not far away was something that looked like a half-submerged log covered with mud. taking a stone he threw it, and the "log" roused up and flopped angrily into the stream. "alligators!" i cried, with a shiver. "no, we won't be able to get to him by way of the river. but we must do something." "we cross river, and i tell you what we do," replied my guide. crossing was not an easy matter, as neither of us cared to attempt swimming or fording with alligators in the vicinity. but by passing along the bank we presently discovered a spot where half a dozen rocks afforded a footing, and over we went in the semi-darkness, for the sun was now setting. as we hurried down the course of the stream again, jorge cut several cedar and pine branches which appeared to be particularly dry. then he handed me a number of matches, of which, fortunately, he had an entire box. "we will put one pile of branches here," he said, "and another further down, and one further yet. den i go back to camp. you watch tree over there. when you see light wait few minutes, den light all dree fires." "but how will that help us?" "soldiers see fires, want to know who is dar--don't watch alano--me go in and help him. after you make fires you run back to where we cross on stones." jorge's plan was not particularly clear to me, yet i agreed to it, and off he sped in the gloom. left to myself, i made my way cautiously to the water's edge, there to await the signal he had mentioned. it was a hot night and the air was filled with myriads of mosquitoes, gnats, flies, and other pests. from the woods behind me came the occasional cry of a night bird, otherwise all was silent. frogs as big as one's two hands sat on the rocks near by, on the watch for anything in the shape of a meal which might come their way. but bad as the pests around me were, i gave them scant consideration. my whole mind was concentrated upon alano and what jorge proposed to do. silently i prayed to heaven that the guide might be successful in rescuing my chum. about half an hour went by,--it seemed an extra long wait to me,--when suddenly i saw a flash of fire, in the very top of a tree growing behind the spaniards' camp. the flash lasted but a second, then died out instantly. arising from my seat, i ran to the furthest pile of boughs and waited while i mentally counted off a hundred and eighty seconds, three minutes. then i struck a match, ignited the heaped-up mass, and ran to the second pile. in less than ten minutes the three fires, situated about three hundred feet apart, were burning fiercely, and then i ran at topmost speed for the spot where the river had been crossed. i had just reached the locality when i heard a shout ring out, followed by two musket shots. a painful, anxious two minutes followed. were alano and jorge safe? was the question i asked myself. i strained my eyes to pierce the gloom which hung like a pall over the water. footsteps on the rocks greeted my ears. someone was coming, someone with a heavy burden on his back. once or twice the approaching person slipped on the rocks and i heard a low cry of warning. "mark!" it was the voice of alano, and my heart gave a joyful bound. in another second my cuban chum appeared in view, carrying on his manly back the form of jorge. "alano," i ejaculated excitedly, "what is the matter with him?" "he has been shot in the leg," was the reply. "come on, help me carry him and get to cover. i am afraid they are on my track!" "run into the woods!" groaned jorge. "den we take to trees--dat's best." as alano was almost exhausted, i insisted that the guide be transferred to my back, and this was speedily done, and on we went, away from the river and directly into the forest. of course, with such a burden i could not go far, and scarcely a hundred yards were traversed when i came to a halt, at the foot of a giant mahogany tree. not without a good deal of difficulty jorge was raised up into the branches of the tree, and we followed. "still now and listen!" cried jorge, with a half-suppressed groan. with strained ears we sat in the mahogany tree for fully half an hour without speaking. we heard the spaniards cross the river and move cautiously in the direction of the three fires, and presently they returned to their own camp. "thank fortune, we have outwitted them!" murmured alano, the first to break the silence. "you poor fellow!" he went on to jorge; "you saved my life." he asked about the wound which had been received, and was surprised, and so was i, to learn that it was but slight, and what had caused the guide's inability to run had been a large thorn which had cut through his shoe into his heel. by the light of a match the thorn was forced out with the end of jorge's machete, and the foot was bound up in a bit of rag torn from my coat sleeve, for i must admit that rough usage had reduced my clothing to a decidedly dilapidated condition. as we could not sleep very well in the tree without hammocks, we descended to the ground and made our way to a bit of upland, where there was a small clearing. here we felt safe from discovery and lay down to rest. but before retiring alano thanked jorge warmly for what he had done, and thanked me also. "i thought you were a goner," he said to me. "how did you escape when the horse balked and threw you into the stream?" i told him, and then asked him to relate his own adventures, which he did. after leaving me, he said, his horse had taken the bit in his teeth and gone on for fully a mile. when the animal had come to a halt he had found himself on a side trail, with no idea where he was. his first thought was to return to the stream where the mishap had occurred, his second to find general garcia. but providence had willed otherwise, for he had become completely tangled up in the woods and had wandered around until nightfall. in the morning he had mounted his horse and struck a mountain path, only to fall into the hands of the spanish soldiers two hours later. these soldiers were a most villainous lot, and, after robbing him of all he possessed, had decided to take his life, that he might not complain of them to their superior officer. "from what i heard them say," he concluded, "i imagine they have a very strict and good man for their leader--a man who believes in carrying on war in the right kind of a way, and not in such a guerrilla fashion as these chaps adopt." "i don't want any war, guerrilla fashion or otherwise," i said warmly. "i've seen quite enough of it already." "and so have i," said my cuban chum. of course he was greatly interested to learn that his father was on the way to place his mother and sisters in the old convent on the river. he said that he had seen the place several years before. "it is a tumbled-down institution, and father anuncio lives there--a very old and a very pious man who is both a priest and a doctor. i shouldn't wonder if the old building has been fitted up as a sort of fort. you see, the spaniards couldn't get any cannon to it very well, to batter it down, and if they didn't have any cannon the cubans could hold it against them with ease." "unless they undermined it," i said. "our people would be too sharp for that," laughed my cuban chum. "they are in this fight to win." jorge now advised us to quit talking, that our enemies might not detect us, and we lay down to rest as previously mentioned. i was utterly worn out, and it did not take me long to reach the land of dreams, and my companions quickly followed suit. in the morning our guide's heel was rather sore, yet with true pluck he announced his readiness to go on. a rather slim and hasty breakfast was had, and we set off on a course which jorge announced must bring us to the river by noon. chapter xvii. a treacherous stream to cross. i must mention that now that we had gained the high ground of the mountains the air was much cooler and clearer than it was in the valleys, and, consequently, traveling was less fatiguing. jorge went ahead, limping rather painfully at times, but never uttering a word of complaint. next to him came alano, while i brought up in the rear. it is needless to state that all of us had our eyes and ears wide open for a sight or sound of friend or enemy. the road was a hard one for the most part, although here and there would be found a hollow in which the mud was from a few inches to several feet deep. jorge always warned us of these spots, but on several occasions i stepped into the innocent-looking mud only to find that it was all i could do to get clear of the dark, glue-like paste. it was but eleven o'clock when we came in sight of the river, which at this point was from thirty to forty feet wide. looking up and down the water-course, we saw that it wound its way in and out among the hills in serpentine fashion. the bottom was mostly of rough stones, and the stream was barely three to four feet deep. "how will we get over?--by swimming?" i questioned, as we came to a halt on a bank that was twenty feet above the current. "find good place by de rocks," said jorge. "must be careful. water werry swift." i could see that he was right by the way the water dashed against the rocks. our guide led the way along the bank for a distance of several hundred feet and began to climb down by the aid of the brush and roots. "that doesn't look pleasant," remarked alano, as he hesitated. "just look at that stream!" picking up a dry bit of wood he threw it into the water. in a few seconds it was hurried along out of our sight. nevertheless, we followed jorge down to the water's edge. before us was a series of rocks, which, had the stream been a bit lower, would have afforded an excellent fording-place. "de river higher dan i think," said our guide. "you take off boots, hey?" "that we will," i answered, and soon had my boots slung around my neck. alano followed my example, and with extreme caution we waded down and out to the first rock. "any alligators?" i cried, coming to a pause. "no 'gators here," answered jorge. "water too swift--'gators no like dat." this was comforting news, and on i went again, until i was up to my knees. the water felt very refreshing, and i proposed to alano that we take advantage of our situation and have a bath. "i feel tremendously dirty, and it will brace us up. we needn't lose more than ten minutes." my cuban chum was willing, and we decided to take our bath from the opposite shore. jorge declined to go swimming and said he would try his luck at fishing, declaring that the river held some excellent specimens of the finny tribe. we had now reached the middle of the stream. i was two yards behind alano, while jorge was some distance ahead. we were crossing in a diagonal fashion, as the fording rocks ran in that direction. suddenly alano muttered an exclamation in spanish. "it's mighty swift out here!" he cried. "look out, mark, or----" he did not finish. i saw him slip and go down, and the next instant his body was rolling over and over as it was being carried along by the rushing current. "jorge, alano is gone!" i yelled, and took a hasty step to catch hold of my chum's coat. the movement was a fatal one for me, and down i went precisely as alano had done. the water entered my eyes and mouth, and for the moment i was blinded and bewildered. i felt my feet touch bottom, but in the deeper water to obtain a footing was out of the question. when my head came up i found myself at alano's side. i saw he had a slight cut on the forehead and was completely dazed. i caught him by the arm until he opened his eyes and instinctively struck out. "we're lost, mark!" he spluttered. "not yet," i returned. "strike out for the shore." with all the strength at our command we struck out. to make any headway against that boiling current was well-nigh impossible, and on and on we went, until i was almost exhausted. alano was about to sink when he gave a cry. "the bottom!" he announced, and i put down both feet, to find the stream less than three feet deep. with our feet down, we were now able to turn shoreward; and five minutes later jorge had us both by the hands and was helping us out. "well, we wanted a bath and we got it," were alano's first words. "have you had enough, mark?" "more than sufficient," i replied, with a shudder. "ugh, but that is a treacherous stream, and no mistake!" "you lucky boys," said jorge. "horse get in and roll over, he lose his life." we stopped long enough to wring out our clothing and put on our boots, and then followed our guide again. half an hour later we reached a sheltered spot and here took dinner. by the time the repast was ended our light summer suits were almost dried. luckily, through it all each of us had retained his hat. "we haven't had the fish jorge promised us," said alano, as we were preparing to resume our journey. "a bit of something baked wouldn't go bad." "fish to-night," said the guide. "have you a line and hook, jorge?" i asked. "yes, always carry him," he answered; and, upon further questioning, i learned that to carry a fishing outfit was as common among the rebels as to carry a pistol or the ever-ready machete. they had to supply themselves with food, and it was often easier and safer to fish in the mountain streams than to shoot game or cattle. we made a camp that night under the shelter of a clump of grenadillo trees; and, as jorge had promised, he tried his luck at fishing in a little pool under some rocks. he remained at his lines, two in number, for nearly an hour, and in that time caught four fish--three of an eel-like nature and a perch. these were cooked for supper, and tasted delicious. "when will we reach the old convent?" i asked, as we were about to turn in. "reach him by to-morrow afternoon maybe, if no storm come," said jorge. "do you think there will be a storm?" the guide shrugged his shoulders. "maybe--time for storm now." the fire had been put out as soon as the fish were baked, that it might not attract the attention of any spaniards who might be in the neighborhood. at eight o'clock we turned in, making our beds on a number of cedar boughs, which were easy to obtain in this mountainous locality. we had no coverings but our coats, but found these sufficient under the shelter of the grenadillos. how long i slept i did not know. i awoke with a start and raised up. all was silent. i gazed around in the gloom, and saw that alano and our guide slumbered soundly. "i must have been dreaming," i muttered to myself, when a rustle in the brush behind me caused me to leap to my feet. there was another rustle, and then came what i imagined was a half-subdued growl of rage. fearful that we were on the point of being attacked by some wild animal, i bent over my companions and shook them. "wake up! wake up!" i cried. "there are wild beasts about! quick, and get your pistols ready!" and then i looked toward the bushes again, to see an ugly, hairy head thrust forward and a pair of glaring eyes fastened full upon me! chapter xviii. alone. "what is it?" cried alano, as he scrambled to his feet. "i don't know!" i yelled. "look! look!" as i spoke i pulled out my pistol. by this time jorge was also aroused. "_que ha dicho v.?_ [what did you say?]" he demanded, leaping up and catching at his machete. "an animal--a bear, or something!" i went on. "there he is!" i raised my pistol, and at the same time our guide looked as i had directed. i was about to pull the trigger of my weapon when he stopped me. "no shoot! _puerco!_" he cried, and gave a laugh. leaping forward, he made after the animal, which turned to run away. but jorge was too quick for him. presently there was a grunt and a prolonged squeal, and then i understood what my wild beast was--nothing but a wild pig! in a couple of minutes jorge came back to camp dragging the tough little porker by the hind legs. he had killed the animal in true butcher's style. "we have pork to-morrow," he grinned, for cuban negroes are as fond of pig meat as their northern brothers. taking a short rope from one of his pockets, he attached it to the pig's hind legs and hung the body up on a convenient tree branch. the incident had upset my nerves, and for the balance of the night i slept only by fits and starts, and i was glad when dawn came and the rising sun began to gild the tops of the surrounding hills. the sight was a beautiful one, and i gazed at it for some time, while jorge prepared some pork chops over a tiny fire he had kindled. "we carry what pork we can," he said. "no use to leave it behind. father anuncio very glad to get pig, so sweet!" and once again jorge grinned. after breakfast the guide cut up the balance of the animal, wrapped the parts in wet palm leaves, and gave us each our share to carry. our involuntary bath had done me good, and i stepped out feeling brighter and better than i had for several days. i was becoming acclimated, and i was glad of it, for had i been taken down with a fever i do not know what i would have done. alano was as eager as myself to reach the old convent on the river, and we kept close upon jorge's heels as our guide strode off down the mountain side toward a forest of sapodillas and plantains. "i trust we find everybody safe and sound," i remarked. "the fact that your father thought it best to conduct your mother and sisters to the convent would seem to indicate he was disturbed about their safety." "i am hoping he did it only to be clear to join the rebel army," replied alano. "i hope both your father and mine are in the ranks, and that we are allowed to join too." i did not wish to discourage my cuban chum on this point, yet i had my own ideas on the subject. i was not anxious to join any army, at least not while both sides to the controversy were conducting the contest in this guerrilla-like fashion. i was quite sure, from what i had heard from various sources, that up to that date no regular battle had been fought in the eastern portion of cuba, although the western branch of the rebel army, under general gomez, was doing much regular and effective work. the reasons for this were twofold. in the first place, general gomez' forces were composed mainly of white men, while a large portion of the soldiers under general garcia were black. nearly all of the americans who came to cuba to fight for cuban liberty, came by way of havana or jibacoa and joined general gomez, and these fellows brought with them a large stock of arms and ammunition. it was said that there were three armed men in the west to every man who had even a pistol in the east. many of the negroes were armed only with their machetes, which they tied to their wrists with rawhides, that they might not lose this sole weapon while on the march or in a skirmish. to shoot off a cartridge in a pistol without doing some effective work with it was considered under general garcia and his brother officers almost a crime. the guerrilla warfare in the mountains i felt could be kept up for a long time, perhaps indefinitely. the spanish troops had sought to surround general garcia a dozen times, only to discover, when too late, that he and his men had left the vicinity. the cuban forces moved almost always at night, and often detachments of soldiers were sent off on swift horses to build false campfires dozens of miles away from the real resting-place of the army. in the valley we crossed through a large coffee plantation. in the center was a low, square house with several outbuildings. the house was closed tightly, and so were the other buildings, yet as we drew close i fancied i heard sounds from within. i notified jorge, and a halt ensued. hardly had we stopped than the door of the house flew open and out rushed half a dozen well-dressed spanish soldiers. "_halte!_" came the command, but instead of halting we turned and fled--i in one direction, and alano and our guide in another. bang! bang! went a couple of guns, and i heard the bullets clipping through the trees. surprised and alarmed, i kept on, past a field of coffee and into a belt of palms. several of the soldiers came after me, and i heard them shouting to me to stop and promising all sorts of punishment if i did not heed their command. but i did not intend to stop, and only ran the faster, past the palms and into a mass of brushwood growing to a height of ten or twelve feet. at first the bushes were several feet apart, and i went on with ease; but soon the growth was more dense, and numerous vines barred the way; and at last i sank down in a hollow, unable to go another step, and thoroughly winded. i remained in the hollow at least half an hour, trying to get back my breath and listening intently to the movements of my pursuers. the soldiers passed within fifty feet of me, but that was as close as they got, and presently they went off; and that was the last i heard of them. in the excitement of the chase i had dropped my pig meat, and now i discovered that nearly all of my other traps were gone, including my pistol, which had left my hand during a nasty trip-up over a hidden tree root. the trip-up had given me a big bump on the temple and nearly knocked me unconscious. crawling around, i found a pool of water, in which i bathed my forehead, and then i set about finding out what had become of alano and jorge. i moved with extreme caution, having no desire to be surprised by the enemy, who might be lying in ambush for me. moving onward in the brush i soon discovered was no light undertaking, and it was fully an hour before i found my way out to where the vines grew less profusely. the spot where i emerged was not the same as that at which i had entered the undergrowth, and on gazing around i was dismayed to find that the whole topography of the country looked different. i was lost! the thought rushed upon me all in an instant, and i half groaned aloud as i realized my situation. i must be all of a mile from the plantation, and where my friends were i had not the remotest idea. the sun beat down hotly in the valley, and it was not long before i was both dry and hungry. i searched around for another pool, but could not find any, and had to content myself with the taste of a wild orange, far from palatable. noon came and went and found me still tramping around the valley looking for alano and jorge. in my passage through the bushes my already ragged clothing was torn still more, until i felt certain that any half-decent scarecrow could discount me greatly in appearance. at four o'clock, utterly worn out, i threw myself on the ground in a little clearing and gave myself up to my bitter reflections. i felt that i was hopelessly lost. moreover, i was tremendously hungry, with nothing in sight with which to satisfy the cravings of my appetite. night, too, was approaching. what was to be done? chapter xix. the cave in the mountain. i lay in the clearing in the valley for all of half an hour. then, somewhat rested, i arose, unable to endure the thought that night would find me in the wilds alone and unarmed. i could well remember how the sun had stood when i had separated from my companions, and now, using the sun as a guide, i endeavored once more to trace my steps to the path leading down to the river. once the stream was gained, i resolved to search up and down its banks until the old convent was sighted. my course led me up the side of a small mountain, which i climbed with great difficulty, on account of the loose stones and dirt, which more than once caused my ankle to give a dangerous twist. a sprained ankle would have capped the climax of my misfortunes. just as the sun was beginning to set behind the peaks to the westward of me, i reached a little plateau which divided a ridge from the mountain proper. here i rested for a few minutes and obtained a refreshing drink at a spring under some rocks. then i went on, in some manner satisfied that i was on the right path at last. but, alas! hardly had i taken a score of steps than i stepped on a bit of ground which appeared solid enough, but which proved to be nothing but a mass of dead brushwood lying over a veritable chasm. the whole mass gave way, and with a lurch i was hurled forward into black space. as i went down i put out my hands to save myself. but, though i caught hold of several roots and bits of rocks, this did not avail; and i did not stop descending until i struck a stone flooring twenty feet below the top of the opening. fortunately the floor was covered with a large mass of half-decayed brush, otherwise the fall must have been a serious if not a fatal one. as i went down, on hands and knees, a lot of loose branches, dirt, and small stones rolled on top of me, and for the minute i had a vision of being buried alive. but the downfall soon ceased; and, finding no bones broken, i crawled from under the load and surveyed the situation. i felt that i was now worse off than ever. the well-hole--i can call it nothing else--was about ten feet in diameter, and the walls were almost smooth. the top of the opening was far out of my reach, and, as for a means of escape, there seemed to be none. however, i was not to be daunted thus easily, and, striking a match and lighting a cedar branch, i set about looking for some spot where i might climb up. but the spot did not present itself. but something else did, and that was an opening leading directly into the mountain. on pulling at a projecting rock, i felt it quiver, and had just time to leap back, when it fell at my feet. behind the rock was a pitch-black hole, into which i thrust the lighted branch curiously. there was a cave beyond--how large was yet to be discovered. i had no desire to explore any cave at that moment, my one idea being to get out of the well-hole and proceed on my way. but getting out of the hole was impossible, and i was forced to remain where i was, much to my disgust and alarm. jorge had been right about the coming storm. at an hour after sunset i heard the distant rumble of thunder, and soon a lively breeze blew through the trees and brush on the mountain side. a few flashes of lightning followed, and then came a heavy downpour of rain. not wishing to be soaked, i retreated to the cave i had discovered, although with caution, for i had no desire to take another tumble into a deeper hole. but the floor of the cavern appeared to be quite level, and with rising curiosity i took up my lighted cedar branch, whirled it around to make it blaze up, and started on a tour of investigation and discovery. that i should not miss my way back, i lit a pile of small brush at the mouth of the opening. then i advanced down a stony corridor, irregular in shape, but about fifty feet wide by half as high. the opening appeared to be a split in the mountain, perhaps made ages before by volcanic action. i felt certain there was an opening above, for in several spots the rain came down, forming small pools and streams of water. suddenly the idea struck me to watch which way the water ran, and i did so and learned that its course was in the very direction i was walking. moreover the tiny streams merged one into another, until, several hundred feet further on, they formed quite a water course. "if only this stream flows into the main river!" i thought, and on the spur of the moment resolved to follow it as far as i was able, satisfied that if it led to nowhere in particular i could retrace my steps to its source. i now found the cave growing narrower, and presently it grew less than a dozen feet in width, and the stream covered the entire bottom to the depth of several inches. throwing my boots over my shoulders, i began wading, feeling sure of one step ere i trusted myself to take another. it took me fully ten minutes to proceed a hundred feet in this fashion. the stream was now not over six feet wide and all of a foot deep. making sure that my torch was in no danger of going out, i continued to advance, but now more slowly than ever, for in the distance i could hear the water as it fell over a number of rocks. there was a bend ahead; and this passed, i fervently hoped to emerge into the open air, on the opposite side of the mountain and close to the bank of the river for which i was seeking. at the bend the water deepened to my knees, and i paused to roll up my trousers, in the meantime resting the torch against the wall, which afforded a convenient slope for that purpose. i had just finished arranging my trouser-legs to my satisfaction, when a rumble of thunder, echoing and re-echoing throughout the cavern, made me jump. my movement caused the cedar branch to roll from the rocks, and it slipped with a hiss into the stream. i made a frantic clutch for it, and, in my eagerness to save it from going out or getting too wet, i fell on it in the very middle of the stream. with a splutter i arose to find myself in utter darkness. moreover, the cedar branch was thoroughly soaked, and it would take a good many matches to light it again. and what was still worse, every match my pocket contained was soaked as badly as the torch. i must confess that i was utterly downcast over my mishap, and if there had been any dry ground handy i would have thrown myself down upon it in abject despair. but there was only water around, and, disconsolate as i was, i felt i must either go forward or backward. how i became turned about i do not know, but certain it is that, in essaying to return to the spot from whence i had come, i continued on down the stream. i did not notice the mistake i had made until fifty yards had been passed and i brought up against an overhanging rock with my shoulder. putting up my hands, i was dismayed to discover that the passage-way was just high enough to clear my head. realizing that i must be walking into a trap, i endeavored to turn about, when i slipped and went down again. before i could gain my footing i was swept around a bend and into a much broader stream. all was as dark as before, and i soon learned that the bottom of the new water-course was beyond my reach. putting my hand up, i learned that the rocky ceiling was not over two feet above the surface of the water, and the distance between the two was gradually but surely growing less! chapter xx. seÑor guerez. i was horrified over the discovery that i had made. here i was, in absolute darkness, hemmed in by water and rocky walls, and drifting rapidly i knew not whither. in my terror i cried aloud, but only echo answered me--a peculiar echo which made me shiver from head to foot. on and on, and still on, was i dashed by the underground current, which seemed to grow more powerful as i advanced, until my head grazed repeatedly against the wall over me, and i felt like giving myself up for lost. oh, how bitterly i regretted the curiosity which had led me to explore the cavern in which chance had so strangely placed me! but now what was this--a light? at first i could scarcely believe the evidence of my senses. there was a bright flash--then total blackness again. what could it mean? perhaps i was dreaming--or the fearful situation had turned my brain. then came a second flash and a revelation. it was the lightning from without, shining through some opening into the waters under and around me! i was nearing the outer world. oh, for a breath of fresh air again! even as the thought crossed my mind, my head struck the rocky ceiling again, and under i went, to find that i could not come up, the water now rising to the very rocks. but a stronger light could be seen, and i dove along, came up once, twice--and then emerged into the open air with a splutter and a gasp, on the verge of exhaustion. the underground stream emerged at the very base of the mountain, and on both sides were level stretches of swamps, covered with rushes and other tropical growths. swimming for the nearest bank, i drew myself up and fell on my breast, too worn out to stand. it did not matter to me just then that it was night, that i was alone, and that it was raining in torrents. i was safe from drowning--that was my one thought, and never was a thought sweeter to a boy. for fully fifteen minutes i remained on the bank of the stream. then, having recovered somewhat from the effects of my awful experience, i arose and took as good a view of my situation as was possible. i waited for a strong flash of lightning, and by this saw that my former wish had been realized and that i was within a few hundred feet of the river upon which the convent was said to be located. while the storm and the night lasted there was nothing to do but to seek shelter wherever it might be found; and, as the lightning now appeared to die away, i walked to the very mountain side, and found shelter under an overhanging rock, flanked by several tall trees. here i wrung what water i could from my clothing and made myself as comfortable as my miserable condition permitted. never was a person more glad to see the sun than i. old sol came up clear and strong, and my clothing quickly dried upon my body as i walked along. passing around the swamps, which were full of monstrous toads and numerous lizards, i reached the bank of the larger stream and started to hunt for the convent for which alano, jorge, and myself had been bound. as i hurried on, as rapidly as the formation of the ground permitted, i could not help but wonder what had become of my chum and our negro guide. had they escaped, to roam around looking for me, or had they fallen into the hands of the spaniards at the coffee plantation? having had no breakfast, it was not long before i began to feel hungry. to satisfy the cravings of my appetite i picked several almost ripe plantains, which, however, proved rather poor eating. i also spent some time in a hunt for berries, but none were to be found. by noon i calculated i had covered four or five miles, and reached a narrow woods, growing on both sides of the river. beyond the woods was a village, a decidedly poor-looking settlement composed of a score of rude dwellings built of logs and thatched with palm leaves to keep out the rain. i did not know whether to enter the village or not, and remained in the woods for some time, watching the inhabitants, consisting of a score of men and women and perhaps fifty children of all ages. the children were dirty, and wore hardly any clothing, but they seemed to be as happy as though such a thing as war had never been mentioned. most of the men were at work curing some wild-hog meat, while the women were engaged in braiding mats and other articles for sale or exchange. at last three of the children, running close to the woods, espied me, and set up a shout of wonder and alarm, at which the men stopped work and came rushing forward with their clubs and machetes. seeing there was no help for it, i stepped out into the open, and was immediately surrounded. not a soul in the settlement, which went by the name of jiawacadoruo, could speak a word of english, and for the time being i was partly at a loss to make them understand that i came as a friend who meant no harm. at the word "_americano_" they grinned, and one of them queried "_cuba libre?_ [for cuban liberty?]" and i nodded. then i pointed to my mouth and stomach to signify that i was hungry. at once half a dozen of the women rushed off, and soon i was presented with several bowls of broth, made of chicken meat and vegetables, strongly flavored with the inevitable garlic, and a pot of strong black coffee. there was also a dish of boiled arrowroot, made from the native maranta, and this tasted best of all to me. while i was eating i tried, by every means in my power, to make these cubans understand that i wanted to find the old convent, but failed utterly. finally an idea struck me, and i essayed to carry it out. tearing a page from a blank book in my pocket, i drew upon it a rough representation of a river and pointed to the stream, at which the men gathered around nodded that they understood. next i drew the picture of a boy at one end of the river, and pointed to myself. i am not by any means an artist; but we had had drawing lessons at broxville academy, and i managed to represent the boy as walking rapidly, as if in a great hurry to get to where he was going. this caused the men to laugh heartily. the next thing to do was to draw the old convent. never having heard the structure described, i had to draw entirely upon my imagination, and my knowledge of convent architecture was decidedly limited. yet i managed to draw a fairly good representation of a ruined stone building, with a cross at the top, and before it put a priest, to whom, by an inspiration, i suddenly pointed and cried "father anuncio." a dozen exclamations followed, and the men nodded to show that they now knew what was wanted. a parley followed, and one tall negro stepped forth and motioned that he was ready to be my guide by pointing first to me and then to my picture of the old convent. luckily i still retained a few silver pieces in my pocket, and before leaving i left two of these behind, to be divided among the crowd of negroes, for let me say in passing that all of the inhabitants of jiawacadoruo are people of color. with my newly made guide i started up the river, and the settlement was soon lost to sight. i wondered how long it would take to reach the old convent, and tried to put the question to bumbo, as i made his name out to be, but without success. instead of answering with his fingers or by pointing to the sun, he merely grinned and walked faster, until it was all i could do to keep up with him. it was almost sundown when we passed a bend in the stream and mounted a bluff overlooking a wide expanse of swamp land. the topmost point of the bluff reached, the guide pointed ahead, and there, almost at our feet, i saw the massive outlines of what long years before had been an imposing spanish convent, planted in that out-of-the-way spot for certain noble families who had left spain under a cloud during the wars of the seventeenth century. as we approached the building, which was now little more than a mass of ruins, i saw several men standing just outside of the inclosed courtyard. one was a priest, and two others were in the uniform of officers in the cuban army. one of the latter i recognized as señor guerez, having met the gentleman once while he was on a business visit to the united states. "señor guerez!" i called out, as i ran to him; and he turned in amazement. "mark carter!" he ejaculated, with a strong spanish accent. "i am much astonished." "is my father with you?" i demanded eagerly, as i looked around. "no, my boy; i am sorry to say it." "and where is he?" i went on, my heart rising to my throat, as i saw a look of anxiety cross the gentleman's bronzed features. "your father was made a prisoner by the spanish authorities two days ago," replied the señor, and the answer all but prostrated me. chapter xxi. the attack on the old convent. "my father a prisoner!" i gasped out, when i could speak. "yes, mark." "and how was he captured? and why?" "it is rather a long story. but tell me, where is alano?" and now it was señor guerez' turn to become anxious. in a few words i explained matters, to which the planter listened with close attention. his brow darkened when i mentioned the spaniards up at the coffee plantation. "i know them," he said. "we are expecting an attack from them every day." "an attack at this place?" "yes." he turned to his companions, and introduced me to father anuncio and to lieutenant porlando, both of whom shook hands warmly when they were informed who i was. "you see, many of the planters have brought their families here," señor guerez went on, "and the spanish think to subdue us if they can make our wives and daughters prisoners. but that shall never be while we have strength to fight." "tell me of my father," i said impatiently. "come inside, my boy," said alano's father; and giving bumbo a bit of silver i sent him off, and followed the others into the courtyard, in the rear of which was the convent building proper, although wings extended out upon both sides. in a shady corner i was introduced to la señora guerez and to alano's two sisters, inez and paula, two girls of ten and twelve, now quite as dark as their father and mother, and very beautiful, with their black wavy hair and sparkling eyes full of good humor and merriment. mother and daughters could speak a little english, and for alano's sake they fairly made me feel like one of the family. i was impatient to hear about my father; and as soon as the señor had told the others of what i had said concerning alano, señor guerez told me his story. "as soon as we felt that the war was going to be severe and probably of long duration," said he, "your father and i telegraphed to dr. walford to keep you at broxville academy until you heard from us by letter. two days later came a return message stating that you had already gone to new york and taken steamer for cuba. the worthy doctor could not tell by what route you had gone. "this being the case, your father and i concluded to let you come on, and i dispatched pedro, one of my faithful servants, to meet you at santiago de cuba and conduct you in safety to the plantation, where your father was still down with his broken leg, which was, however, mending rapidly. "several days went by, and matters became very troublesome about my plantation. some of the men had joined the cuban forces under brigadier general josé maceo, a brother to the late antonio maceo, and my neighbors begged me to join also and become captain of a company of white cubans--they not caring to serve under maceo or garcia and also not caring to go as far west as where the forces under general gomez were located. "while i was deliberating, a body of spanish guerrillas came along and burned down two of my largest storehouses and threatened my wife with violence. this angered me, and i got my gun and shot two of the rascals--one in the leg and the other in the shoulder. a battle royal ensued between my workmen and the guerrillas, and the guerrillas received the worst of the encounter and were forced to retreat, with three men wounded and one man dead. "this settled the matter, and i joined the cuban forces under garcia without delay. your father also took part in the battle and saved my wife from great indignities. when i called my white men together, and my white neighbors, they speedily formed a company of volunteers, and i was chosen the captain, with lieutenant porlando for my first officer and your father for second lieutenant. we were all supplied with good horses and first-class weapons, and the very next day after effecting our organization defeated a body of the spanish troops and drove them ten miles up the road and away from the mountains which general garcia is using as a stronghold. "as it was perilous in the extreme to leave the women-folks home alone while the men were away, it was decided by me and my neighbors to bring them all here and leave them with father anuncio and a strong guard. it was believed that no one would dare molest any woman while sheltered by this old convent. there are within the walls over a dozen ladies and nearly thirty children, besides a company of picked men and six men who were wounded at one time or another." "but my father?" i put in, as the señor paused. "i am coming to that, mark. it was two days ago that our company was in the vicinity of guantanamo. i had received valuable information concerning the contemplated movements of the spanish troops, and this information i wished to place in the hands of general garcia and his staff. your father offered to find a certain captain, while another of the company rode off to find the general. "your father was accompanied by a private named hawley, an american who settled near me several years ago. the pair were gone about six hours when hawley came riding back to our camp, severely wounded in the thigh. he said they had met a company of spanish soldiers, who had discovered them ere they were aware. your father had been taken a prisoner, while hawley had had a hard time of it to escape." "and have you heard of him since then?" i asked anxiously. "i heard from him yesterday. some of our soldiers, while tramping through the woods, came across a spaniard who was severely wounded. they treated him as well as he could possibly expect, dressed his wounds, and gave him a supply of water and bread and meat; and in return he told them about their prisoner, your father. he said your father was to be sent on to the authorities at santiago as an american spy." "a spy!" "yes, my boy, a spy. it is, of course, a foolish charge, but i am afraid it may cause your father a good deal of trouble." "why, they place spies in dungeons and often shoot them, señor guerez!" "let us hope for the best, mark," he returned soothingly. "would they dare shoot an american citizen?" "unfortunately your father was caught wearing a cuban uniform and with our flag pinned to his hat--as i have it." i bowed my head, and something like tears started to my eyes. this news was awful. supposing my father was shot as a spy? i would be left alone in the world. overcome by my emotions, i felt compelled to turn away, when señor guerez placed a kindly hand on my shoulder. "don't be too downcast, my boy. it may not go so badly with your parent, and i will do all i can for both of you. as soon as i can arrange certain matters with the men who are in charge here, i will follow up those who have your father in charge and see if he cannot be rescued." "oh, will you do that?" i cried, catching his hand. "you are more than kind, señor guerez!" we were about to continue the conversation, when the lieutenant to whom i had been introduced came rushing up all out of breath. he had been walking down by the river, field-glass in hand, and had made an important discovery, which he imparted to the others in spanish. it was to the effect that a large body of spanish soldiers were riding through the woods, back of the river, and it looked as if they were bound for the old convent. they were heavily armed, and on the back of a mule could be seen a small cannon. "as i expected," muttered señor guerez. "i'll take a look at them." he ran up to the roof of the convent, glass in hand, and, nobody stopping me, i followed him. a long, searching look and he dashed down the glass, hurried below, and issued a dozen rapid orders. men flew in all directions, some to get their guns and pistols, and others to shut the gates leading to the courtyard and to place square bits of blocks into the deep windows. i tried to get an explanation from somebody, but all were too busy. señor guerez was the only one who gave me a hint of what was wrong. "'tis a body of spanish soldiers led by a priest who is a rival to father anuncio. he wishes to get the good father to give up this old convent, which means that we must vacate too. it is a ruse of the enemy." no more was said. quarter of an hour later a white flag was waved and a man came up to the old convent gates. a short talk ensued between him, señor guerez, father anuncio, and several others, and then the man withdrew. hardly had he gone than all of us heard the cracks of a dozen or more guns, and as many bullets flattened themselves on the convent walls. "they have opened the fight," remarked señor guerez grimly, while several of the women and children shrieked. "now we will show them what we can do." he selected the best of his soldiers, and placed them at convenient loopholes in the upper part of the old building. weapons were ready for use, and at a word of command the fire of the spaniards was returned. a yell of surprise and rage went up, and there immediately followed another volley of musketry from without. this was returned, and this sort of thing lasted for quarter of an hour, when the enemy retired behind the bluff i have previously mentioned. but they did not remain quiet long. presently, looking through his field-glass, señor guerez announced that they had succeeded in mounting the cannon they had brought along. the weapon was duly loaded and sighted, and we awaited with thrilling interest the effect of this rather formidable weapon. chapter xxii. the routing of the enemy. boom! the spanish gunners had fired the cannon perched on the bluff, its muzzle pointed directly for the doors of the old convent. hardly had we heard the report than there was a crash and the splinters flew in every direction. the shot had struck the frame of the doors and shattered it badly. a cry of rage went up from the cubans, and, rushing to the loopholes left in the blocked-up windows, they sought to pick off the gunners with their carbines. but the spaniards prudently kept out of sight, so this movement was useless. "two more shots like that, and the doors will come down," muttered señor guerez, with a grave shake of his head. "i wish we had a cannon to fire in return." a consultation was held, and all of the women and children were told to retire to an inner room of the convent, where the damage done by the cannon might not reach them. this had scarcely been accomplished when the spaniards fired a second shot. but their aim was poor, and the ball only plowed up the ground fifty feet outside of the courtyard. señor, or rather captain, guerez, as i should now call him, collected his men together, and a short but exciting debate took place, only a few words of which were plain to me. alano's father favored leaving the convent by a rear passage-way leading to a woods and surprising the enemy by coming up in their rear. just as a third shot from the cannon struck the roof of the convent and tore off a corner of the stonework, it was agreed upon to carry out this project. four men were left to exhibit themselves occasionally, so that the spaniards might think the soldiers still there, and alano's father asked me to remain with them. "i do not advise you to take part in the fighting," he said. "but if you find it necessary to defend yourself, you'll find guns in plenty in the dining-hall closet, with cartridges in one of the drawers." in less than ten minutes the company of soldiers, fifty-six strong, were on their way, leaving the convent as silently as shadows. the moment the last of them had taken to the passage-way, the entrance was closed and bolted, and i found myself left behind with the women and children and the four guards, none of whom could speak a word of english. after firing the third shot the spaniards paused, probably to hold a council of war. to divert suspicion from the movements of captain guerez and his men, the four guards and myself passed out in plain sight of them several times. of course we did not remain long, nor did we show ourselves in the same place twice. our appearance called forth half a dozen shots from as many muskets, but we were too far off for these to have any effect. one bullet did hit near where a guard had shown himself, but its force was spent and it did no damage. nearly half an hour had passed, when suddenly we heard a yell and a wild shouting, and all of the spaniards dashed into view, running hither and thither as though panic-stricken. captain guerez had surprised them completely, and they thought it was a re-enforcement for the old convent and not the soldiers from that place themselves. a hundred shots rang out, and, using a field-glass, i saw that the spaniards were completely demoralized. they formed into a hollow square once, but this was speedily broken up, and then off they rode and ran, helter-skelter, down the bluff and across the river, some fording and some swimming, for their very lives. the engagement had lasted less than quarter of an hour when some of the cubans came riding toward the convent gates, bringing with them several wounded men--some of their own party--and three of the spaniards who had been captured. captain guerez had, in the meantime, followed the spanish leader across the stream. the pursuit was kept up for nearly half an hour, at the end of which time the spaniards were driven so far off it was likely they would not dare to return for a long while, if at all. when alano's father came back it was found he had received a sword thrust through the fleshy part of the leg. the wound was not a dangerous one, but it was painful, and his wife and daughters did all they could to ease his sufferings. "i am sorry for your sake, mark, that i am wounded," he remarked, as he rested upon a cot. "i will have to keep quiet for a few days, and thus our quest after your father will have to be delayed." "you wouldn't dare to leave here just yet anyway, would you?" i asked, much disappointed, yet feeling that it was no more than i could expect. "hardly, my boy. i do not expect those spaniards to return; we have given them far more than they expected. they would not attack us without re-enforcements, and there are no other spanish troops within a good many miles." now that the old convent had been once attacked, it was decided to keep a strict watch, day and night, upon the roof and through the grounds. a detail of men was formed, instructions to keep a constant lookout given, and then captain guerez passed over his command temporarily to lieutenant porlando. the remainder of the day passed quietly enough, i occupying the time in repairing my clothing, which needed many a stitch. in this work the elder of alano's sisters helped me, señora guerez keeping by her husband's side and having the younger sister to assist her. i found inez guerez a most companionable girl. her stock of english was as limited as was my knowledge of spanish, yet we managed to make each other understand, laughing roundly over the mistakes we made. when i mentioned alano and told what great friends we were, tears stood in her dark eyes, and she said she trusted he would soon reach the old convent in safety. my father and she had also become great friends, and she said she hoped he would escape from his spanish captors ere they had a chance to thrust him into a dungeon at santiago. having had no sleep the night before, i retired early, and was soon in the land of dreams, despite the many misgivings i had concerning my father's welfare. fervently i prayed that he might escape from the spaniards who held him, and that we might speedily be reunited. when i awoke in the morning the sky was darkly overcast and it was raining furiously. the downpour caused the river to rise, and the lower end of the old convent was partly under water. a fair breakfast was had, consisting of coffee, bread, and some fried plantains, which to me tasted particularly fine, and then i went to captain guerez, to find him much improved and in good spirits. "we would not go off anyway in such a storm as this," he said, as he sipped a bowl of coffee. "it will be fresh and cool after it is over, and by that time i think i will be able to ride once more, and i think my cousin will come to remain with my wife and girls." the downpour up to noon was terrific, then the sun came out strongly, and the hills and valleys were covered with a heavy mist as the water evaporated. by sundown it became cooler, and the roof of the old convent proved a most delightful lounging place. we were all out there, watching the shadows as the sun set behind the hills in the west, when one of the guards announced that two men were approaching from a trail leading through the woods to the northwest. a field-glass was at once procured, and lieutenant porlando took a long look at them. "a black and a boy," he announced in spanish, and i leaped forward and begged for the use of the glass for a minute. my request was readily granted, and i waited for the two newcomers to reappear among the trees. "they are alano and jorge!" i exclaimed a minute later. "alano!" cried my chum's sisters. "are you certain?" "yes, it is alano, and he carries his arm in a sling." and down we rushed in a body and asked to be let out of the courtyard. inez was the first to emerge into the open, and off she rushed at full speed, to find herself a minute later in alano's arms, with paula close behind. chapter xxiii. on the trail of my father. "mark!" ejaculated my cuban chum, when, on releasing himself from his sisters' embraces, he espied me. "so you have reached here before me. i am very glad to see it." "you are wounded?" i queried, as we shook hands. had it not been for the girls and jorge we would have fairly hugged each other. "how did that happen?" "it's quite a story. are my father and mother safe?" "yes, although your father, too, is wounded." "those soldiers at the coffee plantation, then, did not manage to catch you?" "no." "they caught me and jorge, and we were their prisoners for five or six hours. we would not have gotten away, only jorge bribed one of the servants at the plantation, another negro. he cut the cords with which we were bound, and we got out of the cellar into which we were put at night." "and that wound?" "i got that when they came after us, ten minutes later. they couldn't see us and fired blindly, and i got a bullet across the forearm. but it's a mere scratch," alano added, as he saw inez and paula look serious. he wanted to know all about my adventures, but there was no time to tell of them just then, for the convent gates were soon reached and here alano's mother met him and, after a warm embrace, led him to his father's side. it was a happy family gathering, and i thought it best to withdraw for the time being. i walked again to the roof; and an hour later alano joined me there. his story was soon told. after escaping from the coffee plantation he and jorge had become lost like myself in the forest. they, however, had not made their way to the mountain side, but had entered a valley between that mountain and the next, and, coming to a branch of the river, had floated down it until overtaken by the storm at night. the storm had driven them to shelter under some shelving rocks, and here a temporary camp was made and jorge went out on a search for food. little could be found, but in the morning the guide had brought down several birds with a stick and these they had cooked and eaten with keen relish. the way was then resumed, when, at noon, they had found themselves on the wrong road and many miles out of their way. [illustration: "the spaniards were completely demoralized."] jorge was much chagrined at his mistake and wanted alano to kick him for his thoughtlessness. the stream was left, and they took a cut through the woods, which at last brought them to the old convent, as described. when alano had finished, i told him my story in all of its details, especially my adventures in the mountain stream and on the underground river. he listened in silent amazement. "it was a wonderful escape!" he cried, when i was through. "a wonderful escape! i would like some day to explore that cave." "it was nothing but a big hole in the ground, and i never want to see it again," i answered, with a shudder. "but now you are here, what do you expect to do?" "if my father will permit me, i'll join you and him in the search for your father," he answered. "but it may be that he will wish me to remain here with my mother and my sisters." "yes, somebody ought to remain with them, alano." "my father is expecting señor noenti, a relative of mine. if he comes he will look after my mother and sisters. he is a very brave and powerful man." alano and i slept together that night, just as we had often done at broxville academy. it was a good deal to me to have my chum by me again. we had missed each other more than mere words can tell. we had just finished breakfast the next day, and captain guerez was trying to walk around a bit on his wounded leg, when several newcomers were announced. among them was señor noenti, who was warmly received by the guerez family. during the morning it was arranged that he should remain at the old convent during captain guerez' absence, and by hard pleading alano obtained permission to join us in our hunt for my father. jorge and three other trusty men were to go along also. alano's father pronounced himself quite able to ride, and each of us was fitted out with a good horse, a brace of pistols, and a quantity of ammunition sufficient to last for several engagements. we also carried with us two days' rations. when they were gone we would have to depend upon what we found for our meals. but armed as we were, and in a country where everything grew in profusion, it was not likely that such a small body would lack for something to eat. starvation was common in the regular cuban army, but only when the troops remained in one mountainous region for a long while and ate up everything in sight. captain guerez had a well-formed idea concerning the highways and trails the party having my father a prisoner would take; and, after an affectionate farewell to his wife and daughters, he led our little party up past the bluff the spaniards had occupied and along a path skirting the mountain which had caused me so much trouble. our horses were fresh, and we made good time until sunset, when we reached a small village called molino. here there were a number of blacks and the poorer class of whites. all, however, made us welcome, and here it was decided to remain for the night. the principal man living in the place was a spaniard named curilos, a fellow who years before had been a sailor. he was a comical fellow in the extreme and a good singer, accompanying himself in singing on a home-made guitar, a rough-looking instrument, but one very sweet in tone. how a sailor had ever settled there was a mystery to me, but there he was and apparently more than content. curilos' home was of long tree branches, fastened together with tough vines, which grow everywhere in profusion. the branches were twined and intertwined and lashed to four corner-posts. the roof of this abode was covered with dried palm leaves, and was quite water-proof. in one corner was a rude fireplace of stone, and the smoke curled up through a hole in a corner of the building. i slept in this structure on a hammock stretched from one corner-post to another. it was as good a bed as one would desire had it not been for one thing, as disgusting to me as it was annoying: the house was overrun with vermin--a not uncommon thing, even in the dwellings of the middle classes. it was hardly sunrise when alano's father called us for breakfast, after which we leaped into the saddle once more and rode off at a stiff gait. the ride of the afternoon had left me a little sore, i not as yet being used to such traveling, but i made up my mind not to complain, as it would do no good and only worry captain guerez and my chum. riding never bothered alano, as he had been used to the high, stiff spanish saddle from early boyhood. as we proceeded on our way we of course kept a strict lookout for enemies, and on more than one occasion alano's father called a halt, while he rode ahead to make certain that the road was clear. "if we're not careful the spaniards may surprise us and make us all prisoners," he said grimly. "although i hardly think any troops are near us at present," he added a minute later. having stopped for dinner in the middle of a dense woods, we rode out in the afternoon on a broad plateau overlooking numerous valleys. far to the southward could be seen the buildings in guantanamo. by the aid of the field-glass captain guerez pointed out a portion of his immense plantation. as this was the first sight i had had of alano's home, i gazed at it with interest. while i was looking, i saw a small column of smoke curling upward from a broad stretch of canefields. i watched it for several seconds, and then called alano's attention to it. "there should be no smoke there," he said gravely, and called his father, who had turned away for the moment to give jorge some directions. "what is it--smoke?" cried captain guerez, snatching the glass. "let me see if you are not mistaken." he gave a searching look and then a groan. "you are right, boys, the spaniards have kept their word. they threatened to burn down my fields if i did not declare in their favor, and now they are doing it. in a few hours the whole of my property will be nothing more than a blackened waste!" chapter xxiv. in the belt of the firebrands. "do you mean to say, father, that they will dare to burn down all of our sugar-cane fields?" demanded alano. "dare, alano? they will dare do anything, now they have heard that i have thrown in my fortunes with the insurgents," replied captain guerez bitterly. "what of your house and barns?" i put in soberly. "most likely they will be ransacked first and then the torch will be applied," answered alano's father with increased bitterness. "ah, well, such are the fortunes of war. _cuba libre!_" he muttered firmly. alano's parent was first tempted to ride in the direction of his plantation in the hope of saving something, but speedily gave up the idea. there was no direct course hither, and the roundabout trail which must be pursued would not bring him to guantanamo until the next morning. "and by that time the spaniards will have done their dastardly work and gone on," he remarked. several times as we rode along the plateau, captain guerez stopped to take a look through the field-glass, but he said nothing more excepting in an undertone to his son. by sundown the plateau came to an end, and we plunged into a valley which was for the most part divided into immense sugar plantations, some of them half a mile or more in length. "this is something like that at home," remarked alano to me, as we moved on side by side. "that is, like it was," he hastened to add. "the fields will grow again, won't they?" i asked. "oh, yes; but my father's loss will be very great." "i suppose so. did he have much sugar on hand?" "the storehouses were full. you see, shipments have been at a standstill for a year or more." "it will take a long while, after the war is over, to get back to prosperity, i am afraid, alano?" "it will take years, and perhaps prosperity will never come. general garcia is determined to fight to the bitter end, and so is general gomez, and so long as both remain among the mountains and forests it will be impossible for the spaniards to make them surrender. i heard father say we could lead the spanish troops a dance from one spot to another for years, and in the meantime spain will get no revenue from cuba, while the expense of keeping the war up will foot up to millions of piasters--something that even spain cannot stand." "i wish it was all over, and that we were all safe," i returned shortly. "i've seen all the war i want." "and yet you haven't seen any regular battle," laughed my cuban chum. "i'm afraid you wouldn't make much of a fighter, mark, if uncle sam got into a muss." "oh, that would be different!" i burst out. "i would fight for our country every time." alano laughed more loudly than ever. "that's just it--you would fight for the united states just as we are now willing to fight for our beloved cuba." i had to smile, for i saw that he was right. cuba was as much to him as our united states was to me, and let me add that i am a yankee lad to the backbone, and always hope to be. having passed the end of a large plantation, we came to several storehouses, which were wide-open and empty, and here we pitched our camp for the night. "how close are we to the spot where my father was taken?" i asked of alano's father after supper. "we have passed that locality," was the answer, which surprised me not a little. "by to-morrow noon i hope to reach a village called rodania, where i will be able probably to learn something definite concerning his whereabouts." this was certainly encouraging, and i went to bed with a lighter heart than i had had since leaving the old convent. hope in a youthful breast is strong, and i could not but believe that so far all had gone well with my parent. fortunately, the storehouse in which i slept with alano and captain guerez was a clean affair, so we were not troubled as we had been at molino with vermin. we turned in at nine o'clock, and ten minutes sufficed to render me forgetful of all of my surroundings. i awoke with a cough. i could not breathe very well, and sat up in the darkness to learn what was the matter. the wind had banged shut the storehouse door, and it was strangely hot within. "i'll open the door and let in some fresh air," i said to myself, and arose from the bunch of straw upon which i had made my bed. as i moved across the storehouse floor i heard several of the horses which were tethered outside let out snorts of alarm. feeling something was surely wrong, i called to alano and his father. "what's the trouble?" cried captain guerez and alano in a breath. "i don't know, but the horses are alarmed," i answered. by this time all were aroused by a shout from jorge, who had been left on guard. as we stepped into the open air, he came running up from a path leading into the immense sugar-cane field back of the storehouse. "_fuego! fuego!_ [fire! fire!]" he shouted at the top of his powerful lungs. "where?" demanded alano's father quickly. "in the fields! a band of spanish guerrillas just came up and set fire all around." "that cannot be, jorge. this is the plantation of señor corozan, a stanch supporter of spain. they would not burn his fields." "then they are rebels like ourselves." this last remark proved true, although we did not learn the fact until some time later. it seemed señor corozan had left the plantation immediately after refusing the demands of a cuban officer for food for his soldiers, and in consequence the rebel had dispatched a detachment to burn up everything in sight. it was a wanton destruction of property, but it could not very well be avoided, through the peculiar conditions under which the war was being carried on. just now, however, there was no time left to think of these matters. a stiff breeze was blowing, and looking over the sugar-cane fields we could see the fire leaping from place to place. then, turning about, we made another discovery. the very storehouse in which we had been sleeping was on fire. the smoke from the smoldering straw was what had caused me to cough and wake up. "to horse, everyone!" shouted captain guerez. "we had best get out of here, for there is no telling how far this fire extends, or how the wind may shift around!" everyone understood what he meant--that we were in danger of being caught in the midst of the conflagration; and everyone lost not an iota of time in loosening his animal and saddling him. in less than three minutes we were off, and riding down a narrow trail between the fields with all the speed at our animals' command. as we passed along, the sky above us grew brighter, and we could hear the crackling of the cane in the distance. then i felt a live ember drop upon my neck, which raised a small blister before i could brush it off. "jupiter! but this is getting hot!" i gasped, as i urged my horse on beside that of alano. "i wonder if there is any danger of that fire catching us?" "i don't know, i'm sure," he panted. "the only thing we can do is to ride for the hills, where the fire won't have such a chance." on and on we went, now in a bunch and then again scattered into two or three groups. to gain the hills we had to cross a bit of a valley, and here our poor horses sunk into the mud half up to their knees. captain guerez had been riding in the rear, but now he went ahead, to shout a word of guidance to the men in advance. alano dashed on with his father, expecting me to follow. but my horse had become temporarily stuck, and ere he could extricate himself i had to dismount. once free again, i was on the point of leaping into the saddle as before, when a turn of the wind brought a shower of burning embers in a whirl over our very heads. i ducked and shook them off, letting go of my steed for that purpose. it was a foolish movement, for the embers also struck the animal, who instantly gave a snort and a bound and ran off. i made a clutch at his tail as he passed, but missed it, and a second later i found myself utterly alone, with the fire of the sugar-cane fields hemming me in on all sides! chapter xxv. escaping the flames. my situation was truly an appalling one. here i was, with the fierce fire from the sugar-cane fields swirling about me, my horse and companions gone, left utterly alone, with the horrifying thought that each moment must be my last. as the horse disappeared in a cloud of eddying smoke, i attempted to rush after him, only to slip in the mire and roll over and over. when i scrambled up i was covered with mud from head to foot, and the live embers from the burning fields were coming down more thickly than ever. but life is sweet to all of us, and even in that supreme moment of peril i made a desperate effort to save myself. seeing a pool of water and mud just ahead of me, i leaped for it and threw myself down. it was a bath far from sweet, yet at that time a most agreeable one. i allowed what there was of the water to cover my head and shoulders and saw to it that all of my clothing was thoroughly saturated. then i arose again, and, pulling my coat collar up over my ears, leaped on in the direction taken by my companions. the air was like that of a furnace, and soon the smoke became so thick i could scarcely see the trail. the wind was blowing the fire directly toward me, and to have stood that onslaught for long would have been utterly impossible. but just as i felt that i must sink, and while i murmured a wild prayer for deliverance, the wind shifted and a cooling current of air reached me. this was wonderfully reviving, and, breathing deeply, i gathered courage and continued on my way. almost quarter of a mile was covered, and i had gained the base of the hills, when the wind shifted again, and once more the fire rushed onward and it became so hot i could not breathe except with difficulty. "mark! mark! where are you?" it was a most welcome cry, coming from captain guerez. in an instant more alano's father dashed up through the smoke. "captain guerez!" i gasped, and ran up to his side. "save me!" "where is your horse?" he asked, as he caught me up and assisted me to mount behind him. "he ran away." no more was said. turning his animal about, captain guerez dug his spurs deep into the horse's flesh, and away we went up the hillside at a rate of speed which soon left the roaring and crackling sugar-cane fields far behind. in fifteen minutes we had joined the others of the party, on a plateau covered with stunted grass and well out of reach of the fire. here it was found that my runaway horse had quietly joined his fellows. i was tempted to give him a whipping for leaving me in the lurch, but desisted upon second thought, as it would have done no good and i knew the animal had only done what i was trying to do--save my life. "that was a narrow escape for you, mark!" cried alano, as he came up with an anxious look on his face. "you ought to be more careful about your horse in the future." "you can be sure i will be, alano," i answered; and then turned to captain guerez and thanked him for what he had done for me. it was hardly dawn; yet, as all had had a fair night's rest, it was determined to proceed on our way and take a somewhat longer rest during the hot noon hour. "this fire will necessitate a change in our course," said captain guerez to me. "will that delay us much?" "not over a few hours. we will reach rodania by nightfall." the captain was right, for it was not yet six o'clock when, from the side of one mountain, we saw the buildings of rodania perched upon the side of another. we traveled across the tiny valley separating the two, and just outside of the town captain guerez called a halt. "i think i had better send jorge ahead and see if the coast is clear," he said. "the coming of the negro into town will not be noticed, and he can speedily learn if there are any spaniards about." this was agreed upon, and, after receiving his instructions, the colored guide hurried away, to be gone less than half an hour. "spanish soldiers dare yesterday," he announced. "all gone now--on the road to cubineta." "did they have any prisoners?" questioned captain guerez. "yes, dree--two cubans and an _americano_." "my father!" i cried. "oh, captain guerez, cannot we overtake them before they manage to get him to some fort or prison?" "we'll try our best, mark," replied alano's father. "why can't we travel after them at once?" put in alano, fairly taking the words out of my mouth. "we will," replied his father. "the long noontime rest has left our horses still fresh. forward, all of you! we will take a short cut, and not visit rodania at all." during the halt i had taken the opportunity to brush off my clothing, which was now thoroughly dry. i had taken a bath at noon, so now felt once more like myself, although several blisters on my neck and hands, received from the fire, hurt not a little. i told jorge of the bums, and he ran into the woods for several species of moss, which he crushed between two rocks, putting the crushed pulp on the blisters. "take burn out soon," he announced; and he was right. in less than half an hour after the application was made the smarting entirely ceased. we were now in the depths of a valley back of rodania, and here the trail (they are called roads in cuba, but they are only trails, and sometimes hardly that) was so choked up with vines and so soft that our progress was greatly impeded, and about eight o'clock we came to a halt in the darkness. "the mud beyond is all of two feet deep, and we can't get through it," declared one of the men, who had been sent in advance. "we'll have to go back." this was discouraging news, and i looked in perplexity at alano's father, whose brow contracted. "i'll take a look myself," he said, and, dismounting so that his horse might not get stuck, advanced on foot. in my impatience i went with him. the way was very dark, and i suggested that a torch be lighted. "an excellent plan," said alano's father, and immediately cut a cedar branch. by its blaze we were enabled to see quite well, and succeeded in finding another path around the muddy spot. to save our horses we walked them for half a mile. it was tough traveling, and the clouds of mosquitoes made the journey almost unendurable. i was glad when, at early dawn, we emerged from the valley on a bit of a rise, where the ground was firm and the growth somewhat limited. a broad highway now lay before us, the main road from rodania to cubineta. it was one of the best highways i had seen since leaving santiago de cuba, and this was explained by captain guerez, who said the road had been put into condition just previous to the breaking out of the war. as usual, one of the party was in advance, and this was a lucky thing, for about ten o'clock the soldier came tearing toward us on his horse and motioning us to take to the woods. captain guerez was on the lookout, and turned to us quickly. "dismount!" he cried in spanish, and we leaped to the ground, and led our animals into a thicket growing to the left of the highway. the vidette followed us, stating that a large body of spanish cavalry was approaching. we forced our horses into the thicket for fully a hundred feet and tied them fast. then, with cautious steps, we returned to the vicinity of the road and concealed ourselves behind convenient trees and bushes. by this time a thunder of hoofs could be heard, and soon the cavalry appeared, at least two hundred strong. they were the finest body of men i had seen in the island, and looked as if they had just come over from spain, their uniforms and weapons were so clean and new. they were riding at a brisk pace, and hardly had we caught a good look at them than they were gone, leaving a cloud of dust behind them. captain guerez was the first to speak, when they were well out of hearing. "it's a good thing we did not run into them," he remarked grimly. "our little detachment would have stood small chances with such a body of well-armed men." "they form a great contrast to the rebels," i could not help but murmur. "they do indeed, mark. but why not? the rebels, especially in this district, were never soldiers. when the war broke out they were without uniforms or weapons; and what was and is worse, many of them knew nothing about the use of a firearm. you will find the men in the western provinces, where the whites predominate, both better trained and clothed--although, let me add, their hearts are no more sturdy or loyal than you will find here in the east." thus talking, we went on and on, until alano, who had gone ahead this time, came back with the information that cubineta was in sight. "and the village seems to be under guard of the spanish soldiery," he added, words which caused me, at least, considerable dismay. chapter xxvi. a disheartening discovery. "under spanish guard!" i cried, and looked questioningly at alano's father. "that's too bad," he said gravely. "however, there is no help for this unexpected turn of affairs, and we must make the best of it. alano, my son, you are sure you are not mistaken?" "there are a number of spanish soldiers on the highway, and with the field-glass i saw that more soldiers were scattered round about." "then your report must be true. i'll ride ahead and take a view of the situation." i begged to go along, and captain guerez agreed. alano came too, while the others withdrew to a thicket, to avoid being surprised by any of the spaniards who might be out foraging. a turn in the highway brought us in full view of cubineta. of course we were not foolish enough to expose ourselves. screened behind bushes and vines, we took a survey through the glass of the place, its people, and the soldiers. cubineta was not a large village, but it was a pretty place and evidently thriving--or had been thriving before the war put a blight upon all cuban industries. there was one long street of stores and dwellings, a church, a _casa_ or town-house, and at the farthest end what looked to be a hastily constructed fort, built of heavy logs and sods. "the spaniards are evidently going to use the place as a center or depot for supplies," was captain guerez' comment. "under the present circumstances i hardly know what is best to do." "perhaps they have my father a prisoner in that fortress," i suggested. "it is not unlikely, mark--if the men who held him have not yet gone further than cubineta." "can't we steal into town under cover of night?" i continued. "we might do that--if it would do any good." "i want to join my father at any hazard." "that might be very foolish, mark. how can you assist him if you are yourself made a prisoner?" "would they hold a boy like myself?" "you are not so young as you would like to make them imagine," laughed alano's father shortly. "besides, if left free, they would be afraid you would carry messages for your father. i think the best thing we can do just now is to let jorge go into town, pretending he is half starved and willing to do anything for anybody who will give him food. by taking this course, no one will pay much attention to him, as there are many such worthless blacks floating about, and he can quietly find his way around the fort and learn what prisoners, if any, are being kept there." this was sensible advice, and, impatient as i was to catch sight of my parent, i agreed to wait. we rode back to where the others had made their camp, and jorge was called up and duly instructed. the black grinned with pleasure, for he considered it a great honor to do spy work for such an influential planter as captain guerez. possibly he had visions of a good situation on the plantation after the war was over; but, if so, he kept his thoughts on that point to himself. jorge gone, the time hung heavily on the hands of all; but i believe i was the most impatient of the crowd, and with good reason. alano noticed how uneasily i moved about, and soon joined me. "you must take things easy, mark," he said. "stewing won't do any good, and it will only make you sick, combined with this hot weather, which, i know, is about all you can stand." "if only i felt certain that my father was safe, alano! remember, he is all i have in the world. my mother has been dead for years, and i never had a brother or a sister." "i think it will all come out right in the end," he answered, doing his best to cheer me up. "they won't dare to--to----" he did not finish. "to shoot him? that's just what i fear they will do, alano. from what i heard at santiago de cuba, the spaniards are down on most americans, for they know we sympathize with you and think cuba ought to be free, or, at least ought to have a large hand in governing itself." when nightfall came most of the others lay down to sleep. but this was out of the question for me, tired though i was physically, and so i was left on guard, with instructions to call one of the men at midnight. slowly the hours went by, with nothing to break the stillness of the night but the hum of countless insects and the frequent note of a night bird. we had not dared to build a campfire, and in consequence there was no getting where the smoke drifted and out of the way of the mosquitoes. at midnight i took a walk around to see if all was safe. the man i was to call slept so soundly i had not the heart to wake him up, so i continued on guard until one, when a noise down by the road attracted my attention. pistol in hand i stalked forward, when i heard a low voice and recognized jorge. the negro had been walking fast, and he was almost out of breath. "well?" i inquired anxiously. "is my father there?" "i think he is, señor," replied the guide. "i go to prison-fort--da have six cubans dare an' one _americano_." "my father!" "i talk to some men, an' da tell me prisoners come in last night--some from rodania, udders from udder places. _americano_ in a prison by himself, near the river. i swim up close to dat prison--maybe we make hole in wall an' git him out." "could we do that, jorge, without being discovered?" "tink so, señor--work at night--now, maybe. swim under river an' come up by fort, den dig with machetes--make hole under fort." "if only we could do that!" i cried; and then, struck with a sudden idea, i caught jorge by the arm. "jorge, if i go, will you come and show me the way and help me?" "yes, señor." "then let us go at once, without arousing the others. more than two might spoil the plan. go back to the road and wait for me." the guide did as directed, and i turned back into camp. here i awoke the man previously mentioned, and told him i was going off to meet jorge. he but partly understood, but arose to do guard duty, and i hurried off. i felt that i was not doing just right in not notifying captain guerez and alano, but i was impatient to meet my father and was afraid if i told them what jorge had said they would want to delay matters. as events turned out it would probably have been much better had i been guided by their advice. a short but brisk walk brought the guide and myself in sight of the town. on the outskirts the campfires of the spanish soldiers burned brightly. these we carefully avoided, and made a détour, coming up presently to the bank of the stream upon which the fort was located. the river was broad and shallow, and as it ran but sluggishly we might have forded across, but this would have placed us in plain view of the sentries, who marched up and down along the river bank and in front of the prison-house. disdaining to undress, we dropped down into the stream and swam over, with only our faces out of water, and without a sound, to a spot behind the building opposite. we came up in a tiny hollow, screened by several small bushes, and crawled on our stomachs to the rear of the wing in which the guide said the american prisoner was incarcerated. i had a long and broad dagger which i had picked up the day previous, and jorge had his machete, and with these we began to dig a tunnel leading under the wooden wall of the fort. fortunately, the ground was not hard, and soon we broke through the very flooring of the prison. i was in the lead, and in great eagerness i poked up my head and gazed around me. "hullo, who's there?" cried a startled voice, in english, and my heart sank completely, for the prisoner was not my father at all. chapter xxvii. gilbert burnham. "are you alone?" i asked, when i had recovered sufficiently to speak. "an american!" came the low cry. "yes, i am alone. who are you, and what do you want?" "i came to save you--that is, i thought my father was a prisoner here," i stammered. "are you tied up?" "worse, chained. but i think the chain can easily be broken. if you'll help me get away from here, i'll consider myself in your debt for life." "i'll do what i can for you. but keep quiet, for there are a number of guards about," i whispered. with an effort i squeezed through the hole that had been made, and felt my way to the prisoner's side, for the interior of the cell was dark. he had a chain around one wrist, and the chain was fastened by a large staple driven into a log of the wall of the fort. jorge had come up behind me, and, learning of the staple, began to cut at the woodwork surrounding it with his machete. the lower end of the blade was fairly keen, and he made such rapid progress that in less than five minutes a sharp jerk cleared the staple from the log, and the prisoner was free. "good for you," he whispered to the colored guide. "now which is the way out of this hole?" "follow me, and keep very quiet," i whispered, and motioned to jorge to lead the way. soon the guide had disappeared into the opening we had made. going from the prison was worse than getting in, and the man we were trying to rescue declared the passage-way too small for him. we commenced to enlarge it, i with my dagger and he with his hands. we had just made it of sufficient size when we heard a cry from outside. jorge had emerged into the open, only to be discovered by a sentry who chanced to be looking his way. there was a shot, and half a dozen soldiers came running up, at which the guide took to the river with a loud splash. "i'm afraid we are lost!" i cried, and stopped, half in and half out of the hole. then the prison door was banged open, and the rays of a lantern flared into the cell. the american i had discovered promptly showed fight by leaping on the intruder. but this was madness, as the soldier was backed up by four others, all armed with pistols and guns. in the meantime another light flashed from outside the hole, and i felt myself caught, very much like a rat in a trap. "_de donde viene v.?_ [where do you come from?]" demanded a cold, stern voice, and i felt myself grabbed by the hair. realizing that resistance was useless, i gave myself up, and immediately found myself surrounded by a dozen spanish soldiers. in the meantime jorge had made good his escape. the soldiers marched me around to the entrance of the fort, where an officer began to question me in spanish. he could speak no english, and as soon as he found my command of spanish was very limited he sent off for an interpreter. then i was taken inside the fort and consigned to one of the prison cells. my feelings can be better imagined than described. bitterly i regretted having started on my midnight quest without notifying captain guerez. my hasty action had brought me to grief and placed me in a position from which escape seemed impossible. what my captors would do with me remained to be seen. that they would treat me in anything like a friendly fashion was out of the question to expect. it was likely that they would hold me as a prisoner of war. presently the door of the cell was opened, and somebody else was thrown in bodily and with such force that he fell headlong. the door was banged shut and bolted, and the crowd which had been outside went away. the new arrival lay like a log where he had been thrown, and for a few minutes i fancied he must be dead from the way he had been treated. i bent over him, and in the dim light of the early dawn made out that it was the american i had sought to rescue. i placed my hand over his heart and discovered that he still breathed, although but faintly. there was nothing at hand with which i could do anything for him. my own pockets had been turned inside out by my captors, and even my handkerchief, with which i might have bound up an ugly wound on his brow, was gone. i opened his coat and vest and his shirt around the neck, and gave him as much air as i could. "oh!" he groaned, as he finally came to his senses. "oh! don't kick me any more! i give in!" "you're all right--they have put you in a cell with me," i hastened to reassure him, and then he sat up. "who--what----" he paused. "in a cell, eh? and they caught you, too?" "yes." "that's too bad." he drew a deep breath. "did you fight with them?" "no. i saw it would be no use." "i was a fool to do it. i'm too hot-blooded for this sort of work. i ought to have stayed in boston reporting local affairs." "are you a reporter?" "hush! yes; but i don't want it to become known if i can help it. they think i am nothing more than an inquisitive american." "then why did they lock you up?" "that was more of my hot-headedness. i was sketching a picture of the town and this fort or prison, when a spanish officer came up and tried to snatch the drawing from my hand. instead of demanding an explanation i promptly knocked him down. then a couple of guards ran for me, and i dusted. but it was no use. they sent a company of soldiers after me, and here i am." "and here we are both likely to remain for some time to come," i added bitterly. "looks that way, that's a fact. by the way, you said something about your father, didn't you?" "yes. my father is a prisoner of the spaniards, and i felt almost certain he was in this fort." "what's your father's name?" "richard carter. my name is mark." "and my name is gilbert burnham. i've heard of your father, come to think of it. he joined the cuban army along with a plantation owner named guerez and another american named hawley." "you are right. did you hear anything at all of him here in cubineta or the vicinity?" "no. but then, you see, that is not strange, as i talk very little spanish. i certainly haven't seen any americans here but you and myself." gilbert burnham asked me to tell him my story; and, feeling that i could lose nothing by so doing, i favored him with a recital of my efforts to get to my father. he was quite interested. "by jove, young man, if i get clear from here i'll do what i can to help you," he said. then he told me his own history--how he had grown tired of newspaper reporting in boston and begged the head editor of the paper he represented to send him on an "assignment" to cuba. he had been in the island four months, and had had a varied list of adventures, although none of a particularly thrilling or perilous nature. "but now it looks as though i was in for it," he concluded moodily. "that officer i knocked down will make matters as hard as he can for me." "and i'm afraid trying to break away from prison won't help matters," i said. "you are right there. but, heigho! we must make the best of it." yet making the best of it was small satisfaction to me. tired out in body and mind, i sank down in a corner of the gloomy and damp cell and gave myself up to my bitter reflections. chapter xxviii. a battle on land and water. it was about eight o'clock in the morning that the door of the prison cell was opened and gilbert burnham and i were ordered to march out into a larger apartment. the order was given by a spanish officer who spoke fairly good english, and the officer was backed up by a guard of eight men, all well armed. "they are going to run no chances on us now," remarked the newspaper correspondent, as he arose from the floor, upon which he had been resting. "we had better be as civil as possible," i answered. "if we anger them they have it in their power to make us mighty uncomfortable." "i'll keep as civil as my hot-headedness will permit," he grumbled. we were led from one end of the fort to the other, where there was a narrow room, provided with a small, square table and half a dozen benches. at the table sat several officers i had seen before. one was a particularly ugly-looking fellow, and burnham nudged me and said this chap was the fellow he had knocked down. "and he's got it in for me," he added. i was marched to the front of the table, and the officer who could speak english forced me to clasp my hands behind me. this done, one of the officers at the table asked a number of questions in spanish. "_no habla v. castellano?_ [do you not speak spanish?]" he asked me. "no, señor," i replied. he glared at me suspiciously for a moment, then spoke to the other officer. "who you are?" demanded the latter. "i am mark carter, an american boy. i came to cuba to join my father, who was stopping at a plantation near guantanamo." this was repeated in spanish. at the mention of my name several of those present exchanged glances. "you son of richard carter?" was the next question. "yes, señor. i understand he is a prisoner. is it true?" my question remained unanswered, and it was plain that my captors intended to give me no information. "why you break in the fort? did this man pay you to do that?" and the spanish officer pointed to gilbert burnham. "i never saw or heard of this man before, señor. i broke in because i thought my father was a prisoner there. i heard an american was there, and i thought it must be he." "aha, i see! well, your father is not here, as you have found out." "where is he?" this question also remained unanswered. the officers began to consult among themselves, and then i was ordered back to the cell. i tried to protest, and pleaded for liberty, for a chance to find my parent, but it was all in vain. i was hustled off without ceremony and made as close a prisoner as before. it was nearly noon before gilbert burnham joined me. in the meantime i had had nothing to eat or drink, and was beginning to wonder if my enemies meant to let me die of hunger and thirst. the face of the newspaper correspondent was much downcast. "i'm to catch it now," he said. "to-morrow morning they are going to start to transport me to some regular fortress, and there i suppose i'll be permitted to languish until this bloody war is over. i wish i had made a dash for liberty when i was out in that courtroom." "they would have shot you dead. they were too well armed for anything of the sort." "maybe. but this is tough. is there a pitcher of water anywhere?" "not a drop." at this he stormed more than ever, and finally shouted to the guard to bring some _agua_. but no one paid any attention to his cries, further than to order him to be silent, under penalty of being gagged, and then he subsided. slowly the morning wore away. the sun was shining brightly outside, and the cell, with only one narrow window, high up to the ceiling, was like a bake-oven. once i climbed up to the window sill and looked out, only to have the muzzle of a gun thrust into my face, while a guard outside ordered me to drop. i dropped, and made no further attempt to get a whiff of fresh air. i wondered if jorge had escaped in safety and if captain guerez would do anything to save me. i felt certain he would be very angry over the way i had acted, and, looking back, i felt that i richly deserved to be censured. it was high noon, and i and my companion were walking the floor, impatient for food and drink, when the door opened and a guard came in with a platter and an earthenware pitcher. he set both on the floor and withdrew without a word. "well, here's something, anyway," remarked gilbert burnham. "bah! a stew of onions and garlic, not fit for a dog to eat. let me have some of the water." neither of us could do more than taste the mess which had been served; and as for the water, it looked as if it had been scooped from the river, and was both warm and muddy. i had just finished taking a gingerly drink, when a shot from outside startled both of us. several more shots followed, and then came a blast on a trumpet from somewhere in the distance. "hullo! that means a fight!" ejaculated gilbert burnham, his face brightening. "i hope it's a body of rebels to the rescue." "so do i, and i further hope they release us," i replied. at the first shot an alarm had been sounded in and about the fort. we could hear the soldiers hurrying in several directions and a number of orders issued in spanish. the firing now continued to increase, and presently we heard a crash of splintered woodwork. "it's getting interesting, eh, carter?" said gilbert burnham. "if only they don't grow too enthusiastic and fire in here!" scarcely had he spoken than we heard a little noise up at the window. a bullet had entered and buried itself in the woodwork opposite. "better lay down," i urged, and set the example, which the newspaper man was not long in following. the firing and shouting kept on steadily, and we heard the occasional splashing of water, telling that the encounter was taking place on the river as well as on land. the battle had been going on with more or less violence for half an hour, when there came a wild rush through the fort, and some shooting just outside of our cell. then the door went down with a crash, and we found ourselves confronted by a score or more of dusky rebels, all of whom wore the flag of cuba pinned to their hats and coats. "_americano!_" shouted one of them, and allowed us to come outside. then, without waiting to question us, the crowd dashed to the entrance of another cell and succeeded in liberating several of their own countrymen. but now the soldiers of the fort rallied, and the intruders were driven back. feeling it was our one chance to escape, we went with the insurgents, and soon found ourselves on the outskirts of cubineta, in a spot backed up by a forest of palms and oaks. as we ran along gilbert burnham paused and pointed to the dead body of a spanish soldier. "he won't need his weapons any more, poor fellow," he said, and stooping down secured two pistols, one of which he gave to me. there was also a belt of cartridges, and this was speedily divided between us. "i think the road to the camp i left is behind us," i remarked, as i took a view of the situation, in the meantime screening myself from our enemies by diving behind a clump of trees. "i think i'll go in that direction. do you want to come along?" my companion was willing to go anywhere, so long as we kept clear of the spanish forces, and off we went on an easy run down the highway, keeping our pistols in our hands and our eyes to the right and the left, as well as ahead. quarter of an hour of this sort of traveling brought us to the spot where i had left alano and the others. the temporary camp was deserted. chapter xxix. looking for my cuban chum. "gone, eh?" remarked gilbert burnham, as he saw the disappointed look upon my face. "well, you could hardly expect anything different, with the fighting going on. it's more than likely they took part in the attack." "i presume so," i answered. "but where can they be now? the firing has about ceased." "the rebels have withdrawn from the town, that's certain. let us try to find the main body of the insurgents, and there we'll probably learn of the whereabouts of your friends." i considered this good advice, and, leaving the vicinity of what had been the former camp, we struck out on a trail which took us in a semi-circle around cubineta. it was one of the hottest days i had yet experienced since landing on the island, and we had not progressed a half-mile before i was fairly panting for breath. as for gilbert burnham, he declared that he must halt or collapse. "talk about balmy groves and summer skies," he growled. "i would rather be at the north pole any time. why, i'll bet a dollar you could bake bread on that bit of ground out there!" and he pointed to a stretch of dark soil, dried as hard as stone by the fierce rays of the sun. "the average cuban never thinks of traveling in the sun between eleven and three o'clock, and i don't blame him," i rejoined. "let us climb a tree and take it easy." we mounted an oak, i making certain first that there was no snake on it, and took seats near the very top. by parting the branches we could get a fair view of cubineta, and we saw that the attack was at an end. the rebels had retreated out of sight, but not before setting fire to the fort, which was burning fiercely, with nothing being done to save it from destruction. "to me it looks as if the rebels were bunched in the woods to the north," i said, after a long and careful survey. "i wish we had a field-glass." "i'm glad we took the pistols, carter. they may come in very handy before we reach safe quarters again." "i'm sure i don't want to shoot anyone, burnham," i answered. "but you believe in defending yourself?" "yes. but what do you propose to do, now you have escaped?" "get back to the coast and take the first vessel i can find for the united states." "then you've had sufficient of reporting down here?" "yes, indeed! if any other young man wants to come down here and take my place, he is welcome to do so." and gilbert burnham spoke with an emphasis that proved he meant every word he uttered. as soon as we were cooled off and rested, we resumed our way, through a heavy undergrowth which, on account of the entangling vines, often looked as if it would utterly stay our progress. but both of us were persevering, and by four o'clock had reached the section of country i had fancied the rebels were occupying. my surmise was correct. hardly had we proceeded a dozen yards along a side road than three cubans leaped from behind some brush and commanded us to halt. we did so and explained that we were americans, at the same time pointing to the burning fort and then crossing our wrists as though tied. the rebels understood by this that we had been prisoners, and as we did not attempt to draw our pistols, they shouldered their long guns and conducted us to the officer in command. "look for captain guerez?" said the officer, whose name i have forgotten. "he ride off dat way!" and he pointed with his hand to the westward. "he look for you, i tink." this was comforting news, and i asked if alano's father had taken part in the attack on cubineta, to which i received the reply that both the captain and all under him had taken part and that one of the insurgents had been killed. "was it his boy alano?" "no, man named ciruso." i waited to hear no more, but, thanking the officer for his trouble, hurried off down a trail leading to the westward, with burnham at my side. we were descending a short hill, covered with a stunted growth of brush, which tripped us up more than once, when my companion suddenly uttered a howl and tumbled over me in his effort to retreat. "what is it?" i asked. "spiders, or crabs, as big as your foot," he cried. "look! look!" he pointed to several holes in the sand, beside a small brook. at the entrance to each hole sat an enormous land crab, gray in color, with round, staring eyes, well calculated to give anyone a good scare. "they are only crabs, and won't hurt you, unless you try to catch hold of them," i laughed. "alano told me of them, and i've met them before." "more of the beauties of this delightful country," said burnham sarcastically. i advanced and stamped my foot, and instantly each crab scampered for his hole, in the clumsy fashion all crabs have. i fancied some of them hissed at us, but i might have been mistaken. the brook crossed, we ascended the next hill and entered a plantain grove where the fruit hung in profusion on all sides. we found some that was almost ripe, and made a refreshing meal. "hullo, mark!" the welcome voice rang out from a grove of oaks on the other side of the plantains. i started, then rushed ahead, to find myself, a minute later, in alano's arms, with captain guerez looking on, highly pleased. "we thought you were killed!" ejaculated my cuban chum, when our greeting was over. "where on earth have you been?" "haven't you seen jorge?" "no," put in alano's father. "it's a long story. let me introduce another american," and i presented gilbert burnham. sitting down in as cool a spot as we could find, each related all he had to tell. my story is already known. "when you did not show up in camp i was much worried," said the captain, "and i sent men out at once to hunt up both you and jorge. during this search one of the men, circuso, met some of the spanish troops, and fought desperately to escape them, but was shot and killed." "poor chap!" i could not help but murmur. "did he leave a family?" "no; he was a bachelor, without kith or kin." "i think he might have escaped," put in alano, "but he was so fierce against the soldiers from spain. he said they had no right to come over here and fight us, and he was in for killing every one of them." "while the hunt for you and jorge was going on," continued alano's father, "the rebel leader, captain conovas, arrived and said he had instructions to attack cubineta and make an attempt to release the prisoners at the fort. i decided to join him in the attack, at the same time thinking you might be a prisoner with your father. "we operated from the south and from across the river, and soon took possession of the fort, only to be repulsed with a heavy loss. then our party withdrew to this quarter, and here we are." "and what of my father?" i asked anxiously. "he was not at the fort, nor have i been able to hear anything of him." "the cuban forces captured several prisoners, and they are being held in a valley just below here. i was on the point of journeying hither to interview them on that point when alano discovered you coming through the plantain grove," answered captain guerez. "then let us go and question them now," i cried. the captain was willing, and off we hurried on horseback, burnham and myself being provided with steeds which had belonged to the spanish prisoners. riding was much more comfortable than walking, and the road being fairly level the distance to the valley mentioned was soon covered. here it was found that four of the spaniards had died of their wounds, but there were six others, and these captain guerez proceeded to examine carefully, taking each aside for that purpose. "your father is _en route_ for santiago," he said, when the examination was over. "when he arrives there he is to be tried by court-martial for plotting against the life of a certain spanish leader, general gonza. if we wish to save him we must start after him without an instant's delay." chapter xxx. once more among the hills. fortunately the road leading to the northern shore of santiago bay was well known to captain guerez, who at one time had been a commissioner of highways in that district. "i do not know how we will fare on this trip," he remarked, as we rode off only four strong--the captain, alano, burnham, and myself. "at one spot we will have to pass the railroad, and i understand that is now under strict spanish surveillance." "we'll have to take matters as they come," i returned. "we must save my father at any cost--at least, i shall attempt to do so." "i am with you, mark," said the captain earnestly. "next to my family, there is no one to whom i am more attached." "and i go in for helping any american," put in burnham. alano simply smiled at me. but that smile was enough. i felt that my cuban chum could be depended upon to stick to me through thick and thin. nightfall found us in the midst of a long range of hills, covered with a heavy growth of oaks, cedars, and mahogany. the vines which i mentioned before were here as thick as ever, and in the darkness gilbert burnham suddenly gave a yell and slid from the back of his horse to the ground. "what's the matter?" we cried in chorus. "matter!" he growled. "nothing, only a vine caught me under the chin, and i thought i was about to be hung." we laughed at this, but my humor was soon short, as another vine slipped over my forehead, taking my panama hat with it. after this we were more careful, fearful that some of us might be seriously injured, and a little later we went into camp in the midst of a tiny clearing. we were just finishing our supper when a most doleful howl arose on the air, coming from the rear and to the right of us. i leaped up and drew my pistol, expecting to be attacked by some wild animal. "here's excitement!" ejaculated the newspaper correspondent. "what can it be--a bear?" he had hardly finished when a perfect chorus of howls arose, coming closer. i gazed in alarm at captain guerez and alano. my chum laughed outright. "don't get scared, mark; they are only wild dogs." "wild dogs!" put in burnham. "well that is the worst yet! and they are not dangerous?" "if you met a large number of them alone they might be," replied captain guerez. "but they won't think of attacking such a party as ours. they'll hang around until we leave and then search the camp for stray food." in spite of this explanation, however, burnham insisted that a guard be kept during the night, and we each took two hours at the task. before the sun had struck us from over the treetops, we had breakfast and were off. sure enough, the wild dogs rushed in the moment we had left the opening. they were a lean and ugly-looking set of curs. "it's a terrible thing when these wild dogs and a bloodhound on the trail meet," observed captain guerez. "of course one wild dog cannot do much, but the whole pack will fall on the bloodhound, and in the end the larger dog will be killed and literally torn to shreds." a storm was approaching, but this did not discourage us, although burnham growled as usual. in fact, we soon found that he was a chronic fault-finder, but then he seldom meant half that he said, and, taken all in all, he was good company. "if the storm grows heavy it will give us a good chance to cross the railroad tracks," remarked the captain. "the sentries will relax their vigilance and more than likely seek shelter under the trees." "won't we strike some settlement before that?" i asked. "oh, yes; we are on the outskirts of los hanios now." five minutes later we rode into a small village occupied principally by half a hundred cattlemen, for we were now coming to the meadows and valleys in which immense herds of cows and sheep are pastured. the people of los hanios took but little interest in the revolution, and as a consequence had been but little molested either by the spaniards or cubans, although a portion of their cattle had been confiscated. from one of the head cattlemen captain guerez learned that a body of spaniards had passed through the village the afternoon before bound for santiago. they had several prisoners, who were tied hands and feet, and fast to the mules which carried them. at least one of the prisoners had been _un americano_. at los hanios we procured dinner, a splendid meal--the best i had eaten since leaving the steamer, for it consisted of prime roast beef done to a turn, potatoes and beans and coffee. burnham attended to the cooking, saying he had cooked many a meal for himself during his bohemian life at the "hub," and consequently all the dishes were turned out in true american style, garlic and such stuff being for once tabooed. yet i hurried matters, wishing to catch up with my father as soon as possible. i wondered if he knew i was after him, and how he was faring. i felt certain that to be bound to the back of a mule over these rough trails could be anything but a pleasant sensation. while we were still in sight of los hanios it began to rain, and we had not made over a mile when the downpour became very heavy. burnham wished to take shelter under some trees, but i would not hear of it, and alano and his father backed me up in my idea. "we can rest a-plenty when mr. carter is once more safe," said the captain, and that ended the discussion. on and on we went, until, looking ahead, we espied a turn in the road. beyond this was a bank six or eight feet in height, and this was where the railroad tracks were located. "we had best dismount and go ahead on foot," said the captain. "a sentry could easily see our animals if he had his eyes about him." "if he wasn't asleep," put in burnham. "i fancy these spaniards and cubans do a lot of sleeping whenever they get the chance." "not in war-times," said alano, who did not fancy this slur upon his countrymen. "of course we are not so nervous and impatient as some of the americans," he added pointedly, and burnham took the hint and said no more on the subject. a fierce rattle of thunder stopped all talking soon after. the lightning became almost incessant, and glared and flared along the railroad tracks as far as eye could see. we came together close to a clump of berry bushes. "wait a moment," whispered captain guerez. "i think i saw a sentry not over fifty feet away!" at this announcement all of us crouched down, and each looked to his weapons, feeling that a crisis might be at hand. alano's father moved like a shadow up to the railroad bank. "i was right," he announced, after a particularly bright flash of lightning; "i saw his gun-barrel plainly." "can we pass him?" asked alano. "we can try, but----" "if he sees us why can't we make him a prisoner?" i broke in. "if we did that, we would have a chance to bring our horses up the bank and over the tracks." "i was thinking as much," said the captain. "the horses must be gotten over; that is necessary." he deliberated for a minute, and then motioned us forward, warning us at the same time to keep perfectly silent. on we went, to where something of a trail led up over the railroad embankment. there were a few bushes growing in the vicinity, and we skulked beside these, almost crawling along the ground. several minutes passed, and the top of the embankment was reached and we stood on the glistening tracks. down we plunged on the opposite side, and not over a dozen paces from where the spanish sentry was standing. "_halte!_" came the unexpected cry, and the man rushed forward, pointing his gun as he ran. but for once fate was in our favor. a trailing vine tripped him up and he went headlong. before the spanish soldier could collect his senses, or make a movement to rise, captain guerez and myself were on him. the captain sat down astride of the fellow's back, while i secured his gun and clapped my hand over his mouth, to keep him from calling for assistance. a second later alano and the newspaper man came up, and the spaniard was our prisoner. "now bring the horses over, as quickly as possible!" said the captain to his son and burnham. "mark and i will guard this fellow." at once alano and burnham departed. the prisoner struggled wildly to escape, but we held him fast, and presently captain guerez pulled out his sword and pointed it at the fellow's throat. "not a sound, on your life!" he commanded in spanish, and the prisoner became mute instantly. the sharpness of the lightning and the deafening thunder had frightened our animals a good deal, and alano and the newspaper man had all they could do to bring them up the embankment, which in one spot was quite steep. just as the railroad tracks were reached one of the horses broke away, and with a loud snort ran down the road, his hoofs clattering loudly on the ties and the iron rails. alano endeavored to catch him, with the result that another broke loose and went up the road in the same fashion. "_halte!_" came from half a dozen different directions, and as if by magic as many spanish sentries showed themselves along the embankment. a flash of lightning revealed alano and burnham, and crack! crack! crack! went three carbines almost simultaneously. the alarm was taken up on several sides, and soon we found the best part of a company of spanish soldiery swooping down upon us. chapter xxxi. the battle at the railroad embankment. "we are lost!" cried my cuban chum, as he came stumbling down to where his father and i stood, with our prisoner between us. "we're in for it, that's a fact!" ejaculated gilbert burnham, as he came after alano, bringing the remaining two horses. "come on, can't we ride two on a horse and escape them?" captain guerez shook his head. there was no time left to answer, for some of the soldiers were already less than a score of yards away. the captain waved his hand and ran off, followed by all of us, and leaving our late prisoner standing with mouth wide open in amazement. to try to go back whence we had come, and thus expose ourselves on the top of the railroad embankment, would have been foolhardy. instead, the captain led the way directly into a grove of sapodilla trees some distance up the track. our spanish pursuers called upon us to halt, not once, but many times; and when we did not heed their repeated commands, they opened fire in a manner which made us feel far from comfortable, for a bullet grazed the captain's hand, and another whizzed so closely to my ear that i nearly fell from ducking. there may be those who can stand up coolly under fire; but i must confess i am not one of them, and i am willing to give a flying bullet all the room it wishes in which to spend itself. hardly had we reached the grove of sapodillas than captain guerez swung around and began to use his own pistol in a most effective way, wounding two of the soldiers in advance of the main body of the spaniards. seeing this, the rest of us took courage and also opened fire, although i must confess i aimed rather low, having no desire to kill anyone. the cracks from our four pistols brought consternation to our pursuers, and they halted and fell back a dozen paces. "come on," whispered captain guerez. "our only hope is to lose ourselves in the woods. the enemy outnumbers us five to one." away he went again, with all of us close upon his heels. another volley from the spaniards rang out, but did no damage, as the trees and brush now hid us from view. we had passed along a distance of a hundred feet when we heard a crashing in the brush coming from a direction opposite to that being taken by ourselves. fearing another company of spanish infantry was coming up, captain guerez called us to his side. "here is a narrow ravine, leading under the railroad tracks," he said hurriedly. "let us go down into that and work our way to the other side of the embankment." no opposition was made, and into the ravine we fairly tumbled, just as the soldiers came up once more. bushes and stones hid us from view, and we went on only when the thunder rolled, that no sounds of our progress might reach our enemies' ears. ten minutes later found us close to the railroad embankment. but here we came to a halt in dismay. the ravine had been filled up by the recent rains, so that crawling under the tracks was out of the question. "now what is to be done?" asked alano in a low voice. "we can't stay here, that's certain." "some of the soldiers are coming up the ravine after us!" exclaimed burnham a moment later. "hark!" we listened, and found that he was right. at least half a dozen of the spaniards were advancing in a cautious manner, their guns ready for immediate use. "let us climb this tree," said captain guerez, pointing to a tall monarch of the forest, whose spreading branches reached nearly to the opposite side of the embankment. "be quick, all of you!" he leaped for the tree, and burnham followed. i gave alano a boost up, and he gave me a hand; and inside of forty seconds all of us were safe for the time being. as we rested on the upper branches of the tree we heard the far-away whistle of a locomotive. "a train is coming!" said alano. "if we could only board it!" i put in eagerly. "it would carry us part of the way to guantanamo, wouldn't it?" "it would--going in that direction," said captain guerez, with a wave of his hand. "but the train may be filled with spanish soldiers, and what then?" the locomotive kept coming closer, and presently we heard the rattle of the cars as they bumped over the rails, which were far from being well ballasted. the captain was peering out from behind the tree branches, and he gave a deep breath as a flash of lightning lit up the scene. "it is a freight train!" he exclaimed softly. "come down to the branch below, all of you!" we understood him, and one after another we dropped to the branch mentioned. it was directly over the track upon which the freight was pounding along, and we calculated that the distance to the top of the tallest cars would not be over six or eight feet. "we can't jump with that train running at twenty or thirty miles an hour," i said, with a shudder. "we'll slip and be ground to death under the car wheels." "mark is right--a jump is out of the question," added gilbert burnham. "i'd rather risk staying here." "the train may have supplies for the soldiers about here and stop," whispered captain guerez. "watch your chances." on and on came the train, and in a few seconds more we realized that those in charge had no intention of stopping in that vicinity. yet as the headlight came closer we lowered ourselves in readiness to make a leap. suddenly there was a shrill whistle, and down went some of the brakes on the long train. i glanced in the opposite direction from whence the freight had come and saw on the tracks one of our runaway horses, which stood staring in alarm at the glaring headlight. evidently the engineer had been startled by the sudden appearance of the animal, and, not realizing exactly what it was, had, on the impulse of the moment, reversed the locomotive's lever and whistled for brakes. the train could not be stopped in time to save the beast, which was struck and sent rolling over and over down the embankment. then the train went on still further, the locomotive finally coming to a halt about fifty yards beyond the tree upon which all of us were perched. as it slowed up the top of one of the tall freight cars rolled directly beneath us. giving the word to follow, captain guerez let himself drop on the "running board," as it is termed by train hands--that is, the board running along the center of the top of a freight car from end to end. all of us came after him, the quartette landing in a row less than two yards apart. as soon as each had struck in safety he lay down flat, that those below the embankment, as well as those on the train, might not have such an easy chance to discover us. scarcely had the train halted than some of the spanish soldiers came running up to ascertain why it had stopped. but their shouting evidently frightened the train hands, who possibly thought a band of rebels was at hand and that the horse on the track had been a ruse to stop them. the engineer whistled to release brakes, and put on a full head of steam, and on went the train, while the spaniards yelled in dismay and flourished their weapons. "by jove! that was a move worth making!" remarked gilbert burnham, after the long train had covered at least an eighth of a mile. "we are clear of those chaps now." "where will this train take us?" asked alano of his father. "the next village is comaro, but i do not know if the train will stop," was the reply. "two miles further on is los harmona, but we must not go there, for i understand there is a strong spanish garrison stationed in the village. let us get down between the cars and watch our chance to spring off. if we remain here some of the brakemen may come along and give the alarm." the lightning and thunder were decreasing in violence, and the rain had settled into a thin but steady downpour. the captain was nearest to the front end of the freight car, and led the way down the narrow ladder to the platform below. once on this, and on the platform of the car ahead, we divided into pairs on either side and awaited a favorable opportunity to leave the train. comaro was reached and passed in the darkness, and the long freight began to pull out for los harmona at a steady rate of twenty-five miles or more an hour. no chance had been given us to jump off without great danger, and now it began to look as if we would be carried right into the fortified town, or further. "some distance below here is, unless i am greatly mistaken, a wide patch of meadow," said captain guerez. "i do not believe a leap into the water and mud would hurt any of us very much, and, under the circumstances, i am in favor of taking the risk, in preference to being carried into los harmona." "if you go i will follow," i said, and alano said the same. "well, i don't intend to be left alone," smiled burnham grimly. "but what will we do after we strike the meadow?" "the meadow is not very broad," answered the captain, "and beyond is a highway leading almost directly into guantanamo. we will take to this highway and trust to luck to get on as originally intended. of course the loss of our horses is a heavy one, but this cannot be helped. if we---- ha!" captain guerez stopped short, and not without good reason. from the interior of the freight car had come the unmistakable sounds of human voices. we heard first two men talking, then a dozen or more. the conversation was in spanish, and i did not understand it. but alano and his father did, and my cuban chum turned to burnham and me in high excitement. "what do you think!" he whispered. "this car is filled with spanish soldiers bound for guantanamo! they heard us talking, and they are going to investigate and find out where we are and who we are!" chapter xxxii. a leap in the dark. my readers can readily believe that all of us were much alarmed at the prospect ahead. we had not dreamed that the freight car contained soldiers, although all of us had heard that the spanish government was transporting troops by this means wherever the railroads ran. alano had scarcely explained the situation, when captain guerez motioned us to withdraw from the side edges of the platforms, so that the soldiers looking out of the broad side doors of the car could not catch sight of us. "we must jump as soon as the meadow appears," whispered the captain. "be prepared, all of you." he had scarcely finished when we heard a clatter of feet, and knew that one or more of the spaniards had crawled from a side door to the top of the car. then followed cautious footsteps in the direction of the rear platform. finding no one there, the spanish soldiers came forward. "ha!" cried one, as he espied captain guerez. "who are you?" "friends," was the reply, of course in spanish. "friends? and why ride out here, then?" "we have no money, _capitan_. we are dirt-poor." "and where do you intend to go?" "los harmona--if the train will ever reach there." "what will you do there?" "we may join the spanish soldiery, _capitan_--if you will take us." "ha!" the spanish officer tugged at his heavy mustache. he was only a sergeant, but it pleased him to be called captain. "why did you not come into the car instead of sneaking around outside? if you want to become soldiers we will take you along fast enough. but you must not play us false. come up here." "i am afraid--i may fall off," answered alano's father, in a trembling voice. all the while the conversation had been carried on he had been peering sharply ahead for the meadow and the water to appear. we now shot out of the woods, and on either side could be seen long stretches of swamp. he turned to us and spoke in english. "all ready to jump?" "yes," we answered in concert. "then jump--all together!" and away we went, leaving the rude steps of the freight cars with an impetus that took each several yards from the tracks. i made a straight leap and landed on my feet, but as quickly rolled over on my shoulder in the wet grass. burnham came close to me, but took a header, which filled his nose and one ear with black mud. alano and his father were on the opposite side of the track. a pistol shot rang out, followed by half a dozen more, but the bullets did not reach any of us. in a moment the long train had rolled out of sight. we watched its rear light for fully an eighth of a mile, when it disappeared around a bend behind a bit of upland. "hullo, mark, how are you?" it was the voice of alano, who came up on the tracks directly the freight had passed. he was not hurt in the least. captain guerez had scratched one arm on a bit of low brush, but outside of this the entire party was uninjured. "come now, follow me; there is no time to be lost," said the captain. "those soldiers may take it into their heads to have the train run back in search of us." "yes, that's true," said burnham. "which way now?" "we'll walk back on the tracks until we reach dry ground." the plunge into the wet meadow had completed the work of the rain in soaking us to the skin, but as the night was warm we did not mind this. keeping our eyes on the alert for more spanish sentries, we hurried along the railroad embankment for a distance of several hundred yards. then we left the tracks and took a trail leading southward. our various adventures for the past few hours had completely exhausted burnham, while the others of the party were greatly fatigued. the newspaper man was in favor of stopping under a clump of palm trees and resting, but captain guerez demurred. "we'll reach a hut or a house ere long," he said. "and there the accommodations will be much better." "well, we can't reach a resting-place too soon," grumbled burnham. "i can scarcely drag one foot after the other, and it's so close my clothing is fairly steaming." "you are no worse off than any of us," i made answer, as cheerfully as i could. the highway was a stony one, and the rains had washed away what little dirt there was, making walking difficult. however, we had not very far to go. a turn brought us in sight of a long, low house built of logs and thatched with palm; and captain guerez called a halt. "i'll go forward and investigate," he said. "in the meantime be on guard against anybody following us from the railroad." he was gone less than quarter of an hour, and on returning said it was all right. a very old man named murillo was in sole charge of the house, and he was a strong cuban sympathizer. the place reached, we lost no time in divesting ourselves of a portion of our clothing and making ourselves comfortable in some grass hammocks spread between the house posts. "we ought to start early in the morning," i said, my thoughts still on my father. "we will start at four o'clock," announced captain guerez. "so make the most of your rest." the captain had intended to divide up the night into watches, but murillo came forward and volunteered to stand guard. "you go to sleep," he said in spanish. "i sleep when you are gone. i know how to watch." feeling the old man could be trusted, we all retired. in a few minutes burnham was snoring, and shortly after the others also dropped asleep. it lacked yet a few minutes of four o'clock in the morning when murillo came stealing into the house and shook everyone by the shoulder. "spanish soldiers down by the railroad," he explained hurriedly. "they intend to come up this road." "then let us be off!" cried captain guerez. all of us were already arranging our toilets. in a few seconds we were ready to leave, and murillo was paid for the trouble he had taken in our behalf. "have they horses?" asked captain guerez; and murillo nodded. "then come, all of you!" cried alano's father. he started out of the door, and we came after him. hardly, however, had he taken a dozen steps than he pushed each of us behind a clump of bushes. "soldiers!" he muttered. "they are coming from the opposite direction!" "we are caught in a trap!" exclaimed alano. "we cannot go back, and we cannot go forward." "here is a how d'ye do!" put in burnham. "i'm sure i don't want to take to those beastly swamps." murillo had followed us to the doorway. his face took on a troubled look, for he wanted us to get away in safety. "more soldiers coming the other way!" he cried. "what will you do? ah, i have it! come into the house at once?" "but what will you do?" queried captain guerez impatiently. "i'll show you. come, and you shall be safe." the old man spoke so confidently that we followed him inside at once. pushing aside a rude table which stood over a rush matting, he caught hold of a portion of the flooring. a strong pull, and up came a trapdoor, revealing a hole of inky darkness beneath. "into that, all of you!" he cried; and down we went, to find ourselves in a rude cellar about ten feet square and six feet deep. as soon as the last of us was down, murillo replaced the trapdoor, matting, and table, and we heard him throw off some of his clothing and leap into one of the hammocks. we had been left in total darkness, and now stood perfectly still and listened intently. not more than three minutes passed, when we heard the tramping of horses' hoofs on the rocky road. the house reached, the animals came to a halt, and several soldiers dismounted. a rough voice yelled out in spanish: "hullo, in there! who lives here?" "i do," replied murillo, with a start and a yawn, as though he had just awakened from a long sleep. "have you seen anything of four strangers around here?" "no, _capitan_." there was a pause, and the leader of the soldiers came tramping inside. "you are sure you are telling me the truth?" "yes, _capitan_." "it is strange." the newcomer was about to go on, when a shout from outside attracted his attention. the soldiers from the opposite direction had come up. a short conference was held, of which, however, we heard nothing distinctly. then some of the soldiers came inside, and we heard their heavy boots moving directly over our heads. "you say you saw nobody?" was again asked of murillo. "no, _capitan_, not a soul. but then i have been asleep since evening. i am an old man, and i need a great deal of rest." "you are lazy, no doubt," came with a rough laugh. "andros, what do you think?" "what should i think? there seems to be no one around. we might make a search." "yes, we'll do that. it can do no harm. tell the other men to scour the woods and brush." the order was given; and a moment later those who had first come in began to search the house. chapter xxxiii. captain guerez makes a discovery. we listened in much consternation while the soldiers overhead moved from one portion of the dwelling to another. would they discover us? "be prepared for anything!" whispered captain guerez, and they were the only words spoken. there was no second story to the house, so the search through the rooms took but a few minutes, and the soldiers came to a halt around the table. "i suppose you are a rebel," said the officer abruptly to murillo. "i am an old man, _capitan_; i wish to end my days in peace." "i know your kind." the officer paused. "well, comrades, we may as well be on our way." these words caused me to utter a deep sigh of relief. they had not discovered us, and now they were going away. but the next words sent a chill down my backbone. "can there be a cellar under the house?" questioned one of the others. "there is no cellar," said murillo simply. "there is a little hole, half full of water. you can look down if you wish." "we will." what could it mean? we held our breath as the old man led the way to the apartment used as a kitchen. we heard him raise another trapdoor, some distance behind us. "humph! a man would be a fool to get in there!" we heard the officer remark, and then the trap was dropped again into place. "we will go." the soldiers passed through the kitchen and toward the front door. one of them must have taken a last look around, for suddenly he uttered a cry. "ha! what is this? a collar and a tie! do you wear these?" "confound it, my collar and tie," murmured burnham. "i knew i forgot something." "they belong to my nephew," said murillo calmly. "your nephew? where is he?" "he is now at baiquiri at work on one of the shipping wharves." "he must dress well?" remarked the officer dryly. "alfredo earns much money. he was educated at the college." the officer tapped the floor with his heavy boot. "you tell a good story," he said. "beware lest we find you have been lying. come!" the last word to his companions. the soldiers went outside, and we heard a call to the men sent out into the woods and brush. a few minutes later there followed the sounds of horses' hoofs receding in the distance. "now we can get out of this hole, thank goodness!" burst out burnham. "wait--murillo will inform us when the coast is clear," said captain guerez. fully five minutes passed before the old man raised the trap. his face wore a satisfied smile. "we fooled them nicely, did we not, _capitan_?" he said. "you did well, murillo," said alano's father. "here is a gold piece for your trouble." but the old man drew back, and would not accept the coin. "i did it not alone for you," he said. "_cuba libre!_" we all thanked him heartily, and then alano's father asked him in what directions the two bodies of soldiers had gone. that from the railroad had taken the highway to canistero. "we will have to take another road, not quite so short," said captain guerez. "it is unfortunate, mark, but it cannot be helped. forward!" much refreshed by our night's rest, we struck out rapidly, and by noon calculated that we had covered eight miles, a goodly distance in that hilly district. a little before noon we came out on a clearing overlooking a long stretch of valley and swamp lands. "just below here is the village of san luardo," said the captain. "it is there we ought to find out something concerning your father. it may be possible he is quartered somewhere in the village, that is, if the journey to santiago has been delayed." "is the village under guard?" i questioned anxiously, my heart giving a bound when i thought how close to my parent i might be. "yes, every village in this district is under spanish rule." "then how can we get in?" "i have been trying to form a plan," was the slow answer. "let us get a little closer, and i will see what can be done." we descended from the clearing, and just before noon reached the outskirts of the village. the captain had been right; two companies of freshly imported soldiers were in control of san luardo. as we surveyed the situation from a bit of woodland, we heard the heavy creaking of an ox-cart on the stony road. looking down we saw the turnout coming slowly along, loaded with hay and straw, probably for the horses of the spanish soldiers. "i will go into town in that!" cried captain guerez. "stop that fellow!" and he indicated the driver. a rush was made, and the ox-cart came to a sudden halt. when the dirty fellow who drove it saw us he turned pale, but a few words from alano's father soon reassured him, and he readily consented to allow the captain to hide himself under the hay and straw and thus pass the guards. the driver was working for the spaniards, but his heart was with the insurgents. stripping himself of his coat and everything else which gave him a military appearance, captain guerez rubbed a little dirt on his face, neck, and hands, leaped into the ox-cart, and dove beneath the straw. if discovered, he intended to explain that he was out of work and was willing to do anything the spaniards desired. once more the cart creaked on its way toward the village, and we were left alone. withdrawing to a safe and cool shelter, we sat down to rest and to await the captain's return. "i wish i could have gone along," i said to my chum. "father can do the work better alone," replied alano, who had great faith in his parent's ability. "perhaps so. he wouldn't want me anyway--after the mess i made of it when i discovered mr. burnham." "mess!" cried the newspaper man. "why, it was through you that i escaped, my boy. you're all right. but i fancy captain guerez knows just exactly what he wishes to do, and probably one person can do it better than two." "the fact that you are an american would make everyone regard you with suspicion," added alano. two hours went by, which to me seemed a day, and then came a peculiar whistle from the road. at once alano leaped to his feet. "my father is back!" he announced, and we ran forth to meet the captain. at first we hardly knew him, for he had taken some grease and some burnt cork and transformed himself into a negro. he was out of breath, and one of his hands was much scratched. "i had a narrow escape," he panted. "come with me! there is not a moment to lose!" although almost out of breath, he ran off, and we went with him through the woods and up the side of a small hill, which course took us around san luardo. not until the town was left well behind did the captain stop and throw himself on a patch of deep grass. he was too exhausted to speak, yet he saw my anxiety and smiled. "don't worry, mark; so far your father is safe," were his brief words. "that's good!" i cried, with a weight lifted from my heart, for during the wait i had conjured up any number of dreadful thoughts concerning my parent. "yes, so far he is safe. they have him a prisoner at san luardo, but they intend to remove him to santiago before nightfall." "before nightfall!" my heart seemed to stop beating. "how will they do it? can't we stop them and rescue him?" "we must rescue him," was the reply. "that is why i hurried back. if they get him to santiago he will be--that is, mark, i am afraid you will never see him alive again." i understood captain guerez only too well. my father was doomed to die the death of a spy, and he would be shot very shortly after his removal to the seaport town. chapter xxxiv. the dogs of cuban warfare. in a few minutes alano's father recovered sufficiently to tell his story. he had entered the village in safety, and soon put himself into communication with several citizens who were cuban sympathizers. from one of these he had learned that my father was being kept a prisoner in what had formerly been a cattle-house, but which was now doing duty as a spanish prison. no one was allowed to talk to the prisoners, but by bribing the man who owned the building the captain had succeeded in getting word to my father that he was around and that i was with him, and that both of us intended to do all in our power to effect his release. this word having been passed to my parent, captain guerez has set about perfecting a plan whereby my father might be supplied with tools for freeing himself, and also a pistol. but in this work he had been discovered, and a struggle and flight followed. luckily, the spaniards had not discovered whom he was working for in particular, there being a dozen prisoners in the same building, so it was not likely my parent would suffer in consequence. "we must watch the road to santiago," said captain guerez, when he had finished, washed himself, and had a refreshing drink of water. "it is our one chance." "if only we had horses!" put in alano. "we must find animals, my son." the captain spoke decidedly. "necessity knows no law," and it was easy to see he intended to obtain the horses--if not in one way, then in another. of course i did not blame him. to me it seemed a matter of life and death. as rapidly as we could, we made our way around the hills to the santiago road. we had just reached it when burnham, who was slightly in advance, halted us and announced a camp off to our left. captain guerez surveyed the situation and smiled. "cattle dealers," he said. "they have brought in horses to sell to the spanish authorities. i'll make a deal with them." he went off, with alano at his side. instead of following, burnham and i concealed ourselves in the bushes, to watch who might pass on the highway to the seaport town. there was no telling when those who had my father in custody would be along. it was a long while before the captain and my chum came back, but when they did each rode a strong horse and led another behind. burnham and i were soon in the saddle; and then all of us felt safer, for being in the saddle would place us in a position equally as good as that occupied by any of our enemies. "look well to your pistols," said the captain. "it may be that a sharp and wild dash will be the only way in which mark's father can be rescued." "i hope the guard having him in charge is not too large," i answered, as i did as he suggested. "we'll all hope that, mark." with pistols ready for use, we ranged up behind a heavy clump of trees and awaited the coming of the guard from san luardo. i was on pins and needles, as the saying goes, and started up at the slightest sound. for this burnham poked fun at me; yet he himself was on the alert, as i could see by the way he compressed his lips and worked at the ends of his mustache. "hark!" said captain guerez presently, and we all sat like statues and listened. from down the road came the tramp of a dozen or more horses and mules. the guard with the prisoners was advancing. the decisive moment was at hand. i swallowed a strange lump in my throat and grasped my pistol tighter. for my father's sake i would fight to the bitter end. from out of a cloud of dust rode a vidette, heavily armed and with his eyes and ears on the alert for anything which might sound or look suspicious. as he came nearer we drew back behind the trees, and captain guerez motioned us to absolute silence. the vidette passed, and then the main body of the guard came on. there were three soldiers in front and three behind, and between rode two prisoners on mules, both whites and evidently americans. i strained my eyes to their utmost, and soon distinguished my father's familiar face and form. my father! the sight thrilled me to the soul, and i had all i could do to restrain myself from riding forth to meet him. an exclamation came to my lips, but the hand of my chum checked it, while a look from him told plainer than words that he realized how i felt. "attention!" whispered captain guerez. "are you all prepared to fight? i think these guards are raw recruits, and if so a few volleys will cause them to take to their heels." "i am ready," i said grimly. "and i," added alano. "you can count on me," put in burnham. "very well. i will take the first fellow to the left. alano, you take the second; mark, you the third; and you, burnham, take any one in the rear you choose." "i'll take the middle guard," muttered the newspaper man. "i know you can all fire well, so aim for the sword arm," went on the captain. "there is no necessity for killing the fellows, unless it comes to close quarters. ready? take aim--fire!" the words "take aim!" had been spoken aloud, causing several of the guards to draw rein in alarm. at the command to fire, our pistols blazed away simultaneously, and our several aims were so good that four of the guards were hit, three in the arms and one in the side. "forward, and fire again!" shouted the gallant captain, and out of the clearing we dashed, discharging our weapons a second time. the detachment of spanish soldiers was taken completely by surprise. the lieutenant in command had been wounded, and when he saw us coming from the woods he imagined we must outnumber his men, for he gave a hasty order to retreat, and led the way. for a third time we fired, and scarcely had the echo died among the hills than every one of the soldiers was going back the way he had come, as rapidly as his horse would carry him, the vidette, who had turned also, going with them. "mark!" cried my father, when he saw me. "is it possible!" "father!" was all i could say. with my knife i cut the rawhide thongs which bound him to the mule's back, and in a second more we were in each other's arms. the other prisoner was also released, and both were speedily provided with weapons. "we must not lose time here--follow me!" shouted captain guerez. "you can talk all you please later on," he added to me and my happy parent. all of us followed him back into the woods, and along a trail which he declared must bring us to another seaport town, eight miles to the east of santiago bay. we put spurs to our steeds, and long before nightfall half a dozen miles of the uneven way had been covered. as fast as we were able to do so, my father and i rode side by side, and never had i felt happier than then, while he was equally pleased. as we journeyed along i told my story from beginning to end, and then he told his own--how he had been captured and taken for a spy, how cruelly he had been treated, and all. just before he had received captain guerez' message he had given up all hope, and even while on the road he had been fearful that the plan to rescue him would miscarry. "what do you think we had best do?" i asked, after our stories were told. "i wish to get out of the country as soon as possible, mark. i cannot stand the climate. half a dozen times i have felt as if i was going to be taken down with the fever. that injured leg took away a good bit of my strength." "can we take passage from the town to which we are bound?" "we can try," answered my father. another half-mile was covered, and we were beginning to consider that we had made good our retreat from the spot where the encounter with the spanish soldiers had occurred, when suddenly a deep baying broke out at our rear, causing alano and the captain to give a simultaneous cry of alarm. "what is it?" asked burnham. "what is it!" was the answer from the captain. "can't you hear? the heartless wretches have set several bloodhounds on our trail!" "bloodhounds!" we echoed. "yes, bloodhounds!" ejaculated alano. "hark! there must be three, if not four, of the beasts!" "will they attack us--on horseback?" "certainly--they'll fly right at a fellow's throat." "but how can they track us--we have not been on foot." "they are tracking the mules señor carter and señor raymond ride," put in captain guerez. "hark! they are coming nearer! in a few minutes more they will be upon us! out with your pistols and fight the beasts as best you can. it is our only hope!" chapter xxxv. the last of the bloodhounds. the announcement that the bloodhounds would soon be upon us filled me with dread. i had had one experience with this class of beasts, and i did not wish to have another. i looked around at our party and saw that the others, even to the captain, were as agitated as myself. a cuban dreads an unknown bloodhound worse than a native african does a lion or an american pioneer does a savage grizzly bear. "have your pistols ready!" went on the captain, when an idea came into my head like a flash, and i turned to him. "if they are following the mules, why not turn the mules into a side trail?" i said. "my father can ride with me, and mr. raymond can double with somebody else." "a good idea!" cried captain guerez. "quick, let us try it." in a twinkle my father had leaped up behind me, and alano motioned mr. raymond to join him. a small side trail was close at hand, and along this we sent the mules at top speed, cutting them deeply with our whips to urge them along. "now to put distance between them and ourselves!" cried my father, and once more we went on. as we advanced we listened to the bloodhounds. in a few minutes more we heard them turn off in the direction the mules had taken, and their bayings gradually died away in the distance. then we slackened our speed a bit, and all breathed a long sigh of relief. "that was a brilliant idea, my boy!" said mr. raymond warmly. "mr. carter, you have a son to be proud of." "i am proud of him," said my father, and he gave my arm a tight squeeze. from that moment on, mr. raymond, who was a business man from the west, became my warm friend. it must not be supposed that we pursued our journey recklessly. far from it. the captain rode in advance continually, and on several occasions called a halt while he went forward to investigate. but nothing offered itself to block our progress, and late that night, saddle-weary and hungry, we came in sight of the seaport town for which we were bound. "i believe the bark _rosemary_ is in port here," said mr. raymond. "and if that is so, we ought to be able to get on board, for i know the captain well." "then that will save us a good deal of trouble," replied my father. "but of course we can't go aboard openly--the spanish authorities wouldn't allow that." how to get into the town unobserved was a question. finally alano's father said he would ride in as a horse dealer, taking all of our animals with him. to disguise himself he dirtied his face once more, and put on my hat and coat, both rather small for him. then driving three of the horses before him, he went on. we went into camp under some plantains, and it was not until three o'clock in the morning that captain guerez came back. he returned with a smile on his face, for he had sold two of the worst of the steeds at a good price and had in addition found the _rosemary_ and interviewed her captain. "the captain said he couldn't do anything for you to-night," he explained. "but to-morrow, if it is dark, he will send a rowboat up the shore to a rock he pointed out to me with his glass. you are to be at the rock at one o'clock sharp--if it's dark. if it is not, you are to wait until the next night. he says to try to come on board from the quay will only bring you to grief." "good for captain brownley!" cried mr. raymond. "i felt sure he would not go back on me. once on board, mr. carter, and the three of us will be safe." "there is, therefore, nothing to do but to wait," went on captain guerez. "i shall see you safe off, and then return to father anuncio's convent with alano and join the rest of my family once more." as soon as it was light we rode and tramped through the woods and the swamps to the seacoast, where it did not take long to locate the rock the captain of the _rosemary_ had pointed out to captain guerez. this accomplished, we retired to a near-by plantain grove, there to eat and rest, and spend a final day together. the thought of parting with my chum was a sad one, yet i felt it my duty to remain with my father. alano was also affected, and often placed his brown hand affectionately on my shoulder while we conversed. "let us both hope that this cruel and senseless warfare will soon cease, and that cuba will be free," i said. "yes, mark, and that we will soon be together again," he replied. "i hope your journey proves a safe one; and when you get back you must remember me to all of the other boys." "i'll do it; and you must remember me to your mother and your two sisters," i said. with it all, however, the day passed somewhat slowly, for we were impatient to see what the night would bring forth. the sun set clearly, and soon the heavens were bespangled with countless stars. mr. raymond shook his head. "captain brownley won't risk coming to-night," he remarked. "they could easily spot a boat from the town shore, it is so clear." but about ten o'clock it began to cloud over, and at eleven it started to rain, a gentle but steady downpour. not a star remained, and out on the water it was as dark as erebus. "a kind providence is with us!" cried my father. "we could not possibly imagine a better night." slowly the time wore on, until captain guerez' watch indicated ten minutes to one. we sat close beside the rock, paying no attention to the rain, although it was gradually soaking us to the skin. "here they come!" whispered my father, and a few seconds later a rowboat containing four sailors loomed up through the darkness. as silently as a shadow the boat glided up past the rock and into the swamp grass. "on time, i see," said mr. raymond, as he advanced. "is captain brownley here?" "no, he's watching at the ship, and will give us the signal when to come aboard," replied one of the sailors, who was in command. "come aboard, if you are ready, sir." "we are," said my father. there was a short but affectionate good-by on both sides. captain guerez wrung my hand tightly, and i gave alano a warm squeeze. then mr. raymond, burnham, father, and myself stepped into the rowboat, and the sailors pushed off with their long oars. in another instant the craft swung clear of the shore and was turned in the direction from whence we had come. i was going to cry out a last parting to my chum, when the sailor sitting nearest checked me. "be silent, my lad; if we're discovered we'll all be shot." "yes," put in my father, "don't make a sound. leave everything to these men. they have their instructions and know what they are doing." on and on over the bay of guantanamo glided the rowboat. the rain still came down, and if anything the night was blacker than ever. i wondered how the sailors could steer, until i saw one of them consulting a compass which lay in the bottom of the craft, looking it by the rays of a tiny dark-lantern. i reckoned that the best part of half an hour had gone by, when the sailors rested on their oars, while one took up a night-glass. for five minutes he waited, then put the glass down. "it's all right," he whispered. "let fall. no noise now, on your life!" forward went our craft again, and now i noticed that each oar was bound with rubber at the spot where it touched the rowlock, to keep it from scraping. thus we moved onward in absolute silence. from out of the darkness we now saw a number of lights, coming from the town and the shipping. a few minutes later we ran up to the dark hull of a large vessel. a rope ladder was thrown down to us, and a sailor whispered to us to go up. we followed directions as rapidly as we could, and once on the deck we were hurried below, while the rowboat was swung up on the davits. "ah, mr. raymond, glad to see you!" said captain brownley, a bluff new englander, as he extended his hand. "a fine night to come on board." and then he turned to us and we were introduced. the _rosemary_ was bound for philadelphia, but would not sail for three days. she was under strict spanish watch, so it was necessary for us to keep out of sight. we were locked in a stateroom, but made as comfortable as circumstances permitted. from time to time during the three days the captain came to us with various bits of news. one was to the effect that the spanish detachment which had had my father and mr. raymond in charge had reported a conflict with a cuban force fifty or sixty strong. another was that the united states had declared war upon spain and was going to bombard havana. "i wonder if it is true that we are to fight spain?" i said to burnham. "what do you think?" "we ought to fight spain," answered the newspaper man. "cuba deserves her freedom, and if she can't help herself against spanish imposition and brutality we ought to give her a friendly hand." we talked the matter over at some length; but neither of us knew the truth--that war was really declared, and that not havana, but santiago, was to be attacked by the time the year was half over. at last came the hour when the ship's anchors were hove apeak and the sails were set. we sailed at high noon, and, having a good wind, soon passed outside of guantanamo bay, which, as my readers may know, is situated but a few miles to the eastward of santiago bay. "free at last!" cried my father, as he came on deck to get the fresh air. "i must say i am not sorry to leave cuba--since the times have grown so troublesome." he had scarcely spoken when a small spanish revenue cutter hove in sight, steaming down the coast evidently from santiago bay. while captain brownley was examining the craft, there was a flash of fire, and a dull boom sounded over the water. "great scott! what does that mean?" demanded burnham, leaping up from his seat near the rail. "it's an order to heave to," answered captain brownley grimly. "we are not yet out of the woods, it would seem." "then that means for us to get out of sight again," said my father, and, as the captain nodded, the four of us ran for the companion-way, descended to the cabin, and secreted ourselves in the cabin pantry. five minutes later the spanish revenue cutter steamed alongside, and we heard the tramp of half a dozen strange pairs of feet on the deck above. chapter xxxvi. cast into a santiago dungeon. "those fellows evidently mean business," whispered mr. raymond, as an angry discussion drifted down to us. "is it possible they got wind that we are on board?" "let us hope not," shuddered my father. "hist! they are coming down into the cabin!" after this we remained as quiet as mice, hardly daring to breathe. we heard loud talking, partly in spanish and a few words in very bad english. "i know they are here," growled one spaniard. "we shall make a large hunt, _capitan_." "if you insist, i cannot help myself," answered captain brownley. "but it is a most unusual proceeding." at this the spaniard muttered something in his own language. he began to hunt in one direction, while his followers hunted in another. soon two of the men came to the pantry and forced the door. we tried to escape observation, but could not manage it, and were ordered forth at the point of several long pistols. "ha! as i suspected! all _americanos_!" muttered the spanish commander of the revenue cutter. "a fine haul! a fine haul, indeed!" then turning to his second in command he issued orders that some irons be brought on board. at the same time a dozen spanish marines from the cutter were formed in line, with loaded carbines, to cover the crew of the _rosemary_. "i place all of you under arrest," said the spanish captain. "you"--pointing to my father, burnham, mr. raymond, and myself--"as spies; and you and your men"--this to captain brownley--"as enemies of spain, assisting these spies to escape." in vain captain brownley tried to argue the matter. the spanish commander would not listen to a word. "the yankee pigs have declared war on us!" he burst out at last. "now let them take care of themselves." "then war is really declared?" came from several of us simultaneously. "yes, war has been declared. more than that, we have already whipped the yankee pigs who dared to attack our noble ships in the philippines," said the spaniard bombastically. but, as all american boys know, the spaniard was mistaken. the american squadron under commodore, afterward admiral, george dewey, was not defeated. instead, it gained a most glorious victory, some of the particulars of which will be related in a volume to follow this, of which more later. the news was staggering, and while we talked it over among ourselves, each of us was handcuffed, i being linked to mr. raymond, while my father was linked to burnham. captain brownley and his first mate were also handcuffed, and the sailors were told to obey the spanish captain's orders or run the risk of being shot down. the announcement that a naval battle had been fought in the philippines seemed to worry mr. raymond a good deal. "i wonder if oliver knows anything of this?" he half muttered. "oliver, who is he?" i asked. "oliver is my son," answered the merchant. "he took a trip to china a year ago, and from there went to manila, the principal city of the philippines. i haven't heard of him for a number of months now. he is perhaps a year older than you." "i never heard much of the philippines," i answered. "i know they are a good way off--somewhere between australia, the hawaiian islands, and china. do they belong to spain?" "yes, but she is having as much trouble to hold them as she is having to hold cuba." we were now ordered to keep silent, and compelled to march from the cabin of the _rosemary_ to the deck of the spanish vessel. here we were made to stand in a line, our weapons having previously been taken from us. the course of the sailing vessel had been eastward toward cape maysi, but now both craft were headed westward. "i'll wager we are bound for santiago," murmured burnham, who stood beside me, and he was right, for in a little over an hour the narrow entrance to santiago bay came into view, with morro castle, a famous old fortress, standing high upon the rocks to the right. the bay is several miles long, and santiago stands well in on the northeast shore. the land-locked harbor was alive with vessels, but not one of them floated the familiar stars and stripes of our own country. "there is where we made our way across the bay when first alano guerez and i escaped from santiago," i whispered. "i am afraid i'll not get another such chance now." soon one of the numerous docks in front of the city was reached, and we were marched ashore. the news of our capture had spread, and a large crowd of curiosity-seekers gathered, to jeer and pass all sorts of unpleasant remarks. the city was now under stricter spanish rule than ever before, and as we marched from the dock to the city prison not another american was to be seen. at the prison a brief examination was held. when it was learned that my father was present, i was thrust aside and told that he could speak for me. yet he was allowed to say but little. the authorities were certain that he, burnham, and mr. raymond were spies, and the four of us were sentenced to confinement in another prison several squares away--a low, dingy pile of stone, every opening of which was heavily barred and grated. within this prison came the hardest parting of all. i was separated from my father, and, when i remonstrated, received a sharp blow on my shoulder from a jailer's sword. mr. raymond and i were paired off as before, and conducted through a long stone passage-way and down a dirty flight of steps. sunshine and fresh air were left behind, and the way was lit up by a smoky kerosene lamp. we were taken to a dungeon cell several feet below the sidewalk and locked in, and then our jailer left us. i was too overcome to speak when we were left alone. mr. raymond strained his eyes and peered around at the four bare walls, the bare ceiling overhead, and the stone flooring with its water pitcher and heap of musty straw in one corner. "this is awful!" he murmured. "mark, how long do you think you can stand living in this place?" "no longer than i have to!" i cried. "i'll get out just as fast as ever i can." "if we ever do get out!" he concluded significantly. the remainder of the day passed slowly. for supper the jailer brought us some stale bread and some more water, no fresher than that already in the pitcher. that night i did not sleep a wink. i expected that another examination would be held the next day, or, at the latest, within a week; but i was doomed to disappointment. no one but the jailer came near us, and he only to bring us our bread and water and occasionally a stew of ill-flavored meat and potatoes, reeking with garlic. of this both of us tried bits of the potatoes, and sometimes mouthfuls of the meat, but it was all we could do to choke them down. "how long is this to last?" i asked mr. raymond one day, as both of us walked up and down the narrow cell like two caged animals. "god alone knows, mark," he answered. "if there is no change soon i shall go mad!" "it is inhuman!" i went on. "a christian would not treat a dog like this." "they are very bitter against us americans, mark. now the united states have declared war against them, they must realize that cuban freedom is assured." another week went on, and then we were taken up into the prison yard. here i saw my father,--thin, pale, and sick,--but i was not permitted to converse with him. we were placed in two rows with a hundred other prisoners, and inspected by general toral, the military governor of santiago and surrounding territory. after the inspection we went back to our various dungeon cells; and many weary weeks of close confinement followed. one day a curious booming reached our ears, coming from we knew not where. i heard it quite plainly, and called mr. raymond's attention to it. "it is the discharging of cannon," he said. "and it is not a salute either," he added, as the booming became more rapid and violent. it was not until long afterward that i learned the truth, that a fleet of spanish warships commanded by admiral cervera had been "bottled up" in santiago bay by our own warships under admiral sampson and commodore schley, and that the yankee gunners were now trying what they could do in the way of bombarding morro castle and the ships which lay hidden from them behind the mountains at the harbor's entrance. the booming of cannon kept up for several hours and then died away gradually, but a few days later the bombardment was continued. we now felt certain that a battle of some sort was on, and mr. raymond questioned the jailer. "the yankee pigs will be well whipped," growled the fellow, and that was all we could get out of him. again the days lengthened into weeks, and nothing of importance happened--to us. but in the outside world great events were taking place. the entrance to santiago bay was being blockaded by the vessels under sampson's command, and an army of invasion was gathering at tampa, fla., to land on the southeastern coast of cuba and attack santiago from the rear. the army of invasion, under command of general shafter, was sixteen thousand strong, and left tampa in between thirty and forty transports. a landing of the army was effected at baiquiri and other points, and here general shafter consulted with general garcia, and it was decided that about three thousand cuban troops should co-operate with the united states forces. among the cuban troops was the company commanded by alano's father; and my chum, let me add right here, was in the fight from start to finish. the spanish authorities now saw what the americans were up to, and without delay santiago was fortified from end to end. every road leading from the city was barricaded with logs and earthworks, and barriers of barbed wire were strung in various directions. thousands of spanish troops had been gathered in the vicinity, and these were hurried to san juan hill, el caney, and other points of vantage just outside of santiago proper. as the american forces advanced closer and closer to the city admiral cervera became anxious for the safety of his fleet. he knew that if santiago was captured there would be nothing left for him to do but to try to escape from the bay, and that would mean to go forth and fight the american warships stationed on the blockade beyond morro castle. one day the jailer came in evidently much depressed. we had expected the usual stew that day, but got only a chunk of dry bread. "and you are lucky to get even so much," said the spaniard, as he hurried out. "something has gone wrong," remarked mr. raymond, as he translated the fellow's words to me. "i begin to believe that santiago is suffering some sort of an attack." he had hardly spoken when the dull booming of cannon broke once more on our ears. it was a strange sound, and i threw myself down on our straw bed to listen. i was half in a doze,--dreaming of my school days at broxville,--when suddenly came an awful crash that to me sounded like the crack of doom, and the dungeon was filled with pieces of stone, dirt, and cement, and a thick smoke that all but choked us. mr. raymond was hurled flat on top of me, and for the space of several seconds neither of us could speak or move. chapter xxxvii. the fall of the spanish stronghold. "wha--what does this mean?" i managed to gasp at last. "the dungeon has been struck by a shell!" answered mr. raymond, breathing with difficulty. "there is a bombardment going on!" "but we may be killed!" "let us trust not, mark. are you hurt much?" "i have a cut in my cheek, and another in my left arm." "and i have a bad bruise in the right leg," answered my fellow prisoner. "but still----oh, mark, look! the sunshine!" mr. raymond broke off short and pointed upward. he was right. the shell which had torn up the sidewalk above us had left a hole in the dungeon ceiling nearly a foot in diameter. "can we get out?" i burst out eagerly. "perhaps--but the city is in the hands of our enemies." "i don't care," i went on recklessly. "anything is better than staying here." "that is true." mr. raymond arose and measured the distance from the hole to the cell floor. "it's all of ten feet, mark." "let me balance myself on your shoulders," i said, and now my athletic training at the military school stood me in good stead. mr. raymond raised me up into the air, and i caught the edge of the hole with ease. yet to pull myself up was no mean task. but i worked desperately, and finally found myself on the pavement. crowds of people were rushing hither and thither, and no one paid any attention to me. slipping off my jacket, i let down one sleeve. "take hold of that, and i'll pull you up!" i cried to mr. raymond; and he did as bidden, and soon stood beside me. a guard was now running toward us, and as he came on he discharged his mauser rifle, but the bullet flew wide of its mark. "_halte!_" he yelled, but we did nothing of the sort, but took to our heels and ran as if the very old nick was after us. our course soon took us into a crowd of cubans, and leaving these we made our way into a street which was little better than an alleyway for width. finding the door of a house wide open, we slipped into the building and hid ourselves in an apartment in the rear. all day long the tumult continued, but we could not learn what it was about, excepting that a force of american soldiers were advancing upon el caney and san juan. "if our forces take those hills," said mr. raymond, "santiago is doomed, for the heavy artillery and siege guns can knock down every building here." "then i hope we get out before the hills are taken," i answered. we remained in the building all day, and during that time i managed to scrape up a loaf of bread and the larger part of a knuckle of ham, besides several cocoanuts. on these we lived for the next twenty-four hours, and we had more than many starving cubans still staying in the doomed city. as we waited for nightfall i wondered how my father was faring. it was not likely that the prison had been struck more than once. probably he was still in his dungeon cell. oh, if only i could get to him and liberate him! but mr. raymond shook his head at the idea. "you would only be captured yourself, mark. better try to escape with me to the american camp. if santiago is taken, your father will be sure to be liberated sooner or later." i thought it over, and decided to accept his advice. we left the building at eleven o'clock. the moon was shining, but it had been raining and the clouds were still heavy in the sky. as silently as possible we stole along one street and then another until the outskirts of santiago were reached. once we met a detachment of spanish soldiery, but avoided them by crouching behind an abandoned barricade until they had passed. the hardest part of our task was still before us--that of getting beyond the spanish picket line. on and on we went, but now much slower, for we felt that we were running not only the risk of capture but the risk of being shot down without warning. at four o'clock in the morning we felt we could go no further for the present and climbed into the limbs of a mahogany tree. we had been sitting here several hours when suddenly a fierce rattle of musketry rang out. it was the attack of general lawton's infantry upon el caney. the attack had but fairly opened, when we saw the pickets around us ordered forward and then to the right. the way was now open for us to escape, and, descending to the ground, we hurried on, through the brush and over the rocks, carefully to avoid any well-defined trail which the spaniards might be covering. an hour of hard traveling brought us to a valley to the north of el caney, and here we encountered a body of several hundred cuban soldiers. "mark!" came the cry, and a moment later i found myself confronted by alano, while captain guerez sat on horseback but a short distance away. now was no time to compare notes, and soon both mr. raymond and myself were supplied with guns taken from several of the enemy that had died on the field of battle. then, with a good-by to alano, i set off for the american forces, accompanied by mr. raymond. the gallant attacks upon el caney and san juan hills are now matters of history. all know how the brave boys of the american army were repulsed several times, only to dash to the very tops of the hills at last, carrying all before them, and causing the spaniards to fall back to the intrenchments before santiago. we had fallen in with a body of regulars sent to cuba from the west, and i think i can safely say that i never fought harder in my life than on that day, and on the day following, when the spaniards tried to drive us from the position we had gained on the top of el caney hill. i was in the very front in the final attack, and when it was all over discovered that i had received a severe wound in the left arm, one from which i have not fully recovered to the present time. the hills were now ours, and everywhere along the american lines it was felt that santiago was doomed. this was on the d of july. on the d, early in the morning, admiral cervera attempted to escape with his fleet from santiago bay by running the gantlet of united states warships stationed outside. it was sunday, and in less than fifteen minutes after his first vessel appeared around the rocks of morro castle, one of the fiercest naval battles of history was on. the spanish admiral had four powerful fighting ships and two torpedo-boat destroyers, but they were no match for the warships under gallant commodore schley, who was in command during admiral sampson's absence. the enemy tried to escape by running along the shore westward, but the fire from our side was too heavy; and in less than three hours the battle was over, and all of the spanish ships were either sunk or run ashore, and over seven hundred men were taken prisoner. the loss to the americans was but one man killed and no ship seriously injured! what a cheer went up when the news of the spanish fleet's destruction reached the soldier boys! the hooraying lasted the best part of the day, and many of the soldiers cut up like a lot of schoolboys just out of school. it was a scene i shall never forget. admiral cervera had aided the spanish army in the attack on our forces, by throwing shells over santiago into our ranks. now he was gone, santiago was even more defenseless than ever, and general shafter immediately sent word to general toral that unless he surrendered the american artillery would bombard the city. there were several days of delay, and finally the spanish general, seeing how useless it would be to continue the fight, agreed to surrender under certain conditions. these conditions were not accepted, and another wait of several days took place--a time that to me seemed an age, so anxious was i to get word concerning my father's welfare. at last, on the th of july, general toral gave up the struggle, and three days later the american troops marched into the city and hoisted the glorious stars and stripes over the civic-government building. it was a grand time, never to be forgotten. as our boys came in the soldiers of spain went out, giving up their arms as they left. twenty-four hours later, i received an order which permitted me to call upon my father and burnham. "mark! alive and well!" burst from my parent's lips on seeing me. "they said you were dead--that a shell had killed you." "that shell did not kill me; it gave me my liberty," i answered, and told my story, to which my father and burnham listened with keen interest. my father was much broken in health, and as soon as i could i had him removed to a hotel, where care and good food soon restored him to his accustomed vitality. the cuban troops, as a body, were not permitted to come into santiago at once, the authorities fearing a riot between them and the spaniards, but alano and his father visited us, and a joyous reunion was had all around. "cuba will be free now," said captain guerez. "if spain knows when she has enough, she will now bring this war to a close." alano's father was right; the santiago campaign was the first and last to be fought by the american troops on cuban soil, and soon after spain asked that a peace commission be appointed to settle the matter without further appeal to arms. this was done; and the war ceased. cuba was granted her absolute freedom, with the united states to protect her until all internal difficulties were settled and she was fully able to manage her own affairs. alano and his father remained in the cuban army, and were later on stationed but a short distance away from the plantation owned by captain guerez. thus they were near their home and able to visit constantly the other members of the family, who at that time returned to the plantation. burnham remained in santiago, reporting constantly for the newspaper he represented. two months after my father was released from prison we set sail for the united states. mr. raymond accompanied us, and we made the trip in the _rosemary_, under our former friend captain brownley, who had succeeded, though not without much difficulty, in having both himself and his vessel released. "how good to be back home again!" i cried, as we stepped ashore. "foreign countries are all well enough, but as for me--give me our own united states every time!" "you are right, mark," answered my father. "there is no better place on earth to live than in our own dear native land." * * * * * here i bring to a close my story of adventures in cuba during the cuban-spanish conflict and the spanish-american campaign. i had seen many startling happenings, and was, as told above, heartily glad to sail away and leave the queen of the antilles to carve out her future without my aid. during my confinement with mr. raymond i had become much interested in that gentleman and what he had to say concerning his son oliver, then supposed to be at manila, where the first naval battle of our war with the dons had occurred. as a matter of fact, oliver raymond had been with the asiatic squadron when the fight came off, and the news he sent to his father was truly interesting. but i will let him tell his own tale in another volume, to be entitled "a sailor boy with dewey; or, afloat in the philippines," after which i will expect to be with my readers again in still another story to be called "off for hawaii; or, the mystery of a great volcano." and now for the present, kind reader, good-by and good luck to you. the end. * * * * * transcriber note que, què and qué all appear once and left as is. ciruso and circuso are each used once but may represent the same individual. due to context, granadilla (passionfruit) on page was assumed a typo for grenadillo trees (p. ). the images were repositioned so as to not split paragraphs. the cover image was constructed from images provided by the university of michigan and the internet archive and is placed in the public domain. elsie's young folks in peace and war by martha finley [illustration] new york dodd, mead and company publishers copyright, . by dodd, mead & company. elsie's young folks. chapter i. it was a lovely summer day, bright and clear, but the heat so tempered--there on the coast of maine--by the delicious sea breeze that it was delightful and exhilarating. the owner and passengers of the _dolphin_ had forsaken her more than a fortnight ago, and since spent their days and nights at a lovely villa on shore there in bar harbor; but now no longer able to resist the attractions of the beautiful sea, the most of them had come aboard, and were sitting, standing, or roaming about the deck. "oh, i'm so glad to be in our own dear sea home again!" cried elsie raymond. "aren't you, ned?" "yes; though we have been having a splendid time on shore in bar harbor." "yes, so we have; but as we expect to be back again in a few days, we needn't fret at all about leaving it." "no, nor we needn't if we were just going back to woodburn, our own beautiful home--certainly a better place than this in fall and winter, anyhow." "but i'm glad to have a sail again," said elsie. "brother max says we'll soon see some places where they had sea fights in our two wars with england," remarked ned, with satisfaction. "oh, does he? i mean to ask papa or grandma to tell us about them," exclaimed elsie, in tones of excitement. "oh, yes, let's!" cried ned. "but the men are taking up the anchor," he added hastily, "and i must see that first. come," catching his sister's hand and hurrying her along to a good position from which to view the operation. that duly attended to, they sought out their grandma, who happened to be at the moment sitting a little apart from the others, and made their request. she smilingly consented to tell them all she could recall on the subject that would be interesting to them, and bidding them seat themselves close beside her she began. "your father has told me that we are now going out to the extreme eastern point of the state--and of our country--the united states. west quoddy head is its name now, but in very early times it was called nurumbega. in john walken, in the service of sir humphrey gilbert, conducted an expedition to its shores, and reached the penobscot river. in two vessels, the _speedwell_ and the _discoverer_, entered the penobscot bay and the mouth of a river--probably the saco. about three years after that two french jesuits, with several families, settled on mount desert island. a few years later some twenty-five french colonists landed on mount desert and founded a settlement called st. saviour. but not long afterward they were driven away by some english under command of captain argal, who considered them trespassers upon english soil. that, i think, is enough of the very early history of maine, for to-day, at least." "oh, yes, grandma! but won't you please tell about revolutionary times and the war of - ?" pleaded elsie. "maine was one of the thirteen colonies, wasn't she?" "no, dear; she was considered a part of massachusetts at that time, and did not become a separate state until ." "oh, didn't the people there care about the revolution and help in it?" asked elsie in a tone of disappointment. "yes, dear, they did. in a county convention in sheriff william tyng declared his intention to obey province law and not that of parliament. he advised a firm and persevering opposition to every design, dark or open, framed to abridge our english liberties." "english!" exclaimed ned, in a half scornful tone, at which his grandma smiled, and stroking his curls caressingly, said, "yes, neddie, at that time--before the revolutionary war--our people liked to call themselves english." "but we don't now, grandma; we're americans." "yes; that is the name we have given ourselves in these days; but we consider the english our relations--a sort of cousins." "well, then i hope we and they will never fight any more," said elsie. "but, please, grandma, tell us something more of what has happened along this coast." "in ," continued her grandma, "the british kept the coast of new england from falmouth (now called portland) to new london in continual alarm; they were out in every direction plundering the people to supply their camp with provisions." "in this state, grandma?" asked ned. "yes; and in connecticut and massachusetts. they bombarded stonington, in connecticut, shattered houses and killed two men. that was in august or september. in october mowatt was sent to falmouth in maine to get a supply of provisions from the people there, and to demand a surrender of their arms. they refused and defied him; then--after giving time for the women and children to leave the town--he bombarded and set it on fire. more than four hundred houses were destroyed--nearly all the town of about five hundred buildings." "what a cruel thing!" exclaimed elsie; "i suppose they had to give up then?" "no," said mrs. travilla; "so brave and determined were they that they repulsed the marauders and would not let them land." "grandma," asked elsie, "didn't arnold go through maine with an army to attack canada about that time?" "yes; about the middle of august a committee of congress visited washington in his camp, and together they formed a plan to send a force into canada by way of the kennebec river to co-operate with general schuyler, who was preparing to invade that province by way of the northern lakes. arnold was well known to be brave. he had been complaining of being ill-used upon lake champlain. washington desired to silence his complaints, and knowing that this expedition was suited to his talents he appointed him to command, and gave him the commission of colonel in the continental army. "the force under his command consisted of eleven hundred hardy men--ten companies of musketeers from new england, and three companies of riflemen from virginia and pennsylvania. those riflemen were commanded by captain daniel morgan, who afterward did such good work for our country in her hard struggle for liberty. arnold and his troops marched from cambridge to newburyport, where they embarked on transports which carried them to the mouth of the kennebec. they went up that river in bateaux and rendezvoused at fort western, opposite the present town of augusta. now they had come to the edge of a vast and almost uninhabited wilderness." "and had to go through it, grandma?" asked ned. "yes; they were very brave men, ready to encounter difficulties and dangers for the sake of securing their country's freedom. two small parties were sent on in advance to reconnoitre, and the rest moved forward in four divisions, morgan with his riflemen in the van. arnold, who was the last, passed up the river in a canoe." "hadn't they a very hard time going through that wilderness, grandma?" asked elsie. "yes, very hard indeed; over craggy knolls, deep ravines, through creeks and ponds and deep morasses; sometimes paddling along a stream in their canoes--sometimes carrying them around a fall on their shoulders. suddenly, at length, they came to a mountain covered with snow. at its foot they encamped for three days. then they went on again, but a heavy rain set in, sending down such torrents from the hills that the river rose eight feet in one night. the water came roaring down the valley where our soldiers were, so unexpectedly and powerfully that they had scarcely time to retreat and get into their bateaux before the whole plain was flooded with water. seven boats were overturned and the provisions in them lost. many of them were made sick, too, by the storm and exposure, and so grew sad and discouraged. some gave up and went back to their homes, while arnold went on with the rest. the rain changed to snow, and there was ice in the water in which the poor fellows had to wade to push their bateaux along through ponds and marshes near the sources of the dead river. "at last they reached lake megantic. they encamped on its eastern shore, and the next morning arnold, with a party of fifty-five men on shore with captain nanchet and thirteen with himself in five bateaux and a birch canoe, pushed on down the river to a french settlement to get provisions to send back to his almost starving men. they passed seventeen falls, marching through snow two inches deep, then reached the highlands which separate the waters of new england from canada. but as it is of the history of maine i am telling you, and arnold and his band have now passed out of it, we will leave the rest of his story for another time." "he did a good deal more for his country before he turned traitor, didn't he, grandma?" asked elsie. "yes; he fought bravely again and again. the great victory at saratoga was largely due to him; in a less degree to morgan." "daniel morgan who commanded at the battle of the cowpens?" asked elsie. "the very same," replied mrs. travilla. "didn't some other things happen along this coast, grandma?" asked ned. "yes, indeed; several things. in the war of - there occurred a naval battle near portland, between the american ship _enterprise_ and the english brig _boxer_. on the morning of the st of september, , the _enterprise_ sailed from portsmouth, new hampshire, and on the morning of the d chased a schooner suspected of being a british privateer, into portland harbor. the next day she left that harbor and steered eastward looking for british cruisers. on the th they discovered in a bay what captain burrows supposed to be a vessel of war getting under way. she was a british brig, and on sighting the _enterprise_ she displayed four british ensigns, fired several guns as signals to boats that had been sent ashore to return, and crowding canvas, bore down gallantly for the _enterprise_. "seeing that, burrows cleared his ship for action, sailed out a proper distance from land to have plenty of sea room for the fight, then shortened sail and edged toward the _boxer_. that was at three o'clock in the afternoon. twenty minutes later the two brigs closed within half pistol shot, and both opened fire at the same time. the sea was almost quiet, there was but little wind, and that condition of things made the cannonading very destructive. ten minutes after the firing began the _enterprise_ ranged ahead of the _boxer_, steered across her bows and delivered her fire with such precision and destructive energy that at four o'clock the british officer in command shouted through his trumpet that he had surrendered, but his flag being nailed to the mast, could not be lowered until the _enterprise_ should cease firing." "and did she, grandma?" asked ned. "yes; i do not think our men ever fired on a foe whom they believed to be ready to surrender. captain blyth of the _boxer_ was already dead, having been nearly cut in two by an eighteen-pound ball, and captain burrows was mortally wounded. he had been helping the men to run out a carronade, and while doing so a shot, supposed to be a canister ball, struck his thigh, causing a fatal wound. he lived eight hours, and must have suffered terrible agony. he refused to be carried below until the sword of the commander of the _boxer_ should be brought to him. he took it eagerly when brought, saying, 'now i am satisfied; i die contented.'" "what did they do for a commander after their captain was so dreadfully injured?" asked elsie. "lieutenant edward r. m'call took command of the _enterprise_ and showed great skill and courage," replied grandma elsie. "on the morning of the th he took both vessels into portland harbor, and the next day the bodies of the two commanders were buried side by side in the same cemetery, and with all the honors to which their rank and powers entitled them." "were the ships quite spoiled, grandma?" asked ned. "the _enterprise_ was not, but the _boxer_ was much cut up in both hull and rigging," she replied. "the battle showed that the americans exceeded the english in both nautical skill and marksmanship. lossing tells us that a london paper, speaking of the battle, said, 'the fact seems to be but too clearly established that the americans have some superior mode of firing, and we cannot be too anxiously employed in discovering to what circumstances that superiority is owing.'" "i think the man who wrote that was feeling mortified that one of their vessels had been whipped by one of ours," remarked ned sagely. "yes," said grandma elsie, "i think the nailing of their flag to the mast showed that they felt confident of victory. cooper tells in his history that when the _enterprise_ hailed to know if the _boxer_ had struck--as she kept her flag flying--one of the officers of the british vessel leaped upon a gun, shook both fists at the americans, and shouted 'no, no, no!' adding some opprobrious epithets." "oh, didn't that make our fellows angry?" asked ned. "i think not," replied grandma elsie; "it seems to have amused them, as they saw that he was ordered down by his superiors." "was it a long fight, grandma?" asked elsie. "it had lasted only thirty-five minutes when the _boxer_ surrendered." "had a great many of her men been killed?" asked ned. "i don't know," replied his grandma, "but on the _enterprise_ there was but one besides burrows; midshipman kervin waters, who had been mortally wounded, died a few weeks later. he was buried by the side of his gallant leader--burrows." "oh, dear!" sighed little elsie, "war is so dreadful!" "it is indeed," said her grandma, "and it was made especially dreadful at that time to the people of this country by reason of our being so much weaker than england in men, money, and ships." "but it was a blessing that our seamen were so much more skilful than hers, grandma elsie," said max, who had drawn near in time to hear the last few sentences. "our little navy did good work in that war, small as she was in comparison with the enemy's. we had but twenty ships to her thousand, yet showed ourselves strong enough to put an end to her tyrannical conduct toward our poor sailors. she has never interfered again in that way with them." "and never will, i think," added grandma elsie. "the two anglo-saxon nations are good friends now, and i trust always will be." "i hope so indeed," said max. "we must be prepared for war, but i hope may be long able to maintain peace with all other nations." "a hope in which we can all join, i think," said mrs. travilla, glancing around upon the circle of interested faces; for all the _dolphin's_ passengers had by this time gathered about them. "you were talking of the war of , were you, mother?" asked captain raymond. "yes; i was telling the children of the fight between the _boxer_ and the _enterprise_," replied mrs. travilla. "and oh, won't you tell us some more, grandma?" entreated ned. "i think your father could do it better," she said, looking persuasively at the captain. "i am not at all sure of that," he said; "but if you wish it i will tell what i can remember of such occurrences at the points along the coast which we are about to visit. but first let me beg that every one will feel free to leave the vicinity should my story seem to them dull and prosy," he added, with a smiling glance about upon the little company. there was a moment's pause; then violet said laughingly, "that was very kind and thoughtful my dear, and i for one shall not hesitate to go should i feel inclined." the captain responded with a bow and smile; then, after a moment's pause, began upon the chosen theme. chapter ii. "eastport--which we will presently visit," began captain raymond, "is on moose island, in passamaquoddy bay. at the time of our last war with them the english claimed it as belonging to new brunswick, under the treaty of . early in july, , sir thomas hardy sailed secretly from halifax for that place, with quite a force of men for land and sea service. on the th the squadron entered passamaquoddy bay and anchored off fort sullivan, at eastport. major perley putnam was in command of the fort, with a garrison of fifty men and six pieces of artillery. hardy demanded an instant surrender, and gave only five minutes' time for consideration. putnam promptly refused to surrender--but the inhabitants of the island were greatly alarmed and not disposed to resist, so entreated him to yield, which he did on condition that private property should be respected. "when the agreement was signed, the british took possession of the fort, the town of eastport, and all the islands and villages in and around passamaquoddy bay, landing a thousand armed men, with women and children, fifty or sixty pieces of cannon, and a battalion of artillery." "and did they stay there, papa?" asked elsie. "oh, i hope they are not there now!" "i have no doubt that nearly, if not all of them, are in their graves by this time, daughter," replied the captain; then went on: "the british made declaration that these islands were in their permanent possession, and ordered all the inhabitants to take an oath of allegiance within seven days, or leave the territory." "allegiance to the king of england, papa?" asked elsie; "and did any of them do it?" "yes, that is what was meant, and about two-thirds of the people took it. they, the english, took all the public property from the custom-house, and tried to force the collector to sign unfinished treasury notes to the value of nine thousand dollars. but he refused, saying, 'hanging will be no compulsion.'" "did that mean that he wouldn't do it even if he knew they would hang him if he refused?" asked elsie. "yes, that was just it," said her father. "having accomplished what he wished to do at eastport--securing it to his country, as he thought--leaving eight hundred troops to hold it, hardy sailed away along the coast of maine and massachusetts, spreading alarm as he went. but the people prepared to meet his expected attack--manning their forts and arming them. when sherbrook and griffith sailed, they intended to stop at machias and take possession of it; but falling in with the brig _rifleman_, and being told by its commander that the united states corvette _john adams_ had gone up the penobscot, they made haste to the mouth of that river to blockade her. they passed up the green island channel and entered the fine harbor of castine on the morning of the st of september. on the edge of the water south of the village was the half moon redoubt called fort porter, armed with four twenty-pounders and two fieldpieces, and manned by about forty men under lieutenant lewis, of the united states army. at sunrise lewis was called upon to surrender. he saw that resistance would be impossible, so resolved to flee. he gave the enemy a volley from his twenty-pounders, then spiked them, blew up the redoubt, and with the fieldpieces he and the garrison fled over the high peninsula to its neck and escaped up the penobscot. then the british took possession of the town and control of the bay. "the _john adams_ had just come home from a successful cruise, and coming into penobscot bay in a thick fog had struck a rock and received so much injury that it was found necessary to lay her up for repairs. they did their best to take her out of harm's way, but it was with difficulty they could keep her afloat until she reached hampden, a few miles below bangor. some of her crew were disabled by sickness, and so she was almost helpless. "sherbrook, the commanding officer of the british vessels, was told all this as soon as he landed at castine, and he and griffith, commander of the fleet, at once sent a land and naval force to seize and destroy the _john adams_. the expedition sailed in the afternoon of the day of the arrival at castine. the people along the penobscot were not at all inclined to submit to the british if they could possibly escape doing so. on the day the british sailed up the river word was sent by express to captain morris, and he at once communicated with brigadier-general john blake, at his home in brower, opposite bangor, asking him to call out the militia immediately. blake lost no time in assembling the tenth massachusetts division, of which he was commander. that evening he rode down to hampden, where he found captain morris busy with his preparations for defence. he had taken the heavy guns of his ship to the high right bank of the soadabscook, fifty rods from the wharf, and placed them in battery there so as to command the river approaches from below. "the next morning he and blake held a consultation on the best methods of defence, citizens of bangor and hampden taking part in it. captain morris had little confidence in the militia, but expressed his intention to meet the enemy at their landing-place, wherever that might be, and also his resolution to destroy the _adams_ rather than allow it to fall into their hands. "belfast was taken the next morning by general gosselin, at the head of six hundred troops. at the same time another detachment marched up the western side of the penobscot unmolested, and reached bald hill cove at five o'clock in the evening. the troops and eighty marines bivouacked there that night in a drenching rain. during that day about six hundred raw militia, who had never seen anything more like war than their own annual parade, had gathered at hampden and been posted by general blake in an admirable position on the brow of a hill. lieutenant lewis and the forty men who had fled from castine had joined him. the artillery company of blake's brigade was there also, with two brass three-pounders, and an iron eighteen-pound carronade from the _adams_ was placed in battery in the road near the meeting-house in charge of mr. bent of the artillery. many of the militia were without weapons or ammunition, but captain morris supplied them as far as he could. "while these arrangements were being made captain morris had mounted nine short eighteen-pounders from the _adams_ upon the high bank over crosby's wharf, and placed them in charge of his first lieutenant, assisted by the other two. with the rest of his guns he took his position on the wharf, with about two hundred seamen and marines and twenty invalids, ready to defend his crippled ship to the last extremity. "the next morning all that region was covered by a dense fog. the different british detachments joined together, and by five o'clock were moving on toward hampden--moving cautiously in the mist, with a vanguard of riflemen, and on the flanks detachments of sailors and marines with a six-pound cannon, a six and a half inch howitzer, and a rocket apparatus. the british vessels at the same time moved slowly up the river within supporting distance. "blake had sent out two flank companies to watch and annoy the approaching foe, and between seven and eight o'clock they reported them as coming up the hill to attack the americans. the fog was so thick that they could not be seen, but blake pointed his eighteen-pounder in that direction, his fieldpieces also, and fired away with a good deal of effect, as he learned afterward; but the fog was too thick for him to see it at the time. his plan was to reserve his musket firing until the enemy should be near enough to be seriously hurt; but his men, being raw militia and without the protection of a breastwork in front, lost courage while standing there awaiting the approach of the enemy, and when it came suddenly into view, marching at double-quick and firing volleys in rapid succession, they were panic-stricken, broke ranks, and fled in every direction, leaving blake and his officers alone. lieutenant wadsworth saw it all from the upper battery where he was, and sent word immediately to morris, who was on the wharf. "the flight of the militia had left morris' rear and flank exposed, and he saw that it would be impossible to defend himself against such a force as was about to attack him. he therefore ordered wadsworth to spike his guns and retreat with his men across the bridge over the soadabscook, while it was yet open, for the stream was fordable only at low water, and the tide was rising. "wadsworth obeyed, his rear gallantly covered by lieutenant watson with some marines. at the same time the guns on the wharf were spiked, the _john adams_ was set on fire, and morris' men retreated across the soadabscook, he being the last man to leave the wharf. before he reached the bridge the british were on the bank above him; but he dashed across the stream, armpit deep in the water, and under a galling fire from their muskets, unhurt, joined his friends on the other side--blake and his officers and a mere remnant of his command among them--and all retreated to bangor. morris did not stay there, however, but soon made his way overland to portland." "did the british harm the people in that town, papa?" asked elsie. "they took possession, and there was no further resistance," replied the captain. "then they sent some vessels, with about five hundred men, to bangor. a mile from the town they were met by a flag of truce from the magistrates, who asked terms of capitulation. the answer was that private property would be respected. it was about ten o'clock when they reached the town, and commodore barrie gave notice that if the people would cheerfully send in the required supplies they should not be harmed in person or property. but he had hardly done so before he gave his sailors to understand that they might plunder as much as they pleased." "and did they, papa?" asked elsie. "yes," he said, "history tells us that almost every store on the western side of the creek, which there empties into the penobscot, was robbed of all valuable property. colonel john, however, did all he could to protect the inhabitants. the british forced the people to surrender all their arms, military stores, and public property of every kind, and to report themselves prisoners of war for parole, with a promise that they would not take up arms against the british. "having robbed the people of property worth twenty-three thousand dollars, destroyed, by burning, fourteen vessels, and stolen six, which they carried away with them, they left bangor for hampden, which they treated in the same way. there they desolated the church--tearing up the bible and psalm-books, and demolishing the pulpit and pews. lossing tells us that the total loss of property at hampden, exclusive of the cargo of the _commodore decatur_, was estimated at forty-four thousand dollars. and in a note he adds that williamson's 'history of maine' says, 'in the midst of the rapine a committee waited on barrie, and told him that the people expected at his hands the common safeguards of humanity, if nothing more; to which the brutal officer replied, "i have none for you. my business is to burn, sink, and destroy. your town is taken by storm, and by the rules of war we ought to both lay your village in ashes and put its inhabitants to the sword. but i will spare your lives, though i don't mean to spare your houses."'" "oh, what a cruel wretch!" said evelyn. "a perfect savage, i should call him!" exclaimed lucilla hotly. "i entirely agree with you, ladies," said mr. lilburn, "and am sorry indeed to have to own him as a countryman of mine." "well, cousin ronald," returned mrs. travilla pleasantly, "there are plenty of americans of such character that i should be loth indeed to own them as relatives." "and there were plenty such in the days of our two wars with england, as any one must acknowledge, remembering the lawless bands of marauders called cowboys and skinners," said violet; "they were more detestable than the british themselves--even such as that barrie, tarleton, and others too numerous to mention." "will they ever come here again, papa?" asked ned. "i think not, son," replied the captain; "most, if not all of them, are now dead." "yes, it must have been a long, long while ago," remarked the little lad reflectively. "we are going now to passamaquoddy bay, aren't we, papa?" asked elsie. "yes," he said, "and hope to reach there early this afternoon." "and i hope we will see all that lossing tells about," said grace. "i think you may feel reasonably certain of that," her father responded, in his kindly, pleasant tones. "we pass machias on the way to passamaquoddy bay, don't we, father?" asked grace. "yes," he replied, "we are nearing it now." "oh, i remember something about what occurred there in the revolution; but won't you please tell us the story again?" she exclaimed. "i will," he said. "we had then an exposed coast many miles in extent, and not a single armed vessel to protect it, while britain was the first naval power of the world. a few of our planters and merchants had been trained in the royal navy, and so had a good many american seamen, to some extent, in helping england in her wars with the french in the twenty years preceding our revolution; but our wise men who were directing public affairs could see no material for organizing a marine force, so devoted themselves to the business of raising an army. immediately after the battle of lexington the british began depredations along the new england coast, and soon private vessels were gotten out by patriot volunteers, who armed them as well as they could, and did their best to defend the coast. "you know news did not fly so fast in those days as it does now, but when at length the people of machias heard of the affair at lexington it of course caused great excitement, and a desire to defend their country against the foe. there in their own harbor lay a british armed schooner called the _margaretta_. she had two sloops with her, and the three were busied in getting lumber for the british army in boston. a party of the young men of the town determined to try to capture her while her officers were at church on shore. they seized one of the sloops, chased the schooner out of the harbor, and after a severe fight compelled her to surrender. "it was the first naval engagement of the revolution. there were forty of the americans, commanded by jeremiah o'brien, and about twenty of them, and as many of the british, were killed in the fight. the captain of the cutter was one of the mortally wounded. soon afterward o'brien captured two small english cruisers, making their crews prisoners, and carrying them to watertown, where the provincial congress of massachusetts was in session. that body then took measures to establish a coast marine to intercept english transports bringing supplies for the british troops, and gave o'brien employment in that service, with a captain's commission. "the british force under sherwood and griffiths, after their raid up the penobscot, went back to machias. they landed at buck's harbor, three miles below the town, and marched against the fort, which the garrison deserted and blew up." "are we going to machias now, papa?" asked ned. "no," said his father, "we are nearing passamaquoddy bay now. we will spend a little time there, then turn and go back to the penobscot, to visit historical scenes along its course. you perhaps remember that the british went there shortly after having taken eastport and fort sullivan on moose island in passamaquoddy bay. they were taken on the th of july, ; castine on september of the same year." "and about a year after came the fight between the _enterprise_ and the _boxer_, which occurred september , ," observed max. "yes," said his father, with a smile, "and of course you remember the notable victory vouchsafed us by providence five days later on lake erie?" "perry's victory, sir? yes, indeed! also macdonough's on lake champlain, which was given him on the th of the next september, ." but they were now entering the bay, and historical reminiscence gave place to talk of the beauty of the scenery, captain raymond, who had been there before, pointing out and naming the different islands and villages. they did not land, but steamed slowly about the bay, finding so much to interest them that they lingered there until nightfall. they then steamed out into the ocean, taking a westward course. it was a beautiful moonlight evening, and all gathering together on deck, passed the time in cheerful chat concerning the scenes just visited and those they expected to visit in the near future. at length there was a pause in the conversation, presently broken by little ned. "oh, dear!" he sighed, "i'm just hungry for a little fun. i don't see what's the use of having ventriloquists along, if they don't make some fun for us once in a while." "now, master ned, do you call that a polite speech?" asked a strange voice that seemed to come from a short distance in his rear. ned sprang to his feet and turned toward it. "i--i didn't mean to be rude, cousin ronald or brother max, whichever you are; but i am ever so hungry for a bit of fun." "and you consider that a healthful appetite, do you?" queried the voice. "yes, sir; for 'laugh and grow fat' is an old saying, so i've heard." "well, well, well! i have understood that you rather objected to being considered fat," laughed the invisible speaker. "oh, well, i don't believe a bit of fun once in a while would do much harm in that way," returned the little fellow. "at any rate, i'm more than willing to try it." "well, suppose we try it with the understanding that if you get too fat you are to be reduced to your present suitable size by a low and spare diet?" "no, indeed!" cried ned. "i won't consent to that. don't you know that boys need to eat plenty, if they are to grow up into big, strong men?" "enough, but not too much, neddie," laughed his cousin, dr. percival, sitting near. "uncle harold, you know all about it, for you're a good doctor," said ned, appealing to dr. travilla; "oughtn't little boys to have plenty to eat?" "yes, ned; plenty, but not too much." "well, that's just what i want," laughed ned. "oh, what was that?" as a cry, "help! help, or i shall drown!" came from the water not far from the side of the vessel. cousin ronald and max exchanged inquiring glances, and the latter rose hastily to his feet. "throw him a rope, my men!" he called to a group of sailors at the farther end of the vessel. the words had hardly left his lips ere the order was obeyed, and the next moment the dripping figure of a young lad in a bathing suit was drawn up and landed upon the deck. "thanks, thanks, gentlemen," he panted; "you've helped me to a narrow escape from a watery grave. i ventured out too far--alone in the moonlight and----" "don't try to talk, my man; you are too much exhausted," interrupted dr. travilla, for he, captain raymond, max, mr. lilburn, chester, and dr. percival had all hurried to the spot to see and assist the rescued stranger. "thanks! i'll do," he said, "if you'll kindly help me to rub down, and lend me some things till these can be made dry." "certainly," replied captain raymond, and at once gave directions that the stranger be taken to a comfortably warm stateroom, provided with everything needful, and his wet garments dried and returned to him as quickly as possible. then turning to his brother-in-law, "i leave the rest to your care, harold," he said. "oh, brother max," cried ned, as the gentlemen rejoined the ladies and children, "i thought it was you or cousin ronald calling for help just for fun, and it was a real drowning man, after all." "a mere lad, ned, and i am very glad we were able to give him help in season." the incident had created quite a little excitement, and all eagerly awaited harold's report. he rejoined them in a few minutes, looking so undisturbed that they at once felt that his new patient was in no danger. "he will be all right presently," he said, in answer to their eagerly inquiring looks and questions. "when we heard his cry for help he had hardly more than just realized his danger. he is somewhat ashamed of his venturesomeness, and anxious to get back to his friends without letting them know of the peril he was in." turning to captain raymond, "he will be very glad and grateful if you will go a little out of your way and land him at the spot where he entered the water, so that he may be able to steal up to the house of his friends without arousing their suspicions concerning the danger he has been in." "i think we may do that," the captain said, in his kindly tones. "it will probably not delay us more than an hour or so, and we are not so hurried for time that we need decline to submit to that." max at once gave the necessary orders, the course of the vessel was changed, and ere long the young stranger was landed at the spot where he had entered the water. then the _dolphin_ proceeded on her westward way, and when her passengers awoke in the morning they were nearing penobscot bay. chapter iii. all were eager to visit the historical places immediately upon their arrival. as they entered the harbor of castine mrs. travilla remarked that it was quite as picturesque as she expected from lossing's description. "ah, i entirely agree with you, cousin elsie," responded mr. lilburn; "it is so bonny a place that i do not wonder it was coveted by the enemy." the whole party presently landed, a guide was found who promised to conduct them to all the points of historical interest, and they set out upon their search. they very much admired the situation of the town, and the view from it of the bay, with its picturesque islands. they visited old fort george, built by the british in , in the centre of the peninsula, and repaired, fraised, and armed by them in . it was only a ruin now, but interesting because of what it had been in those earlier days. the view from its banks, which were about eighteen feet high from the bottom of the six feet deep ditch, was very interesting. looking northwestward from the fort they could see on the right the entrance to the canal cut by the british across castine neck, turning the peninsula into an island. it was about eighty rods long and twelve feet deep, and now had a bridge across it. between the promontory and an island could be seen the mouth of the penobscot river. on the extreme left they could see the town of belfast, thirteen miles distant. leaving that point they visited the remains of several other forts built by the british, after which they returned to the yacht for the evening meal and the night's rest. the _dolphin_ was allowed to remain stationary until all her passengers were on deck again the next morning; then the anchor was lifted, and she steamed up the river. favored with delightful weather they greatly enjoyed the trip up the beautiful, winding stream. they had taken on board a man well acquainted with the river and every point of interest upon its banks, and who pointed out each one as they neared it. as they entered marsh bay the young people were told that the british squadron lay there one night on their way toward hampden. elsie and ned showed keen interest when told of it, and in hearing from their father of the cannon-ball of the british that lodged in a storehouse there in . "do you remember the story lossing tells about a norway pine somewhere in this region?" asked mrs. travilla, addressing captain raymond. "something of it," he said, with an amused smile, and the children at once begged to hear it. "will you gratify them, mother?" asked the captain. "you probably have a better recollection of his story than i." "i will do my best," she said, and began at once. "lossing says the tree was about a mile above here, and the only one of its kind in that region--a round, compact tree, its short trunk looking as if composed of a group of smaller ones, and the limbs growing so near the ground that it was difficult to get under it. at the time that the british landed at frankford some man who had a large quantity of bacon, being afraid they would rob him of it, carried it to that tree and hung the pieces in among the branches to hide them from the foe; and though the british passed along the road only a short distance from the tree, they did not notice its peculiar fruit, so did not meddle with it, and his bacon was saved; always afterward that norway pine was called the bacon tree." "thank you, grandma; that was a nice story," said elsie. "haven't you another little story for us, grandma?" asked ned, in coaxing tones. "i do always like your stories ever so much." at that grandma elsie laughed a pleasant little laugh, then went on: "lossing tells us quite an interesting little story of a remarkable black man whom he visited somewhere near here. his name was henry van meter, and he was then ninety-five years old. during the revolution he was a slave to governor nelson of virginia. after that he became a seaman, and was one of the crew of the privateer _lawrence_, which sailed from baltimore in . i suppose lossing questioned him about his long life, and heard his story of it. he remembered having seen washington many times. the estate of governor nelson, his first master, was sold after the war, to pay his debts, and henry was bought by a planter beyond the blue ridge. the new master wanted him to marry one of his slave girls, and told him if he did he would order in his will that he should be made a free man at his (the master's) death. in telling of it henry said, 'i didn't like the gals, and didn't want to wait for dead men's shoes. so master sold me to a man near lexington, kentucky, and there was only one log house in that town when i went there.' "he was soon sold to another man, who treated him shamefully, and one night he mounted one of his master's horses and fled to the kentucky river, where he turned the horse loose, and told him to go home if he had a mind to, as he didn't want to steal him. some kind white people helped henry over the river into ohio, and at cincinnati he then took the name of van meter--the family name of some of the shenandoah valley people who had been kind to him. "afterward henry became the servant of an officer in the army of general st. clair, and served with our troops in the northwest under general wayne. after that he lived in chillicothe, then came east to philadelphia. there some quaker sent him to school, and he learned to read and write. he became a sailor, went to europe several times in that capacity, and when the war broke out he shipped as such on board the privateer _lawrence_. it was taken by the british, and he was thrown into dartmoor prison, and saw the massacre there in ." "oh, what was that, grandma?" asked ned, in tones of excitement. "i didn't think i ever heard about it." "lossing tells us," replied his grandmother, "that dartmoor was a depot for prisoners in england; that it was situated in a desolate region, was built in for a place in which to confine french prisoners. at the time the treaty of peace was made with us there were six thousand american prisoners in it--two thousand five hundred of them american seamen, put there for refusing to fight in the british navy against their countrymen. they were there when the war began in . for some unknown reason there was great delay in setting those prisoners free after the treaty of peace was made. it was nearly three months before they were allowed to know that the treaty had been signed. from the time they first heard of it they were every day expecting to be set at liberty, and naturally grew very impatient over the delay. on the th of april they demanded bread instead of hard biscuit, which they refused to eat. on the evening of the th they showed great unwillingness to obey the order to retire to their quarters, and some of them not only refused to do that, but went beyond their prescribed limits. then captain shortland, who had charge of the military guard, ordered them to fire on the americans, which they did. the soldiers, i believe, fired a second time. five prisoners were killed and thirty-three wounded." "why, that was just murder, wasn't it, grandma?" asked ned. "and didn't they hang those soldiers for doing it?" "no; the british authorities called it 'justifiable homicide,' which meant it was all right enough." "in which decision i, for one, am far from agreeing," remarked mr. lilburn emphatically. "it created intense indignation in this country at the time," said the captain; "but is now seldom remembered, and the two nations are, and i hope always will be, good friends." the _dolphin_ ascended the river only as far as bangor, and returned by moonlight to castine, where they anchored for some hours; then at an early hour in the morning they steamed out into the ocean again, and pursued a westward course until they reached portland. there they landed and paid a visit to the cemetery where lay the remains of the brave captains of the _enterprise_ and the _boxer_; also those of midshipman kervin waters. "they are buried side by side, as if they were brothers, instead of enemies who were killed fighting each other," said little elsie softly. "but perhaps they were good christian men, each fighting for what he thought was the right of his own country. papa, can you tell us about the funeral? i suppose they had one?" "yes, daughter, a solemn and imposing one. the two battered vessels were lying at the end of union wharf. a civil and military procession had been formed at the court-house at nine in the morning of the th of september. the coffins were brought from the vessels in barges of ten oars each, rowed by minute strokes of ship-masters and mates, most of the barges and boats in the harbor accompanying them. when the barges began to move, and while the procession was passing through the streets to the church, minute guns were fired by artillery companies. also while the procession marched from the church to the cemetery here, which is about a mile distant from the church. "the chief mourners who followed the corpse of captain burrows were dr. washington, captain hull, and officers of the _enterprise_. those who followed captain blyth's were the officers of the _boxer_, on parole. both were followed by naval and military officers in the united states service, the crews of the two vessels, civil officers of the state and city, military companies, and a large concourse of citizens. only a few weeks before captain blyth was one of the pall-bearers at the funeral of our lawrence, the gallant commander of the _chesapeake_, at halifax." "that dear brave man that said, 'don't give up the ship,' papa?" asked elsie. "yes, daughter. now let us read the inscription on his tombstone: 'in memory of captain samuel blyth, late commander of his britannic majesty's brig _boxer_. he nobly fell on the th day of september, , in action with the united states brig _enterprise_. in life honorable; in death glorious. his country will long deplore one of her bravest sons, his friends long lament one of the best of men. Ã�. . the surviving officers of his crew offer this feeble tribute of admiration and respect.'" "it sounds as though they had respected and loved him," said the little girl. "that next grave is where burrows lies, isn't it, papa? and won't you please read its inscription?" they drew nearer and the captain read aloud: "'beneath this stone moulders the body of william burrows, late commander of the united states brig _enterprise_, who was mortally wounded on the th of september, , in an action which contributed to increase the fame of american valor, by capturing his britannic majesty's brig _boxer_, after a severe contest of forty-five minutes. Ã�. . a passing stranger has erected this memento of respect to the manes of a patriot, who, in the hour of peril, obeyed the loud summons of an injured country, and who gallantly met, fought, and conquered the foeman.'" "and that one on the pillars, papa--whose is it?" elsie asked, as her father paused with a slight sigh. "that is the tomb of midshipman waters," he said. "we will go nearer and read its inscription: 'beneath this marble, by the side of his gallant commander, rest the remains of lieutenant kervin waters, a native of georgetown, district of columbia, who received a mortal wound, september , , while a midshipman on board the united states brig _enterprise_, in an action with his britannic majesty's brig _boxer_, which terminated in the capture of the latter. he languished in severe pain, which he endured with fortitude, until september , , when he died with christian calmness and resignation, aged eighteen. the young men of portland erect this stone as a testimony of their respect for his valor and virtues.'" "twenty days to suffer so," sighed elsie. "oh, it was dreadful!" max and evelyn stood near, side by side. "dreadful indeed!" evelyn sighed, in low quivering tones as they turned away. "oh, max! i wish you did not belong to the navy!" "why, dearest?" he asked in tender tones. "it is not only in the navy that men die suddenly and of injuries; and many a naval officer has lived to old age and died at home in his bed. and we are under the same protecting care on the sea as on the land." "yes, that is a cheering thought," she said, "and since you love the sea, it is wrong and selfish in me to regret your choice of a profession. and i could not be induced to resign my sailor lover for any landsman," she added, with a charming blush and smile. that evening, joining her father, as she so often did, in his quiet promenade of the deck before retiring for the night, lucilla spoke of their visit to the cemetery, and said, "i have always been so glad that you left the navy, papa, so that we could have you always at home with us, and i am gladder still when i think that if we should have another war you will not be in danger of such a fate as that which befell burrows and blyth." "unless i am needed, volunteer my services, and am accepted," he returned, in a slightly playful tone. "oh, papa, don't, please don't!" she exclaimed, clinging more closely to him. "it will be dreadful enough to have max in such danger, but to have you, too, in it would be heart-breaking." "well, dear child, we won't be so foolish as to trouble ourselves about what may never happen. and if it ever should happen, we must just put our trust in the lord, believing that he doeth all things well, and trusting his promise, 'as thy days, so shall thy strength be.' and you can rejoice in the fact that chester is neither sailor nor soldier," he added, with a smile, and softly patting the hand resting upon his arm. "yes, father dear, that is no small comfort," she said; "especially as i know he is patriotic enough to do all in his power for his country." "ah, no doubt of that! i think chester would be as ready as any one else to take up arms in her defence if he saw that his services were needed. and i don't believe this daughter of mine would say a word to prevent him." "i think not, papa; but i hope i may never be tried in that way." "a hope in which i heartily join you, daughter. i should be glad indeed to know that we were done with wars. but that is so uncertain that we, as a nation, must be ever prepared to repel attack--on land or sea. 'eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.'" "and liberty is worth that price, isn't it, father?" she said, with a bright smile up into his face. "yes; so we think; we could never be content without it." they paced silently back and forth for a few moments, then lucilla asked, "how long are we going to lie quietly here in portland harbor, papa?" "that will depend upon the wishes of the majority of our company," he answered; "which i think we will learn at the breakfast table to-morrow morning." chapter iv. it was a bright and cheerful party that gathered about the _dolphin's_ breakfast table the next morning. greetings were exchanged, a blessing asked upon the food, and captain raymond began helping his guests. "i notice we are still lying quietly in portland harbor," remarked dr. percival. "do we remain here another day, captain?" "that must be as the majority decide," was the pleasant-toned rejoinder. "please, friends, express your wishes freely." no one spoke for a moment--each waiting for the others. then violet said, in her lively pleasant way, "cousin ronald, you are the eldest, and should feel entitled to speak first." "thanks, cousin," he returned, "but i really have no choice; am perfectly willing to go or stay, as may best please the majority of my friends here." "do you think of returning directly to bar harbor, captain?" asked mrs. travilla. "if that is what you would all prefer, mother. but how would you all like to take a short sea voyage--sailing eastwardly from here, at some distance from the coast, and perhaps going on up the coast of new brunswick?" every one, from mr. lilburn down to little ned, seemed charmed with the idea, and as the weather was all that could be desired, it was decided that they would start as soon as the anchor could be lifted and sufficient steam gotten up. they carried out their plan, and had a delightful voyage lasting several days. it was on saturday that they left portland; the sabbath found them far from land, and, as at former times, services were conducted on board the yacht with the singing of hymns, the offering up of prayers, the reading of the scriptures, and of a sermon by captain raymond. after that they formed themselves into a bible class, and mr. lilburn was persuaded to take the lead, choosing the subject while the others sat about him, bibles in hand. opening his, the dear old gentleman began: "let us take for our theme jesus christ our lord, and what it is so to know him that we shall have eternal life. here in the seventeenth chapter of john's gospel in his--the master's--wonderful prayer we read, 'and this is life eternal, that they might know thee the only true god, and jesus christ, whom thou hast sent.' paul tells us in his letter to the philippians, 'i count all things but loss for the excellency of the knowledge of christ jesus my lord.' his acquaintance was not with the christ of galilee, whom he had not known, but with the ascended christ; he who said to the apostle john on patmos, 'i am he that liveth and was dead, and behold i am alive again forever more.' in the tenth verse of the first chapter of his gospel john tells us, 'he was in the world and the world was made by him and the world knew him not.' in first john third chapter and last clause of the first verse, 'therefore the world knoweth us not, because it knew him not.' a self-seeking, worldly-minded man does not know christ, and cannot understand him who is aiming day by day to live above the world and get the christ view of life. captain, can you tell us why it is that the worldly-minded do not know jesus?" "because," replied the captain, "the cares and pleasures of this world are crowding him out of their hearts, as he himself tells us in the parable of the sower. but some of those who loved him failed for a time to recognize him when he was close to them. in the last chapter of his gospel john tells us, 'but when the morning was now come, jesus stood on the shore; but the disciples knew not that it was jesus.' mary also had failed at first to recognize him when he spoke to her as she stood weeping beside his sepulchre. and how long he talked with those two on the way to emmaus, and they did not recognize him until he sat down to eat with them, took bread, and blessed and brake it, and then vanished out of their sight! ah, jesus is often near us and we know him not." "and he is our master," said mrs. travilla, in her low, sweet tones. "in john thirteen, thirteenth, talking with his disciples jesus says, 'ye call me master and lord; and ye say well, for so i am.' and paul tells the ephesians that their master is in heaven. 'and ye masters do the same things unto them, forbearing, threatening, knowing that your master also is in heaven.'" "there are five greek words translated master," continued the captain; "one meaning overseer, another teacher, still another signifying absolute ownership; another, leader--one who goes before us; still another, one exercising supreme authority or power. oh, that to-day each one of us may know christ as our supreme lord and master who alone has absolute ownership of our lives and all our powers." "let us look for other texts bearing upon this subject," said mr. lilburn. "have not you one for us, harold?" "yes," replied harold, "here in first john, second chapter, is given a test of our knowledge of christ. 'hereby do we know that we know him if we keep his commandments. he that saith i know him and keepeth not his commandments is a liar and the truth is not in him.'" "and here in john's gospel," said mrs. lilburn, "where jesus is talking with his disciples, that same night in which he was betrayed, he says: 'a new commandment i give unto you, that ye love one another; as i have loved you, that ye also love one another. by this shall all men know that ye are my disciples, if ye have love one to another.'" "and again," said evelyn, "in the fifteenth chapter and twelfth verse, 'this is my commandment, that ye love one another, as i have loved you. greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends.'" "what wonderful love--oh, what wonderful love was his!" exclaimed mrs. travilla, in low moved tones. "and how sweet are those words: 'i have loved thee with an everlasting love.' 'for a small moment have i forsaken thee; but with great mercies will i gather thee.'" "let us sing to his praise," suggested mr. lilburn, and violet, seating herself at the instrument, struck a few chords, then started the hymn: "oh, for a thousand tongues to sing, my dear redeemer's praise," the others joining in with a will--evidently singing with spirit and understanding, for the sweet words were familiar to all. the short service over, they scattered in groups here and there, chatting quietly with each other. for a few moments mrs. travilla and her cousin and old-time intimate friend, annis--now mrs. lilburn--were together a little apart from the others, talking low and confidentially. they talked of the past, the present, and the future, as regarded life in both this world and the next. "how sweet is that bible lesson which we have just had," said annis, at length. "how i love those words of jesus--'ye call me master and lord; and ye say well; for so i am.'" "yes," returned elsie; "they are very dear to me. oh, how sweet to know that he is ever with us--always close at hand, full of love, infinite in power and willingness to bless; to help in every trouble, to give 'the oil of joy for mourning and the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness.' oh, how true are the words: 'the joy of the lord is your strength.' if we only have that we can bear all troubles and trials. it makes one happy in the present, and takes away all dread of the future; so sweet and sustaining is it to know that he who has all power in heaven and on earth is your friend, loving you with an everlasting, infinite love; caring for you at all times and in all places." "yes, yes," said annis softly. "'sing, o daughter of zion; shout, o israel; be glad and rejoice with all thy heart, o daughter of jerusalem' ... 'the lord thy god in the midst of thee is mighty; he will save, he will rejoice over thee with joy; he will rest in his love, he will joy over thee with singing.' are they not sweet words, elsie?" "indeed they are! these others too--'god commendeth his love toward us, in that while we were yet sinners, christ died for us.'" there was a moment of silence; then annis said, "you seem to me a very happy christian, elsie. is it not because the joy of the lord is indeed your strength?" "oh, annis, who could be otherwise than happy in the consciousness of that love; and in the thought of how soon one will be with the master, and like him; and with all the dear ones gone before, never, never to be separated from them again?" "yes, dear cousin, and how blest are we in the knowledge that our dear ones gone before were his, and are with him now, and will be ready to greet us with great joy when we too shall reach that blessed shore." "'the joy of the lord is your strength,'" again quoted mrs. travilla, in her low, sweet tones. "don't you think, annis, that the covenanters and puritans,--good, devoted christians as most of them were,--in opposing the lightness, worldly-mindedness, and frivolity of their foes, went too far to the other extreme, leaving out from their teachings the joy of the lord? do you not remember that the jews were told by nehemiah, ezra, and the others, 'this day is holy unto the lord your god; mourn not nor weep. go your way, eat the fat and drink the sweet; and send portions unto them for whom nothing is prepared: for this day is holy unto our lord; neither be ye sorry; for the joy of the lord is your strength. so the levites stilled all the people, saying, hold your peace, for the day is holy; neither be ye grieved. and all the people went their way, to eat, and to drink, and to send portions, and to make great mirth, because they had understood the words that were declared unto them.'" "yes," said annis, "it seems to be human nature to go to extremes, and i think much harm is often done in that way. for instance, the covenanters and puritans of old times were so disgusted with the errors and selfish indulgences of the papists--their turning the sabbath into a holiday, which might rightly be spent in merrymaking and sport--that they themselves robbed it of all enjoyment, and made it a dull, gloomy time to their young people, with little or no hint in it of the strengthening joy of the lord." "i think you are right," returned mrs. travilla, in a musing tone. "the sabbath is not a day for frivolity, but it is one for joy and gladness--the joy of the lord strengthening us for duty, trial, and temptation. what but that sustained the martyrs when called upon to lay down their lives for the sake of him who died to redeem them? and oh, how that gracious, precious promise, 'as thy days, so shall thy strength be,' relieves one of the dread of what the future may have in store for us; what bereavements, losses, sufferings, mental or physical! how often and sweetly he bids us fear not. 'o israel, fear not: for i have redeemed thee, i have called thee by thy name; thou art mine. when thou passest through the waters, i will be with thee; and through the rivers, they shall not overflow thee: when thou walkest through the fire, thou shalt not be burned; neither shall the flames kindle upon thee. for i am the lord, thy god, the holy one of israel, thy saviour.'" "yes," said annis, "oh, how often, how tenderly he bids us fear not. it is like a mother hushing her frightened child. 'say to them that are of a fearful heart, fear not.... fear thou not, for i am with thee.... for i the lord thy god will hold thy right hand, saying to thee, fear not, i will help thee. fear not, i have redeemed thee, thou art mine.... fear not, o jacob my servant, and jeshurun whom i have chosen.'" "'whom i have chosen,'" repeated elsie. "how those words bring to mind what jesus our dear master said to his disciples in that last talk with them in the room where they had eaten the passover--'ye have not chosen me, but i have chosen you.' oh, what love and condescension to choose us sinful creatures for his own!" "'and ordained you that ye should go and bring forth fruit,'" said annis, going on with the quotation, "'and that your fruit should remain; that whatsoever ye shall ask the father in my name, he will give it you.' i remember," she went on musingly, "that when i was a little girl i used to think i should like to be a christian, and would be if only i knew how. the way seems very easy now--just to listen to the dear saviour's gracious invitation, 'come unto me all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and i will give you rest,' accept it, and give myself to him." "yes," said elsie, "his promise joined to that--'and ye shall find rest unto your souls'--is sure; it never fails." chapter v. before the next sabbath our friends had returned to bar harbor. for some weeks longer they remained in that vicinity; then, cooler weather making a more southerly climate desirable, they sailed for home. dr. percival was so far recovered that he felt in haste to get back to torriswood and at work among his patients again. he and his maude paid a flying visit to old friends and relatives at the oaks and ion, then hastened to louisiana by rail. max raymond, to the great satisfaction of himself, his _fiancée_, and his friends, was favored with a lengthening of his furlough, which enabled him to spend some weeks at home in his father's house. lucilla persuaded evelyn to be her guest at the same time, chester was there every evening, and so the courting went merrily on. there was much talk about the new house the captain proposed building, much discussion of the question whether the one building should be made suitable and sufficiently large for two families,--half of it for max and eva,--or whether a separate house should be put up for them in another part of the grounds. the decision was finally left to the brides-elect, and as they were very strongly attached, and max was likely to be often away on the sea for months and years together, they thought it best the two dwellings should be under the same roof, and their decision was highly approved by the captain and all their relatives and friends. then followed consultations in regard to the exact spot upon which it should stand, and the studying and comparing of plans to make it as commodious, convenient, and beautiful as possible. the captain was evidently ready to go to any reasonable amount of expense in order to give them an ideal home, his means being ample and his love for his children very great. but all the time was not spent in that way, for other relatives claimed a share in max's prized companionship; invitations were given and visits paid to the oaks, ion, fairview, the laurels, roselands, pinegrove, ashlands, and riverside. sometimes the invitation was for dinner or tea, sometimes for the whole day--or longer for the young folks, if not for the older ones and the children. it was on the last day of october they dined at riverside, nearly all the connection meeting them there, and at rosie's earnest solicitation evelyn and lucilla, max and chester accepted an invitation to stay until the next morning, captain raymond giving a rather unwilling consent to let lucilla do so. "it is hallowe'en, you know, and i'm just pining for a bit of fun," rosie said privately to the girls, after seeing the older guests depart. "you two are engaged, to be sure, but 'there's many a slip 'twixt the cup and the lip,'" she added, with a laugh and a twinkle of fun in her eye. "but we are not wanting slips," laughed lucilla. "nor much afraid we will get them," added evelyn merrily. "still we might have a little fun." "provided we take it early enough to get to bed in good season," added lucilla, in a mirthful tone. "my father, you know, is very particular about that--so kindly anxious is he to keep me in good health." "which is altogether right, wise, and kind, i am sure," returned rosie; "and i don't intend to tempt you to go contrary to his wishes. i'm obliged to him for granting my request for permission to keep you here all night, and i shall not urge you to stay up later than he would allow you to if you were at home. if we try some old-fashioned games we can suit ourselves as to the hour for the experiments." "yes," laughed evelyn, "i shall be quite as sure of the fulfilment of the augury if we get it some hours earlier than people of old times used to look for it." "then we will just wait till our old folks get to bed--which they always do in good season," said rosie. "your husband approves, i suppose?" remarked lucilla inquiringly. "oh, yes!" laughed rosie; "he sees no harm in it, and approves of his wife having all the pleasure she can. i wish we could have had grace stay and share the fun, but her father vetoed that almost before i had fairly given the invitation." "yes," said lucilla, "poor gracie is so feeble that father has to be very careful of her." "yes; i know," said rosie, "but i thought he might have left her for once, considering that my two doctor brothers are here for the night--unless called out by some inconveniently sick person." "which we will hope they won't be, for even doctors should have a little amusement once in a while," said evelyn. "yes," said rosie, "and they enjoyed the golf this afternoon, and appear to be having a pleasant time with max, chester, and the others out on the river bank there now." the girls were on the veranda overlooking the river, and just at that moment were joined by rosie's mother-in-law, the older mrs. croly. she sat down and chatted with them for a few moments, then bade them good-night, and went to her own apartments. it was growing dusk then, the young men came in, and presently they all repaired to the drawing-room, where for the next hour or two they entertained each other with music and conversation. max had some interesting adventures to narrate, to which both young men and maidens were eager listeners. in the pause that followed the conclusion of the second tale the clock in the hall was heard to strike. "eleven!" exclaimed lucilla, in a tone of surprise and dismay. "father would say i ought to have gone to my room and my bed more than an hour ago." "oh, no! not on hallowe'en," laughed rosie; and just then a servant brought in a basket filled with ears of corn, and set it down in their midst. "what's that for, rosie?" asked harold. "you can hardly ask your guests to eat raw corn, especially at this late hour? as a physician i must most emphatically enter my protest." "perhaps rosie is benevolently trying to bring practice into her brothers' hands," remarked herbert facetiously. "but we are not looking for that at present, but for fun--pure fun, that will bring damage to nobody." "yes, my dear brothers, that's what i am endeavoring to do," she returned in sprightly tones. "perhaps you have not heard of the new game with ears of corn? you folks are all invited to be blindfolded, each in turn, and in that condition to draw out an ear of corn by which to foretell your future fate. a tasselled ear will promise you great joy, a big, full one good luck for a year. a short one will mean a gift is coming, a red or yellow one no luck at all." "quite a new idea," said herbert, "and as there is nothing said about love or marriage, i suppose even engaged folks may try it; married ones also." "oh, yes!" replied rosie, producing a dainty lace-trimmed handkerchief. "eva, will you kindly consent to take the first turn?" "if you wish it," returned evelyn, and the handkerchief was bound about her head and she was led to the basket. "i suppose i am not to choose by feeling, either, but just to take the first one i happen to touch?" she said inquiringly. the others assented, and she drew out an ear. "oh, good luck for you!" exclaimed rosie. "it is as big and full a one as the basket holds." lucilla was told it was her turn, the handkerchief was bound about her eyes, and she stooped over the basket and drew out quite a short ear. "ah, you see i am not so lucky as you were, eva," she exclaimed, passing her fingers from end to end. "but it isn't bad," said rosie. "that means a gift is coming to you soon." "a good or a bad one?" laughed lucilla. "perhaps papa would say i deserved a bad one for staying up so late." "oh, no! i think he expected something of the kind--he declined to let grace stay, you know," said rosie, "and i did want her badly. well, gentlemen, which of you will take his turn now?" at that they all insisted that she should take hers first, which she did, bringing out a tasselled ear. "oh, i am fortunate!" she cried, with a merry peal of laughter, "for a tasselled ear is said to mean great joy." after that the young men took their turns. chester got a big, full ear, max a short one, herbert a tasselled one, harold a yellow one, which rosie told him with sighs and groans meant no luck at all. "but don't be discouraged, brother dear," she said, patting him affectionately on the shoulder, "though older than myself, you are young enough to have lots of good luck after this year is out." "many thanks for the assurance, sister mine," he laughed, "and though older than yourself, i believe i am young enough to wait a year for any special good luck." "and i hope you will have enough afterward to reward you for the patient waiting, uncle harold," said lucilla. "if he gets all he deserves it will be a great deal," added evelyn. "you are good, kind comforters--both; accept my warmest thanks," laughed harold. there was a little more lively chat, then the young girls said good-night and went to their rooms--two on the second floor with a communicating door between. rosie accompanied them, leaving her husband to attend to the gentlemen guests. "see here, girls," she said, pointing to a basket of rosy-cheeked apples on a stand; "these were put here to induce you to try another hallowe'en experiment. if you want to see what your future husbands will look like, eat one of these standing before the mirror, brushing your hair all the time, and now and then--when you can get up courage enough--look over your left shoulder." "oh, that won't require any courage, rosie," laughed evelyn. "i am not in the least afraid of max--brave officer though he is." "and i stand in quite as little fear of chester," said lucilla. "so that really it seems that your good apples will be almost thrown away." "ah, you two forget the 'many a slip 'twixt the cup and the lip,'" laughed rosie. "and it cannot possibly do your lovers any harm, or alienate their affections from you." "no, we are not at all afraid of that," said lucilla, "and as your apples look very tempting, i believe i shall run the risk of eating one presently. i suppose i must first don a dressing gown and take down my hair." "yes," said rosie; "you are to stand before the mirror brushing it diligently while eating the apple. and you will try it too, won't you, eva?" "well, yes," returned evelyn, "just for fun; and if anybody but max comes to me i shall be sure it is not a truthful augury." "max is a fine fellow and has always been one of my favorites," said rosie, "but there are others in the world that might do just as well, in case you and max should have a falling out. or you may live long enough to marry several times." evelyn laughed at that, saying she was quite sure once would be enough for her. "i know you girls did not come prepared to stay all night," said rosie, "so i have laid out a night-dress and dressing-gown for each of you. get into them, and you will look nice and pretty enough for an interview with your future husbands." they thanked her, and, examining the garments which she took from a wardrobe in eva's room, pronounced them really pretty enough to wear to the breakfast table. they made haste with their toilets, and in a few minutes each was standing before a mirror, eating an apple and brushing out her hair. then rosie left them with a promise to be back again before very long to learn of their success. she artfully left ajar both doors leading into the hall. they opened noiselessly, and presently each had admitted a young man, who, wearing slippers, moved with noiseless tread, and as the girls looked over their left shoulders eva caught sight of harold standing a few feet in her rear, gazing steadily at her, a kindly smile upon his features; while at the same moment lucilla perceived herbert at a similar distance from her, gazing intently and admiringly upon her. "oh, uncle herbert," she laughed, "this cannot be a true sign, for i know well enough that neither of us has any loverlike feeling toward the other." almost before she finished her sentence he had vanished, and she heard evelyn saying in mirthful tones, "ah, uncle harold, this is the no luck at all--prophesied by that yellow ear of corn; for, as you know, i am already pledged to another." at that harold sighed deeply and withdrew. but scarcely had he and his brother disappeared when max silently took his place, chester at the same time coming up behind lucilla so that she saw him in the mirror, to which she had again turned, brush in hand. "oh, is it you, chester? you are the right man in the right place," she laughed. "i hope so, darling," he returned. "what lovely hair!" passing his hand caressingly over it; "so long and thick too. i never before saw it to such advantage." max was standing silently behind evelyn, and just at that moment she caught sight of him in the glass. she turned quickly, and he caught her in his arms, giving her a rapturous kiss. "don't be disappointed that i am your future mate," he said. "certainly not, since you were already my own free choice," she returned, looking up into his face with one of her sweetest smiles. just then lucilla's voice was heard coming from the next room, "is that you, max?" and in a moment the four were together, gayly laughing and chatting, both young men insisting that that style of wearing the hair--streaming over the shoulders--was extremely becoming. then rosie and her will joined them for a moment, after which they all bade good-night, and the girls were left alone to seek repose. chapter vi. the young people had a merry time over their breakfast the next morning, rehearsing all they had gone through in their celebration of hallowe'en, each one seeming to have enjoyed his or her part in it. they lingered over the meal, but soon after leaving the table scattered to their homes, excepting eva, who returned to woodburn with max and lucilla. on arriving there lucilla hastened to the library, where she found her father examining some business letters. "good-morning, papa!" she said. "here is your amanuensis, and haven't you something for her to do?" "yes," he replied, looking up at her with a smile, as she stood close at his side, "and the first thing is to give her father a kiss; that is, if she will not find it a disagreeable task." "anything else than that, father dear," she returned, bending down to give and receive a caress. "and won't you let me help, as usual, with your correspondence?" "i shall be very glad to do so," he returned, rising to take the cover from her typewriter, and put the paper in place. then she seated herself and he began dictating. when they had finished, "did you miss me last night and this morning, father?" she asked. "i did indeed," he said; "but that is something i will have to get used to, when chester takes you from me." he ended with a sigh. "oh, papa, don't sigh so over it!" she exclaimed. "you know it isn't as if i had to go away to a distance from you. i shall be close at hand, and you can call me to your side whenever you will." "which will be pretty often, i think," he said, with a smile, drawing her closer to him, and caressing her hair and cheek with his hand. "had you a pleasant time last evening? and did you go to bed in season, as your father would have seen that you did had you been at home?" "no, i did not get to bed early, papa," she replied. "i thought you would excuse me for staying up, for once, to try my fortune. for you see, we all wanted to know who were to be our future life partners, rosie telling us that there was 'many a slip 'twixt the cup and the lip,' so that our engagements didn't make us safe." she concluded with a light laugh and look that seemed to say she felt no fear that he would be seriously displeased with her. "you stayed up to try your fortune, did you?" he returned, with a look of amusement. "why, my child, i thought you considered it already made." "so i do, papa, and last night's experience only confirmed my belief." then she went on to tell him the whole story, he seeming to enjoy the tale as she told it. "you are not vexed with me, papa, for staying up so late, just for once?" she asked, when her tale was told. "no," he replied, "though i should be far from willing to have you make a practice of it. "'early to bed and early to rise, makes a man healthy, wealthy, and wise,' the old saying is, and i want you to be all three." "as you are, father; and i am the first, at all events," she returned, with a happy little laugh. "you have never had to pay a big doctor's bill for me." "no; but to escape that is the least of my reasons for wanting to keep you healthy." just then max came in with eva, bringing a book on architecture. "here are some plans for houses, father," he said, laying the book open before the captain. "please look at this, and tell me what you think of it, as in some respects it is what would suit us. you too, lu. eva and i like the most of it very much." the captain and lucilla examined it with interest, and were as well pleased as were max and evelyn. it was a matter in which they and chester also were deeply interested, and they were taking time and trouble to make sure of having their future home all that could be desired. it was not to be built in haste. they had agreed to take plenty of time and thought in regard to all the interior arrangements, making everything as convenient as possible, as well as to the exterior, which they were resolved should be such as to cause the building to be recognized as an ornament to its neighborhood. chester was the one most anxious to get the house built and to secure his bride; the other three seemed well content to defer their marriage until the captain should give full and hearty consent. the exact spot on which the building should stand had been selected, and the plans for it almost matured, when there came an order for max to join a naval vessel about to sail for a distant foreign port. there was a tender and sorrowful leave-taking, and max was absent from the home circle for many months. for a time those left behind seemed to have lost much of their interest in the building of the new home. then came the fall rains, after that the winter storms, and it was decided that the actual work should not be begun until spring. then grace had a serious illness, which kept her in bed for several weeks, and she had hardly recovered when the little ones at fairview were taken down with measles. they all passed through that trouble safely, but the weather had now grown warm enough to make a more northern climate desirable, and they--the whole fairview family, accompanied by their grandma and the raymonds--went aboard the captain's yacht and sailed up the coast and the hudson river to evelyn's pretty home, crag cottage. that became their headquarters for the summer, though occasional short trips were taken to one or another of the points of interest in new york and the adjoining states. they all enjoyed themselves, though chester and max were missed--especially by lucilla and evelyn. chester, however, joined the party late in the season, and was with them on the journey home. soon after their return, work was begun upon the proposed site of the new double dwelling, the cellars were dug, and the foundation was laid. but the work proceeded slowly. max was not likely to be at home again soon, and it was well to take time to have everything done in the best possible manner. evelyn and lucilla had fully decided upon a double wedding, which of course could not take place until max obtained a furlough, and came home for a visit of some weeks or months. chester felt the delay hard upon him, but had to content himself with being allowed to spend all his spare time with his betrothed. fall and winter passed quietly. there were the usual holiday festivities and exchange of gifts, then quiet home duties and pleasures filled up the days, and the weeks glided swiftly by. one morning in february the captain, looking over his daily paper, uttered an exclamation of mingled regret and indignation. "what is it, my dear?" asked violet. "something that troubles you, i perceive." "yes," he replied; "here is a piece of very bad news. the _maine_, one of our favorite battleships, lying at anchor in havana harbor, has been suddenly destroyed by a terrible explosion--wrecked and sent to the bottom with american seamen; only the captain and a few of his officers who were on shore escaping the awful fate of the others." "oh, that is dreadful, dreadful!" cried violet. "but how did it happen? what was the cause?" "that has yet to be discovered, my dear," replied captain raymond; "but i have little doubt that it was the work of some enemy among the spaniards. they have been angry at the presence of the vessel in their harbor--their newspapers calling it a taunt and a banter, for they know our people sympathize with the cubans. somebody has done this evil deed; it remains to be discovered who it was." "this is sigsbee's despatch to the government," he added, and read aloud: "_maine_ blown up in havana harbor at nine-forty to-night. many wounded and doubtless more killed or drowned. wounded and others on board spanish man-of-war and ward line steamers. send light-house tenders from key west for crew and the few pieces of equipment above water. none has clothing other than that upon him. public opinion should be suspended until further report. all officers believed to be saved. jenkins and merritt not yet accounted for. many spanish officers, including representatives of general blanco, now with me to express sympathy." "sigsbee." it was directly after breakfast and the family were all present. lucilla and grace seemed much excited, and little ned asked anxiously if "brother max" was on that ship. "no, my son," replied his father; "i am very glad to know certainly that he was not. have you forgotten that he is with commodore dewey on the coast of china?" "oh, yes, papa! i forgot where havana was. i remember now that it is not in china, but in cuba." "oh, that is a dreadful piece of news, papa!" said lucilla, in tones of excitement. "won't it be likely to bring on a war with spain--especially as we have been feeling so sorry for the poor cubans whom she has been abusing so terribly?" "i am really afraid it can hardly fail to cause war," replied the captain. "but that will depend very much upon the result of the investigation which will no doubt be made by our government." "oh, i hope we won't have war!" cried grace, shuddering at the thought. "war is a very dreadful thing," sighed her father, "but sometimes the right thing on one side--that of those who undertake it for the downtrodden and oppressed." "but we are not such folks, are we, papa?" asked ned. "no, son; but the poor cubans are, and the question is whether we should not undertake to win their freedom for them." "by fighting the spaniards who abuse them so, papa?" asked little elsie. "yes." "what have they been doing to them, papa?" asked ned. "oppressing, robbing, murdering them, burning down their houses, forcing them into the cities and towns and leaving them to starve to death there." "why, papa, how dreadful! i should think our folks ought to go and fight for them. i wish i was big enough to help." "my dear little son, i am glad you are not," said his mother, drawing him to her side and giving him a fond caress. "why, mamma?" "because you might be badly hurt or even killed, and that would break your mother's heart." "then, mamma, i'm glad i don't have to go, for i wouldn't like to hurt you so," said the little fellow, stroking and patting his mother's cheek, and gazing fondly into her eyes. "oh, i hope it won't come to war for us!" exclaimed grace; "though i should like to have the poor cubans helped. just think how dreadful, if max should be engaged in a naval battle." "well, my child, we won't borrow trouble about that," said her father soothingly. "and i hope there is not much danger, as he is away off in the china seas," said lucilla, trying to cheer grace, though she herself had little idea that he would escape taking part if there should be war. "in case of war, that will hardly excuse him from doing his duty," said their father; "nor would our dear brave boy wish to be excused. but we will all pray that he may be spared injury, if such be the lord's will." "indeed we will, in that case, pour out constant petitions for him--the dear fellow!" said violet, with emotion. "but, levis, do you think this will bring on war?" "it looks very likely to me," replied her husband, sadness perceptible in both his countenance and tones. "and, really, i think it is our duty to interfere for those poor, savagely treated cubans. i think it is high time that this powerful people undertook their cause." "and i suppose the spaniards are already angry with the americans for sympathizing with those poor, oppressed cubans," said lucilla. "yes," said her father, "and this awful deed--the blowing up of our grand battleship with its hundreds of sailors--is doubtless an expression of their ill-will." and that was not the thought of captain raymond alone, but of many others as well. the wrongs and sufferings of the cubans had so touched the hearts of thousands of the americans that they felt strongly impelled to make some effort to help them to win their freedom; and now this wanton destruction of one of our favorite battleships--and, what was far worse, the lives of nearly three hundred innocent men--so increased their anger and distrust that it could scarcely be restrained. through all the land of the americans there was a strong feeling of indignation over the treachery and cruelty of the blow that had destroyed that gallant ship and sacrificed so many innocent lives; but the people were sternly quiet while the court of inquiry was making its investigations. they were ready to punish the doers of that dastardly deed, but not without proof of their guilt. for forty days they and their congress silently awaited the report of the board of naval officers engaged in examining into the evidences of the cause of the destruction of the _maine_. their verdict came at length, but in rather vague form--that, according to the evidence obtainable, the vessel had been destroyed by an explosion against her side from without. so much was clearly proven, but they did not say by whom the evil deed was done. more than a week before that report came in, both congress and the people had been greatly moved by the speech of senator proctor, describing what he had witnessed in cuba, the scenes of starvation and horror; men, women, and children robbed of their homes, their cattle--all their earthly possessions--driven into the towns and left to starve to death in the streets. the senator's speech made a great impression, and there were others on the same subject and in a like strain, delivered by members of the commission sent to cuba by the new york _journal_. some days later--on the th--came the report of the court of inquiry into the _maine_ catastrophe, and put an end to the patience of congress, which had long been ready to undertake the cause of the oppressed and suffering cubans. it was not until noon of the th of april that the president's message reached congress. in that he turned over to it the whole policy of the government toward spain. congress did not make a formal declaration of war with spain until the th of april, but actual hostilities began on the th. indeed, four days before the declaration of war the united states navy began the blockade of cuba, and captured a vessel on the high seas. chapter vii. max raymond, buried in thought, was pacing the deck of the _olympia_. "hello, raymond, have you heard the news?" asked a fellow officer, hurrying toward him in evident excitement. "no; what is it? news from home?" asked max, pausing in his walk with a look of eager interest. "just that. the commodore has had a warning to leave hong-kong. war has been declared by our government, and great britain has issued a proclamation of neutrality. the official warning comes from the authorities here." "ah!" exclaimed max, "i knew--we all knew--that it would come soon. it is well the commodore has had all our vessels put in war paint, and every preparation made for departure upon short notice." "yes; commodore dewey is a wise man and officer. i'm glad he's at the head of affairs in this fleet. it looks as if we would have some fighting soon, raymond." "yes, dale, and it behooves us to be prepared for wounds or death. we are about to fight in a good cause, i think--for the freedom of the poor, oppressed, downtrodden cubans. but where are we to go now, do you know?" "only that it must be out of this harbor quite promptly. it can hardly be to travel the seven thousand miles back to san francisco." they were not kept long in suspense. presently, anchors were taken up, and with bands playing and flags flying the fleet of vessels steamed out of the harbor, while the british residents of the city crowded the quay and shipping, cheering and saluting the americans as the warships passed. that first voyage of the squadron was but a short one, a few miles up the coast to mirs bay, a chinese harbor, where they anchored and awaited orders from home, the _mcculloch_ having been left behind to bring them when they should arrive. the next day she came, bringing this message, dated washington, april : "dewey, asiatic squadron: war has commenced between the united states and spain. proceed at once to philippine islands. commence operations at once, particularly against the spanish fleet. you must capture the vessels or destroy. use utmost endeavors." "long." this message was what commodore dewey had been waiting for since his arrival at hong-kong in january. he had formed his plans, and was ready to carry them out without delay. his captains were called to a short conference, and about midnight the fleet sailed on its errand of battle. they turned south toward the philippine islands, miles away. the nearest united states port was san francisco, miles distant. no neutral power would permit him to take more than enough of coal to carry his vessels home by the most direct route, so that there was but one course open to dewey and his fleet--the capturing of a spanish harbor somewhere in asiatic waters, which he could make a naval base. one of dewey's ships--the _petrel_--was slow, and as the fleet of vessels must keep together, that delayed them. it was three days before they reached the line of coast of the island of luzon. it was reported that the enemy might be found in subig bay, so that was carefully reconnoitred, but the spanish were not there; the fishermen about the harbor said they had seen no spanish fleet, and though every nook and corner of the bay was examined, not so much as a gunboat could be found. so the american fleet passed on to manila, miles away. it seemed evident that the spaniards had chosen that station because there they would have the aid of shore batteries. it is said that their ships were comparatively antiquated, but not so much so as to make their defeat at all certain. their guns were as good as those of the american ships, and they had more of them: to dewey's six fighting ships admiral montojo had ten, and two torpedo boats besides. the spaniards had no vessel to rank with the _olympia_, but the numbers of their vessels, it might have been expected, would probably, in skilled hands, have more than made up for that. the americans had the advantage in batteries, but not overwhelmingly. the _mcculloch_ did not go into action at all, and the spanish torpedo boats were sunk before their guns would bear. the americans were greatly superior in everything that goes to win victory; but that they did not know until the fight had been going on for some time; and as commodore dewey led his fleet along the coast of luzon, toward the harbor where he knew the enemy lay in wait for them, he had nothing less than a desperate battle to expect. the americans were brave; we know of no cowardice among them, but to the thoughtful ones--max raymond among them--it was a solemn reflection that they might be nearing mutilation and sudden, painful death. the spanish ships were anchored in a harbor protected by shore batteries. to reach them the americans must pass down a channel sixteen miles long, guarded on each side by powerful forts armed with modern guns; and it was to be expected that it held many mines prepared to blow up our vessels. knowing all these things, commodore dewey, his officers, and his men must have been expecting a hard fight, with no certainty of winning the victory. there was probably but little sleep on board the vessel that night. about ten o'clock saturday night the men were sent to their stations for battle. max had spent some leisure time in writing to the dear ones in his home, and the still dearer one pledged to become his wife, telling just where he was and the prospect immediately before him, expressing his hope that all would go well with the americans--now championing the cause of the poor, oppressed cubans and of these downtrodden filipinos--and that he would be able to write further after the conflict ended, should he pass safely through it; but if he should be killed or seriously wounded, doubtless the news would reach them in due season, and they must think of him as having fallen in a good cause, hoping to meet them all in a better land. a little before that, the commodore was walking back and forth on the starboard side of the upper deck, when he noticed an old sailor who seemed to be trying to find something to do on the port side. he was a man who had been forty years in the service of the navy and army of the united states, and was a privileged character on the _olympia_. he seemed to be keeping a careful lookout on the commodore, who noticed it and perceived that he had something on his mind. "well, purdy, what is it?" he asked. purdy straightened up and saluted. "i hope, sir," he said, "ye don't intend to fight on the d of may." "and why not?" asked the commodore. "well, ye see, sir," purdy replied, in the most serious manner, "the last time i fought on the d of may i got licked--at the battle of chancellorsville, under fighting joe hooker." "all right, purdy, we won't fight on the d of may this time," said the commodore; "but when we do fight, purdy, you'll have a different kind of a may anniversary to think about. remember that, purdy." "ay, ay, sir," replied purdy, saluting, then hurrying away to rejoin his blue jacket comrades, whom he told, "we'll lick those spaniards if they was ten times as many as they are." the moon was in its first quarter, and though often veiled by clouds its light might enable the spaniards on the fortified points here and there to perceive the stealthy approach of their foe. max, on the watch with others, overheard the commodore say, as they neared the opening between mariveles and the island of corregidor, "we ought to hear from this battery about now." but its guns were silent. they went on two miles further without perceiving any evidence that the spaniards were awake and aware of their approach. "they seem far from alert and watchful," max presently remarked. but at that moment a bright light was thrown on the point, an answering one was seen on the island, as if they were signalling each other, then a rocket soared up from the centre of corregidor, and the commodore said, "it has taken them a long time to wake up, but probably they will make it all the hotter for us when they begin." day had not yet dawned when they reached the mouth of manila bay. they did not stop to reconnoitre, but pressed on at once, running the gantlet of batteries and concealed mines without waiting for daylight to make it easier. they waited a little for the setting of the moon, then went on in single file, the _olympia_ leading and the _mcculloch_ bringing up the rear, and with no lights except one lantern at the stern of each ship for the next to steer by. a great light marked the entrance to the harbor, gleaming in the darkness as though to welcome the gray ships stealing so quietly in, as if to come suddenly and unexpectedly upon their prey. the forts were as silent as though all their defenders were asleep or dead. that was a wonder to the americans, for the rush of their vessels through the water seemed to make a sound that might be heard by the enemy, and every moment they expected it to attract their attention; and so anxious were they to pass unnoticed, that they spoke to each other in whispers, and moved about with muffled tread. they were in momentary expectation of a cannon shot or the explosion of a mine that might rend the plates of some one of their ships; but nothing of either kind occurred, until the last ship in the procession--the _mcculloch_--gave the first alarm. coal was flung on her furnace, and a red flame flared up, lighting up the waters and the rigging of the ship itself and of those ahead. all the men on the fleet turned expectantly toward the batteries on the land, thinking that shots would certainly come now. but all was silence there. again and again the unlucky beacon flared, and after the third time it was noticed by the flash of a gun on a rock called el fraile. but the aim was not good, and the shot did not strike any of our vessels. the _concord_ fired in return, and cannon roared from the _boston_, the _mcculloch_, and again from the _concord_, but the _olympia_ and other big ships passed on in silent dignity. the commodore was standing on the bridge of the _olympia_, piloting his fleet, and the shot from el fraile had given him a clear idea of how the shore lay. and now, having passed that battery, all the defences of the harbor's mouth were left behind, and excepting mines that might lie concealed under the water there was no further danger to meet until they should reach the city with its forts at cavité. as the ship steamed on up the bay, max and dale standing together on deck fell into conversation. "what ails these spaniards?" queried dale. "i, for one, expected nothing less than a severe fight at the very mouth of this bay, but they have let us come in and on up toward their city almost unnoticed. the strait where we came in is only about five miles wide, and broken by three islands, all fortified, and armed with krupp guns. and on the mainland there are two forts--one on each side--which, as i have been told, are armed with steel rifled cannon." "yes," said max, "and we passed them all within easy range, and received only ineffective fire from one battery. but this is only the beginning; at any minute we may come in contact with a mine in the channel which will explode, or an electric mine may be discharged in a way to work us serious mischief." "true enough," said dale; "and it behooves us to be ready for the worst. there will probably be men killed and wounded on both sides." "yes," sighed max; "war is an awful thing; but in this instance right is on our side, because we have undertaken the cause of the oppressed. and," he added with an effort, "if we have made our peace with god--are believing in the lord jesus christ and trusting in his perfect righteousness--death will be no calamity to us; and if we are wounded, no matter how painfully, he will give us strength to bear it." "i do not doubt it," said dale; "nor that you are in that state of preparation, raymond. i hope i am also; and that being the case, we surely can go bravely on to meet whatever awaits us." "i hope so," said max, "and believing, as i do, that we are in the right, i have a strong hope that god will give us the victory." "ah, see!" cried a voice near them, "yonder are the spanish ships, lying at anchor under the batteries at cavité." "yes," said another, "and there is the old town of manila, with its low clustering roofs and towering cathedral." men crowded to the best points from which to obtain a good view, and stood in silence gazing upon it. max had a glass, and looking through it could see the roofs and quays of the city crowded with spectators. evidently the engagement with the battery at el fraile had been heard and had alarmed the city. dewey had planned for a prompt fight, but did not intend to have his men go into it hungry; and now some of his sailors were passing up and down distributing cups of hot coffee and biscuits. that duly attended to, signals fluttered from the gaff, black balls were run up to every peak on all the vessels, and, breaking out, displayed the great battle flags. at that, some nine-inch guns on fort lunette were fired--without doing any damage--and the american vessels suddenly moved on to closer quarters. "hold your fire!" was the order from the flagship, and two shots from the _concord_ was the only answer given to the forts. onward the fleet sped toward that of the spaniards, which was silent also. suddenly there was a muffled roar, and a great volume of mud and water was thrown into the air right before the flagship, showing that the dreaded mines were near. in an instant there was another explosion, but neither did any harm; and they were all our men saw of the spanish explosives of that sort. now the fleet was nearing the enemy. on the _olympia's_ bridge stood commodore dewey, with captain gridley and flag-captain lamberton at his side. the spanish ships now joined the forts in pouring their fire on the advancing foe, but still there was no response. presently the sun rose red and glaring with midsummer heat, and at that the commodore, turning to the officer at his side, said quietly, "you may fire now, gridley, when ready." gridley was ready, and the next instant an eight-inch shell was on its way toward the enemy, who was only about yards distant. presently a signal from the flagship gave the same permission to the other vessels, and the whole fleet was engaged. shortly before that, dewey had assembled the men of the _olympia_ and given them this final direction for their conduct during the fight: "keep perfectly cool, and pay attention to nothing but orders." such was the watchword through his whole fleet that morning, and the result was a deliberate and deadly fire. the ships steamed along in regular order--the _olympia_, the _baltimore_, the _raleigh_, _petrel_, _concord_, and _boston_--parallel to the spanish ships, working every gun that could be brought to bear, and receiving the fire of ships and forts in return. the fire of the spanish guns was a succession of brilliant misses--shots that came very near hitting, but did not quite do so. it was, as dewey put it in his report, "vigorous, but generally ineffective." but the aim was not always bad. one shell struck the gratings of the bridge of the _olympia_; one narrowly missed the commodore himself, and so hot did the fire become that he bade captain gridley go into the conning tower lest both of them might be killed or disabled at once. on the _boston_ a six-inch gun was disabled, and a box of ammunition exploded. also a shell burst in a stateroom, and set it on fire. our six vessels steamed along down past the spanish line, the port side of every ship a mass of flame and smoke, then circling around in a grand sweep--that made the spaniards think for a moment they were pulling out of action--the column returned again on its course, and the men of the starboard batteries had a chance to try their skill while their fellows rested. they had made this circuit but three times when three of the spanish ships were on fire. looking through glasses the shots could be seen striking the spanish hulls, which were thinly plated. admiral montojo, stung into fury by his losses, slipped the cables of his flagship, just as the americans were beginning their third round, and under full steam darted out as if intending to attack the _olympia_. but as his vessel--the _reina christina_--swung away from her fellows the fire of the whole american fleet was concentrated upon her. the storm of shot and shell came pouring down upon her, pierced her hull like paper, swept her decks and spread death and destruction on every side. her engines were pierced, her bridge shot away. she could hardly be controlled by her helm, and as she turned her stern to the american fire an eight-inch gun on the _olympia_ sent a projectile that struck her there, tore its way forward, exploding ammunition, shattering guns, killing men, piercing partitions, tearing up decks, and finally exploding in her after-boiler. agonized screams of wounded men were heard rising above the thunder of the battle, and the _reina christina_ staggered back with flames leaping from her hatches. while this was going on the two spanish torpedo boats slipped out and ran for the american fleet. one hastened toward the supply ships, but was caught by the _petrel_, driven ashore, and fired upon until she blew up. the other, running for the _olympia_, was struck by a shell, broke in two, and sank out of sight. five times the circuit was made by the american ships; then a signal fluttered from the yard of the _olympia_, and the fleet turned away to the other side of the harbor, where the _mcculloch_ and the colliers had been lying. at that the spaniards, supposing the americans were retreating, raised a resounding cheer. the men on the american ships were not so well pleased. they were asking what this move was for, and when told that it was in order to give them their breakfast, there was much grumbling. "breakfast!" exclaimed one of the gunners, "who wants any breakfast? why can't we finish off the dons, now we've got them going?" but breakfast was not what the delay was for. a misunderstood signal had made the commodore fear that the supply of ammunition for the five-inch guns on board of some of the vessels was running low, and he wished to replenish their stock. it was found, however, not to be necessary. but officers and sailors had their breakfast and a three hours' rest, during which guns and machinery that had been used in that morning's fight were examined and a supply of fresh ammunition was prepared. then the signals for a renewal of the battle were given, and the ships again bore down upon the enemy, revolving as before in a great circle of smoke and fire, but at closer range than at first. the spaniards seemed desperate, fired wildly, and in a half-hearted way. the _reina christina_ was blown up by the shells of the _baltimore_; quickly after the _don juan de austria_ was destroyed by the _raleigh_, and so on till all of the ten spanish ships had been destroyed or had surrendered. admiral montojo had transferred his flag to the _isla de cuba_, and fought till her guns were silenced and she was in flames; then leaving her to her fate, he escaped to the city. it is said that a great crowd of people had come out from that city that morning to see "the pigs of yankees" annihilated. the last ship left fighting was the _don antonio de ulloa_, and at length she sank, with her flag still nailed to her mast. one of the american shots entered the magazine at cavité, and that ended the resistance of the shore batteries. then from the _olympia_ was flung out the signal, "the enemy has surrendered," the hot, weary, smoke-begrimed men swarmed cheering out of turrets and up from the bowels of the ships, and the flagship's band broke out with the "star spangled banner," for the victory of manila was won, the first victory of the war with spain for the help of the sorely oppressed cubans. chapter viii. max had done bravely and well, and no one rejoiced more keenly in the victory than he, though his heart bled for the wounded and slain. he as well as others listened eagerly for the accounts of the captains of the other vessels of the fleet as they came on board to report to the commodore. "how many killed?" was demanded of each one, as he stepped on the deck, and great was the surprise and satisfaction on learning that none had been killed. "only eight wounded, none seriously," was the reply of captain dyer of the _baltimore_. "but six shells struck us, and two burst inboard without hurting any one." "not a dashed one," was the next captain's answer. "none killed and none wounded," said the third, "but i don't yet know how it happened. i suppose you fellows were all cut up." "my ship wasn't hit at all," was the next report. it was known that the _boston_ had been on fire, therefore it was expected that her captain would have to report a serious list of casualties, and when he announced that no one had been killed or wounded on his vessel the news spread quickly through the flagship, and the men cheered vociferously. the _baltimore_ had been struck by a sixty-pound projectile, fired from a land battery. it struck the ship about two feet above the upper deck, between two guns which were being served; pierced two plates of steel each one-quarter of an inch thick; then ploughed through the wooden deck, striking and breaking a heavy beam, by which it was turned upward; then it passed through a steel hatch-combing; disabled a six-inch gun; hurtled around the semicircular shield which surrounded the gun, missing the men at it; reversed its course and travelled back to a point almost opposite that at which it had entered the ship, and thus passed out. it had passed between men crowded at their quarters and had touched none, but it exploded some loose ammunition, by which eight were wounded. max listened to the accounts of the almost bloodless victory with a heart swelling with gratitude to god, and full of hope for the success of america's effort to free the victims of spanish cruelty and oppression. what glad tidings his next letter would carry to the dear ones at home. they would rejoice over the victory, and his safety too, though that might be again imperilled at any time. this naval battle had been fought on sunday. on monday morning captain lamberton went on shore to receive the formal surrender of the fort at cavité. they had hauled down their flag the day before, but now tried to prove that they had never done so. perceiving that, the captain drew out his watch. before leaving his ship he had directed that unless he returned in an hour those works should be bombarded. forty-five minutes of that hour were now gone, and he said to the spaniards: "unless you surrender unconditionally so soon that i can get back to my ship in fifteen minutes, the _petrel_ will open fire on your works." that had the desired effect; they surrendered at once, and priests and nuns came humbly to beg him to restrain his men from murdering all the wounded in the hospitals. they had been told that that was the invariable practice of the barbarous "yanquis." the next day the _raleigh_ and _baltimore_ went down to the mouth of the bay and, after a brief attack, captured the forts on corregidor and sangley point. the guns in these works were destroyed by wrapping them with gun cotton and exploding it with electricity. the officer in command at corregidor went aboard the _raleigh_ to surrender himself, and while there seemed greatly alarmed to find the ship drifting in the main channel, or boca grand, and demanded that he be at once put ashore. asked the reason of his alarm and haste to get away, he said the channel was full of contact mines, and though the americans might be satisfied to brave death by them he was not, and it was not fair to expose a prisoner to almost certain destruction. and that was the channel through which the american fleet had entered the harbor. four days after his victory dewey, having all the harbor defences at his command, sent off the _mcculloch_ to hong-kong with his first despatches to washington. so a week had passed after the rumors from madrid before the american people received definite information in regard to dewey's successes in the philippines. these are the despatches: manila, may .--squadron arrived at manila at daybreak this morning. immediately engaged the enemy and destroyed following spanish vessels: _reina cristina_, _castilla_, _don antonio de ulloa_, _isla de luzon_, _isla de cuba_, _general lezo_, _marques del duoro_, _el correo_, _velasco_, _isla de mindanao_, a transport, and water battery at cavité. the squadron is uninjured, and only a few men are slightly wounded. only means of telegraphing is to american consul at hong-kong. i shall communicate with him. dewey. manila, may .--i have taken possession of the naval station at cavité, philippine islands, and destroyed the fortifications. have destroyed fortifications at bay entrance, corregidor island, parolling the garrison. i control the bay completely, and can take the city at any time. the squadron is in excellent health and spirits. the spanish loss not fully known, but is very heavy. one hundred and fifty killed, including captain, on _reina cristina_ alone. i am assisting in protecting spanish sick and wounded. two hundred and fifty sick and wounded in hospital within our lines. much excitement in manila. will protect foreign residents. dewey. a message of congratulation from the president and people of the united states was the immediate response to dewey's despatches, and with it the information that the president had appointed the victorious commander a rear-admiral. doubtless a rumor concerning the nature of that despatch quickly reached all the vessels of the fleet, for the next morning watchful eyes on many of them turned to the flagship to see what flag would be run up to the mainmast, and when they saw that it was a blue flag as of yore, but had two stars instead of one, the guns of the squadron roared out a salute to the new admiral. no one there was more rejoiced than max, who both respected and loved his gallant commander; and no one in america felt happier over the good news in dewey's despatches than those to whom max was so dear. it was a blessed relief to their anxiety to learn that no one in the squadron had been killed, and none more than slightly wounded. chapter ix. the news of the destruction of the _maine_ was quite as exciting to our friends at ion as to those of woodburn. all saw that war between the united states and spain could not be long delayed, and when it was declared, both harold and herbert travilla volunteered their services as physicians and surgeons to the troops to be sent to cuba or puerto rico. their mother gave consent, though her heart bled at thought of the toils and dangers they would be called upon to endure, but she felt that they were right in their desire to help the poor cubans to such freedom as we enjoy. no one had felt a deeper sympathy for the despoiled and starving reconcentradoes than she. her sons were not going as soldiers, to be sure, but as greatly needed help to those who were to do the fighting. captain raymond was strongly inclined to offer his services to the government, but was deterred by the earnest, tearful entreaties of his wife and daughters. they urged him to refrain, for their sakes, as there seemed to be no lack of men who could be better spared--at least so it seemed to them. "oh, father," said grace, "don't think of such a thing! there are plenty of other men who are not so much loved and needed in their own homes; so that the poor cubans will be sure to get free without our risking the loss of the dearest father that anybody ever had." it was shortly after breakfast on a beautiful may morning, and the whole family were together on the front veranda, the captain occupying an easy chair, while looking over the morning paper. grace had come close to his side, and was standing there as she spoke. "is that your opinion of him?" he asked, smiling up into her eyes. "yes, sir; and always has been," she answered, accepting a silent invitation to a seat upon his knee, and putting an arm around his neck. "oh, father, i don't know how i could live without you!" she exclaimed, her eyes filling with tears at the very thought. "nor i," said lucilla. "no greater calamity than the loss of our father could possibly befall us. and there are plenty of other people to look after the cubans." "so i think," said violet. "if our country was in peril it would be a different matter. and, my dear, as your eldest son is in the fight--such a dear fellow as he is too!--i am sure that ought to be considered your full share of giving and doing for the cuban cause." "i should think so indeed!" chimed in lucilla and grace in a breath. "and, oh, i can't bear to think that my dear brother max may get wounded!" exclaimed elsie; and ned added, "and if he does, i'd just like to shoot the fellow that shoots him." "we must try not to feel revengeful, my little son," said his father. "well, papa, please promise not to offer to go into the fight," pleaded grace, and the others all added their earnest solicitations to hers, till at length they won the desired pledge. they were too dear to the captain's heart to be denied what they pleaded for so earnestly and importunately. grace was feebler and oftener ailing that spring than she had been for several years before, and dr. arthur conly, or one or the other of his partners,--harold and herbert travilla,--was often there to give advice and see that it was followed. it had been harold oftener, of late, than any one else, and he had grown very fond of the sweet girl who always listened with such deference to his advice, and called him "uncle" in her sweet voice. the thought of leaving her gave him a keener pang than anything else, as he contemplated leaving his home for the labors and dangers of the seat of war. he was glad indeed when he learned that the captain would remain at home to take care of her and the rest of his family. grace noticed with pleasure that as the time of his leaving drew near his manner toward her grew more affectionate, till it seemed almost as tender as that of her father, and she thought it very nice that uncle harold should be so fond of her. she looked up to him as one who was very wise and good, and wondered that he should care particularly for her, as she was not really related to him at all. he was fond of lucilla also, but grace seemed to him the lovelier of the two. he had always been fond of her, but did not know until about to leave her for that dangerous field of usefulness that his affection was of the sort to make him long for her as the partner of his life. but so it was. yet could it be? would the captain ever consent to such a mixture of relationships? he feared not; and at all events it was quite certain that he would not be allowed to try to win his coveted prize for years to come--she being so young, and far from strong and well. then as he was about to risk his life on battlefields, it would be cruelty to her to try to win her love before he went. he resolved to go without revealing his secret to any one. but he had never had an important secret from his mother; all his life he had been used to talking freely with her, telling of his hopes, aims, and wishes, his doubts and perplexities, and almost before he knew it he had said enough of his feelings for grace to show to that mother's keen-sighted affection how the land lay. "grace is very lovely, and a dear child," she said low and gently; "but, as you know, she is not well or strong. also she is so young that her father would not hear of her marrying for years to come." "no, mother, nor would i advise it; unless," he added with a low, embarrassed laugh, "to a physician who would take special care of her health." "you refer to one physician in particular, i perceive," returned his mother, with a low, musical laugh, and laying her hand in his, for they were sitting side by side on the veranda. "well, my dear boy. i advise you to wait till your return home before you say anything to either her or her father. but have you thought what a mixture of relationships such a marriage would make? your brother-in-law would be also your father-in-law, and grace aunt to her half-brother and sister." "yes, mother, it would cause some awkward relationships; but as there is no tie of blood between us, perhaps that need not matter. but i shall say nothing till i come home, and not then without the captain's permission." "that is right. but do you think grace suspects?" "hardly, mother; i am only her 'uncle,' you know," harold answered, with a laugh in which there was little or no mirth. "although i am certainly very fond of grace," said his mother, "i cannot help regretting that your affections have not gone out to some one else rather than to her--because of her feeble health and the connection through your sister and her father." "yes, they are objections," he returned, with a sigh; "but mother dear, you will not consider them insuperable if i can persuade the captain not to do so?" "oh, no! not if you win, or have won, her heart. i should not think of raising the least objection, and surely the captain, who is a devoted father, would not, should he see that her affections are engaged." "that is my hope," said harold; "and, as i have said, i do not intend to offer myself without his knowledge and consent, though i had hard work to refrain to-day when grace and i were left alone together for a few minutes, and she expressed, with tears in her sweet blue eyes, such anxiety at the thought of my being in danger of wounds or death in the coming struggle in cuba. mother dear, herbert and i will not, of course, be in as great danger as will the fighting men of our army and navy, but there is a possibility that we may not return unharmed, and in case i should not i would not have grace know of my love and intention to--ask her to become my wife." "i think you are right, my son," his mother said, with emotion. "but, ah, i hope and shall pray constantly that my dear boys may come back to me unharmed." "and it will be a great help and comfort to them to know that their dear mother's prayers are following them," rejoined harold, tenderly pressing the hand she had laid in his. the next moment herbert joined them, and he too had a farewell talk with his mother, for the brothers were to leave for tampa the next morning to join the troops about to sail for cuba. chapter x. by the last of may there were sixteen thousand men at tampa under the command of general shafter, but it was not until the th of june that they set sail for cuba. on a clear, scorchingly hot morning, june d, they landed at daiquiri, twelve miles east of the entrance to santiago bay. from all accounts things seem to have been wofully mismanaged, so that our poor soldiers had no facilities for landing. those who loaded the ship, it would appear, must have been great bunglers--either exceedingly ignorant in regard to such work or most reprehensibly careless. in consequence, scarcely anything could be found when wanted. medical stores were scattered among twenty vessels; so that when fever broke out in the trenches before santiago it was almost impossible to get the needed remedies; probably--though there were never enough on the field--some medicines were left on the ships and carried back to the united states. all this made the work of the physicians doubly trying. besides, they were too few in number, the wounded many more than it had been expected they would be, and brought in faster than they could be attended to; the surgeons worked all night by the light of spluttering lamps, and there was not enough of even surgical instruments. but the poor wounded men were wonderfully brave and patient. harold and herbert travilla felt that they had not engaged in a cause which did not need them. after the fighting began their labors were exhausting; all the more so because of the drain upon their sympathies. on the morning of july d our troops were found safely intrenched on the ridge of the hill above santiago. the day before had been one of heavy losses to our army--many officers and men killed and wounded. and now, just as light began to show in the east, the spaniards opened a heavy fire on our works. our men made few replies, for ammunition was getting scarce; and so anxious for it were the soldiers that they hailed an ammunition train with great joy, though they were half starved and knew that no provisions could come while the road was crowded with such trains. the war artist, frederic remington, tells of the delight with which the poor hungry fellows hailed a pack-train loaded with ammunition, though they knew that no food would be brought them that night. "the wounded going to the rear cheered the ammunition, and when it was unpacked at the front the soldiers seized it like gold. they lifted a box in the air and dropped it on one corner, which smashed it open. "'now we can hold san juan hill against them garlics; hey, son?' yelled a happy cavalryman to a doughboy. "'you bet! until we starve to death.' "'starve nothin'--we'll eat them gun-teams.'" the soldiers refilled their cartridge belts, then crouched all day in trenches, watching for an assault, and firing just often enough to keep the enemy from advancing upon them. while doing so they could hear the thunder of the navy's guns far away in the southwest, where it was engaging a battery. at the same time, down in the harbor of santiago, cervera was getting ready to make his rush out of the harbor the next day. the spaniards made a dash at our men about half-past nine that night, and drove them back for a few minutes from several points on their line, but they soon returned and drove the spaniards back with heavy loss. * * * * * the next day, july d, was sunday, and on the great ships of the american squadron, floating heavily in a half-circle about the mouth of santiago harbor, the men were swarming on deck in fresh clean white clothes, ready for muster. about nine o'clock the flagship _new york_ showed the signal: "disregard flagship's movements," and steamed away toward the east. admiral sampson had gone in it for a conference with general shafter, whose troops were then resting after their dreadful fight on san juan hill and el caney. of our ships on watch outside of the harbor, the _brooklyn_ was to the southwest, the _texas_ directly south, while the three big battleships, _indiana_, _iowa_, and _oregon_, made a curve inshore east of the morro. the little picket boat _vixen_ was there also, and the _gloucester_ farthest east and nearest inshore. the _new york_, now absent, was the one ship supposed to be able to compete with the spaniards in speed, and her departure left a broad gap in the blockading line. the lookouts on the fleet had reported fires burning on the hills all the night before, and commodore schley, who was in command in admiral sampson's absence, signalled to the _texas_ the query: "what is your theory about the burning of the block-houses on the hill last night?" he sat on the deck waiting for an answer, and at the same time watching a cloud of smoke rising from the interior of the harbor behind the hills. it did not necessarily mean anything serious, for about that time in the morning a tug was apt to make a visit to the estrella battery. still, they watched it, and presently the quartermaster on the forward bridge said quietly to the navigating officer, "that smoke's moving, sir." that officer took a peep himself, and what he saw nearly made him drop the glass. "afterbridge there," he called loudly through a megaphone; "tell the commodore the enemy is coming out." his words were heard all over the ship, and commodore, officers, sailors, powder-boys were all rushing for their station. the cry rang out, "clear ship for action," and gongs and bugles which call to general quarters clanged and pealed on the quiet air. there were echoes of the same sounds from the other ships, and the signals, "the enemy is escaping," ran to the masthead of the _brooklyn_, the _texas_, and the _iowa_ at the same moment; for that suspicious smoke had been watched from all the ships. it seemed that all the vessels of the blockade had caught the alarm at the same time, and the flagship's signal was quickly changed for another--"clear ship for action!" but it was quite unnecessary. on every ship men were dropping off the white clothes which they had donned for general muster, and hurrying to their quarters without waiting for a command. every wooden thing was tumbled overboard, water-tight compartments were hastily shut, hose was coupled up and strung along the decks ready to fight fire, battle-hatches were lowered, and in less time than it takes to tell of it all this was accomplished. then at the sudden blast of a bugle the five hundred and more men to a ship stood at their posts, each one where he would be most needed in battle, and all perfectly silent. doubtless every eye was turned toward estrella point, where the spanish vessels, if indeed coming out, must first show themselves, and there presently a huge black hull appeared. it came out far enough to show a turret, and from that came a flash, and then the boom of a heavy shot, instantly answered by a six-pounder from the _iowa_. the battle had begun, and "fighting bob" evans had fired the first shot. that ship just coming out was the _maria teresa_, and she was followed by the _vizcaya_, the _cristobal colon_, and the _almirante oquendo_. all the american ships were standing in toward the harbor to meet them, firing rapidly from every gun that could be brought to bear. it was uncertain at first which way the spaniards would turn when they had passed the shoals that extend half a mile beyond the mouth of the harbor. if they turned eastward they would have to run into the midst of the most formidable ships of our squadron. if they went directly west they might outrun the battleships and escape. the _brooklyn_ was the fastest ship on the blockade, and was also in the best position to head off the spaniards should they take that course. but it was possible she might be lost, as she was no match for the number of the enemy that would be in a position to engage her when she came up to them. commodore schley says that the possibility of losing his ship in that way entered very clearly into his calculations, but also that in sinking the _brooklyn_ the spaniards would be delayed long enough for the battleships to come up to them and that then there would be no reason to fear their escape. the difficulty was that because the _brooklyn_ was on a parallel course with the spaniards, and going in a directly opposite direction, she would have to make a complete circle in order to chase them; and had they had the speed with which they were credited, that would have put the _brooklyn_ out of the fight, one of her engines being uncoupled, and in consequence her speed greatly reduced. but the spanish vessels fell far behind their estimated speed, so that the _brooklyn_ was able to circle about and still overhaul the fleetest of them, and the _texas_, the slowest of our battleships, held its own in the race. the _maria teresa_ passed the shoals and turned west. the little _vixen_, lying near the _brooklyn_, when she saw the _maria teresa_ turn toward her, fired off her six-pounders, then slipped away, while the rest of the american ships came rushing down toward the enemy with their funnels belching black smoke, and turrets, hulls, and tops spurting out red flames and yellow smoke. they steamed toward the foe as fast as possible, at the same time firing fiercely from every gun that could be brought to bear, and paying no attention to the shore batteries which were firing upon them. the _indiana_ was nearest the shore and nearest the _maria teresa_, the leading ship of the enemy, when the fight began. it is said that the water fairly boiled with the flood of projectiles from morro and the broadside with which the _maria teresa_ opened battle. as she turned toward the west the shot from the _indiana_ struck her more than once; but after that the _indiana_ gave her attention to the _vizcaya_. by this time all the american ships were engaged, but in the dense smoke it was almost impossible to make out how great was the success of any single one. but commodore eaton, who was watching the fight from the tug _resolute_, says: "as the _vizcaya_ came out i distinctly saw one of the _indiana's_ heavy shells strike her abaft the funnels, and the explosion of this shell was followed by a burst of flame, which for a time obscured the after part of the stricken ship." the _iowa_ and _oregon_, belching forth great clouds of smoke until they looked like huge yellow clouds on the water, steamed straight toward the fleeing enemy. says mr. abbott: "as the battleships closed in on their prey, they overlapped each other, and careless use of the guns or failure to make out accurately the target might have resulted in one of our ships firing into another. but so skilfully were they handled that at no time were they put in jeopardy from either the guns or the rams of each other, though at one time the _oregon_ was firing right across the deck of the _texas_." the end of the _maria teresa_, the first ship to leave the harbor, came upon her very swiftly, and was frightful. the shells and small projectiles searched out every part of her, spreading death and ruin, and soon setting her woodwork ablaze. the scarlet flames like snakes' tongues darted viciously from her sides; but her gunners stood manfully to their guns. little smoke hung about her, and her bold black hulk seen against the green background of the hills made her a perfect target. a shot from the _brooklyn_ cut her main water-pipe, and a shell--probably from the _oregon_--entered her hull and exploded in the engine room; a six-inch shell from the _iowa_ exploded in her forward turret, killing or wounding every man at the guns; while the storm of smaller projectiles swept her decks, and with the noise of their bursting made it impossible for the men to hear their officers' commands. admiral cervera was on that vessel. one of his officers, telling of it afterward, said: "he expected to lose most of his ships, but thought the _cristobal colon_ might escape; that is why he transferred his flag to the _maria teresa_, that he might perish with the less fortunate." and this is the story told an american journalist by another officer who stood by the admiral's side while that dreadful fight went on. of a shell from the _brooklyn_ he said: "it struck us in the bow, ploughing down amidships; then it exploded. it tore down the bulkheads, destroyed stanchions, crippled two rapid-fire guns, and killed fifteen or twenty men." of a shell from the _iowa_ he said: "it struck the eleven-inch gun in the forward turret of the cruiser, cutting a furrow as clean as a knife out of the gun. the shell exploded halfway in the turret, making the whole vessel stagger and shake in every plate. when the fumes and smoke had cleared away so that it was possible to enter the turret, the other gunners were sent there. the survivors tumbled the bodies which filled the wrecked turret through the ammunition hoist to the lower deck. even the machinery was clogged with corpses. all our rapid-fire guns aloft soon became silent, because every gunner had been either killed or crippled at his post and lay on the deck where he fell. there were so many wounded that the surgeons ceased trying to dress the wounds. shells had exploded inside the ship, and even the hospital was turned into a furnace. the first wounded who were sent there had to be abandoned by the surgeons, who fled for their lives from the intolerable heat." the _teresa_ came under the fire of our guns about . that morning. fifteen minutes later smoke was rising from her ports and hatches, showing that she had been set afire by the american shells. the shot from the _brooklyn_ that cut her water-main made it impossible to extinguish the flames, and the fire from the american ships grew more accurate and deadly every minute; so she was beached and her flag hauled down in token of surrender. the men on the _texas_ raised a shout of joy. but captain philip spoke from the bridge: "don't cheer, men; those poor fellows are dying." for less than forty minutes admiral cervera had been running a race for life, and now, clad in underclothes, he tried to escape to the shore on a raft, directed by his son, but was captured and taken to the _gloucester_, where he was received with the honors due his rank. his voyage from santiago had been just six miles and a half, but had cost the lives of nearly half his officers and crew. the _vizcaya_ had followed the _teresa_ at a distance of about eight hundred yards in coming out of santiago harbor. upon her decks, in havana harbor, cuba, spanish officers had looked down with careless indifference upon the sunken wreck of our gallant battleship, the _maine_, and it may be supposed that when she came ploughing out of the bay, wainwright, late of the _maine_, now on the little _gloucester_, aimed some shots at her with a special ill-will. but the _vizcaya_, under gathered headway, rushed on to the west, passing the heavier battleships _iowa_ and _indiana_, but receiving terrible punishment from their guns. a lieutenant of the _vizcaya_, taken prisoner to the united states, in an interview by a newspaper reporter, told of the murderous effect of the shells from the _indiana_. "they appeared to slide along the surface of the water and hunt for a seam in our armor," he said. "three of those monster projectiles penetrated the hull of the _vizcaya_, and exploded there before we started for the shore. the carnage inside the ship was something horrible and beyond description. fires were started up constantly. it seemed to me that the iron bulkheads were ablaze. our organization was perfect. we acted promptly and mastered all small outbreaks of flame, until the small ammunition magazine was exploded by a shell. from that moment the vessel became a furnace of fire. while we were walking the deck, headed shoreward, we could hear the roar of the flames under our feet above the voice of artillery. the _vizcaya's_ hull bellowed like a blast furnace. why, men sprang from the red-hot decks straight into the mouths of sharks." but the _vizcaya_ lasted longer than the _almirante oquendo_, which followed her out of the harbor. the _vizcaya_ turned at the mouth of the harbor and went west, the _brooklyn_, _oregon_, and _texas_ in hot pursuit, while the _indiana_ and _iowa_ attacked the _oquendo_. she had been credited with as great speed as that of her sister ships, but this day moved so slowly that she fared worse than any of her comrades. she stood the fire of her foes five minutes longer than had the _teresa_, then with flames pouring out of every opening in her hull, she ran for the beach, hauling down her flag as she went, in token of surrender, while at the same time men were dropping from her red-hot decks into the water. thus, in the first three-quarters of an hour two great spanish war vessels were destroyed, and the american fleet was concentrating its fire on the other two. the fighting men on the vessels were not the only ones who did noble work for their country that day. in the engine rooms and stoke-holes of the men-of-war, on that scorching hot july day, men worked naked in fiery heat. they could hear the thunder of the guns above them, and feel the ship tremble with the shock of the broadsides. how the battle was going they could not see. deep in their fiery prison, far below the lapping waves that rushed along the armored hull, they only knew that if disaster came they would suffer first and most cruelly. a successful torpedo stroke would mean death to them, every one. the clean blow of an enemy's ram would in all probability drown them like rats in a cage, even if it did not cause them to be parboiled by the explosion of their own boilers. a shot in the magazine would be their death warrant. all the perils which menaced the men who were fighting so bravely at the guns on deck threatened the sooty, sweating fellows who shovelled coal and fixed fires down in the hold, with the added certainty that for them escape was impossible, and the inspiration which comes from the very sight of battle was denied them. they did their duty nobly. if we had not the testimony of their commanders to that effect, we still should know it, for they got out of every ship not only the fullest speed with which she was credited under the most favorable circumstances, but even more--notably in the cases of the _texas_ and _oregon_, which, despite bottoms fouled from long service in tropical waters, actually exceeded their highest recorded speed in the chase. on the _oregon_, when she was silently pursuing the _colon_ at the end of the battle, lieutenant milligan, who had gone down into the furnace room to work by the side of the men on whom so much depended, came up to the captain to ask that a gun might be fired now and then. "my men were almost exhausted," said milligan, "when the last thirteen-inch gun was fired, and the sound of it restored their energy, and they fell to work with renewed vigor. if you will fire a gun occasionally it will keep their enthusiasm up." on most of the ships the great value of the work the men in engine rooms were doing was recognized by the captain's sending down every few minutes to them an account of how the fight progressed. each report was received with cheers and redoubled activity. on the _brooklyn_, when the _colon_ was making her final race for life, commodore schley sent orderlies down to the stoke-holes and engine room with this message: "now, boys, it all depends on you. everything is sunk except the _colon_, and she is trying to get away. we don't want her to, and everything depends on you." the _colon_ did not get away. the _vizcaya_ was still making a gallant running fight, and in some degree protecting the magnificent _cristobal colon_. while these fled, disaster fell upon the two torpedo-boat destroyers, _pluton_ and _furor_. instead of dashing at the nearest american ship--which would have been their wisest course--both followed the example of the cruisers, and turned along the shore to the westward. either of them would have been more than a match for the little _gloucester_, but her commander, richard wainwright, sped forward in a cloud of smoke from her own guns, receiving unnoticed shots from the batteries and the nearer spanish cruisers, though one six-inch shell would have destroyed her. the batteries of the _pluton_ and _furor_ were of twice the power of the _gloucester's_, and they had, besides, the engine of destruction which they could send out from their torpedo tubes. but in a few minutes wainwright was engaged with them both at short range and under the fire of the socapa battery. the other american battleships had been firing at them, but desisted when they perceived that the _gloucester_ alone was capable of managing them. in a very few minutes they both began to smoke ominously, and their fire became much less rapid. then the _furor_ moved as if her steering gear had been cut. wainwright and his men redoubled their efforts at the guns. suddenly, on the _furor_, amidships, there shot up a great cloud of smoke and flame, with a deafening roar and shock that could be felt across the water, even amid the thunders of the guns. a shell from one of the battleships had struck her fairly, and broken her in two, exploding either the magazine or the boilers, or both, and she sank like a stone. wainwright pursued the other torpedo boat, the _pluton_, more vigorously. she was already badly crippled, and tried hard to escape; but at last, fairly shot to pieces, she hauled down her flag, and ran for the line of breaking surf, where her men leaped overboard to escape the fierce flames that were sweeping relentlessly below from bow to stern. the sight of their danger and distress changed wainwright from a pitiless foe to a helping friend. he manned his boats and went to the rescue of those still alive on the burning ship. many were saved, and the americans had hardly left the smoking ship when it blew up with a resounding roar, and vanished as had its companion. just forty minutes they had lasted under the american fire, and without being at any time a serious menace to our ships. the battle had now lasted for about three-quarters of an hour. the _infanta maria teresa_ and the _oquendo_ were blazing on the beach with their colors struck. the battleship _indiana_ had been signalled to turn in toward the shore and give aid to the survivors on the burning ships. only two spanish vessels were left--the _vizcaya_, running and fighting bravely in a hopeless struggle for life, and the _cristobal colon_, which was rushing at great speed down the coast to the westward. in the chase of these two vessels the _brooklyn_ held the place of honor. her position on the blockade at the time that the enemy came out was a commanding one, and her speed kept her well to the front. at the beginning of the fight the _texas_ was next her. in this battle she developed marvellous speed, and fought with reckless gallantry. the _oregon_ was third at the start, but by a wonderful dash passed the _texas_ and actually caught up with the _brooklyn_, whose tars turned out on deck to cheer her--the wonderful fighter from the pacific coast dockyard. the _iowa_ was only a short distance in their rear, and the fire of the four was now concentrated upon the unhappy _vizcaya_, which had escaped serious injury while the attention of the entire american fleet was given to the _oquendo_ and the _teresa_, but now with four of the best fighting machines in the world devoting their entire attention to her, she began to go to pieces. the heavy shells and smaller projectiles that struck her made a great clangor, and caused her great frame to quiver. when an hour had passed the _brooklyn_, _oregon_, and _texas_ were the only ones still pursuing her. the _indiana_ had been left behind, and the _iowa_ had stopped to aid the burning and drowning men on the blazing warships. the fire of the three warships was concentrated on the _vizcaya_. word was passed to the turrets and tops of the _brooklyn_ to aim at the _vizcaya_ only. they were scarcely more than half a mile from her, and the effect of the shots began to tell. one of the _brooklyn_ gunners reported to the lieutenant who had charge of that turret that he didn't see any of the shots dropping into the water. "well, that's all right," replied the officer; "if they don't drop into the water they are hitting." and so they were. the beautiful woodwork inside of the vessel was all in a blaze. the hull was pierced below the water line, the turrets were full of dead and wounded men, and the machinery was shattered. captain eulate, her commander, was a brave officer and a gentleman, but he found himself compelled to abandon the fight, so turned his ship's prow toward that rocky shore on which lay the wrecks of the _oquendo_, the _teresa_, and the _furor_. as the _vizcaya_ swung about, a shell from the _oregon_ struck her fairly in the stern. an enormous mass of steel, charged with explosives of frightful power, it rushed through the steel framework of the ship, shattering everything in its course, crashed into the boiler, and exploded. words are powerless to describe the ruin that resulted. men, guns, projectiles, ragged bits of steel and iron, splinters, and indescribable _débris_ were hurled in every direction, while flames shot up from every part of the ship. a fierce fire raged between her decks, and those who were gazing at her from the decks of the american men-of-war could see what looked like a white line reaching from her bow to the water, which was in fact the naked men dropping one after another over the side to seek the cool relief of the ocean from the fiery torment they were enduring. the _colon_ was now left alone, and was doing her utmost to escape. the men on our foremost pursuing ships soon perceived that there could be no hope of escape for her. commodore schley saw it, and began to lighten the strain on his men. they were called out on the superstructure to see what had been done by the guns of the fleet and to watch the chase. they came pouring out from the turrets, up from the engine rooms and magazines--stalwart fellows, smoke-begrimed and sweaty. almost abeam they saw the _vizcaya_ with men dropping from every port. far astern were the smoking wrecks of the _teresa_ and _oquendo_, ahead on the right was the _colon_, fleeing for her life, while the _brooklyn_ rushed after her relentlessly. as the men crowded on along the decks and on the turret top, they suddenly and spontaneously sent up a cheer for admiral schley. the admiral, on the bridge above them, looked down upon them with moistened eyes. "they are the boys who did it," he said to one who stood beside him, and he spoke truly. then the men cheered the _oregon_, which was coming up gallantly, and her men returned the cheer. now all felt that even the last of cervera's vessels was sure to be soon taken, and signals of a social and jocular character were exchanged. one from the _brooklyn_ suggested to the _oregon_ that she try one of her thirteen-inch guns on the chase. the great cannon flashed and roared from the forward turret, and the shell, which rushed past the _brooklyn_ with a noise like a railway train, fell short. on they rushed, the _oregon_ visibly gaining on the fastest ship of the spanish navy; a battleship built for weight and solidity overhauling a cruiser built for speed! another shell was sent, and fell so near the _colon_ that the captain seemed to read in it the death-warrant of his ship. he turned her toward the shore and beached her, hauling down his flag as she struck. captain cook went in a boat to take possession of the prize, his crew being ordered not to cheer or exult over the vanquished. the _colon_ surrendered at . p.m., ending a naval battle that lasted less than four hours, and possessed many extraordinary and unique qualities. it completed the wreck of spanish naval power and dealt the decisive stroke that deprived spain of her last remnant of american colonies. it was of absorbing interest to naval experts in all parts of the world, and it was unique in that while the defeated fleet lost six ships, more than six hundred men killed and drowned, and eighteen hundred prisoners, many of them wounded, the victors had but one man killed and one wounded. no wonder that when the fight was over, the victory won--such a victory too--a christian man, such as captain philip of the _texas_, whose crew were cheering in a very delirium of joy, should call them about him, and, uncovering his head, say in a reverential tone: "i want to make public acknowledgment here that i believe in god the father. i want you all to lift your hats and from your hearts offer silent thanks to the almighty." and truly they had abundant reason for great thankfulness, having escaped with so few casualties, while the foe suffered so terribly, scores of them being literally roasted alive, for the whole interior of the ships, _vizcaya, oquendo_, and _teresa_ became like iron furnaces at white heat. even the decks were red hot, and the wounded burned where they lay. so crazed by the sight of the agony of men wounded and held fast by the jamming of gratings, were some of those otherwise unhurt, that they could hardly be induced to respond to efforts for their own rescue. they would cling to a ladder or the side of a scorching hot ship and have to be literally dragged away before they would loose their hold and drop into a boat below. our sailors worked hard on blistering decks, amid piles of ammunition that were continually being exploded by the heat, and under guns that might at any minute send out a withering blast, risking life and limbs in succoring their defeated foes; for it is not too much to say that in that work of mercy the bluejackets encountered dangers quite as deadly as those they had met in the fury of battle. the poor marksmanship of the spaniards saved our ships from being much damaged. a good many shots struck: the _brooklyn_ bore in all some forty scars of the fight, twenty-five of them having been shells; but she was so slightly injured that she could have begun all over again when the _colon_ turned over on the shore. the _iowa_ was hit twice, the _texas_ three times, one shell smashing her chart-house and another making a hole in her smokestack. the injuries to the other ships were of even less importance. chapter xi. that morning that cervera attempted his flight from santiago, general shafter sent into the spanish lines by a flag of truce a demand for the surrender of the city. "i have the honor to inform you," he said, "that unless you surrender i shall be compelled to shell santiago de cuba. please instruct the citizens of all foreign countries, and all women and children, that they should leave the city before a.m. to-morrow." that flag of truce had been gone only two or three hours when there came a sudden rumor that the spanish fleet had gone to destruction, depriving santiago of her chief defence. our soldiers were so sure of the prowess of our sailors that they hailed the rumor as fact,--as news of a victory,--and when later in the evening the actual intelligence of schley's glorious triumph reached them they went wild with joy; danced on the crest of the defences, in full view of the spaniards, venturing to do so because--as there was a truce--no jealous sharpshooter would dare fire on them. and the band played patriotic and popular airs, particularly "there'll be a hot time in the old town to-night." bonfires were made and salutes fired. drs. harold and herbert travilla, wearied with their labors for the sick and wounded, rejoiced as heartily as any one else over the good news, yet at the same time felt pity for the suffering of those of the foe who had perished so miserably by shot, shell, and fire. they would have been glad to aid the wounded prisoners, but their hands were already full, in giving needed attention to our own men so sorely injured by spanish shot and shell. so incessant and arduous had been their labors in that line, and so fierce and exhausting was the heat, that they were themselves well-nigh worn out. there had been hope that the city would surrender, but on the night of the d--the day of the naval battle--four thousand fresh spanish troops entered it, and the hoped-for surrender was not made. the americans in the trenches were hot, hungry, and water-soaked, and some of them grew very impatient. said one of the rough riders: "now that we've got those dagoes corralled, why don't we brand them?" on the th something happened that broke the monotony and gave great joy to the soldiers in the trenches. a cavalcade of men was seen coming from the beleaguered city, the first of whom was quickly recognized as lieutenant hobson, who with his seven comrades had gone out one night, weeks before, on a vessel, the _merrimac_, to sink her across the narrow entrance to the channel leading into santiago harbor, and so bottle up the spanish fleet. they failed, and were taken prisoners by the spaniards, and had been spending weeks shut up in morro castle, but now were exchanged for seven prisoners taken at san juan. at sight of them the american soldiers seemed to go mad with joy. they yelled, danced, laughed, and even wept for joy. then the band on the foremost line struck up "the star spangled banner," and all stood silent at a salute. but the moment the music ceased it seemed as if bedlam had broken loose. the regulars crowded about the heroes, cheering them, shaking them by the hand, while they from their ambulance yelled compliments and congratulations to the tattered and dirty soldiers. and when those returned sailors reached the fleet after dark, they found the ships' companies turned out as if to greet an admiral at least, coming to visit them, and as their launch was seen approaching from the shore the cheers of their brother tars made the hills of cuba ring almost as had the thundering fire of morro and estrella when levelled against them nearly six weeks before. the surrender of santiago took place on the th of july. by that time there was a great deal of sickness among our troops, and our friends harold and herbert travilla were kept very busy attending to the sick and wounded. so overworked were they, and so injuriously affected by the malarious climate, that both became ill; herbert so much so that he could scarcely keep about, and his brother began to question whether it were not his duty to take or send him home, or farther north, to join their mother and a number of the relatives and connections who were spending the summer on the hudson, or at some northern seaside resort, which he was at liberty to do, as they were serving as volunteer surgeons, and without pay. on the morning after the surrender herbert found himself entirely unfit for duty, and on his account harold felt much depressed as he went through the hospital examining and prescribing for his patients. presently he heard a quick, manly step, then a familiar voice saying in cheery tones: "good-morning, harold! how are you?" the young doctor turned quickly with the joyous exclamation: "why, brother levis! can it be possible that this is you?" holding out his hand in cordial greeting as he spoke. "not only possible, but an undeniable fact," returned captain raymond, with his pleasant smile, and giving the offered hand a warm, brotherly pressure. "and you came in your yacht? have some of the family come with you--my mother----" "oh, no!" returned the captain quickly; "at present it is much too warm for her--or any of our lady friends--in this locality. she and my family are at crag cottage, and by her request i have come to take you and herbert aboard the _dolphin_ and carry you to her. and i didn't come alone; your brothers edward and walter are with me, and your cousin chester also." "oh, what delightful news!" exclaimed harold, his eyes shining with joy. "and your yacht is here?" "lying down yonder in the harbor, just waiting for two additions to her list of passengers. but where is herbert?" looking about as if in search of him. "lying in our tent; on the sick list, poor dear fellow!" sighed harold. "can you wait five minutes for me to get through here for the present? then i will take you to him." "certainly; longer than that, if necessary. ah, i see it was time--high time for me to come for you boys." harold smiled in a rather melancholy way at that. "i have grown to feel quite old since we have been here in the midst of so much suffering, and obliged to take so heavy a load of care and responsibility--performing serious operations and the like," he said with a sigh. "i must find you a seat," he added, glancing about in search of one. "no, no," the captain hastened to say; "i should prefer walking around here and making acquaintance with some of these poor brave fellows--if you think it would not be unpleasant to them." "i think they would be pleased to have you do so," was harold's reply. a few minutes later he and the captain went into the tent where herbert lay in a burning fever. the very sight of the captain and the news that he had come to carry him and harold north to cooler climate, mother, and other dear ones seemed so greatly to revive him that he insisted upon being considered quite able to be taken immediately on board the yacht, and his brother and brother-in-law promptly set about preparations to carry out his wish. "you will go too, harold?" he said inquiringly to his brother. "to the _dolphin_? yes, certainly, old fellow; you are my patient now, and i must see to it that you are well accommodated and cared for," returned harold in a sprightly tone. "and you are going with me to see to that throughout the voyage?" "i don't know," harold returned in a tone of hesitation; "these poor, wounded, and sick fellows----" "you'll be down on your back as sick as any of them if you stay here another week," growled herbert. "and with nobody to take care of you you'll die, and that'll break mother's heart. and as you are working without pay, you've a right to go as soon as you will." "yes," said the captain, "and if you fall sick you'll be no service, but only in the way. better let me attend to the necessary arrangements for you, and carry you off along with your brother." after a little hesitation harold consented to that, saying that after seeing herbert on board the yacht he would return, make all necessary arrangements, bid good-bye to his patients, then board the _dolphin_ for the homeward voyage. "that's right, brother mine," herbert said, with a pleased smile; "i'd be very unwilling to go, leaving you here alone; and what would mother say?" it took but a few minutes to pick up their few belongings, and they were soon on the deck of the yacht receiving the warm greetings of their brothers and cousins, who, however, seemed greatly concerned over their weary and haggard looks. "you are worn out, lads," said edward, "and the best and kindest thing we can do will be to carry you up north to a cooler climate; and to mother and the others, who will, i hope, be able soon to nurse you back to health and strength." "so say i," said chester. "and i," added walter. "i have always found mother's nursing the best to be had anywhere or from anybody." "yes," said the captain, "and there are sisters and others to help with it at crag cottage, where i hope to land you a few days hence." in a brief time herbert was comfortably established in one of the neat staterooms, and left in edward's charge, while harold went ashore to make his farewell visit to his hospital patients, while chester and walter accompanied the captain in paying a visit to some of the men-of-war officered by old acquaintances and chums of the last-named when he belonged to the navy. it was most interesting to them all to see both the men and the vessels that had taken part in that remarkable battle, and to hear accounts of its scenes from the actors in them. in fact, so much interested were they that captain raymond said he could not have edward and harold miss it; they must visit the vessels later, leaving chester and walter in charge of herbert, since he was too ill to accompany them. that afternoon the plan was carried out, and that night the _dolphin_ started on her return voyage to the north. the change from the rough camps on cuban soil to the luxurious cabin of the _dolphin_ was very agreeable and refreshing to the young volunteer physicians, but they were too thoroughly worn out with their toils, anxieties, and privations for even so great and beneficial a change to work an immediate cure. they were still on the sick list when they reached crag cottage. chapter xii. crag cottage had been at evelyn's desire so added to in the past years that it could now accommodate a large number of guests. there were so many who were near and dear to her, and whom she loved to gather about her, that she could not be content till this was done. now the families of fairview, ion, and woodburn were all spending the summer there; also ronald lilburn and annis, his wife--though just now several of the gentlemen had gone to cuba to learn of the welfare of harold and herbert travilla, about whom their mother had grown very solicitous. they had been gone long enough for hopes to be entertained of their speedy return, but there was no certainty in regard to the time of their arrival at the cottage. it was late in the afternoon. the elder people were gathered on the front porch overlooking the river, most of the younger ones amusing themselves about the grounds. grandma elsie was gazing out upon the river, with a slightly anxious expression of countenance. "looking for the _dolphin_, mamma?" asked her daughter violet. "yes; though it is hardly time to expect her yet, i fear." "oh, yes, mamma, for there she is now!" exclaimed violet, springing to her feet in her delight, and pointing to a vessel passing up the river, which had just come into sight. many of those on the porch and the young folks in the grounds had also caught sight of her, and a joyous shout was raised: "the _dolphin!_ the _dolphin!_ there she is! the folks have come!" "oh, can we run down and get aboard of her, mamma?" asked elsie raymond. "i'm in such a hurry to see papa and get a kiss from him." "you won't have long to wait for that, i am sure," returned her mother, with a smile. "but it will be better to wait a few minutes and get it here. there are so many of us that if we should all go down to the landing we would be very much in the way." others thought the same, and the ladies and children waited where they were while mr. leland and edward, his eldest son, went down the winding path that led to the little landing-place at the foot of the hill, to greet the friends on board the yacht and give any assistance that might be needed. they found all well but the two doctors, harold able to walk up to the house with the help of a sustaining arm, herbert having to be borne on a litter. the mother's heart ached at sight of his wan cheeks and sunken eyes, but he told her the joy of her presence and loving care would soon work a change for the better. he was speedily carried to a comfortable bed, and everything done to cheer, strengthen, and relieve him. nor was harold's reception any less tenderly affectionate and sympathizing. his mother was very glad that he was not so ill as his brother, and hoped the pure air and cooler climate would soon restore him to his wonted health and strength. "i hope so, mother dear," he said, forcing a playful tone and a smile, "and that they will soon do as much for herbert also. he, poor fellow, is not fit to be up at all, and i think it will be well for me to retire early." "you must do just what you deem best for your health, my dear boy," said his mother. "but shall i not send for a physician, as i fear neither of you is well enough to manage the case of the other?" "no, no, mother, please don't!" exclaimed herbert; "harold is well enough to prescribe for me, and i prefer him to any other doctor." "as i should, if he were quite well," she said, regarding harold with a proud, fond smile, which he returned, saying in cheerful tones, "my trouble is more weariness than illness, mother, and i hope a few days of rest here in the pleasant society of relatives and friends will quite restore me to wonted health and vigor." "i hope so, indeed," she said, "and that herbert may not be far behind you in recovering his." in the meantime joyful greetings were being exchanged among the relatives and friends upon the porch, and the returned travellers were telling of what they had seen and heard in their absence, especially on the coast of cuba. it was all very interesting to the auditors, but the tale was not half told when the tea-bell summoned them to their evening meal. chester had a good deal more to tell lucilla as they wandered about the grounds together after leaving the table. and she was greatly interested. "i should like to get aboard a battleship," she said; "particularly the _oregon_. what a grand vessel it must be!" "it is," said chester, "and did grand work in that battle; a battle which will go down in history as a most remarkable one. i am proud of the brave tars who fought it, and not less so of the fine fellows who kept up the fires under the engines, which were as necessary to the gaining of the victory as was the firing of the guns." "but, oh, the terrible carnage!" exclaimed lucilla, with a shudder. "yes, that was awful; and what a wonder--what a cause for gratitude to god--that but one was killed and so few badly wounded on our ships." "yes, indeed! and truly i believe that was because we were fighting for the deliverance of the downtrodden and oppressed. don't you, chester?" "most assuredly i do," was his emphatic rejoinder. "has there been any news from manila?" he asked presently. "no," she said, "but we are looking every day for a letter from max. oh, i do hope he is still unharmed! that victory of dewey's seems to me to have been as great and wonderful as this later one at santiago." "so i think. ah, lu, darling, i wish max might be ordered home soon, both for his own sake and ours." "yes; but try to be patient," she returned, in a light and cheery tone. "i am sure we are having pleasant times as things are, and we are young enough to wait, as my father says. i am still almost three years younger than he thinks a girl ought to be to undertake the cares of married life." "i don't mean you shall have much care, and i am sure you are fully capable of all you would be called upon to do. my darling, if you don't have an easy life it shall be from no fault of mine." "i am sure of that, chester, and not in the least afraid to trust my happiness to your keeping. but i am willing to wait somewhat longer to please father and to have max present--especially as eva's bridegroom. oh, i think a double wedding will be just lovely!" "if one didn't have to wait for it," sighed chester. "yet it is a great consolation that we can be together pretty nearly every day in the year." "yes, you are a very attentive lover, and i appreciate it." later in the evening, when most of the guests had retired to their apartments for the night, the captain and his eldest daughter had a bit of private chat upon the porch, for she still retained her love for that, and it was hardly less enjoyable to him. "you don't know how i missed this bit of private talk with you, father, while you were away on your little trip," she said, with a loving look up into his eyes as she stood by his side with his arm about her waist. "probably not more than i did, daughter mine," he returned, stroking her hair caressingly, then pressing his lips to her forehead and cheek. "pacing the deck alone i missed my little girl more than i can tell her." "ah, didn't you almost wish you had granted my request to be allowed to go along with you?" she asked, with a pleased little laugh. "no, my child; you are too great a treasure for me willingly to expose you to the risks of such a voyage at such a time." "you dear father! you are so kindly careful of me, and of all your children." "it behooves a man to be careful of his treasures," he said. "i should have greatly enjoyed your companionship, daughter, if i could have had it without risk to you." "i should have liked to see the warships and the scene of the battle," she said. "what a terrible battle it was, father--for the spaniards, at least." "yes," he sighed. "may the time soon come when men shall learn war no more, but shall beat their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning hooks." "it doesn't seem as though that time can be very near," she said. "papa, do you think max is in much danger there in manila?" "i hardly know, daughter; i hope we shall hear from him soon. i hardly think there will be much, if any more, fighting for him to do there at present. but his next letter will probably enable us to judge better about that." "oh, i hope it will come soon!" she exclaimed in a tone of ardent desire. "as i do," he sighed. "i cannot but feel anxious about my dear boy; though the worst seems to be over, there." the next morning's mail brought the desired letters to father, sisters, and ladylove. the captain's gave news of the doings of the army and navy, and after a private perusal he read the greater part of it aloud to the family and friends. it told of the irksomeness of their situation, the weariness of the watching and waiting for troops that did not come, the admiral's patience and forbearance in taking the delay so quietly, the troubles with the insurgents under aguinaldo, and the commanders of the warships of several european nations. "we know," he said, "that those fellows are looking out for the first sign of weakness on our part, or the first disaster that might befall us, intending to take advantage of it to intervene. i can tell you, father, that admiral dewey is a credit to his country and that country's navy. he is very kind-hearted, and takes excellent care of his men; he is gentle, kind to all, but thorough, determined, and energetic; everything under his control must be as perfect as possible. when it comes to the necessity for fighting he believes in being most thoroughly prepared, and striking quick, hard blows, soon putting the enemy in a condition where it cannot fight. he says little or nothing about what he expects, but seems to be always ready for whatever happens. the behavior of the foreign ships must be a constant worry to him, though he says little or nothing about it. the germans here seem to study methods of annoying us. their ships are constantly coming in or going out of manila bay at all hours, and on the most frivolous pretexts--sometimes at night, in a way that makes our lookouts think them spanish torpedo boats; and should we send a shot at one of them it might cause the gravest international complications. and the german navy officers make the spanish officers their chosen companions. "the other day our admiral learned that one of the german vessels had violated neutrality by landing provisions in manila. he summoned the flag lieutenant to his cabin and when the officer came--'oh, brumby,' he said, 'i wish you to take the barge and go over to the german flagship. give admiral von diederich my compliments, and say that i wish to call his attention to the fact that the vessels of his squadron have shown an extraordinary disregard of the usual courtesies of naval intercourse, and that finally one of them has committed a gross breach of neutrality in landing provisions in manila, a port which i am blockading.' the admiral spoke in a quiet, gently modulated voice, but as the lieutenant turned to go he called him back and added in a wrathful tone, 'and, brumby, tell admiral von diederich that if he wants a fight, he can have it right now.' "the message had the desired effect, and we have had much less annoyance from the germans since. "the english squadron here is equal to the german, and i am glad to be able to say that the british officers lose no opportunity to show their friendship for us. i am told that the german admiral asked captain chichester, the british commander, what the english would do in case the germans should protest against an american bombardment of manila, and that the messenger received the answer: 'say to admiral von diederich that he will have to call on admiral dewey to find out what the british ships will do in such an event. admiral dewey is the only man authorized to answer that question.' i cannot vouch for the exact truthfulness of this report," max went on, "but i can for the hostility of the germans and the friendliness of the english. and we hear reliable reports of sailors' fights in hong-kong, in which british and yankee bluejackets fight shoulder to shoulder against german seamen subjects of the kaiser." "oh, that is good!" exclaimed lucilla, as her father paused in his reading, "and i hope we and the british will always be friends after this. don't you think, father, that joining together we could rule the world?" "yes; and i hope, with you, that we may always be friends; though it is not necessary that we should always take part in each other's quarrels." "i hope max is well?" said violet inquiringly. "yes," said his father, "he tells me he is, and that he came through the battle without the slightest wound." "i hope the president will let dewey come home soon, and brother max with him," said little elsie. "doesn't he say anything about it, papa?" "no, my child, except that he fears it will be months, if not years, before we see each other again. but we won't despair; it may be that the war will be short, and peace return our dear boy to us sooner than now seems likely." the captain seemed to have finished reading the part of max's letter which he thought best for all to hear, and was folding it up. "mother," he said, turning to mrs. travilla, "the air out here is delightful this morning; don't you think it might do harold good to lie yonder in the hammock? and that he could come out with the assistance of my arm?" "i certainly do," she said, "and thank you for your kind offer. both he and herbert will be deeply interested in the contents of max's letter--if you are willing to let them see or hear it." "certainly, mother," the captain hastened to say. "i will carry it in and read it to them before we bring harold out." and so he did. they were both greatly interested, and upon the conclusion of the reading harold was glad to accept the offer of the captain to help him out to the porch and into a hammock, where he could lie at ease and enjoy the companionship of other members of the party, older and younger. they were all ready to wait upon him and to do whatever they could for his comfort and entertainment. none more so than grace, whose ministrations he seemed to prefer to any other. as the days went on they were often left alone together, while husbands and wives and lovers devoted themselves to each other; mrs. travilla herself to her sicker son, and evelyn to her housekeeping and correspondence, especially the letters to max, her affianced. grace was fond of harold, as she thought any one might be of so kind an uncle, whose medical skill had many times relieved suffering for her, and who had always shown kindly sympathy in her ailments. she wanted to make a suitable return for it all, so endeavored to amuse him with cheerful chat, music, and reading aloud anything that he seemed to care to hear. he fell more deeply in love with her day by day, and often found it difficult to refrain from telling the tale to her, and pleading for a return. his mother saw it all, and at length advised him to speak to grace's father, tell him the whole story, and crave permission to do and say what he could to win her heart. "i have thought it might be best to wait some years, mother," he said. "i fear he will be astonished, indignant, and deprive me of her sweet society." "astonished he probably will be," she said, "but surely not indignant; and when he has fully considered the matter, remembering that there is no tie of blood between you, i think he will not withhold his consent, provided you are willing to defer marriage till she is of suitable age." "i hope you are right, mother, but such a mixture of relationships as it would make--i fear he will think that an insurmountable difficulty." "but to rob his dearly loved daughter of a life of wedded happiness he will think still worse, if i am not greatly mistaken in him. and as for the mixture of relationships, you can still be brother to him and your sister violet, and grace remain his daughter." "you are the best of comforters and advisers, mother," he said, "and i will take your advice, and make a clean breast of it to the captain at the earliest opportunity." he did so before the day was over. seeing the captain in the grounds, he joined him with a request for a bit of private chat. "certainly," said the captain, leading the way to the summerhouse on the edge of the cliff. "if you want assistance in any way that i can give it, i need hardly tell you that it will be a pleasure to me to do so; especially as you are the brother of my dear wife." "thank you, brother levis, i do not doubt that in the least; and yet----" he stammered and paused, coloring deeply. "i think you need not hesitate to tell me," the captain said, with a look of surprise. "i feel very sure you would not ask anything wrong or unreasonable." "no; my request is neither, i think. it is that i may, if i can, win the heart and hand of your daughter grace." "surely, surely you must acknowledge that that is unreasonable!" exclaimed the captain, in a tone of astonishment not unmixed with indignation. "such a mixture of relationships--making you your sister's son-in-law, and my daughter my sister-in-law!" "my mother's idea is that we might keep to our own relationships as they are now; and she thinks as there is absolutely no tie of blood between us there could be nothing wrong in such a marriage." "no, perhaps not absolutely wrong, but very distasteful to me. besides, as you yourself must acknowledge, grace is entirely too young to marry." "but all the time growing older, as well as more and more beautiful, and i can wait. she is worth waiting for as long as jacob served for rachel. and would it not be wise to give her to a physician, who will make her health his constant care?" "perhaps so," returned the captain, with a rather perplexed and sad sort of smile; "and if you have won her heart and are willing to wait till she is of suitable age, i--don't forbid you to tell her--how dearly you love her--if you can." "a thousand thanks, brother levis!" exclaimed harold, seizing the captain's hand in a vise-like grasp, and giving it a hearty shake. "i don't know how to put my love into words--it seems to me they would be powerless to express it--but i shall try and hope to win a return by untiring devotion." "she has a loving heart, and her father finds it hard to be called upon to resign the first place in it," the captain said, with an involuntary sigh. "but let us hope that it will be for her happiness, captain; and i think we both love her well enough to resign a good deal for that." "her father certainly does," said the captain. "dear child! she has been a great comfort and blessing to me since my eyes first rested upon her dear little face. she has never caused me a pang, except by her ill-health and feebleness." "i have known her long enough and well enough to be sure of that," said harold. "she certainly has a lovely disposition, as well as a beautiful face and form. i feel that to win her for my own will be the greatest good fortune that could possibly come to me." "i am glad you appreciate the worth of my dear child," the captain said, with emotion, "and if you have won her heart i am not afraid to trust her happiness to your keeping. but, understand, i cannot let you take her at once." "yes, i understand, and shall not take any unfair advantage of your reluctantly granted permission, brother levis; but if i can win her consent, her heart, i shall be a very happy man, and wait contentedly--or at least ungrumblingly--until you grant us leave to become husband and wife." harold was not long in availing himself of the consent given. he was on the watch for an opportunity to tell his tale of love to the one most deeply concerned. he coaxed her out to that very spot where he and her father had had their private talk, there told her what she was to him, and asked if she could return his affection and willingly give herself to him. she was evidently much surprised, listened with an agitated air and face suffused with blushes, then said low and hesitatingly: "oh, uncle harold! how can you? you are so good and wise--so much older than i am--and--and father has often told me that i am only a little girl--not nearly old enough to think about--about such things--and so i am sure he wouldn't want you to talk to me as you did just now." "but i spoke to him first, and gained his permission to tell you of my love. he probably will not let us marry for some years to come, even if you care for me in that way; but he is willing that we should become engaged if we choose, and be lovers till he thinks you are old enough to marry. and oh, darling! if you care for me, and will promise to be mine at some future day, it will make me the happiest of men. oh, dearest! can't you love me in that way, even just a little?" he concluded imploringly, taking her hand in his and holding it in a tenderly affectionate pressure. "i can't help loving you, uncle harold, you are so, _so very_ good and kind to me. but i never thought of--of your being my lover; for i'm not wise and good enough for you." "i should put it just the other way, that i am not half wise and good enough for you, my darling, my fairy queen," he said, venturing to put an arm about her, draw her into a close embrace, and press an ardent kiss upon her lips. she made no resistance, and a few more words of love and whispered tenderness caused the sweet, blushing face to grow radiant with happiness. she did not deny that she returned his affection, but at length owned in a few low-breathed, hesitating words that she did. her face was beaming when they returned to the house, and when she came to her father for the usual good-night caress, he folded her close to his heart and gazing searchingly into the sweet, blushing face, said tenderly: "my darling little daughter looks very happy to-night. won't you let your father into the secret of it?" "yes, indeed, papa; i never meant to keep anything from you," she murmured, half under her breath, and hiding her blushing face on his breast. "i always mean to tell you every thing worth while, because we love each other so very, very dearly. i am happy because of what uncle harold has been telling me; and he says he told you first, so you know. and you are willing, papa?" "yes, daughter, when the right time comes, since it seems it will make you happy. but," he sighed, "it is a little hard for your father to find other men getting the love of his dear daughters away from him." "oh, papa, dear, dearest papa, don't think that!" she said, with tears in her voice. "i've always loved you dearly, and it seems to me that i love you better just now than i ever did before." "ah, is that so, daughter mine?" he said, giving her another tender caress; "it makes me happy to hear it, and to believe that my dear grace will never cease to love me, and will always feel sure of her father's loving sympathy in all her joys and sorrows." "it is very sweet to know that, papa dear," she said. "oh, i am just the happiest girl, with so many and such dear loved ones. but even with all the others, father, i couldn't do without your love." "i hope not, dear child. it would be hard indeed for me to doubt that, or to be deprived of yours. but now bid me good-night and go to your rest, for late hours have always been bad for you." "yes, sir, i know; and my dear, kind father is always so tenderly careful of me," she said, giving and receiving a close, loving embrace. it had been a sultry day, followed by a delightful evening, a cool, refreshing breeze coming from the river, and a full moon in a clear sky making it almost as light as day in the grounds, about which the elder members of the party were scattered. the captain left the porch where he and his daughter grace had had their little chat, and joined a group under the trees on the lawn. it consisted of mrs. travilla--or grandma elsie, as his first set of children had been accustomed to call her--her daughters, mrs. leland and mrs. raymond, and her sons harold, herbert, and walter. there was a slight flutter of excitement among them as he joined them and took possession of a vacant seat. "i am glad you have come, captain," said mrs. travilla. "harold has just been telling us of your great kindness to him, and i want to thank you for it." "ah! what was that?" he asked in a tone that seemed to express surprise. "there are few things i would not do for you or yours, mother." "i believe that, and you have given him the right to win, if he can, a precious treasure; and to give to me the dearest of little daughters." "ah, yes!" he said, as if just comprehending her meaning, "and to her father she is such a treasure as any man might covet and be rejoiced to win." "an opinion in which i am sure we will all agree," said violet. "i, who certainly know her well, think she is an inestimable treasure." "an opinion in which we can all join you, i am sure," added herbert, "and i think my brother a most fortunate man." "that is exactly what he thinks of himself," said harold, with a happy laugh. "though there has to be a long, long waiting spell before the full extent of that happiness can be realized." "how our young folks are pairing off!" remarked mrs. leland, with a slight sigh. "ah, yes," said violet, "but fortunately they don't pair off with strangers and leave us. that makes it much easier to bear, doesn't it, my dear?" "yes; except for the mixture of relationships," returned the captain a trifle ruefully. "is the thing to be kept a secret?" queried mrs. leland. "i am entirely willing it should be known in the connection," said captain raymond. chapter xiii. it was growing late, and evelyn's guests, accustomed to keeping early hours while at crag cottage, had nearly all retired to their rooms for the night. but chester dinsmore and lucilla raymond were just returning from a stroll down the river bank, and as they neared the house they could see the captain pacing the front porch. "there is papa now," said lucilla. "i am afraid he will think i have been out rather late." "are you afraid of a scolding?" asked chester. "no; i may get a gentle reproof, but nothing worse. papa never really scolds; but i can't bear to have him displeased with me. my dear, dear father! i believe i give him all the love that would have been divided between him and my mother had she lived." "i am not surprised at that," returned chester, "for he is certainly worthy of it. i have learned to love and honor him myself as if i were his own son." "oh, chester, how glad i am to hear you say that!" exclaimed lucilla. but that ended the talk, for they were at the foot of the porch steps, and the captain spoke, addressing them. "ah, so here you are at last, my dears. i was beginning to feel a trifle anxious lest something had befallen you." "oh, no, father! we are all right," exclaimed lucilla, in lively tones, "but the bewitching moonlight and pleasant breeze tempted us to linger longer than usual. i hope you are not vexed with us?" "not very seriously, daughter," he said, with a smile, "but it is high time now that you were getting ready for your night's rest. i want you to have plenty of that, and i know you like to be up early." "yes, indeed, father; for my early walks and talks with you are among my greatest pleasures." "your father in the morning, your lover at night," chester said, with a pleasant laugh. "i'm glad and thankful, captain, that you let me have her for something like half the time. good-night, now! and pleasant dreams to you both," he added, turning away and passing into the house, hardly waiting for their return of his parting good wishes. "now i suppose i must say good-night and go too," lucilla said, putting her arms about her father's neck and looking up lovingly into his face. "i shall take about five minutes of your society first," he returned, smiling and patting her cheek. "i have something to tell you; something that will, perhaps, be a little surprise to you." "nothing bad, i hope, father?" "no, not exactly bad--though i must own it is something of a trial to me. your sister grace has followed your bad example, and given the first place in her heart to another; my consent has been asked, given, and they are engaged, though not to marry for the next five years." "father!" exclaimed lucilla, in a tone of utter astonishment, "to whom? chester's brother frank?" "what a guess!" laughed her father. "no; try again." she reflected a moment, then--"it can't be uncle harold?" she ventured, in a tone that seemed to say that that was hardly possible. "he is surely much too old for her." "unfortunately i cannot make that objection, since there is some years' less difference in their ages than in your mamma vi's and mine." "oh, papa! and are they really lovers, and engaged?" "yes; though such a match is very distasteful to me--simply on account of the mixed-up relationship that their marriage would bring about; but when i found the fancy and affection were mutual, i could not withhold my consent." "you dear father! you are always so kindly considerate of other people's welfare and happiness," she said in tones tremulous with emotion. "i am sure nobody ever had a kinder, better father than ours." "it is most pleasant to have my daughter think so, whether i deserve it or not," he said low and tenderly, holding her close to his heart and pressing kisses on her forehead, cheek, and lips. "now go and make yourself ready for bed," he added, "and don't let this bit of surprising news keep you from sleeping. i want my dear eldest daughter fresh and bright for my entertainment in the morning." the house being so full, lucilla, grace, and evelyn shared the same room. grace was in bed, but not asleep as usual, eva preparing for rest, when lucilla came in from her talk with her father. she glanced at her sister, and seeing her eyes closed thought her sleeping. "oh, eva!" she whispered to her friend, "do you know--have you heard the news?" "news? no. i have been busy about household matters, and no one has told anything. what is it--war news?" "no, oh, no!" glancing smilingly toward grace; "something even more interesting, i think, unless max were concerned in it. it is that we have another pair of lovers in the house--gracie there and uncle harold. i'll have to quit calling him 'uncle,' though, since he is to be my brother one of these days." "is it possible! well, he has won a prize, i think." grace was not asleep now; her wide open eyes were fixed upon the two girls and her cheeks rosy with blushes. "no, it's i that have, eva," she said. "i don't know how anybody so good and wise and kind could take a fancy to poor silly little me!" at that lucilla ran to the bed, threw her arms about her sister, and showered kisses upon her lips and cheeks. "you dear, dear thing! you are neither poor nor silly," she said. "i think the only wonder is that all the men don't fall head over ears in love with you. they certainly would if they had good sense, taste, and discernment." at that grace indulged in a peal of low, soft laughter. "you funny girl!" she said. "i am glad indeed that they are not so silly, for what in the world could i do with so many lovers? one is quite a plentiful supply for me." "that's right, gracie," exclaimed evelyn. "i'm sure one such as mine should be quite enough for anybody." "well, i'm not going to say 'uncle harold' any more," laughed lucilla. "no, he doesn't want either of us to," said grace. "but now i suppose both he and papa would say i must try to go at once to sleep." "yes; so i'll stop hugging and kissing you, and be quiet as a mouse, getting ready for bed, so as not to keep you awake," said lucilla, giving her a final loving embrace, then gliding away from the bed to the toilet table. "do you think max will like it?" asked evelyn, in an undertone. "yes, i do. he and harold have always been good friends. but as papa says, it will make an unpleasant mixture of relationships. he will be brother-in-law to grace besides being her own father," she added, with a slight laugh; "yet i know very well she will always remember that he is her father--her dearly loved and honored father." "i am certain of it," said evelyn; "and that she would never make the match without her father's knowledge and consent." "no, indeed!" responded lucilla, turning a loving look upon the now sleeping grace. lucilla had scarcely left her father on the porch when violet joined him there. "i thought it possible, levis, that you might not object to your wife's company in your walk here," she said in a lively tone, and slipping her hand into his arm. "object, my darling, light of my eyes and joy of my heart!" he said in a loving, mirthful tone, bending down to kiss the sweet lips. "yours is the sweetest companionship i know of. i should be glad to think mine was as delightful to you." "as i don't know how to measure either one, i can only say that it is the most delightful of all in the world to me," she returned with a happy laugh. then in a somewhat graver tone, "oh, my dear husband, you don't know how dearly i and all your children love you! neither elsie nor ned is ever willing to go to bed without your fatherly good-night caresses, and they always bewail the necessity for doing that when you are away from home." "probably not regretting it more than their father does," he said. "yes, the love of my children is a highly esteemed blessing to me, and, unfortunately, i cannot help feeling it something of a grief and disappointment when i learn that their tenderest affection has been transferred to another." "ah, you are thinking of grace and harold. but be comforted, my dear; i am certain that grace does not love her father less because harold has won a place in her heart. i do not love my dear mother any the less for loving you, my dear husband, or you any the less for loving her." "i am glad to hear it, my darling," he said, tenderly pressing the hand she had laid in his. "and surely we cannot blame my brother and your daughter for loving each other when they are both so worthy of affection that no one who knows them can help giving it to them." "you are a special pleader, my dear," he said with a smile; "and they hardly need one with me, for i am fond of them both--particularly of my frail young daughter." "ah, and does not that cause you to rejoice that she loves, and is beloved by, a good and successful physician?" "that is a cause for thankfulness, my dear," he returned pleasantly. "but shall we not go in now and retire to rest? it is growing late." "yes, if you have finished your evening promenade; i don't want to rob you of that." "i think i have taken sufficient exercise, and now prefer rest and sleep," he answered laughingly, as he drew her on toward the doorway. as lucilla came tripping down the stairway the next morning, harold was passing through the lower hall. "good-morning, lu," he said, looking up at her. "good-morning, dr. travilla," she returned demurely. "what!" he exclaimed, "what's that you are calling me?" "dr. travilla. that's your name, isn't it?" "yes--to strangers and people not related to me; but--you called me 'uncle' yesterday." "but you're not my uncle, and it seems you intend to become my brother-in-law, so----" "so harold without the 'uncle' would be the most appropriate name, wouldn't it?" "perhaps so, if--if you won't think it disrespectful." "not a bit of it. call me harold, or i'll be very apt to call you mrs. dinsmore one of these days." they ended with a laugh and cordial handshaking, just as the captain appeared in the outer doorway. then they joined him in a stroll about the grounds. "there is a dark cloud in the east," remarked lucilla, in a regretful tone; "we are likely to have a rainy day, are we not, papa?" "yes," he said, "but it need not necessarily be an unpleasant one. we may find plenty of indoor employment and recreations." "yes," said harold, "there have been many pleasant rainy days in my past experiences. and they are not so bad for a strong, healthy man, even if he must go out in the rain." "and when gardens and fields are needing rain, we long and pray for it," added lucilla. "how is grace this morning?" asked harold. "she was still sleeping when i left the room," replied lucilla; "but probably she is up and ready for the call to breakfast by this time." "and there it is," said the captain, as the sound of the ringing of a hand-bell came from the house; "so let us go in and not keep the others waiting." they met violet and grace in the hall as they entered, and it was pretty to see the latter's blush and smile as harold greeted her. the clouds were increasing and growing darker, and before they left the table the rain had begun to fall. so they talked of indoor occupations and amusements. "we might have a little fun, if everybody's willing," remarked ned raymond, giving mr. lilburn a significant look and smile. "yes; little boys--big ones too--can generally get up some fun among themselves when they try," was cousin ronald's answering remark, without the slightest indication that he took ned's hint. "and i know cousin ronald is very kind about helping in that," returned ned insinuatingly. "yes, he is fond of giving pleasure to his young friends," remarked mrs. lilburn, with a loving smile up into her husband's face. "i think, ned, he will help you to some before the day is over." they were on the porch, for there was no wind at the moment to drive the rain in upon them, and it was cooler there than within doors. as annis finished speaking there was a sudden cry of distress, seemingly coming from the river just below. "help! help! i shall drown! nobody will help me!" it was a man's voice and there was a foreign accent in the tones. it made quite a stir in the little assembly on the porch, the lads exclaiming: "oh, the poor fellow! can't we help him, grandma elsie? surely the men on the _dolphin_ will do what they can!" but hardly were the words spoken when another voice called out in reply to the first: "hould on there, me jewel, an' i'll give ye a lift. i'm the b'ye that kin do it." "oh, i hope he will get him out!" cried ned, in great excitement. "papa, you'll let them take him on board the yacht, won't you?" "certainly, if he wishes to be taken there," replied the captain, with a smiling glance at cousin ronald. just then the second voice called out, "here he is--the half drownded frenchman; an' now will the likes of yees aboord that craft take 'im in an' dry 'im off?" "of course; that's exactly what the captain would do if he were here," answered a third voice, which sounded exactly like that of the man at present in charge of the yacht. "oh, i'm glad he didn't drown!" exclaimed elsie raymond, with a sigh of relief. "i presume such people don't often drown, elsie dear," laughed her mother. "oh, mamma, i often hear of people drowning," said the little girl. "and, uncle harold, don't they need a doctor when they are nearly drowned?" "they are very apt to," he replied with a slight laugh. "do you want me to go down now and see about that man?" "if you could, without getting wet," she answered hesitatingly. "suppose i go," said her uncle herbert; "i'm pretty well now, and am perhaps almost as skilful a physician as my older brother." but now the captain interposed. "i can't have either of my young brothers expose himself to this rain, for the men on the yacht are quite competent to deal with that frenchman's case." "i should say so indeed," said mr. lilburn gravely, "for it is not likely that he was in the water many minutes. so, my wee bonny bairnie elsie, dinna fash yersel' ony mair aboot him," he concluded, with an affectionate look and smile into the face of the little girl. "oh, cousin ronald, did you do it all?" exclaimed ned. "dear me, how stupid i am! i might have known it was you." "i doubt if you really know it yet, laddie," laughed the old gentleman. ned turned to his father. "papa, may i take an umbrella and just run down to the _dolphin_ for a few minutes to ask about it?" "it is not worth while," replied the captain; "i am very sure you would make no discoveries." "then it was you, cousin ronald, wasn't it, now? please own up," exclaimed ned, with a laughing look into the old gentleman's face. "folk shouldna find fault with what they've asked for," was the old gentleman's non-committal rejoinder. "oh, no, sir! no indeed! but i was not meaning to find fault," laughed ned; "i think it was good fun, and hope you will give us more of it." just as he pronounced the last word a fierce bark, seemingly that of a very large dog, followed instantly by a scream as if a woman were in pain and terror, startled them all, and there were outcries of affright from the children, while several of the grown people started to their feet and looked anxiously in the direction of the sounds, which had seemed to come from the vicinity of the porch, but a little farther toward the rear of the house. another bark from the dog, then a woman's voice in tones of wild affright, "oh, somebody help, help! this dog will tear me to pieces." mr. leland and walter travilla stepped quickly to the end of the porch nearest the sounds and looked around the corner of the house, but instantly reported that neither woman nor dog was to be seen. "oh, another sell from cousin ronald!" laughed ned. "oh, there it is again!" for just then there was a sound as of a loud knock at a side door, and a man's coarse voice thundering, "let me in oot o' this rain, ye slowgoing, good-for-naught biddies. let me in, i say, and be quick about it." a woman's scream followed instantly, "oh, captain, or some o' you gentlemen, come here quick and save us from this drunken rascal." some of those on the porch were a little startled for an instant, but a laugh quickly followed, and the fun went on for some minutes--bees, mice, chickens, and puppies being heard, but not seen or felt. but the rainfall was growing heavier, and at length harold suggested that it might be well for grace, if not for all, to go within doors to escape the dampness. nearly all at once complied with the suggestion, and mrs. travilla, inviting grace to a seat by her side, said low and tenderly: "harold gave me a piece of news last night that has made me very happy. i hope one of these days to number you among my dear daughters, and shall feel most happy in doing so." "oh, grandma elsie, it is so kind in you to say that!" returned grace tremulously, but blushing with pleasure as she spoke; "it will be very sweet to have you for my mother, for i have loved you dearly ever since i first saw you." at that moment walter came and took a seat on the other side of her. "oh, gracie," he said in an undertone, "i am so glad of harold's news--that i am to have you for a sister at some future day. i'll try to be a good brother to you." "and i certainly intend to do my best to be a good sister to you, walter," she answered in the same low tone, and with a vivid blush and one of her sweetest smiles. "thanks," he said. "i wish the wedding was to take place directly; some time this fall, at least. couldn't we coax your father to allow it?" she laughed and shook her head. "papa would never allow it, and i--don't believe i could consent myself. really, the very thought of doing anything so important so suddenly more than half frightens me." "harold is a mild, good-natured kind of fellow; you needn't be afraid of him," laughed walter. "no, not of him exactly," returned grace, laughing a little also and blushing quite a good deal, "but of--of the sudden change in my way of life--leaving my father and all the rest of my family." but there the talk between them ended for the time, for harold's near relatives came up, one after another, to tell grace how welcome a new member of their near connection she would be. chester dinsmore was the only one who expressed any regret, and that not to grace, but to lucilla. "i am sorry for my brother frank," he said. "he has been desperately in love with her, but your father would not let him speak. and i thought it would be pleasant to be so closely and doubly connected--two sisters marrying brothers." "i am sorry, since it disappoints you," said lucilla. "but i hope frank will soon get over his disappointment and find some one who will suit him still better. besides, grace being so delicate, it is well for her to get into the hands of a good physician." "true enough," returned chester, "and we may as well look at it in that way, for there is no use in fretting over what can't be helped." september had come; the summer heat was over and business called the gentlemen of our party to their more southern homes. preparations began, and one little company after another departed, leaving the rest feeling somewhat lonely and dull without them. the captain and his family, grandma elsie, evelyn, and mr. and mrs. lilburn were to go in the yacht, which carried them away a few days later--down the hudson river and down the atlantic coast to the seaport near their southern homes. a joyous welcome from lovers, relatives, and friends awaited them there. then followed the fall, winter, and early spring months, filled up and made delightful by the accustomed round of study, needlework, social calls, and visits, interspersed with religious duties and charitable work, etc. evelyn was often at woodburn, and she and lucilla made many pretty things for the adornment of their future homes. the weddings were to be postponed till max came home, and to their disappointment that home-coming was deferred month after month till chester grew exceedingly weary of waiting. letters were received occasionally from max, but he knew no more than they when he would be able to rejoin them and claim his bonny bride. the waiting was doubtless harder for him than for chester or either of the girls. they indeed seemed to take it quietly and contentedly. grace was very happy with her lover close at hand and often visiting her professionally or otherwise. and with her this state of things seemed to be conducive to health; she grew rosier, stronger, gayer, and more lively in her speech and manner than she had ever been before. so great a joy was it to her father to perceive the change that he soon fully forgave harold for seeking her affection while she was still so young and feeble. harold seemed to be waiting very patiently, and when chester grumbled at his long enforced wait, lucilla sometimes playfully called his attention to the good example set him by harold. "but there isn't the same need of waiting in our case," he would reply, "for, i am thankful to say, you are as healthy a girl as any that i know of." "yes; but think of the disappointment to max and eva if we shouldn't wait for them, when we can be together almost as much as if we were married, and all the time doing things to make our new home as lovely as possible." the continuance of war in the philippines, a cause of more or less regret to everybody, was doubly so to max's friends and relatives, because it delayed his return month after month. they missed him particularly when christmas time came and he was not there to share in the pleasant exchange of gifts and greetings. they had sent gifts to him, hoping they would reach him in good season, and as usual they bestowed them upon each other. for weeks beforehand violet had spent a good deal of time in her studio, and the result was a handsome portrait of the captain for each of his older daughters. they were highly pleased with them, saying that nothing else could have given them so much pleasure. the captain's gifts to them and violet were valuable books and some fine paintings for their walls. "you see, chester," lucilla said, when exhibiting hers to him, "that we are getting more and more for the adornment of our home while we wait for it." "adornment which could go on just as well if we were already in it," he returned, with a rather rueful laugh. "well, for your consolation please remember that it is near enough to be looked at every day," replied lucilla, in a sprightly tone. "and see here what your _fiancée_ has prepared for you," drawing a small package from her pocket as she spoke. "thanks! some of her own work, i hope," he said, with a gratified look and smile. "yes, i would have you enjoy as much of my work as possible." he had it opened now, and found it a beaded purse. "oh, how handsome!" he cried. "many, many thanks, dearest! i have no need of a reminder of you, but if i had, this would be one every time i looked at it. now here is my gift to you," taking in his turn a little package from his pocket and putting it in her hand. it was a miniature of himself--a fine likeness--attached to a beautiful gold chain. "oh, it is excellent, and nothing could have pleased me better!" she exclaimed, as she examined it. harold had the same sort of gift for grace, and she had embroidered for him a set of fine linen cambric handkerchiefs, with which he seemed greatly pleased. every member of that family, and each of the others in the connection, had prepared some gift of more or less value for each of the others, for their servants and dependents, and for the neighbors poor enough to need assistance from those able to give it. as usual there was a grand dinner at ion, to which all the connection were invited; and pretty much the same thing was repeated at woodburn on new year's day. max was missed and talked of at both gatherings, always being mentioned as one of whom they were proud and fond, while to evelyn and the woodburn family his absence detracted much from the enjoyment of the festivities. yet they comforted themselves with the hope that the trouble in the philippines would soon be over, and he allowed to return to his home and dear ones, now so anxious to see him, and to claim his promised wife. chapter xiv. the winter passed away without any untoward event to our friends at woodburn, ion, fairview, and the vicinity; march and april succeeded, then early in may came the news that admiral watson was ordered to proceed to manila and relieve admiral dewey. he sailed from san francisco on the th. it was not until late in june that he reached his destination, but admiral dewey had left there for hong-kong on the d of may, and placed the _olympia_ in dry-dock for the ten days he thought best to stay at that point in order to recruit his own health and that of his men. he left hong-kong on june , and reached singapore june . on the d he was at colombo, on the island of ceylon. he touched at various points on his homeward route--port said, trieste, naples, leghorn--at every place being received with highest honors. on august he was in the neighborhood of nice and villefranche, enjoying the delightful climate and beautiful scenery of that part of the world. on the th of september he reached gibraltar. his vessel gave the usual salute, heartily acknowledged by the garrison, and the admiral was warmly welcomed by its commander-in-chief, general biddulph. he seems to have stayed there six days, as it was on the th he sailed for new york by way of the azores. on tuesday morning, september , he anchored inside sandy hook--three days earlier than he was expected. a reception committee in new york city had been busily making ready to give him a grand "welcome home," which they intended should eclipse in gorgeous pageantry everything that had preceded it in the way of public demonstration. they had written to admiral dewey to know when he would arrive in order that they might fix a date for the grand display, and he had written them from leghorn, more than a month before: "i shall, without fail, reach the lower bay on friday, september ." the glad news of his arrival quickly spread by telegraph, and cannon were fired and bells rung in many cities throughout the country. the new york reception committee hastened to welcome him as soon as they knew of the arrival of the _olympia_. rear-admirals philip and sampson came also; but first of all came sir thomas lipton, the british challenger for the cup which has been so long in our possession, his vessel lying near where the _olympia_ anchored. but presently another yacht came steaming rapidly down the river, and max recognized it with an exclamation of delight, for it was the _dolphin_, and in a few minutes more captain raymond was on the deck of the _olympia_, grasping his son's hand, while his eyes shone with fatherly pride and affection. "my boy, my dear boy!" he said, in tones tremulous with emotion; "thank god that we are permitted to meet again." "father, my dear, dear father, how i have longed for this meeting with you!" was max's answering exclamation. "oh, tell me, are all our dear ones alive and well?" "yes, my son, and waiting yonder in the yacht for you. surely the admiral will allow you to go aboard her with me for a little visit." the admiral and the captain were not strangers to each other. a cordial greeting passed between them, they chatted as old friends for a few minutes, then captain raymond carried his son off to the _dolphin_, where he was received most joyfully, and exchanged loving embraces with his affianced, his sisters, "mamma vi," "grandma elsie," and little brother. they told him they had spent the greater part of the summer at crag cottage--which they still considered their temporary home--but for the present were on board the yacht, as the best place from which to view the naval welcome to admiral dewey. time flew fast in the glad mutual intercourse they had lacked for so many months. max had many questions to ask in regard to friends and relatives and all that had been going on in the neighborhood of his home and theirs. but his short leave had soon expired, and his father conveyed him back to the _olympia_ and left him there with the warmly expressed hope that they would soon be able to be together constantly for a time. at the naval anchorage at tompkinsville a fleet was gathered to welcome dewey's return, and his vessel steamed thither on wednesday--the day after her arrival at sandy hook. as she swept up the bay the salute due to an admiral of the united states navy rang out over the harbor from the forts and the assembled fleet for the first time in many years. there were also the music of marine bands, the pealing of naval bugles, the shrill whistles of numerous small craft, the cheering of excursion parties, and the rapid dash of the steam launches, all combining to make the scene a very lively one. during that day and the next the admiral and his officers had little rest, for their time was devoted to receiving the hurried visits of state and city officials, of naval and military officers, and of thousands of private citizens. one of the calls was that of a committee from washington, to tell dewey of the arrangements for his reception and the sword presentation there, and of an invitation to dine with president mckinley on october d. on thursday, captain lamberton of the _olympia_ had a pleasant task--that of pinning upon the breast of each man of dewey's fleet who had taken part in the fight at manila the bronze medal of honor voted him by congress. that was followed by the presentation to admiral dewey of the first american admiral's flag ever flung to the breeze, the flag first hoisted to the mast-head of farragut's flagship, the _hartford_, before new orleans. another thing very pleasing to the admiral was the receipt of an order from washington granting special permission to the thirty-four chinamen on board of the _olympia_ who had taken part in the battle at manila to land and have a share in the great parade. the city was a blaze of flags and bunting by day, and of electric lights by night. on the brooklyn bridge over eight thousand electric bulbs were arranged to form the words "welcome dewey"; powerful searchlights flashed from the towers over city and bay, and red fire burned along shores on the vessels at night. the naval parade on friday was the most magnificent display of the kind ever seen in this country. the _olympia_ led the way, followed by battleships, cruisers, revenue cutters, torpedo boats, and innumerable craft of all descriptions. over three million people lined the river banks to see the magnificent pageant. at riverside--where grant is buried--a salute was fired in his honor. two beautiful allegorical floats were anchored there, representing "victory" and "peace." here the _olympia_ and her consorts dropped anchor, while the long fleet passed in review. in the evening there was a fine electric and pyrotechnic display throughout the city and along the river. the next day, saturday, september , came the land parade, which was as interesting as had been the naval one. at five o'clock the admiral was up, and personally inspected his men. a committee of gentlemen escorted him to the city hall, where he was met by admiral schley, captain walker, captain coghlan, captain dyer, governor roosevelt, and others who had won distinction in the war. it was observed that he greeted schley with marked cordiality. from there the party went to a stand in front of the hall, and dewey was presented by mayor van wyck, on behalf of the city of new york, with a handsome and costly loving cup of fine gold. the admiral and his party then hastened to the pier to take the boat to grant's tomb, where the procession formed. it was a great one, and every step of the way was an ovation. first came sousa's immense band of musicians, then the sailor boys of manila, the bluejackets of santiago, and the boys from fifteen states, who had taken part in the spanish-american war. the immense crowds along the sidewalks cheered them lustily; none more so than the "fighting tenth" of pennsylvania. but the part of the procession which attracted the most attention was the carriage drawn by four beautiful bay horses in which rode admiral dewey and mayor van wyck. dewey rode with uncovered head bowing right and left until he reached the reviewing stand. the triumphal arch with its marble-like colonnade made a beautiful picture. on its top was a heroic figure of farragut--who gave dewey his first lesson in sailing over hidden mines and destructive torpedoes--seeming to look down upon his brave and successful pupil with admiration and approval. the celebration was a great success, showing how heartily the american people appreciated their gallant hero. the next day, being the sabbath, was spent in rest and comparative quiet. on monday, october , dewey went by rail from new york to washington, his journey thither proving a continual ovation. it was in the early evening he reached that city, and as the train neared the station a battery boomed out the admiral's salute, announcing his arrival to the waiting multitudes. the third cavalry was there to receive him, and he was driven to the white house to pay his respects to the chief of the nation. he was warmly welcomed by the president and his cabinet and many naval officers. after that the entire party went to review the civic parade which had been planned in honor of the admiral. the next day admiral dewey was presented with the sword voted him by congress. a vast concourse of people assembled to witness the imposing and impressive ceremony, which took place in front of the capitol, in the presence of the president and his cabinet and the principal officers of the several departments of the government. general miles was grand marshal of the escort, attended by a large staff of officers of the army and navy, all in full dress uniform and superbly mounted. just as the meridian gun sounded high noon, admiral dewey, leaning upon the president's arm, walked upon the platform. following them were judges of the supreme court, governors of states, senators, and members of congress, and the general officers of the army and navy. congress had directed that the sword should be presented by the secretary of the navy, and he did so in most appropriate and eloquent language. "no captain," he said, "ever faced a more crucial test than when, that morning, bearing the fate and the honor of your country in your hand, thousands of miles from home, with every foreign port in the world shut to you, nothing between you and annihilation but the thin sheathing of your ships, your cannon, and your devoted officers and men, you moved upon the enemy's batteries on shore and on sea with unflinching faith and nerve, and before the sun was halfway up in the heavens had silenced the guns of the foe, sunk the hostile fleet, demonstrated the supremacy of the american sea power, and transferred to the united states an entire of the islands of the pacific." in closing his speech the secretary handed the sword to the president as commander-in chief of the army and navy, and the president, speaking a few appropriate words as he did so, handed it to the admiral, who took it, saving: "i thank you, mr. president, for this great honor you have conferred upon me. i thank the congress for what it has done. i thank the secretary of the navy for his gracious words. i thank my country for this beautiful gift, which shall be an heirloom in my family forever, as an evidence that republics are not ungrateful. and i thank you, mr. chairman and gentlemen of the committee, for the gracious, kindly, and cordial welcome which you have given me to my home." chapter xv. it was a lovely evening, and a pleasant company had gathered upon the deck of the _dolphin_, captain raymond's yacht, lying in new york harbor; there were mrs. travilla, or grandma elsie, as some of her loved ones called her, captain raymond himself, his wife and children, older and younger, evelyn leland, dr. harold travilla, and chester dinsmore. they were scattered in groups--the three pairs of lovers in one, and conversing in low, earnest tones, now and then varied by a ripple of laughter. "i should like it very, very much," said eva, "but doubt if the captain proves willing." "doubtless if he consulted only his own inclination he would not consent," said max; "but father is anything else but selfish, and loves you so dearly, eva, that i by no means despair of persuading him to give you your wish in regard to this." "i have hardly a doubt of that," said lucilla, "and i am highly in favor of the plan, though i was not at first." "it suits me exactly," remarked chester, in a gleeful tone. "i greatly like the idea of taking my wife home with me." "something that more than one of us would be glad to do," sighed harold, squeezing affectionately a little hand of which he had taken possession a moment before. "never mind, old fellow, your turn will come one of these days, i hope," said chester. "perhaps when you two have waited as long as lu and i have now." "ah, i'm afraid we have even a longer wait than that before us," returned harold. "but we can see each other every day--be together a good deal of the time," remarked grace, in low, soothing tones. "well, let us have the thing settled, by hearing what father has to say about it," said max, for at that moment the captain might be seen approaching their group. "about what, my son?" he asked, as he took a vacant seat close at hand, for he had overheard the last few words. "as to the place where our nuptials should be celebrated, sir," returned max, with a little, happy laugh. "where else but in your homes?" asked his father. "i should like to have both my children married in my house, but eva and you, i suppose, would prefer to have yours and hers in her home--fairview." "no, sir," said evelyn, "my very strong wish is to have mine celebrated in my own old home--the house my father built and owned--crag cottage." "ah, my dear child, that is natural!" returned the captain in a tone of mingled surprise and acquiescence, "and i should be loath to stand in the way of such a wish. but i thought you and lucilla were planning to have but one ceremony for the two couples of you?" "yes, sir; and since talking it over we have concluded that crag cottage would be a suitable place for it, if you do not object." "it seems to me that there are reasons both for and against it," he said thoughtfully, "but since you four are the ones most nearly concerned, i think it will be only right and kind to let you decide the question among yourselves. but it is growing late in the season, and if the ceremony is to be performed here at the north, it should take place quite soon. can you make needed preparations in a few days?" "i think we can," both girls answered to that question. "very well, then, so far as i am concerned you shall do just as you please. for that matter, you are all of legal age to do so whether you have my permission or not." at that all four instantly disclaimed any intention or desire to go contrary to his wishes, and eva added: "i shall of course write at once to my uncle and aunt asking their consent and approval; for, though of legal age, i owe to them more than that for the great kindness they have shown me ever since the death of my dear father." "that is a right feeling you have toward them," remarked captain raymond, in a tone of commendation, "but i have no idea that they will oppose your wishes in the least in this matter." "no, i am almost sure they will not," she said; "but i shall write them to-night, and hope for a prompt reply. there will be some necessary shopping to do, and new york city will be the best place for that." "decidedly," assented the captain, "and you could have no better helpers in that than my wife and her mother." "and yourself, papa," laughed lucilla. "as purse-bearer?" he asked, with a smile. "i shall certainly be that, and ready to exercise my taste as regards the choice of the goods." "and i may be the housekeeper here on the _dolphin_ while you are away on your pleasant errands, i suppose," said grace. "yes, if you like, daughter," returned the captain; and harold added, "and i as your assistant, if you are willing to make use of me." "to see to it that she does not overwork herself," said the captain. "and what may chester and i be allowed to do?" queried max. "to keep them company,--if they desire it,--manage the vessel, and keep the children out of mischief, especially from falling overboard, and entertained in harmless ways." "i think we can do all that," said max; "but how long do you expect to be absent, father? are we to lie still in the harbor here till you return?" "just as you please," said his father. "if you choose to steam along the shores, out into the ocean or up the river, you have full liberty to do so. all i ask is that you take good care of the children and the vessel." "well, sir, i think that with chester's and harold's help i can engage to do all that," laughed max. "don't you think so, lads?" turning first to one, then to the other of the young men. both returned an affirmative reply, then they all joined the group of older ladies, told of their plans and purposes, and asked for advice, and whether the assistance they wanted in their shopping might be confidently expected. at first both ladies were surprised that the young people should think of having their weddings before returning home, but, after a little discussion, highly approved of the plan, and expressed themselves as willing as possible to assist in the shopping and all needful preparations. then they discussed the question what it would be needful or advisable to purchase, what dresses should be made and where the work could be done in the speediest and most approved manner, as it was wisest and best to consider and decide upon these matters before setting out to do their errands. evelyn wrote her letter to her uncle and aunt before retiring for the night, and had it posted early the next morning. shortly after breakfast the shopping party went into the city on their pleasant errand, and a little later the _dolphin_ weighed anchor and steamed out of harbor, going seaward. the party on its deck was a cheerful, even merry one, max and chester rejoicing in the near approach of their long looked-for nuptials; harold happy in having full possession for the time of his affianced, and elsie and ned raymond in gay, youthful spirits, for they loved to be on the yacht and with brother max, uncle harold, and also chester, with whom they had become almost as free and affectionate as if he were an own brother. "where are we going now, brother max?" asked ned. "i think we will put it to vote," replied max. "my idea is that it might be very pleasant to steam along near the shore of the sound on one side going out, and on the other returning; so getting a view of the country on both. grace, as you are the only lady present, i think you should have the first vote. shall we do as i have proposed, or something different?" "it sounds very pleasant, max," replied grace, "but i don't wish to decide the question, for i shall enjoy going anywhere in the _dolphin_, and with such pleasant company." "rather non-committal," laughed max. "well, chester and harold, what do you say?" both answered that they approved his plan, and would like nothing better, and elsie and ned exclaimed with enthusiasm that _they_ would like nothing better. "a unanimous vote in favor," commented max, "so the thing is settled." "and we can settle to something," remarked elsie, in a tone of satisfaction; "uncle harold, don't you want to tell us about some of the poor wounded or sick fellows you attended in cuba?" "i fear i have not much to tell of them--seeing i have already told so much--except that they were wonderfully brave and patient, full of love for their country and compassion for the downtrodden, inhumanly treated cubans," replied dr. travilla. "i think our soldiers were very brave, patient, and uncomplaining," said elsie. "i am very proud of them, especially because they didn't do cruel deeds such as i have read of soldiers of other nations doing in time of war." "yes, i think they deserved that commendation," said harold. "and the attempt of hobson and his men to block the entrance to santiago harbor by sinking the _merrimac_ there was brave as brave could be. we have indeed cause to be proud of our soldiers." "and so we are!" cried ned enthusiastically, "and," turning toward his brother, "just as proud of the brave fellows that were at manila as of those in cuba." "thank you, young man," returned max, with a bow and a smile. "we certainly have every reason to believe that our doings there have been appreciated by our kind countrymen." "brother max, could you help feeling a little bit afraid when your ship went into that long channel with its many forts and torpedoes?" "i certainly cannot say that i was entirely free from fear," acknowledged max; "but i had no desire to escape the danger by giving up my part in the coming fight, for i felt that we were on the right side of it--undertaken for the oppressed--and that my heavenly father was able to protect me, and all of us." "and he did," exclaimed elsie, in joyful tones; "it was just wonderful how you all escaped being killed, and only a few were slightly wounded." "it was indeed," assented max, "and a great cause for thankfulness." "do you like admiral dewey, brother max?" asked ned. "yes, yes indeed!" was the earnest, smiling reply. "he is determined with his men, but very kind-hearted. the man who has been guilty of a fault may be pretty sure of pardon if he confesses it, but not if he tells a falsehood to escape his deserts. lying is a thing which dewey utterly detests." "i wish i could get acquainted with him," said elsie; "though i suppose he wouldn't like to be bothered with talking to a little girl of my age." "i don't know about that," laughed max; "he is said to be very fond of children." "has he any of his own?" she asked, with a look of interest. "one son; but he is grown up and is in business." "oh, do tell me what sort of folks the filipinos are?" "i will do my best," replied max. "the men are not tall, but have good forms and well-shaped heads. their looks are boyish, and they seem never to grow old. they have black, glossy hair that seldom grows gray. the women are graceful and rather good-looking. they usually wear their hair loose, and no hat or bonnet on their heads. their dress is a satin skirt handsomely embroidered, and a waist of pina cloth, having flowing sleeves. they wear a scarf of the finest quality, and beautifully embroidered, about their neck and shoulders. an american lady there told me that they often spend years on the embroidery of a single garment, and that she and others of our ladies had gone into raptures over that work, but could seldom secure a specimen. they are very cleanly people--bathe a great deal, and keep their clothing very clean; their houses also are kept clean, neat, and tidy. the women sew, spin, weave, and gather thatch to keep the hut in repair. they also catch fish for the family to eat, and are skilful at that business. they carry burdens on their heads, and that makes them erect and graceful. a good many of both spaniards and chinamen have married filipino women, and the children, called mestizoes, make good citizens, seeming to inherit the patient industry of the chinese father and the gentle disposition and dignified self-possession of the filipino mother. but now i think i have done my share of talking for the present, and must leave the rest of you to do yours while i see if all is going right with our vessel," added max, rising and leaving the group as he spoke. "uncle harold, do you know the captain they call 'fighting bob'?" asked ned. "slightly," returned his uncle, "and a brave, noble man he is--a naval officer to be proud of; perfectly fearless and cool in battle, kind and helpful to conquered foes. he was commander of the _iowa_, to which the spanish ship _vizcaya_ surrendered. her captain, in a speech in spain, had said that he would tow back the _iowa_ to his king; but he was not able to do so. the _iowa_ drove shell after shell into his vessel, till she was a mass of flames, and struck her flag. "then 'fighting bob' sent out his boats to rescue the prisoners on the ship and in the water, and took back to the _iowa_ several officers and two hundred and forty men, her captain, eulate, among them. it is said to have been a horrible scene--so many dead and wounded men, and captain eulate, limping, and with his head bound up. he saluted as he stepped upon the deck of the _iowa_, and so did captain evans. "'you are captain evans? this is the _iowa_?' asked captain eulate. 'yes,' said captain evans, and took eulate's hand in both of his, shaking it warmly. eulate stepped back, unbuckled his sword, kissed it, and with the most elegant grace, handed it, hilt forward, to captain evans. but he refused to take it, turning the palm of his hand outward and waving it back, at the same time shaking his head--a very emphatic refusal. "the spaniards, officers and men, looked on in astonishment. captain eulate pressed captain evans' hand, and the crew gave eulate three cheers, for he had fought well, and only gave up when his ship was in flames and sinking. "just then a terrific explosion was heard on the _vizcaya_, which was only a short distance off, and a solid column of smoke went up nearly four thousand feet, it is said, taking the form of a gigantic mushroom. at that captain eulate turned around, pointing with one hand to his ruined ship, with the other toward his officers and men, '_veeski! veeski!_' he cried at the top of his voice, while tears rolled down his cheeks. his men sprang toward him, and many of them kissed his hand. he said in spanish, 'my brave marines!' and looked away." "that was a very interesting story, uncle," said elsie, as dr. travilla paused. "i hope there's more of it." "oh, yes, please go on, uncle harold," said ned. "our ships took all the spanish ones, didn't they?" "yes; the _maria teresa_ was now a wreck also, and the _iowa_ went to the relief of her drowning and burning men. admiral cervera was taken prisoner and brought on board the _iowa_. when he stepped aboard, with his staff, captain evans stood with uncovered head, and the marine guard presented arms. captain eulate stepped toward him, touched his sword with his hand and pressed it to his breast, crying out in spanish, pointing toward captain evans, evidently extolling his bravery and generosity. the admiral made a courtly bow to captain evans, and shook hands with him. the rest of the spanish officers kissed the hand of the spanish admiral four times, and embraced and kissed captain eulate. the men of the crew, too, would now and then see a comrade whom they had supposed dead, and they would fall to embracing and kissing." "did captain evans thank god for his victory, as captain philip did, uncle?" asked elsie. "no; but when some one blamed him for not having done so, he said that while preparations were being made for it he found that he was surrounded by boats carrying dying and wounded prisoners, and others of the crew of the _vizcaya_, to the number of two hundred and fifty. 'to leave these men to suffer for want of food and clothing, while i called my men aft to offer prayers, was not my idea of either christianity or religion,' he wrote in reply. 'i preferred to clothe the naked, feed the hungry, and succor the sick, and i am strongly of the opinion that almighty god has not put a black mark against me on account of it. i do not know whether i shall stand with captain philip among the first chosen in the hereafter, but i have this to say in conclusion, that every drop of blood in my body on the afternoon of july d, was singing thanks and praise to almighty god for the victory we had won.'" "they call captain evans 'fighting bob,' don't they, uncle?" asked ned. "yes; but it is said that he does not like it, and insists that he is no more of a fighter than very many of his brother officers. but it is really used as an honor to one whom his countrymen admire. but probably he will do no more fighting, as, by his own request, he has been detached from the command of the _iowa_, and made a member of the board of inspection and survey--a change he was entitled to, having already served more than his term of sea duty." "oh, uncle!" said elsie, in a tone of entreaty, "can't you tell us something more about captain philip? i do like him so, because of his being such a good christian man." "he is that," said dr. travilla emphatically, "and one of the bravest and most modest of men. when asked for his photograph he replied that he had never had one taken; and on being urgently invited to be present at a reception to lieutenant hobson, given in new york, he shook his head, saying the trial would be too much for him. but i dare say his real reason was a fear that his presence might deprive the young officer of some of the attention and honor due to him." "have you ever seen him, uncle?" asked elsie. "yes, once, for a few minutes, and i have heard him described as mild-mannered, full of fun, with gray mustache, a kindly face, and mild blue eyes, and it is said that he is fond of his men as they are of him. he said to some one, 'i have a stout ship and a crew of americans. so had the other captains. that was why we won.' he fairly earned his promotion, first to the rank of commodore, then to that of admiral. "now you two have taken in a good deal of information; don't you think it might be well for you to take some exercise in running about the deck?" concluded uncle harold, in a kindly tone, to which elsie and ned responded with a cheerful, "yes, sir! thank you for the stories," then ran away to carry out his suggestions, grace calling after them to be very careful not to go into any dangerous place. "we won't," ned called back. "we want to live to go to that double wedding." "yes, ned," said elsie, in a much lower tone, "and we want to buy some handsome presents for the brides. i spoke to mamma about that, and she said she and papa and grandma would give us our turn at the business of shopping; maybe day after to-morrow, for they expect to come back to the _dolphin_ to-morrow evening, and if the weather is suitable we can go into the city directly after breakfast the next morning." "oh, good!" cried ned. "won't it be fun? i hope papa has plenty of money for us to spend, so that we can get something very handsome--jewelry, perhaps. that will be the most suitable and acceptable, i suppose." "probably," returned elsie. "grandma, papa, and mamma will be the ones to decide." "of course," said her brother; "but they'll let us have some say about it too." max and chester were at the same moment standing together at some little distance in a friendly discussion of a similar topic--what gifts they should procure for their brides. "jewelry of some sort would, i suppose, be considered the most appropriate," remarked chester half inquiringly. "that is my idea," returned max. "i believe the majority of ladies can hardly have too much of it--though i have never noticed eva cared very much about it. i think, however, that lu does; i know that some years ago she had a strong desire for more than father deemed best for her." "tastes differ," sagely remarked chester, "and i wish to give her whatever she would prefer." "certainly," said max; "that is right and kind, and just my feeling in regard to the gift to eva." "well," said chester, "fortunately we do not need to decide the question until we see what the jewellers and other merchants have to offer." "shall we go together to make our selections?" asked max. "i should like to do so, if it suits you; and to have your father along--cousins elsie and violet also, if they feel inclined to go." "yes, indeed!" said max; "for they both have excellent taste and judgment. i don't know any one whose opinion on the subject i should consider more valuable." "nor do i," responded chester. "we are very fortunate in our lady friends, and i may well add in gentlemen also, max--your father in especial." "thank you," returned max, with a smile of gratification; "i think there is not a more perfect man and gentleman anywhere to be found; but that may be because i am his son." "oh, no! not altogether, at any rate," said chester; "for you are by no means alone in your favorable opinion." "no, i flatter myself that i am not. ah! do you see how earnestly harold and grace are talking together? i shouldn't wonder if they are upon the very same subject we have just been discussing." "quite likely. it seems to be the most important subject for older and younger of our party at present." "yes. by the way, chester, we are hurrying matters so that we can hardly hope or expect to have very many of our southern relatives and friends to witness the ceremony." "no, i suppose we can't. but we might invite them to visit us in our own house as soon after we get there as they please," laughed chester. "true enough!" exclaimed max, looking highly pleased at the thought, "and how delightful it would be to entertain them there." "so i think, and you don't know how i have wanted a home for that, as well as for my own private enjoyment." "i have had some very severe attacks of homesickness since i left my father's house for the naval academy, so that i think i can understand your feelings," max said, with a smile. "and i expect to be somewhat envious of you and lu some months hence, when i have to leave wife and home to go--perhaps to the other side of the world." "yes, max, when i think of that i am sorry for you, and for ourselves that we must be so often deprived of your pleasant society." they were steaming along within sight of the shore, and just at that moment the children came running to ask max some question about what could be seen there. he listened and replied very kindly, chester now and then taking part in the talk. the day and evening passed pleasantly to all on board; the children retired at their accustomed early hour, grace helping elsie in preparing for her couch, lest the dear little sister should miss mamma too sorely, and wet her pillow with tears. ned considered himself almost a man now, and quite fit to do without any attention in that line. "i do miss mamma," elsie said, as she laid herself down in the berth, "but it is very nice to share this stateroom with you for once, gracie dear." "and i am very glad to have you do so," replied grace; "for i shall not miss lu half so much with you in her place." "it's nice and kind in you to say that," returned elsie, with a loving look and smile. "but don't feel as if you must come to bed as early as i do, but go back and enjoy brother max, uncle harold, and chester a little longer, for i am sure they want you." "well, then i'll kiss you good-night, you darling little sister, and go back to them for perhaps another hour," grace said, accompanying her words with a tender caress. she found the gentlemen still on deck, where she had left them, and they gave her no reason to doubt that her society was welcome to them. an hour was spent in cheerful chat, and some singing of appropriate songs and hymns, then they bade good-night, and all retired to their staterooms, max having first attended to all his duties as captain of the vessel. the night passed quietly, and the next morning all woke rested and refreshed, ready to enjoy their breakfast, and after that the walks and talks upon deck, varied by resting in steamer chairs while chatting and gazing out upon the water and the land, out of sight of which they seldom were. the weather was all that could be desired, and they rejoiced in that fact for both themselves and their friends, the shoppers. the latter came on board soon after the yacht had come to anchor again in new york harbor. their bright, cheerful faces told at once of success with what had been undertaken and of satisfaction with their purchases, and their tongues speedily repeated the pleasant story of beautiful silks, satins, laces and other trimmings, for in the family circle they did not care to make a secret of their needful, or desirable, preparations for the approaching ceremony. all passed the night on the vessel, violet remarking that one night at the best of hotels was quite enough for her; she felt so much more at home on their own delightful yacht. but shortly after breakfast the children were taken into the city to select their bridal gifts, their father and mother going along with them. grace, in compliance with a suggestion from her father, was quite willing to entrust the selection of her gifts to him and mamma, shopping being always wearisome work for her. grandma elsie, evelyn, and lucilla remained on the vessel, with grace, to take a good rest, while the young men went in search of their gifts for the brides that were to be. "how many dresses did you have fitted?" asked grace. "two apiece," replied her sister; "our wedding gowns and one other for each of us. the others were expressed home at once, to be made up by our own dressmakers, who, as you know, have our measures, so that they may be ready to wear by the time we return, or very soon after." "a very good plan, i think," said grace. "eva, have you heard from your uncle and aunt in reply to your note the other day?" "yes," evelyn replied, with a smile, "and i am happy to say that they highly approve of our plans and purposes--not bidding me beware of the truth of the old saying, 'marry in haste and repent at leisure,' but promising to have everything in readiness for us and our ceremony. isn't it good of them?" "very nice and kind, i think," said grace. "how favorably everything seems to go with you! i am very glad for you both." "thank you," said eva. "we might make a triple wedding of it if your father would only consent." "oh, no! i don't wish it. father is right, i know; he always is; and i don't want to leave him yet for anybody." "and you are entirely right in that, my dear," said grandma elsie. "i can see that, although i should dearly love to gain possession of my new little daughter at once." "it is very nice and kind in you, grandma elsie, to be so ready to claim me for your own," grace returned, happy tears shining in her eyes. "ah, i fear your father might see that in a different light," returned grandma elsie, with one of her sweet smiles. "i think he would prefer to keep you all his own, and i cannot blame him. now, girls," turning to the others, "suppose we make out a list of the relatives and friends who should be invited to your wedding, so that that matter can be promptly attended to." the girls gave a ready assent and the list was presently prepared. "now i have been thinking," eva said, as they finished, "that as october is so delightful a month, even up here on the hudson, we might as well take a little more time for our preparations, spending it at crag cottage; and that would make it possible for our friends to attend the ceremony, should they choose to come. you could spare that much more time from your home, couldn't you, grandma elsie?" "easily; and i think it a very good idea. if anything like the entire number of our friends should come, you would not have sleeping accommodations for nearly all of them, and the hotels in the neighborhood are, i think, closed, or will be by that time; but a noon wedding would enable guests to come in the morning and leave before night." "oh, that's a capital idea, grandma elsie!" exclaimed lucilla. "don't you think so, eva?" "i do, and think every one else will," returned evelyn joyously. "then our wedding gifts can be shown at the cottage, packed, and sent home afterward in time to get there before we do--as we are to take a trip to niagara falls before going home." when the shoppers returned and were told of this plan, they one and all highly approved; so it was decided upon, and the necessary preparations were promptly made. the children were in high spirits, delighted with the purchases they had made; the older people seemed equally satisfied with theirs, though their report was given in quieter fashion. some of the smaller gifts the purchasers brought with them, but the others were to be sent first to crag cottage, and after the wedding from there to the brides' homes. after some little discussion of the plan, an immediate return to crag cottage was decided upon, and presently the yacht was steaming up the river. chapter xvi. it was a pleasant, happy party that gathered round the breakfast table at crag cottage the next morning, and a bountiful and excellent meal which they found spread before them. mrs. elsie leland--acting mistress of the house for the present--was highly pleased with the new arrangements planned for the double wedding. "the extension of the time allotted for the preparations would make it much easier to carry them out," she said, "while invited guests would have more time for the carrying out of theirs; though i doubt if many of them would think it paid to take so long and expensive a journey even to see that interesting sight--a double wedding." "i dare say not," said her husband. "chester, do you expect your brother and sisters to be here?" "hardly; the time being so short and the journey so long. and frank, i hear, has found a ladylove down there--which will be likely to keep him away. each of my sisters, as you probably know, has a young child,--maud, indeed, has two, sidney one,--and they would probably want neither to bring them along nor leave them behind." "no, i suppose they will hardly want to journey so far for a short visit, and will think it too late in the season for a long one," remarked grandma elsie. "yes; i fear that will keep uncle horace and aunt rose from joining us, though they are no farther away than philadelphia," said chester. "and, as grandpa sometimes says, they are now not so young as they once were," said mrs. leland. "we would be delighted to have them with us, but can scarcely hope for it." "no," said violet, "and most of our relatives and friends, having had their summer outings, returned home, and settled down again, can hardly be expected to start out on so long a journey for so short a bit of entertainment." "especially as there are a number of somebodies getting married every day," laughed lucilla. "yes," said harold, with a smile, "it is a very common occurrence." the two weeks passed quickly and happily away, the older ones attending to necessary preparations, the younger filling up much of the time with pleasant little excursions up and down the river in the yacht, or walks, rides, and drives on land. the wedding presents began to come in. the captain's principal gift they knew was their joint home on his estate, woodburn, but there were a number of minor ones--in the way of silver for their tables, sèvres china, and napery, cut-glass and bric-a-brac. the gifts of elsie and ned consisted of similar articles. gracie's gift, chosen by her father and "mamma vi," was a gold bracelet for each, ornamented with precious stones. each lover had visited tiffany's and bought for his bride a very handsome ornament called a sunburst--a star of diamonds to be worn as locket or brooch. they were presented on the morning of the wedding, and the girls were delighted with them, as they were with harold's gift--a very beautiful opal ring to each. it was nearing ten o'clock the night before the wedding, and captain raymond was taking his usual stroll back and forth upon the porch before retiring, when lucilla came to him for the usual bit of good-night chat so pleasant to them both. he put his arm about her and held her close to his heart, as he had so often done before. for a moment neither spoke, then she said sobbingly: "oh, father, my dear father, this is the last time! how can i bear it! oh, how can i bear it! how can i leave you, even for chester, whom i do love dearly." "no, dear child," he said in tones tremulous with emotion, "it need not be the last time. we shall be near enough to see and embrace each other very often while god spares our lives; and we will not love each other less because we are not living all the time under the same roof." "no, papa, no, indeed! oh, i could never bear it if it wasn't for knowing that! you have been such a good, kind, wise, and loving father to me. oh, i wish i had always been the good, obedient biddable child i ought to have been." "yes, daughter dear, i know it; i know you do; while i often wish i had been more patient and gentle--less stern with you. but let us forgive and forget, and each try in the future to be all to the other that could be desired. my own dear, dear child! 'the lord bless thee: the lord make his face shine upon thee, and be gracious unto thee: the lord lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace.'" "thank you, my dear, dear father," she said. "that is such a sweet blessing, and i do so love to hear it from your lips. oh, i can never be thankful enough that i have a christian father!" "nor i for the good hope that my dear eldest daughter is a true servant, with me, of the same blessed master. now let us say good-night, for it is time you were preparing for your rest." most of the invited guests except a few who would arrive in the morning had come, but, by sending the young gentlemen and lads to sleep in the yacht, room had been made for all. the ceremony took place the next day at high noon--the brides, the gifts, the house bedecked with flowers, all looking very lovely. a grand wedding breakfast followed, then bridal dresses were exchanged for travelling suits, handsome and becoming, and the newly married couples, accompanied by grace and harold, went aboard the _dolphin_, which carried them to the city, where they would take the cars for niagara. harold and grace saw them on the train, waved them good-bye as it started, then returned on the yacht to crag cottage. a few days later the _dolphin_ was again speeding southward, carrying her owner and his family--including mrs. travilla and her son harold, also the lelands, to their homes. they had a delightful voyage, and arrived at their destination in fine health and spirits. but that was not the last trip made by the yacht for that season; within a fortnight she was again steaming up the hudson, and in the harbor of the city where the bridal party had left her they found her lying at anchor one day, when the train bearing them on their return from the west came rushing into the station. "oh, it really seems something like getting home!" lucilla exclaimed as she stepped upon the deck. "but father did not come!" she added, with a slight sigh of disappointment, glancing about in the vain hope of catching sight of the manly form and face she loved so well. "no, mrs. dinsmore, but you'll be sure to get sight of the captain when you reach the other end of the voyage," said mr. bailey, temporary skipper, coming forward with a bow and smile. "and the voyage will be but a short one if the weather continues good," remarked max, offering a hand to bailey in cordial greeting, then introducing his bride. "yes," said bailey, taking in his the hand she offered, and looking at her with admiring eyes, "i used to know her pretty well as miss leland. i wish you both a great deal of happiness and prosperity. and you and your bride the same, mr. dinsmore," shaking hands with chester in his turn. "i think, ladies and gentlemen, you will find everything shipshape in the saloon and staterooms; the captain was very particular about all that." "yes," said evelyn, "and now that we are here on the dear old yacht i feel that the discomforts of travel by rail are happily gotten rid of; everything is so clean, quiet, and homelike here." "i think it is delightful," said lucilla; "only i am disappointed that father did not come." "no doubt it was having too many other things to attend to that prevented him," said max. "and doubtless he will meet us at the wharf when we land." the weather was all that could be desired, the yacht in fine condition, and in due time they anchored in the harbor of their own city, and presently landed, to find a number of the dear ones waiting for them. captain raymond was there with his entire family, and lucilla had scarcely stepped ashore ere she found herself in his arms, his kiss of fatherly love upon her lips. "how glad i am to have you here again, my darling," he said in tender tones. "i hope you have enjoyed your trip, and come back to me feeling well and strong?" "oh, yes, father dear, yes indeed! and so, so glad to be with you again! i could never, never live without my father." "that is pretty much as i feel about my eldest daughter," he returned with a smile, and repeating his caresses. then eva must take her turn, and the son and son-in-law each received a cordial grasp and shake of the hand. then joyous greetings were exchanged with the lelands, violet, elsie, and ned. the woodburn and fairview carriages were there, and nearby stood another--a two-seated, very handsome vehicle, with a pair of fine, spirited-looking grays attached. greetings over, the captain led the way to the equipage, and turning with a kind, fatherly smile toward the bridal party, "here, my children," he said, "is a gift from your father to be held and used--enjoyed, too, i trust--by the four of you in common." "father, i'm afraid you are doing too much for us!" exclaimed max, with emotion. "a grand good gift, sir, for which i heartily thank you," said chester warmly. "dear father, don't ruin yourself by heaping so many, many gifts upon us," cried lucilla, turning, and putting her hand in his, while evelyn said, with starting tears "that it was really too much." "no, i am perfectly able to afford it, my dears, and shall be very glad if it adds to your enjoyment of your new home," said the generous giver. "get in now, drive over to your new home, and see if everything about house and grounds has been arranged to suit your taste." they obeyed, and found the carriage, as they afterward said, the easiest, most comfortable one they had ever ridden in, and the horses the finest of thoroughbreds. "these are grand fellows, max; i'll warrant your father has spent no trifle on their purchase," remarked chester as they sped onward with easy, graceful motion. "just what i think," said max. "no more generous man than he ever lived." "i only hope he won't ruin himself by heaping expensive gifts and favors upon us," said evelyn. "i hope not, indeed!" sighed lucilla, with a slight tremble in her tones. "don't be anxious and troubled about it, sister mine," said max very kindly. "i happen to know that father has abundant means. and being so generous of nature it is a delight to him to give--especially to his wife and children." "what a dear, good father he is! it is just a delight to me that i may call him that now," said evelyn. their carriage reached its destination some minutes ahead of the captain's, and they immediately alighted and gazed about them with wondering and delighted eyes--so many improvements had been made since last they saw the place, trees and flowers, lovely and fragrant, having been transplanted from other places to adorn this. they wandered here and there, expressing in looks and joyous exclamations admiration, gratitude, and delight. they had hardly made acquaintance with all the beauties of the place when the other carriage drove up and the rest of the family joined them. then, as the captain afterward said, they well-nigh overwhelmed him with the extravagant outpouring of their admiration, gratitude, and delight. "i am very glad that you are all so well pleased," he said, in return. "my wife and i have greatly enjoyed this labor of love,--the overseeing and directing of these improvements,--and that they find such favor with you all more than repays us. but, come, let us go inside and see how well you are satisfied with things there." he led the way as he spoke, and they found themselves in a wide hall with a broad and easy stairway leading to the rooms above, and on either side, on that floor, large, elegantly furnished rooms,--parlors, libraries, dining rooms, a set for each little family,--beautiful lace curtains at the windows, handsome paintings handsomely framed, on the walls, many of them presents from grandma elsie and others of the ion family and violet's relatives on the neighboring estates, and other gifts and adornments too numerous to mention. the young folks had decided to call their place sunnyside, and so lovely was it that the name seemed very appropriate. the upper rooms were found scarcely less attractive in themselves or their furnishings than the lower ones. a grand dinner was in course of preparation in lucilla's kitchen, and presently all sat down to it, served in her dining-room. after that the whole party went over to woodburn, no one of them feeling satisfied without a peep at it--the dear old home all loved so well. the end. transcriber's note: obvious printer errors have been corrected. otherwise, the author's original spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been left intact. a message to garcia being a preachment by elbert hubbard. [illustration: elbert hubbard] [illustration] done into a printed book by the roycrofters at their shop, which is in east aurora, erie county, n.y. copyright by elbert hubbard apologia horse sense if you work for a man, in heaven's name work for him. if he pays wages that supply you your bread and butter, work for him, speak well of him, think well of him, and stand by him, and stand by the institution he represents. i think if i worked for a man, i would work for him. i would not work for him a part of his time, but all of his time. i would give an undivided service or none. if put to the pinch, an ounce of loyalty is worth a pound of cleverness. if you must vilify, condemn, and eternally disparage, why, resign your position, and when you are outside, damn to your heart's content. but, i pray you, so long as you are a part of an institution, do not condemn it. not that you will injure the institution--not that--but when you disparage the concern of which you are a part, you disparage yourself. and don't forget--"i forgot" won't do in business. [sidenote: _a trying day_] this literary trifle, "a message to garcia," was written one evening after supper, in a single hour. it was on the twenty-second of february, eighteen hundred ninety-nine, washington's birthday, and we were just going to press with the march "philistine." the thing leaped hot from my heart, written after a trying day, when i had been endeavoring to train some rather delinquent villagers to abjure the comatose state and get radio-active. [sidenote: the real hero of the war] the immediate suggestion, though, came from a little argument over the teacups, when my boy bert suggested that rowan was the real hero of the cuban war. rowan had gone alone and done the thing--carried the message to garcia. [sidenote: the increasing demand] it came to me like a flash! yes, the boy is right, the hero is the man who does his work--who carries the message to garcia. i got up from the table, and wrote "a message to garcia." i thought so little of it that we ran it in the magazine without a heading. the edition went out, and soon orders began to come for extra copies of the march "philistine," a dozen, fifty, a hundred; and when the american news company ordered a thousand, i asked one of my helpers which article it was that had stirred up the cosmic dust. "it's the stuff about garcia," he said. [sidenote: george h. daniels] the next day a telegram came from george h. daniels, of the new york central railroad, thus: "give price on one hundred thousand rowan article in pamphlet form--empire state express advertisement on back--also how soon can ship." i replied giving price, and stated we could supply the pamphlets in two years. our facilities were small and a hundred thousand booklets looked like an awful undertaking. the result was that i gave mr. daniels permission to reprint the article in his own way. he issued it in booklet form in editions of half a million. two or three of these half-million lots were sent out by mr. daniels, and in addition the article was reprinted in over two hundred magazines and newspapers. it has been translated into all written languages. [sidenote: prince hilakoff] at the time mr. daniels was distributing the "message to garcia," prince hilakoff, director of russian railways, was in this country. he was the guest of the new york central, and made a tour of the country under the personal direction of mr. daniels. the prince saw the little book and was interested in it, more because mr. daniels was putting it out in such big numbers, probably, than otherwise. [sidenote: the russian railroad-men] in any event, when he got home he had the matter translated into russian, and a copy of the booklet given to every railroad employee in russia. other countries then took it up, and from russia it passed into germany, france, spain, turkey, hindustan and china. during the war between russia and japan, every russian soldier who went to the front was given a copy of the "message to garcia." [sidenote: the war in the east] the japanese, finding the booklets in possession of the russian prisoners, concluded that it must be a good thing, and accordingly translated it into japanese. and on an order of the mikado, a copy was given to every man in the employ of the japanese government, soldier or civilian. over forty million copies of "a message to garcia" have been printed. [sidenote: its great circulation] this is said to be a larger circulation than any other literary venture has ever attained during the lifetime of the author, in all history--thanks to a series of lucky accidents!--e.h. [illustration: ] a message to garcia as the cold of snow in the time of harvest, so is a faithful messenger to them that send him: for he refresheth the soul of his masters.--_proverbs xxv:_ in all this cuban business there is one man stands out on the horizon of my memory like mars at perihelion. [sidenote: the president needed a man] when war broke out between spain and the united states, it was very necessary to communicate quickly with the leader of the insurgents. garcia was somewhere in the mountain fastnesses of cuba--no one knew where. no mail or telegraph message could reach him. the president must secure his co-operation, and quickly. what to do! [sidenote: and found one] some one said to the president, "there is a fellow by the name of rowan will find garcia for you, if anybody can." [sidenote: he delivered the message] rowan was sent for and was given a letter to be delivered to garcia. how "the fellow by the name of rowan" took the letter, sealed it up in an oilskin pouch, strapped it over his heart, in four days landed by night off the coast of cuba from an open boat, disappeared into the jungle, and in three weeks came out on the other side of the island, having traversed a hostile country on foot, and delivered his letter to garcia--are things i have no special desire now to tell in detail. the point that i wish to make is this: mckinley gave rowan a letter to be delivered to garcia; rowan took the letter and did not ask, "where is he at?" by the eternal! there is a man whose form should be cast in deathless bronze and the statue placed in every college of the land. it is not book-learning young men need, nor instruction about this and that, but a stiffening of the vertebrae which will cause them to be loyal to a trust, to act promptly, concentrate their energies: do the thing--"carry a message to garcia." [sidenote: the moral] general garcia is dead now, but there are other garcias. no man who has endeavored to carry out an enterprise where many hands were needed, but has been well-nigh appalled at times by the imbecility of the average man--the inability or unwillingness to concentrate on a thing and do it. [sidenote: there are other garcias] slipshod assistance, foolish inattention, dowdy indifference, and half-hearted work seem the rule; and no man succeeds, unless by hook or crook or threat he forces or bribes other men to assist him; or mayhap, god in his goodness performs a miracle, and sends him an angel of light for an assistant. you, reader, put this matter to a test: you are sitting now in your office--six clerks are within call. summon any one and make this request: "please look in the encyclopedia and make a brief memorandum for me concerning the life of correggio." will the clerk quietly say, "yes, sir," and go do the task? on your life he will not. he will look at you out of a fishy eye and ask one or more of the following questions: [sidenote: which encyclopedia?] who was he? which encyclopedia? where is the encyclopedia? was i hired for that? don't you mean bismarck? [sidenote: what's the matter with charlie doing it?] what's the matter with charlie doing it? is he dead? is there any hurry? shall i bring you the book and let you look it up yourself? what do you want to know for? _i wasn't hired for that anyway!_ and i will lay you ten to one that after you have answered the questions, and explained how to find the information, and why you want it, the clerk will go off and get one of the other clerks to help him try to find garcia--and then come back and tell you there is no such man. of course i may lose my bet, but according to the law of average i will not. now, if you are wise, you will not bother to explain to your "assistant" that correggio is indexed under the c's, not in the k's, but you will smile very sweetly and say, "never mind," and go look it up yourself. [sidenote: _dread of getting "the bounce"_] and this incapacity for independent action, this moral stupidity, this infirmity of the will, this unwillingness to cheerfully catch hold and lift--these are the things that put pure socialism so far into the future. if men will not act for themselves, what will they do when the benefit of their effort is for all? a first mate with knotted club seems necessary; and the dread of getting "the bounce" saturday night holds many a worker to his place. advertise for a stenographer, and nine out of ten who apply can neither spell nor punctuate--and do not think it necessary to. can such a one write a letter to garcia? "you see that bookkeeper," said a foreman to me in a large factory. "yes; what about him?" [sidenote: _who wants a man like this?_] "well, he's a fine accountant, but if i'd send him up-town on an errand, he might accomplish the errand all right, and on the other hand, might stop at four saloons on the way, and when he got to main street would forget what he had been sent for." can such a man be entrusted to carry a message to garcia? we have recently been hearing much maudlin sympathy expressed for the "downtrodden denizens of the sweat-shop" and the "homeless wanderer searching for honest employment," and with it all often go many hard words for the men in power. [sidenote: _the weeding-out process_] nothing is said about the employer who grows old before his time in a vain attempt to get frowsy ne'er-do-wells to do intelligent work; and his long, patient striving with "help" that does nothing but loaf when his back is turned. in every store and factory there is a constant weeding-out process going on. the employer is continually sending away "help" that have shown their incapacity to further the interests of the business, and others are being taken on. [sidenote: _this man says times are scarce_] no matter how good times are, this sorting continues: only if times are hard and work is scarce, the sorting is done finer--but out and forever out the incompetent and unworthy go. it is the survival of the fittest. self-interest prompts every employer to keep the best--those who can carry a message to garcia. i know one man of really brilliant parts who has not the ability to manage a business of his own, and yet who is absolutely worthless to any one else, because he carries with him constantly the insane suspicion that his employer is oppressing, or intending to oppress, him. he can not give orders; and he will not receive them. should a message be given him to take to garcia, his answer would probably be, "take it yourself!" [sidenote: _a spiritual cripple_] tonight this man walks the streets looking for work, the wind whistling through his threadbare coat. no one who knows him dare employ him, for he is a regular firebrand of discontent. he is impervious to reason, and the only thing that can impress him is the toe of a thick-soled number nine boot. of course i know that one so morally deformed is no less to be pitied than a physical cripple; but in our pitying let us drop a tear, too, for the men who are striving to carry on a great enterprise, whose working hours are not limited by the whistle, and whose hair is fast turning white through the struggle to hold in line dowdy indifference, slipshod imbecility, and the heartless ingratitude which, but for their enterprise, would be both hungry and homeless. [sidenote: _a word of sympathy for the man who succeeds_] [sidenote: _rags not necessarily a recommendation_] have i put the matter too strongly? possibly i have; but when all the world has gone a-slumming i wish to speak a word of sympathy for the man who succeeds--the man who, against great odds, has directed the efforts of others, and having succeeded, finds there's nothing in it: nothing but bare board and clothes. i have carried a dinner-pail and worked for day's wages, and i have also been an employer of labor, and i know there is something to be said on both sides. there is no excellence, per se, in poverty; rags are no recommendation; and all employers are not rapacious and high-handed, any more than all poor men are virtuous. [sidenote: _good men are always needed_] [sidenote: _needed today and needed badly--a man_] my heart goes out to the man who does his work when the "boss" is away, as well as when he is at home. and the man who, when given a letter for garcia, quietly takes the missive, without asking any idiotic questions, and with no lurking intention of chucking it into the nearest sewer, or of doing aught else but deliver it, never gets "laid off," nor has to go on a strike for higher wages. civilization is one long, anxious search for just such individuals. anything such a man asks shall be granted. his kind is so rare that no employer can afford to let him go. he is wanted in every city, town and village--in every office, shop, store and factory. the world cries out for such: he is needed, and needed badly--the man who can carry a message to garcia. [illustration: ] to act in absolute freedom and at the same time know that responsibility is the price of freedom is salvation. here then endeth the preachment, _a message to garcia_, as written by fra elbertus and done into a book by the roycrofters at their shop, which is in east aurora, new york. life in abundance the supreme prayer of my heart is not to be learned or "good," but to be radiant. i desire to radiate health, cheerfulness, sincerity, calm courage and good-will. i wish to be simple, honest, natural, frank, clean in mind and clean in body, unaffected--ready to say, "i do not know," if so it be, to meet all men on an absolute equality--to face any obstacle and meet every difficulty unafraid and unabashed. i wish others to live their lives, too, up to their highest, fullest and best. to that end i pray that i may never meddle, dictate, interfere, give advice that is not wanted, nor assist when my services are not needed. if i can help people i'll do it by giving them a chance to help themselves; and if i can uplift or inspire, let it be by example, inference and suggestion, rather than by injunction and dictation. that is to say, i desire to be radiant--to radiate life. pictorial history of our war with spain a thrilling account of the land and naval operations of american soldiers and sailors in our war with spain, and the heroic struggles of cuban patriots against spanish tyranny. including a description and history of cuba, spain, philippine islands, our army and navy, fighting strength, coast defenses, and our relations with other nations, etc., etc. by trumbull white, the well known and popular author, historian and war correspondent. elaborately illustrated with photographs and drawings of battles, on sea and land, war ships, etc., from life. freedom publishing co. dedicated to our american volunteers preface. information concerning the island of cuba has been of an exceedingly unsatisfactory character until the search-light of american inquiry was thrown upon it from the beginning of the war for cuban liberty early in . although our next-door neighbor to the south, with a perfect winter climate and a host of interesting and picturesque attractions for travelers, tourists had been comparatively few, measured by the numbers that might have been expected. all of the reasons for this were those which naturally followed the characteristic spanish rule of the island. publicity was not welcomed, inquiry was not welcomed, travelers were not welcomed. the cities and the accommodations they offered were in many ways far behind those of like age and size in the other countries of the globe. railway construction and the making of highways had lagged disgracefully, because the exorbitant taxes collected were looted by the officers of the government as their own spoils. no other country so near to the highways of ocean commerce and so accessible from the united states was so little known. a few travelers had journeyed to cuba and had written books descriptive of their experiences, which were read with interest by those who had access to them. but these books were usually simply descriptive of the people, the manner of life, the scenery, and the things of surface interest. it is proverbial that spanish rule conceals the resources of a country instead of exploiting them. the person of inquiring mind had no way in cuba to obtain prompt information concerning the material facts of the island's wealth of resource, because the spanish authorities themselves knew nothing about it. spanish statistics are notoriously unreliable and incomplete. no census of cuba worthy the name ever has been taken, and there are few schools and few sources of accurate information. with all this handicap it was a foregone conclusion that the casual traveler should confine himself to the things that were visible and that were near to the usual paths of travelers. so until the beginning of the cuban war for liberty no books could be obtained which told the things which one really cares to know. picturesque descriptions there were, more than one, of considerable interest, but the information was scattered. demand always creates supply, even if material is scant. when the war began, the people of the united states wanted to know something of the people who were striving for their freedom, of their characteristics, their conditions and their personality. moreover, it was an immediate necessity to know the geography of cuba, its history, its natural conditions, its material resources, and a host of things that unite to make a comprehensive knowledge of any country. there were men who knew cuba from years of residence there in industrial and commercial enterprises. they were drawn upon for their knowledge. then the newspapers of the united states gave another demonstration of their unvarying enterprise and covered the points of interest in the insurrection most exhaustively. their correspondents shared the camps of insurgent chiefs, witnessed the daring machete charges of the cubans, saw every detail of armed life in the field. others kept close watch of the movements of the spanish forces in havana and the fortified towns, as well as in the field. one was shot in action. another was macheted to death after his capture, by a spanish officer who waited only to be sure that the prisoner was an american before ordering him to death. others were incarcerated in morro and cabanas fortresses and in the other spanish prisons in cuba because they insisted on telling the truth to america and the world. they were the ones who told of the horrors of reconcentration under that infamous order of captain general weyler. they have been the real historians of cuba. it is to all of these sources and others that the information contained in the present volume is owed. the writer takes pleasure in acknowledging the courteous permission to use salient facts contained in some volumes of merit published prior to this time. but more than all the obligation is to the newspaper correspondents who worked with him in cuba in the days when the war was but an insurrection and afterward when the insurrection became our own war against spain for the liberty of cuba. they are the ones who have gathered the most exhaustive information on the whole subject of cuban affairs. they have been able by virtue of their intimate knowledge of cuba and the cubans to be of invaluable assistance to the commanders of army and navy alike, not only in advice as to the forming of plans, but in executing them. one who has seen the things knows that to exaggerate the horrors of spanish cruelty and the oppression of spanish rule in cuba is an impossibility. no newspaper could have printed the plain truth of a score of shocking affairs, simply because the public prints are no place for the exploiting of such tales of vicious crime against humanity as have been perpetrated. the most sensational tales have never reached the limits of the truth. it is hoped that the reader will find in this volume not only a comprehensive current history of our war with spain for cuba's freedom, but also much of the other matter that will be of interest and value in considering the future of the liberated island. its history, its people, its resources and other salient subjects are included, with certain matter on spain and her own affairs, with puerto rico and the philippine islands, which chapters serve to make the volume a work for general reference and reading on the whole subject of the war. table of contents. i. a war for liberty and humanity ii. how columbus found the "pearl of the antilles" iii. spain's black historical record iv. buccaneering in the spanish main v. commercial development of cuba vi. beauties of a tropical island vii. wealth from nature's store in the forest and fields of cuba viii. the cubans and how they live ix. havana, the island metropolis x. the cities of cuba xi. mutterings of insurrection xii. outbreak of the ten years' war xiii. massacre of the virginius officers and crew xiv. operations of the ten years' war xv. the peace of zanjon and its violated pledges xvi. preparations for another rebellion xvii. the cuban junta and its work xviii. key west and the cubans xix. another stroke for freedom xx. jose marti and other cuban heroes xxi. desperate battles with machete and rifle xxii. filibusters from florida xxiii. weyler the butcher xxiv. cuba under the scourge xxv. fitzhugh lee to the front xxvi. americans in spanish dungeons xxvii. maceo dead by treachery xxviii. weyler's reconcentration policy and its horrors xxix. american indignation growing xxx. outrages on americans in cuba xxxi. mckinley succeeds cleveland xxxii. the case of evangelina cisneros xxxiii. work of clara barton and the red cross xxxiv. the catastrophe to the maine xxxv. patience at the vanishing point xxxvi. events in the american congress xxxvii. president mckinley acts xxxviii. strength of the opposing squadron and armies xxxix. battleships and troops begin to move xl. diplomatic relations terminate xli. first guns and first prizes of the war xlii. declaration of war xliii. call for the national guard, our citizen soldiery xliv. blockade of cuban ports xlv. spanish dissensions at home xlvi. the philippines, puerto rico, and other colonies of spain xlvii. progress of hostilities xlviii. sea fight off manila, americans victorious xlix. hawaii, and our annexation policy l. continued success for american soldiers and sailors li. the invasion of puerto rico lii. the surrender of manila liii. victorious close of the war liv. personal reminiscences introduction. when, on the d day of april, , michael mallia, gun-captain of the united states cruiser nashville, sent a shell across the bows of the spanish ship buena ventura, he gave the signal shot that ushered in a war for liberty for the slaves of spain. the world has never seen a contest like it. nations have fought for territory and for gold, but they have not fought for the happiness of others. nations have resisted the encroachments of barbarism, but until the nineteenth century they have not fought to uproot barbarism and cast it out of its established place. nations have fought to preserve the integrity of their own empire, but they have not fought a foreign foe to set others free. men have gone on crusades to fight for holy tombs and symbols, but armies have not been put in motion to overthrow vicious political systems and regenerate iniquitous governments for other peoples. for more than four centuries spain has held the island of cuba as her chattel, and there she has revelled in corruption, and wantoned in luxury wrung from slaves with the cruel hand of unchecked power. she has been the unjust and merciless court of last resort. from her malignant verdict there has been no possible appeal, no power to which her victims could turn for help. but the end has come at last. the woe, the grief, the humiliation, the agony, the despair that spain has heaped upon the helpless, and multiplied in the world until the world is sickened with it, will be piled in one avalanche on her own head. liberty has grown slowly. civilization has been on the defensive. now liberty fights for liberty, and civilization takes the aggressive in the holiest war the world has even known. never was there a war before in which so many stimulating deeds of bravery were done in such a short time, and this in spite of the fact that the public has been restless for more action. it is almost worth a war to have inscribed such a deed of cool, intelligent heroism as that of hobson and his men with the merrimac, in the entrance to the harbor of santiago de cuba. that is an event in world history, one never to be forgotten, and in the countries of europe quite as generously recognized as by our own people. there is a word to say for the spanish admiral. in his chivalry after that act of heroism, cervera proved himself a worthy adversary, who could realize and admire bravery in a foe, even when it had been directed against himself with such signal success. not every commander would be great enough in that circumstance to send a flag of truce to the opposing admiral, in order to inform him that his brave men were safe and that they were honored as brave men by their captors. of another sort was the bravery of dewey at manila, more notable in its results but in no other way surpassing that of hobson and his men. dewey went forward in spite of unknown dangers of torpedoes, to engage an enemy in the place it had selected as most favorable for spanish arms, an enemy with more ships, more men, more guns than had the american. a day later the nation was at the feet of dewey and the united states had taken a position among the powers of the world never before admitted by them. in larger degree than ever before, from that moment the united states became a factor in the international history of the world. at this writing one cannot tell what will be the end of the relations of the united states to the philippines and the orient, but the solution cannot fail to be of profit to this nation. this was a holy war for the liberty of cuba, but like many another good deed it is bringing its additional rewards. cuba, puerto rico, the philippines and the caroline islands are to be liberated, four colonies of spain instead of one, and the direct and indirect profit, looked at from a purely commercial basis, will be far more than enough to compensate the united states for the cost of the war. the annexation of the hawaiian islands as a war measure must be credited to the same cause, for the success of that effort under any other circumstances was problematical. yet another sort of bravery was that in the harbor of cardenas when the little torpedo boat winslow lay a helpless hulk under the rain of fire from the shore batteries, without rudder or engine to serve, and the hudson, a mere tugboat with a few little guns on deck, stood by for forty minutes to pass a hawser and tow the disabled vessel out of range. both were riddled, the winslow had half her total complement of men killed and wounded by a single shell, but there was no faltering, and they all worked away as coolly as if nothing were happening. if one started to catalogue the instances of personal bravery that the war brought out in its first few months, the list would be a cumbersome one. it is enough here to say that there have been a hundred times when personal courage was needed to be shown, and never a moment's hesitancy on the part of any man to whom the call came. furthermore, in every case in which a particularly hazardous undertaking was contemplated, and volunteers were called for, the number offering has been in every instance far more than was needed. this was eminently notable on the occasion of hobson's sinking of the merrimac, when more than a thousand in the fleet volunteered for a service requiring but six, and from which it seemed impossible that any could come out alive. the public must know all about the war, and the only avenue of information is the press. never before has any war been covered as to its news features with the accuracy and energy which have characterized this. american journalism has outstripped the world. the expense of a news service for this war is something enormous, with little return compensation. yet the work is done, metropolitan papers have from ten to twenty correspondents in the field, and the public has the benefit. dispatch boats follow the fleets and are present at every battle. they must be near enough to see, which means that they are in as much danger at times as are the ships of the fighting squadron, far more if one remembers that the former are in no way protected. some of them are heavy sea-going tugs and others are yachts. the expense of charter, insurance and running cost amounts to from $ to $ a day each, and yet some metropolitan newspapers have fleets of these boats to the number of six. all the foregoing facts are related in detail in the volume which these paragraphs introduce. the only object in reiterating them here is that they are entitled to emphasis for their prominence, and it is desired to call special attention to them and their accompanying matter when the book itself shall be read. the number of those who believe we are engaged in a righteous war is overwhelming. the records of the brave deeds of our men afloat and ashore will inspire americans to be better citizens as long as time shall last. the country has proven its faith in the cause by giving to the needs of war hundreds of thousands of young men to fight for the liberty of others. from every corner of the land regiments of volunteer soldiers have sprung in an instant at the call of the president, while as many more are waiting for another call to include those for whom there was not room the first time. the country which can show such an inspiring movement has little to fear in the race of progress among the nations of the world. our war with spain. chapter i. a war for liberty and humanity. again at war with a foreign power--spain's significant flag-- three years without an american flag in cuban waters--visit of the maine to havana harbor--the maine blown up by submerged mine-- action of president and congress--spain defies america--martial spirit spreading--first guns are fired--cuban ports blockaded-- many spanish ships captured--excitement in havana--spain and the united states both declare war--internal dissension threatens spain--president mckinley calls a volunteer army. civilization against barbarism, freedom against oppression, education against ignorance, progress against retrogression, the west against the east, the united states against spain. in this cause the flag of freedom was again unfurled in the face of a foreign foe, and our nation entered war against the people of another land, carrying the star spangled banner through successive victories in the name of liberty and humanity. it is a proud banner, which stands the whole world over for freedom and right, with few stains of defeat or injustice upon its folds. the great heart of the nation swelled with pride at the righteousness of the cause, with an assurance that eternal history would praise america for the unselfish work. on land and sea the boys in blue gave new fame to the flag, and their proud record in the past was more than justified by the honors that they won. two wars with great britain and one with mexico were the more notable predecessors of this conflict with spain. if to these should be added the hostilities between the united states and the barbary pirates of algiers, morocco and tripoli, and the scattered brushes with two or three oriental and south american countries, the list might be extended. but those affairs are not remembered as wars in the true sense of the word. except for protection against indian outbreaks, the united states had been at peace for thirty years, when the war cloud began to loom in the horizon. it was with a full realization of the blessings of peace that the american people yielded to the demands, of humanity and righteous justice, to take up arms again in the cause of liberty. there was no haste, no lack of caution, no excited plunge into hostilities without proper grounds. the nation made sure that it was right. an intolerable condition of affairs resulting from years of agony in a neighbor island, with half a dozen immediate reasons, any one sufficient, was the absolute justification for this holy war. spain is the turk of the west. spain is an obsolete nation. living in the past, and lacking cause for pride to-day, she gloats over her glorious explorations and her intellectual prowess of the middle ages when much of europe was in darkness. then spain's flag led pioneers throughout the world. but her pride was based on achievements, many of which, to the people of any other nation, would have been the disgrace of its history. no indictment of spain can ever be more severe, more scathing, if its true significance be considered, than the famous phrase which one of her proudest poets created to characterize her flag of red and yellow. "sangre y oro," he said, "blood and gold--a stream of gold between two rivers of blood." it is almost a sufficient characterization to indicate the whole national spirit of spain, to recall that this phrase is the proud expression used by the spanish people to glorify their own flag. that sentiment is in no stronger contrast to the american phrase, "the star-spangled banner," than are the people of spain to the people of the united states. "remember the maine." from the day of the outbreak of the cuban revolution, early in , until nearly the end of january, , there had been no flag of the united states seen in any harbor of cuba except upon merchant vessels. always before, it had been the policy of our government to have ships of war make friendly calls in the harbors of all countries of the world at frequent intervals, and cuban waters had shared these courtesies. so careful were the officers of the cleveland administration to avoid the appearance of offense or threat against the authority of spain, with which we were living in amity, that immediately upon the outbreak of hostilities in cuba this practice was suspended, so far as it applied to that island. our ships cruised through the oceans of the world and called at all ports where they were not needed, but the waters of havana harbor for three years were never disturbed by an american keel. out of deference to the expressed wishes of the local spanish authorities in havana, dr. burgess, the splendid surgeon of the united states marine hospital service in havana, who for thirty years has guarded our southern ports from the epidemics of yellow fever and smallpox, which would invade us annually as a result of spanish misgovernment in cuba, except for his watchfulness, ceased flying the american flag on his steam launch, by means of which he carried out his official duties in those foul waters. the american flag was a disturbing influence upon the minds of the cubans who might see it flashing in the clear sunlight of the tropic sky, suggested the captain general. it must have been the language of diplomacy that was in mind, when the satirist explained that "language was intended as a medium for concealing thought." president mckinley, in his message to congress transmitting the report of the naval board concerning the catastrophe to the maine, explained that for some time prior to the visit of the battle-ship to havana harbor, it had been considered a proper change in the policy, in order to accustom the people to the presence of our flag as a symbol of good will. the decision to send the vessel to that harbor was reached, it was explained, after conference with the spanish minister, and, through our diplomats, with the spanish authorities at madrid and havana. it was declared that this intention was received by the spanish government with high appreciation of the courtesy intended, which it was offered to return by sending spanish ships to the principal ports of the united states. we are bound to accept this expression from the officials on both sides as frankly indicative of their feelings. but it is just as necessary to recognize that to the mass of the people in both countries, the significance of the maine's courtesy call was very different. americans believed that it indicated a changed policy on the part of the national government at washington which would be more strenuous and more prompt in resenting outrages against the life and property of american citizens in cuba. the people of the cuban republic believed that the change meant an expression of sympathy and friendship for their cause, with probable interference in their behalf, and took courage from that sign. finally, the people of spain resented the appearance of the maine in the harbor of havana as an affront, and a direct threat against them and in favor of the insurgents. if the policy of making frequent calls in warships had never been interrupted, they would not have had this sentiment in the matter, but the resumption of the practice after three years' cessation, carried a threat with it in their minds. treacherous destruction of the maine. the maine entered the harbor of havana at sunrise on the th of january and was anchored at a place indicated by the harbor-master. her arrival was marked with no special incident, except the exchange of customary salutes and ceremonial visits. three weeks from that night, at forty minutes past nine o'clock in the evening of the th of february, the maine was destroyed by an explosion, by which the entire forward part of the ship was wrecked. in this frightful catastrophe of her crew and two officers perished, those who were not killed outright by the explosion being penned between decks by the tangle of wreckage and drowned by the immediate sinking of her hull. in spite of the fact that the american public was urged to suspend judgment as to the causes of this disaster, and that the spanish authorities in havana and in madrid expressed grief and sympathy, it, was impossible to subdue a general belief that in some way spanish treachery was responsible for the calamity. with the history of spanish cruelty in cuba before them, and the memory of spanish barbarities through all their existence as a nation, the people could mot disabuse their minds of this suspicion. one month later this popular judgment was verified by the finding of the naval court of inquiry which had made an exhaustive examination of the wreck, and had taken testimony from every available source. with this confirmation and the aroused sentiment of the country concerning conditions in cuba, the logic of events was irresistibly drawing the country toward war with spain, and all efforts of diplomacy and expressions of polite regard exchanged between the governments of the two nations were unable to avert it. for a few weeks, history was made rapidly. conservative and eminent american senators visited cuba in order to obtain personal information of conditions there, and upon their return, gave to congress and to the country, in eloquent speeches, the story of the sufferings they had found in that unhappy island. the loss of the maine had focused american attention upon the cuban situation as it had never been before, and though there were no more reasons for sympathetic interference than there had been for many months, people began to realize as they had not before, the horrors that were being enacted at their thresholds. the sailors who died with the maine, even though they were not able to fight their country's foes, have not died in vain, for it is their death that will be remembered as the culminating influence for american intervention and the salvation of scores of thousands of lives of starving cuban women and children. vessels were loaded with supplies of provisions and clothing for the suffering and were sent to the harbors of cuba, where distribution was made by miss clara barton and her trusted associates in the american national red cross. some of these vessels were merchant steamers, but others were american cruisers, and cubans were not permitted to forget that there was a flag which typified liberty, not far away. the strain upon the national patience increased every day, and was nearing the breaking point. president and congress act. after a period of restlessness in congress which was shared by the whole country, the president finally transmitted an important message. it included a resume of the progress of the cuban revolution from its beginning and considered in some detail the workings of that devastating policy of general weyler, known as reconcentration. the message related the progress of diplomatic negotiations with spain, and disclosed a surprising succession of events in which the spanish government had submitted to various requests and recommendations of the american government. the message ended with a request that congress authorize and empower the president to take measures to secure a full and final termination of the intolerable conditions on the island of cuba. having exhausted the powers of the executive in these efforts, it was left to the legislative authority of the american people to establish such policies as would be finally efficient. congress rose to the occasion. the facts were at command of both houses, their sympathies were enlisted at the side of their reason and there was little time lost in acting. the house and the senate, after mutual concessions on minor details, passed as a law of the land for the president's signature, an act directing him and empowering him to require spain to withdraw her troops and relinquish all authority over the island of cuba. the president was authorized to employ the army and navy of the united states for the purpose of carrying into effect this instruction and the interference was directed to be made at once. best of all, from the point of view of the cuban patriots, the act declared that the people of cuba are and ought to be free and independent. but a few days more of diplomacy, and war was to begin. spain defies america. it was hardly to be expected that the spanish government and the spanish people would yield to the demands of the united states without a protest. so feeble is the hold of the present dynasty upon the throne of spain, that it was readily understood that any concession upon the part of the queen regent would arouse spanish indignation beyond the limits of endurance. the queen-mother had to think of her baby son's crown. if she were to yield to the superior power of the united states without a struggle, spanish revolutionists would overthrow the dynasty before he could come to the throne. however well she might know that the logical outcome of a war would be overwhelming defeat to spanish arms, political necessities compelled her to take the position dictated by spanish pride. the spanish cortes met in special session at madrid, and on the th of april the queen regent delivered her speech before that legislative body and declared that her parliament was summoned in the hour of peril to defend her country's rights and her child's throne, whatever sacrifice might be entailed. it was on that same day that president mckinley presented the ultimatum of the united states to spain, in language diplomatic in form, but carrying with it a definite notice to yield cuba's freedom and relinquish her pretense of authority in that island without delay. a copy of the ultimatum was forwarded to the spanish ambassador at washington, senor polo y bernabe, who responded by asking for his passports and safe conduct out of the country. having reached the point where diplomacy no longer availed, the spanish government for the first time made an aggressive move against the united states. instead of waiting for the transmission of the ultimatum by american minister stewart l. woodford, the ministry forestalled him and dismissed him from madrid without affording him an opportunity to present that important document. it had been transmitted to madrid by cable from the spanish minister in washington, and the government felt no need to wait for formal messages from the enemy's representative in spain. minister woodford left madrid without delay, and finally reached the french frontier, after being subjected to many insults and attacks upon his train during the journey from the spanish capital. martial spirit spreading. a wave of national patriotic enthusiasm swept over the united states. north and south, east and west, there was hardly a discordant note in the great chorus of fervent applause which rose when it was understood that at last the forces of the nation were to be united in the cause of liberty and humanity. but sentiment could not fight battles, unless backed by material equipment. the nation was preparing for war. from all parts of the united states the troops of the regular army were hurried by special trains southeastward to camps at chickamauga and tampa. in every navy yard work was hurried night and day upon all incomplete battleships and cruisers. already the fleets of the american navy had been concentrated at points of vantage so that little was left to be done on that score. congress lost no time in providing the sinews of war by generous appropriations for the regular channels of supply, in addition to one passed by unanimous vote of both houses granting $ , , as a special fund to be at the disposal of the president. the war appropriation bill and the naval appropriation bill carried with them emergency clauses. preparations were made for the reorganization of the regular army to more than double its normal size, and the president was authorized to call for a volunteer army of , men. looking to the future, and the possibility of a long and expensive conflict, financial measures were prepared which would raise war revenues through the regular channels of taxation and the issue of bonds. americans were ready to put their hands in their pockets and pay for the privilege of teaching a worthy lesson to the world. american sense of humor never fails, and even in this period of stress the people took time to smile over the story of the spanish minister's journey from washington to canada. in toronto, senor polo sought to discredit the assaults that had been made on minister woodford's train in spain, and related that he himself had been the victim of assaults at two or three important cities on his journey through new york, which threatened great danger to himself and the train on which he was riding. upon inquiry it was revealed that the assaults which had aroused his fear were not quite as hostile as he believed. at the division stations on the line, the railway employees, according to custom, passed along the cars, tapping the tires of the wheels with steel hammers to test them for a possible flaw or break in the wheel, and it was this that made the spanish minister believe that he was the victim of an american outrage. first guns are fired. the united states cruiser nashville of the north atlantic squadron, with headquarters at key west, had the honor of firing the first shot in our war with spain. early on the morning of friday, april , the american fleet sailed from key west, and, steaming southward across the straits of florida, came in sight of havana and the frowning fortifications of morro castle before six o'clock the same afternoon. the sailing of the fleet, as dawn was creeping over the florida keys, was a beautiful sight and a significant one, for from the time the first signals were hoisted until many days after, there was hardly an hour of inactivity. it was at three o'clock in the morning that the signal lights began to flash from the new york, admiral sampson's flagship. answering signals appeared on the warships all along the line, and in a few moments black smoke began to belch from the funnels of all the ships and the crews woke from quietness to activity. as soon as day began to break, the cruisers and gunboats inside the harbor hoisted anchors and moved out to join the big battleships which were already lined outside the bar. at five o'clock, when all the fleet were gathered around the battleships, captain sampson signaled from the new york to go ahead. the formation of the line had been agreed upon some time before and each vessel was in position for line of battle, the new york in the center and the iowa and indiana on either beam. the ships presented a most beautiful appearance as they swept out on the ocean without a vestige of anything not absolutely necessary on the decks. they were stripped of all useless superstructure, awnings, gun-covers and everything that goes to adorn a ship. officers paced the bridge, marines were drawn up on deck and every man was at his post. they appeared as they were, grim fighting machines, not naval vessels out on cruise nor a squadron of evolution and maneuver, but warships out for business. first spanish ship captured. the fleet had proceeded twelve miles from sand key light, which lies seven miles southeast of key west, when the nashville signaled the flagship that a vessel flying the spanish colors had been sighted. admiral sampson signaled from the new york for the nashville to go and take it. the nashville bore down on the spanish ship and fired a blank shot from the port guns aft. this did not stop the spaniard, and, to give a more definite hint, a solid shot was fired close over its bows. the spanish ship immediately hove to and waited to know its fate. the vessel proved to be the buena ventura, with a crew of about thirty men, bound from pascagonla to rotterdam with a cargo of lumber, cattle and miscellaneous freight. as soon as possible a boat was lowered from the nashville and an officer was sent aboard the buena ventura. when the spanish captain was informed that his ship could not proceed, he took his capture gracefully, shrugged his shoulders, and said he supposed it was only the fortune of war. it was suggested to him that the capture of a ship bearing that name, which, translated, means "good fortune," as the first prize of the american fleet in the war, seemed to be a striking coincidence. a prize crew of marines under ensign t. p. magruder was placed aboard, and, with the nashville in the lead, both ships set out for key west. inasmuch as the buena ventura was the first capture by the american navy in the war, it had a more definite interest than a success of the same sort would have a few months later. the first shot was fired by gunner michael mallia of the nashville, who therefore has the distinction of firing the first shot in the war. the prize was a rich one, estimated to be worth, including vessel and cargo, nearly $ , , and the prize money resulting became a tempting amount. captain washburne maynard, commander of the nashville, who gained the distinction of making the first capture, is a native of knoxville, tenn. he is a son of former united states senator horace maynard, and at the time of the capture was about fifty years old. he entered the annapolis naval academy at the age of seventeen and graduated at the head of his class. he was for a number of years stationed in alaska, and at the time of gaining his present distinction had been in command of the nashville for four years. blockade of havana begun. after the nashville left the fleet to return to key west with its prize, the remaining vessels of the squadron steamed onward toward the cuban coast. coming within fifteen miles of morro castle, the fleet scattered in a more open line of battle, some of the vessels turning to the east and others to the west, and making the blockade of the port complete. no ship could enter or leave the harbor, and every day brought new prizes to the vessels of the blockading squadron. the blockade of the cuban metropolis was well in progress by the time the formal notification of it was issued. the president issued warning to the nations of the world that the cuban ports were sealed by the authority of the united states, in the following formal proclamation: by the president of the united states: a proclamation. whereas, by a joint resolution passed by the congress and approved april , , and communicated to the government of spain, it was demanded that said government at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba, and withdraw its land and naval forces from cuba and cuban waters; and the president of the united states was directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the united states and to call into the actual service of the united states the militia of the several states to such extent as might be necessary to carry said resolution into effect; and whereas, in carrying into effect this resolution the president of the united states deems it necessary to set on foot and maintain a blockade of the north coast of cuba, including all ports of said coast between cardenas and bahia honda and the port of cienfuegos, on the south coast of cuba; now, therefore, i, william mckinley, president of the united states, in order to enforce the said resolution, do hereby declare and proclaim that the united states of america has instituted and will maintain a blockade of the north coast of cuba, including ports on said coast between cardenas and bahia honda, and the port of cienfuegos on the south coast of cuba, aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the united states and the law of nations applicable to such cases. an efficient force will be posted so as to prevent the entrance and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. any neutral vessel approaching said ports, or attempting to leave the same, without notice or knowledge of the establishment of such blockade, will be duly warned by the commander of the blockading forces, who will indorse on her register the fact and the date of such warning, where such indorsement was made; and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter any blockaded port she will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port for such proceedings against her and her cargo as prize as may be deemed advisable. neutral vessels lying in any of said ports at the time of the establishment of such blockade will be allowed thirty days to issue therefrom. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. done at the city of washington this d day of april, a. d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-second. by the president: william mckinley. john sherman, secretary of state. more spanish prizes taken. the blockade was not a mere paper blockade, but an exceedingly effective one. before two days had passed, the prizes taken began to multiply in numbers and in value. the second capture was the spanish freighter pedro, of bilboa, which was taken by the new york in the afternoon of the first day's cruising. when the fleet approached the cuban coast and spread out for patrol duty, the new york turned eastward for her own watch, not knowing what might be found in the neighborhood. far off against the dim, vague background of cuban hills, half seen, half guessed, could be traced a faint film of gray smoke, the one visible evidence of a spanish freighter striving vainly to race out the day without being discovered by the great gray monsters that blackened the sky to the west with a solid mass of black cloud from their roaring furnaces. vainly the spaniard raced. charging along at trial test speed, the new york soon lay across the bows of the spanish ship, and the crashing challenge blazed from the deck of the cruiser. a huge puff of white smoke rolled out from the side of the flagship, and far off, just in front of the spaniard, a fountain of white foam leaped into the air. in a moment the course of the strange spaniard was changed, and she hove to. shortly after, the new york led her prize further out from shore and laid her to. crew and captain could be seen rushing about the deck of the ship like a nest of ants, hiding their valuables and striving to avert some impending fate they could only guess at in their ignorance. as she came around her name could be clearly read on her stern, pedro of bilboa. as soon as she was laid alongside, the pedro was boarded by ensign frank marble of the new york. ensign marble led a prize crew, consisting of a file of marines and seamen. with great formality the ensign swung aboard and assumed command. a burly, bare-footed american tar shoved the spanish quartermaster away from the wheel and began to set the course of the spaniard. the spanish crew gathered in a terrified huddle near the forecastle and awaited developments. hardly had the prize crew been put on board before another freighter was seen going down the coast to the eastward. the new york, leaving the captured spanish craft in charge of the prize crew, drew across the bows of the stranger and sent a shot into the water directly in front of her bows. she paid no attention to the challenge, but kept steadily on, and a few seconds later another shot was sent hurtling across the water in front of her. after this hostile demonstration she hauled up and soon followed the new york out to sea. it was discovered, however, that she flew the german flag, and consequently was permitted to proceed. the prize crew from the new york took the captured vessel into port at key west under its own steam. the ship was bound from havana to santiago with a valuable cargo of rice, iron and beer. on the same day two other captures were made, one by the torpedo boat ericsson, which seized a fishing schooner under the very guns of morro castle and by the torpedo boat, porter, which took the spanish schooner, mathilde, after a lively chase and a number of shots. both of these prizes were taken to key west to join their unfortunate friends. excitement in havana. it was nearly five o'clock in the afternoon of that lucky friday, when the semaphore by the lighthouse in morro castle signaled to the people of havana that a fleet had been sighted. it was said to be without any colors to show its nationality. at that time la punta, the fort on the side of the harbor opposite morro castle, was crowded with curious people, including many ladies. in addition, crowds of people could be seen at various points of vantage, many of them gathering on the roofs of houses. at p.m. the semaphore signaled that it was the united states fleet which was in sight, and at : p.m. a red flag was run up at the signal station, warning guns were fired from morro castle, and afterward from cabanas fortress, adjoining it. this caused excitement throughout the city, and was the first real note of war. when the first signal came from the semaphore station a british schooner which was in the harbor put to sea. she was immediately followed by the german steamer remus. some time afterward the american steamer saratoga put to sea. the cannon shots from the fortresses stirred up the regular troops and volunteers throughout havana and its vicinity and there was a rush to quarters. the signal guns from the fortifications echoed to the palace and through the streets, causing people to rush from their houses, with the result that all the thoroughfares were soon crowded with excited inhabitants. captain general blanco heard the shots while at the palace, to which place the generals and commanders of the volunteers promptly reported, full of excitement and warlike enthusiasm. some time afterward the captain general, accompanied by his staff, the generals and others, left the palace and was warmly acclaimed by the soldiers and populace. the general then made a brief final inspection of the fortifications and went to a spot from which he could see the approaching fleet. there was no sign of alarm anywhere. the spaniards were confident that havana was prepared for any eventuality, and they had great faith in the strength of their forts, batteries, etc., and in the effectiveness of their heavy artillery. in fact, there was a feeling of satisfaction at the warlike tremors which spread everywhere when it was seen that the hour of battle was apparently approaching and that the spaniards were soon to give battle to their enemies. as the time passed, more people crowded to the spot from which the fleets could be most favorably seen. by : p.m. there was a great movement of the masses through all the streets and on all the squares. the coffee-houses and clubs were crowded with excited people, discussing the arrival of the american war ships. the spaniards expressed themselves as anxious to measure arms with the "invaders," and there was no expression of doubt as to the result. the civil and military authorities of havana were in consultation at the palace, and every precaution possible to the spaniards was taken to guard against a night surprise and to resist an attack if the bombardment commenced. spain's days of grace expire. when president mckinley sent his ultimatum to spain, he indicated that it was to expire at noon on saturday, april , and at that time the period allowed spain to give up cuba peacefully was ended. spain, however, had not waited to take advantage of this time limit, but by her own preparations during the days that had passed, as well as by her diplomatic actions, had indicated plainly that war was to come. the action of minister polo in demanding his passport and leaving the united states, and the action of the spanish government in ejecting minister woodford, were sufficient notifications of the policy which was to be pursued. it had been unnecessary, therefore, for the fleet to wait for a more explicit answer before investing havana. not until the expiration of the time allotted by president mckinley to spain, did he take definite action which committed the country to a distinct war policy in advance of the declaration of war by congress. but at noon on saturday the president issued the following proclamation calling for , troops to serve two years if the war should last so long: by the president of the united states: a proclamation. whereas, by a joint resolution of congress, approved the d of april, , entitled "joint resolution for the recognition of the independence of the people of cuba, demanding that the government of spain relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba, to withdraw its land and naval forces from cuba and cuban waters, and directing the president of the united states to use the land and naval forces of the united states to carry these resolutions into effect," and, whereas, by an act of congress, entitled "an act to provide for the increasing of the military establishment of the united states in time of war and for other purposes," approved april , , the president was authorized in order to raise a volunteer army to issue his proclamation calling for volunteers to serve in the army of the united states. now, therefore, i, william mckinley, president of the united states, by the power vested in me by the constitution and laws, and deeming sufficient occasion to exist, have thought fit to call for and hereby do call for volunteers to the aggregate number of , , in order to carry into effect the purpose of the said resolution, the same to be apportioned, as far as practicable, among the several states and territories and the district of columbia, according to population, and to serve for two years unless sooner discharged. the details for this object will be immediately communicated to the proper authorities through the war department. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. done at washington this d day of april, , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-second. by the president: william mckinley. john sherman, secretary of state. states begin to collect their troops. although it was decided that formal notification to the governors of the states of the call for volunteers should not be made until the following monday, the first step was taken immediately after the signing of the proclamation, by the issuance of orders to the organized militia of the district of columbia. before dinner time the drums were beating and the roll was being called within sight and sound of the white house, and before night the drum beats were heard from the atlantic to the pacific and from the gulf of mexico to the great lakes. there was no interruption in the sequence of captures by the american fleet around havana, and two prizes of considerable value were added to the list. on saturday the gunboat helena took the big steamer miguel jover, a vessel of more than , tons, with a full cargo of cotton and staves on board. the prize was worth not less than $ , . friday night the helena left key west to follow the main fleet, but instead of sailing directly for havana, turned westward toward the west end of the island of cuba. the dark, cloudy night had barely broken to a brilliant cuban sunrise, when the helena saw smoke on the western horizon and gave chase. it was soon evident that the quarry had sighted the hunter and was making a run for it. the freighter was no match in speed for the gunboat, however, and the helena was soon near enough to fire a shot. only one blank shot was required. the fugitive steamer shook out the spanish flag and hove to. when the helena came up the captain tried to talk captain swinburne out of his prize. he urged that he was from an american port, new orleans, and knew nothing of a declaration of war. the talk did him no good. he was taken on board the helena and a prize crew of a dozen sailors and sixteen marines, under ensigns m. c. davis and h. g. mcfarland, was put aboard the jover. the first the fleet knew of the capture was when the helena came steaming up with her prize and signaled the flagship. the other ships cheered and the helena, started off for key west, the jover being worked by its own men, superintended by the prize crew. valuable prize captured. the most valuable prize yet taken was the transatlantic liner, catalina, which was taken by the detroit. the vessel's tonnage was , , and with its general cargo the prize was considered worth nearly $ , . the big ship was bound from new orleans to barcelona, via havana, with a large general cargo. twelve miles before making port the steamer was stopped by two shots, and a prize crew under ensign h. h. christy, consisting of sixteen men from the detroit and new york, was put on board to take the vessel back to key west. in addition to these notable captures the torpedo boat, porter, took the spanish schooner, antonio, laden with sugar for havana, and the revenue cutter, winona, added the spanish steamer saturnine to the list. if it had not been for the excitement of taking occasional prizes, the blockading of havana would have been dull business for the jack tars aboard the north atlantic squadron. saturday night they had to listen to the roar of the guns of morro castle and see the flashes of fire from their muzzles, without a reply from the fleet. havana officials have declared that the discharge of those guns was only for signaling purposes and was not an attack on the fleet, but it would be difficult to make the sailors believe that spanish marksmanship was not responsible for the fact that no balls fell near them. spain declares war. the spanish government did not wait for further aggression on the part of the united states, but herself made the next formal move by issuing a declaration of the fact that war existed, and defining the conditions under which the spanish government expected to carry on the conflict. this decree was gazetted in madrid on sunday, april , in the following terms: diplomatic relations are broken off between spain and the united states, and the state of war having begun between the two countries numerous questions of international law arise which must be precisely defined chiefly because the injustice and provocation come from our adversaries and it is they who, by their detestable conduct, have caused this grave conflict. we have observed with strictest fidelity the principles of international law and have shown the most scrupulous respect for morality and the right of government. there is an opinion that the fact that we have not adhered to the declaration of paris does not exempt us from the duty of respecting the principles therein enunciated. the principle spain unquestionably refused to admit then was the abolition of privateering. the government now considers it most indispensable to make absolute reserve on this point in order to maintain our liberty of action and uncontested right to have recourse to privateering when we consider it expedient, first by organizing immediately a force of cruisers auxiliary to the navy, which will be composed of vessels of our mercantile marine and with equal distinction in the work of our navy. clause --the state of war existing between spain and the united states annuls the treaty of peace and amity of oct. , , and the protocol of jan. , , and all other agreements, treaties, or conventions in force between the two countries. clause --from the publication of these presents thirty days are granted to all ships of the united states anchored in our harbors to take their departure free of hindrance. clause --notwithstanding that spain has not adhered to the declaration of paris the government, respecting the principles of the law of nations, proposes to observe, and hereby orders to be observed, the following regulations of maritime law: . neutral flags cover the enemy's merchandise except contraband of war. . neutral merchandise, except contraband of war, is not seizable under the enemy's flag. . a blockade to be obligatory must be effective--viz.: it must be maintained with sufficient force to prevent access to the enemy's littoral. . the spanish government, upholding its right to grant letters of marque, will at present confine itself to organizing, with the vessels of the mercantile marine, a force of auxiliary cruisers which will cooperate with the navy according to the needs of the campaign and will be under naval control. . in order to capture the enemy's ships and confiscate the enemy's merchandise and contraband of war under whatever form, the auxiliary cruisers will exercise the right of search on the high seas and in the waters under the enemy's jurisdiction, in accordance with international law and the regulations which will be published. . defines what is included in contraband of war, naming weapons, ammunition, equipments, engines, and, in general, all the appliances used in war. . to be regarded and judged as pirates with all the rigor of the law are captains, masters, officers, and two-thirds of the crews of vessels which, not being american, shall commit acts of war against spain, even if provided with letters of marque issued by the united states. following is a summary of the more important of the five clauses outlining the rules spain announced she would observe during the war: the united states makes reply. it took the house of representatives just one minute and forty-one seconds on monday to pass a declaration of war which replied to that of spain. the senate acted almost as promptly, and their respective presiding officers and the president of the united states signed the act of congress immediately, so that it became at once a law of the land. the declaration of war was passed by congress in response to a message from the president requesting that action in the following terms: to the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america: i transmit to congress for its consideration and appropriate action copies of correspondence recently had with the representative of spain in the united states, with the united states minister at madrid, and through the latter with the government of spain, showing the action taken under the joint resolution approved april , , "for the recognition of the independence of the people of cuba, demanding that the government of spain relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba and to withdraw its land and naval forces from cuba and cuban waters, and directing the president of the united states to carry these resolutions into effect." upon communicating with the spanish minister in washington the demand which it became the duty of the executive to address to the government of spain, in obedience to said resolution, the said minister asked for his passports and withdrew. the united states minister at madrid was in turn notified by the spanish minister for foreign affairs that the withdrawal of the spanish representative from the united states had terminated diplomatic relations between the two countries, and that all official communications between their respective representatives ceased therewith. i recommend to your special attention the note addressed to the united states minister at madrid by the spanish minister for foreign affairs on the st inst., whereby the foregoing notification was conveyed. it will be perceived therefrom that the government of spain, having cognizance of the joint resolution of the united states congress, and in view of things which the president is thereby required and authorized to do, responds by treating the representative demands of this government as measures of hostility, following with that instant and complete severance of relations by its action whereby the usage of nations accompanies an existent state of war between sovereign powers. the position of spain being thus made known, and the demands of the united states being denied, with a complete rupture of intercourse by the act of spain, i have been constrained, in exercise of the power and authority conferred upon me by the joint resolution aforesaid, to proclaim, under date of april , , a blockade of certain ports on the north coast of cuba lying between cardenas and bahia honda, and of the port of cienfuegos on the south coast of cuba; and further, in exercise of my constitutional powers, and using the authority conferred upon me by the act of congress approved april , , to issue my proclamation, dated april , , calling for volunteers in order to carry into effect the said resolutions of april , . copies of these proclamations are hereto appended. in view of the measures so taken, and with a view to the adoption of such other measures as may be necessary to enable me to carry out the expressed will of the congress of the united states in the premises, i now recommend to your honorable body the adoption of a joint resolution declaring that a state of war exists between the united states of america and the kingdom of spain, and i urge speedy action thereon, to the end that the definition of the international status of the united states as a belligerent power may be made known, and the assertion of all its rights and the maintenance of all its duties in the conduct of a public war may be assured. william mckinley. executive mansion, washington, april , . war is declared. the formal declaration of war as passed by the houses of congress was short and pointed, worthy of recollection as a model for such unpleasant documents. it read as follows: a bill declaring that war exists between the united states of america and the kingdom of spain. be it enacted, etc.: first--that war be and the same is hereby declared to exist and that war has existed since the st day of april, a. d. , including said day, between the united states of america and the kingdom of spain. second--that the president of the united states be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the united states and to call into the actual service of the united states the militia of the several states to such extent as may be necessary to carry this act into effect. diplomacy was still taking a hand in the war. spain was indignant at the attack on spanish possessions and endeavored to arouse sympathy among her european neighbors. the queen regent addressed telegrams to all the sovereigns of europe protesting against the vitiation of the rights of spain by the united states, and declaring that her government was firmly resolved never to yield until crushed. this was a personal communication from one sovereign to her brother sovereigns of the continental kingdom. at the same time there was made public spain's memorandum to all the european powers which was an official utterance of the spanish ministry and signed by senor gullon, the spanish minister of foreign affairs. the memorandum began by recording the "moral and material aid the cuban rebels have received from the united states" in filibustering expeditions and the operations of the junta. it mentioned spain's repeated and positive denials to the allegations of cruelty toward the cubans, and laid great stress upon president cleveland's dispatch of dec. , , to the effect that peace would be possible if spain gave a sufficient autonomy to cuba. the memorandum contended that, in the face of the new liberal constitution granted cuba, which "has already borne fruits," it was difficult to understand why president mckinley, in his message of dec. , , and general woodford, in the note of dec. , , should still doubt spain's loyalty. the document then spoke at some length of the maine accident, and asserted that the americans, under the pretext of the extra territoriality of the vessel, never allowed the spanish authorities to visit the wreck for purposes of investigation; and it most solemnly asserted the absolute innocence of spanish officials and of spanish subjects generally. the fairness and loyalty of spain were then shown by a reference to the equitable treatment which american filibusters, more especially those of the competitor, received at the hands of spain, and in order to show more fully how pacific and correct have been the attitude of the spanish government the memorandum enumerated the four clauses of the spanish proposals. they were: proposals of spain. . an offer to submit all questions arising from the maine affair to arbitration. . an order to governor-general blanco to retire into the western provinces and to apply , , pesetas for the relief of the agricultural population, with an acceptance by the spanish government of relief for cubans sent by the united states, provided such relief were sent in merchant vessels. . the co-operation of the cuban parliament in formulating the extent of the powers to be reserved for the central government. . in view of the cuban parliament not meeting before may , the proclamation of an immediate armistice. the memorandum proceeded to declare that the united states had not accepted even these far-reaching concessions, and that the good offices of the pope had been equally unavailing. it asserted that the maine accident was used by political parties in america as a means of hurling "most gratuitous and intolerable calumnies at the spanish government," and yet, the document said, mr. olney, in an official note dated april , , to the spanish minister in washington, himself expressed very serious apprehensions lest the only existing bond of union in cuba should disappear in the event of spain withdrawing from that island. mr. olney, as the memorandum argued, feared at that time that a war of races would ensue, all the more sanguinary in proportion to the experience and discipline acquired during the insurrection, and that two republics would at once be formed--one white, the other black--the upshot being that one of the two would swallow the other. the grave view thus taken by mr. olney of the future of cuba freed from spain's rule was then enlarged upon, and inevitable racial wars were foreshadowed, which were "certain to wreck the existence of cuba as a state, should spain be deprived of sovereignty" over the island. thus, being convinced, as spain was, that right and equity are on her side "she will not and cannot surrender her sovereignty in cuba." trouble for spain at home. spain's embarrassments at home were multiplying, and threatening danger only less than that from the hostilities of the united states. twenty thousand republicans of all shades of opinion in madrid signed and addressed to senor castelar, the republican leader, under the pretext of congratulating him upon his recovery from recent sickness, but in reality offering him their services if he would proclaim a republic. at the same time don carlos, the pretender to the spanish throne, was a disturbing element, threatening a revolution against the present dynasty if an opportunity were to offer. during all these complications, which included at one time even a threat that the spanish ministry would resign, there was no discordant note of any sort in the united states. secretary of state john sherman and postmaster general gary resigned from president mckinley's cabinet because of ill health, in order that the government might be in no way handicapped during the time of emergency. secretary sherman was succeeded by assistant secretary judge william r. day of canton, ohio, who had displayed remarkable aptitude for the office during his term of service, while mr. gary's successor was the honorable charles emory smith, of philadelphia, a newspaper editor and formerly ambassador to russia. along the cuban coast. it was the torpedo boats which kept things exciting during the early blockade of cuban ports. they are like hornets, which travel faster than anything that tries to escape them, sting when they strike, and vanish in an instant. two of these brisk fighters distinguished themselves on sunday, while the diplomats were busy in the cabinets of the world. the torpedo boat porter, which is as fleet as an express train, has a dare-devil crew and an intrepid commander with an honored name. he is lieutenant john c. fremont, a son of the famous "pathfinder," who himself never hesitated to lead the way, whether in wilderness exploration or any other duty that came before him. lieutenant fremont, with the porter, made a landing on the north coast of cuba with a small force of his men, in search of certain information which was desired by admiral sampson for the guidance of his plans. it was a dangerous undertaking, for the squad might have been wiped out in spite of their readiness to fight, if they had stumbled upon spanish troops. none were met, however, the journey was made in safety, and the landing party returned to the fleet in triumph with the distinction of being the first actual invaders of the cuban soil in this warfare. earlier in the same day the torpedo boat foote, in command of lieutenant w. l. rogers, was directed to take soundings of the approach to the harbor of matanzas, an important city on the north coast of cuba fifty miles east of havana. the foote drew the first fire definitely known to be directed against the blockading squadron. the little scout was taking soundings within three hundred yards of shore, when a spanish masked battery on the east side of the harbor, commanding the entrance, fired three shots in quick succession. they all went wide of the mark, striking the water nearly a quarter of a mile away from the boat. the officers and men were momentarily startled by the volley, and then continued their observation. the cruiser cincinnati, which was not far away, was hailed by the torpedo boat and lieutenant rogers reported his experience. the orders of captain chester, in command of the cincinnati, did not permit him to shell matanzas, so the fire from the masked battery was not returned. the call to arms. it was on monday, the th of april, that the national authorities notified the governors of each state that they would be expected to furnish volunteers for our war with spain. the response was immediate. in every state of the union the call to arms was heard with delight and troops gathered at their armories for prompt enlistment. the speed and facility with which a trained and efficient army could be mobilized was an amazement to those who had not been familiar with the details of the organization of the national guard of america. within twenty-four hours after the receipt of the order, thousands of troops were moving to the state encampments where they had been directed to gather. illinois was an example of this promptness, in sending nearly , men out of chicago without delay, but this was no more notable than the record made by many other states in every part of the union. the cheers and the blessings of hundreds of thousands of loyal citizens stimulated those who were to go to the front with the banner of freedom, and they realized that they were representing the sentiment of a united nation. those days near the end of april were exciting times. the whole nation was keyed up to a nervous tension of anxiety to know what would be the next event recorded on land or sea. the armies of the united states were preparing for the struggle, the coast defenses were brought to completion, and the government was ready for any emergency that might arise. admiral sampson's splendid north atlantic squadron was blockading the ports of cuba. admiral schley, with the flying squadron at hampton roads, was ready for prompt action in any direction where it might be effective, whether to protect the atlantic coast cities from a threatened assault by spanish warships, or to descend upon the spanish fleet for a naval battle. admiral dewey with the asiatic squadron had been driven out of hong kong by application of the neutrality laws, and international obligations might embarrass him unless he took the aggressive, and made for himself a base of supplies in the philippine islands. it was expected every day that he would make an assault upon manila, the capital of the philippines, and that the first naval engagement of consequence in the war would be with the spanish fleet in those waters. no one doubted that the asiatic squadron would be able to give a good account of itself, although the fleet which was to oppose it did not lack efficient guns and fighting strength. the capture of that valuable spanish colony, in which rebellion against the government was in progress, would be not only a severe blow to the spanish arms, but would also strengthen the position of the united states in the orient by the capture of large supplies of coal and naval equipment, as well as a splendid base of operations. but while these preparations were going on for the conflict which was destined to cost spain her possessions in the western world, there were a few individuals who were still making desperate efforts to induce the administration at washington to effect a compromise at any cost. not even the actual declaration of war, and the call for volunteers, could bring the members of this peace-at-any-price party to a realization of the fact that patience has ceased to be a virtue, that we could no longer turn a deaf ear to the appeals of an oppressed people, and that the brave men who went down with the maine must be avenged. every true american felt that the hour had come when we must defend the honor of our great nation, and it was evident to all that the time was near at hand when actual warfare was to begin both on land and sea. the insurgents in cuba, who have been struggling against almost overwhelming odds for so many months, received the glad tidings of american intervention with unbounded joy, and at once sent representatives to the united states to arrange for co-operation in the invasion of cuba, and to assist in planning a systematic campaign against the spanish forces. every arrangement was completed for final action and with men and money, munitions of war and ships, all in ample supply, it was evident that the crucial test was soon to come, and that war was at last an actual fact. chapter ii. how columbus found the "pearl of the antilles." in gratitude of spain to the great discoverer who gave her a new world--how spain's evil colonial policy lost the western hemisphere to that obsolete nation--early settlement of cuba-- character of the natives at the time of the discovery--founding of the first cities--havana becomes the island capital--docility of the natives and their extermination by spanish oppressors. cuba and columbus are names inseparably connected. this largest and most fruitful island of the spanish main was discovered by the great navigator himself on the th day of october, , only a short time after his first landing upon the soil of the western hemisphere on the island of san salvador. there is a sentimental association to americans in the thought that the discovery of our own continent was due to the pioneer expeditions sent from spain. but any regret in one's mind that animosities have risen between the two nations, may be mollified by the memory that columbus was himself an italian, that it had required years of his efforts to induce sufficient interest on the part of spanish monarchs to father his undertaking, and that his life in the service of spain was marred by the basest ingratitude on the part of those whom he had served. upon the handsome monument erected to the memory of columbus in seville by ferdinand and isabella, is the simple inscription, "a castile y leon, nuevo mundo dio colon"--"to castile and leon, columbus gave a new world." this was the tardy recognition granted to the discoverer by those to whom he had made the marvelous gift. recognition had been denied him in his life, except after years of persistent urging, second only to those years he wasted in his effort to arouse spanish interest and enterprise. once he was removed from his west indian governorship and returned to spain in chains. the titles and honors which had been promised him before, were denied after he had earned them. he was a victim of foul ingratitude, and no american need permit sentiment to blind him for the sake of columbus. the splendid new world which columbus gave to spain, was the most marvelous addition of territory that has ever come into the possession of any nation upon earth. it included the whole of south america, except brazil, which was acquired by portugal, and the small colonies known as british, dutch and french guiana. it included the whole of central america and mexico. it included the whole of what is now the united states west of the mississippi river. it included the whole of the coast of the gulf of mexico and the peninsula of florida to the southern limit of alabama and georgia, and except for a few scattered islands, it included every foot of land in the gulf of mexico and the caribbean sea, all the coral rocks, as well as the greater islands of the west indies and the antilles. to-day not a foot of all that enormous possession remains to spain undisputed, except the islands of cuba and puerto rico. these hundreds of thousands of square miles are inhabited by a free and peaceful people, most of them as republics, and the few exceptions under civilized and liberal colonial policies. spain's hold on cuba has vanished and puerto rico is slipping away. spain could not preserve the gifts of columbus. spains colonial policies. the logic of events and the progress of civilization have commanded that spain should withdraw from her possessions in the western hemisphere. never has there been such a record of ferocity and barbarity in conquest, as that which blackens the pages of spanish history in connection with spain's acquisition and subjection of her newly discovered territories. whether it was the peaceful indians of the antilles, the highly civilized aztecs of mexico, or the incas of peru, the policy pursued was always the same. first, treacherous friendship, then robbery and massacre, then slavery, and finally extermination, was the unvarying programme. and so, instead of winning favor and loyalty with their consequent happiness and prosperity from the native tribes, spanish conquerors implanted in the possessors of the country an over-mastering and ineradicable hatred, which grew with association, until in colony after colony the bonds were burst by violence. when great britain lost her american colonies by reason of her misgovernment and oppression of them, it was a lesson which her people never forgot. from that day, the colonial policy of the british government was altered, and the spirit of liberality and generosity began to dominate. to-day, every colony of great britain that enjoys representative government--canada, australia, cape colony and many others, owes to the united states the liberty which great britain grants. but spain could learn no such lessons. her cruelty and misgovernment aroused colony after colony to rebellion ending in freedom, but her policies remained unaltered. one by one possessions of fabulous wealth dropped away until at last this old crone of nations has been left to shiver alone by her fireside, abandoned in her misery by all the children whose memory of her is nothing but that of vicious cruelty. the only pity to which spain is entitled, is the pity that is due for her ignorance and her mistakes, not pity for the penalties that these have brought upon her. spain was once the intellectual leader of the world, as well as the pioneer of discovery. spanish universities were centers of learning long before northern europe had its intellectual birth. spanish mariners sailed every sea and spanish adventurers explored every land. if learning and advancement bring obligations, as they are admitted to do, it was spain's obligation to be a leader in strife for liberty of mind and body, but the two most notable things in her history are the spanish inquisition against freedom of thought, and the spanish ferocities which enslaved a new world for many a year. now she has reaped the harvest of her own misdeeds. the early settlement of cuba. every one knows that columbus was not looking for a western hemisphere, but for the orient, and that when he found cuba he believed he had reached the east indies and the islands of gold and spice which had been reported from that mysterious land. his first island discoveries he believed to be the outlying portions of that eastern archipelago and when the natives told him of a greater land near by, which he reached a few days later, he believed that at last he had reached cipango, as japan then was called. the first name given to the island was juana, in honor of prince juan, the son of ferdinand and isabella of aragon and castile. after ferdinand's death, in his honor the name was changed to fernandina. still later it received the name of santiago, as a mark of reverence for the patron saint of spain, and another change was made a few years afterward, when the inhabitants, as a proof of their piety, called it ave maria, in honor of the holy virgin. in spite of all this effort at establishing a spanish name, the original indian name of cuba, which it bore when the great navigator first landed on its shores, has asserted itself triumphantly through all the centuries and is now ineradicable. according to the accounts given by spanish writers who were contemporary with the discovery, and the century immediately following, the aboriginal inhabitants of cuba were a generous, gentle, hospitable people, by no means energetic, but heartily cordial and courteous to the strangers who reached their shores. the mildness of their climate did not stimulate them to much activity in cultivation of the soil, because tropical fruits and vegetables came with scarcely an effort on the part of the natives. their implements and utensils were crude and their life simple. the system of government was by no means complicated. the island was divided into nine independent principalities, each under a cacique, all living in harmony, and warfare being almost unknown. their religion was a peaceful one, without human sacrifices or cannibalism, but the priests had great power through their pretense of influence with spirits good and evil. of all the people discovered by the spanish in their colonization of the western hemisphere, the cubans were the most tractable to the influences of christianity so far as their willingness to accept the doctrines was concerned. christianity, as practiced by the spanish conquerors, was scarcely that of the highest type of the faith, and the inducements to accept it were somewhat violent. nevertheless it must be noted that it is from spanish sources this testimony as to the docility of the cuban natives comes. under these circumstances it becomes a magnified crime that the spanish conquerors absolutely exterminated the hundreds of thousands of native cubans whom they found at the time of the discovery, and that within little more than a century, there was absolutely not a trace of native stock to be found anywhere in the island. when columbus first rested his eyes on the island of cuba it seemed to him an enchanted land. he was charmed with its lofty mountains, its beautiful rivers, and its blossoming groves, and in his account of the voyage he said: "everything is green as april in andalusia. the singing of the birds is such that it seems as if one would never desire to depart. there are flocks of parrots that obscure the sun. there are trees of a thousand species, each having its particular fruit, and all of marvelous flavor." columbus was first of the opinion that he had found an island, but after following the shores for many miles he concluded that it was a continent. he retained the latter belief until his death, for it was not until that the island was circumnavigated, when it was discovered that it was of about the same area as england. in a subsequent expedition he reached the coast of south america, but he had no appreciation of the magnitude of that continent, and to him cuba was the grandest of his discoveries in the new world. cuba was twice visited by columbus after its discovery, in april, , and again in , and these visits but confirmed his first opinion regarding the salubrity of the climate and the wealth of the soil. his sailors wrested from the natives large sums of gold and silver, and this led to the mistaken belief that mines of great richness were within their grasp. spain's heartless treatment of columbus. biography furnishes no parallel to the life of columbus. great men there have been who have met with injustice and disappointments, but there is perhaps no other instance of a man whom disappointments and injustice did not dishearten and disgust; who had his greatness recognized in his lifetime, and yet was robbed of the rewards that it entitled him to. it is probable that before his death columbus confided his belief in the wealth to be found in cuba to his son diego columbus, for in the latter fitted out an expedition for the purpose of colonizing the island. this company consisted of about men, under diego velasquez, who had accompanied the great explorer on his second voyage. the first settlement was made at baracoa, in the extreme eastern section, and this village was regarded as the capital of the colony for several years. in the meantime extensive settlements had been made by the spaniards in the island of jamaica, and in the towns of santiago and trinidad were founded on the southern coast of cuba, in order that the inhabitants of the two colonies might be brought into closer communication. as immigration increased, other towns of importance sprung up, and the island became the base for the various operations against mexico. baracoa grew largely in population, and the towns of puerto principe and sancti espiritus were established in the central section, and san juan de los remedios on the north coast. in july, , the city of san cristobal de la habana was planted, deriving its name from the great discoverer, but this name was transferred in to the present capital, and the original town was called batabano. in the capital was fixed at baracoa, which had by this time become a city of considerable importance, and the diocese of the colony. in both the seat of government and the bishopric were removed to santiago de cuba. in havana was reduced to ashes by a french privateer; and to prevent a similar disaster in future, the castillo de la fuerza, a fortress which still exists, was built by fernando de soto, governor of cuba, and afterwards famous for his explorations in the southern and western portions of north america, as well as for the discovery of the mississippi. using a modern expression, this great fortress, added to her almost perfect harbor, gave havana a wonderful "boom," and the city experienced a remarkable growth. the spanish merchantmen were actively employed in carrying the wealth of mexico to the peninsula, and havana was a convenient port for them to secure supplies of provisions and water. in gonzales perez de angulo was appointed governor of the island, and he was so impressed with the beauties of the city, that he chose it as his residence. several of his successors followed his example, and in it was legally made the capital of cuba. early government of cuba. the early records of the island were kept in so imperfect a manner that it is not possible to give an accurate account of the early governors and their lieutenants. it is certain, however, that the seat of government was at santiago de cuba, and that havana and other towns of minor importance were ruled by lieutenants. in , hernando de soto, adelantado of florida, and also governor of cuba, landed at santiago, and remained a few days before proceeding to the mainland. on his departure he left the government of the island in charge of a lady, dona isabel de bobadilla, and gave her for a colleague don juan de rojas, who had at one time been lieutenant governor of havana. it is from this date that the gradual transference of the seat of power from santiago to havana may be said to have arisen. don antonio de chavez assumed the government in , and he it was who gave havana its first regular supply of water, bringing it a distance of about six miles from the river chorrera. the early settlers devoted themselves principally to the raising of cattle, paying very little attention to agricultural pursuits, or in fact to any means of livelihood that called for manual labor. much time and money was wasted in explorations for gold and silver, but these were invariably unsuccessful, for while the precious metals have occasionally been found in the island, the quantity has never been sufficient to repay the labor of the search. a letter written by columbus. nothing more interesting for the conclusion of this chapter can be offered than columbus' own account of his first view of the island of cuba. it is as follows "when i reached juana, i followed its coast to the westward, and found it so large that i thought it must be mainland, the province of cathay; and as i found neither towns nor villages on the sea coast, but only some hamlets, with the inhabitants of which i could not hold conversation, because they all immediately fled, i kept on the same route, thinking that i could not fail to light upon some large cities or towns. at length, after the proceeding of many leagues, and finding that nothing new presented itself, and that the coast was leading me northwards (which i wished to avoid, because the winter had already set in, and it was my intention to move southwards; and because moreover the winds were contrary), i resolved not to wait for a change in the weather, but to return to a certain harbor which i had remarked, and from which i sent two men ashore to ascertain whether there was any king or large cities in that part. they journeyed for three days, and found countless small hamlets, with numberless inhabitants, but with nothing like order; they therefore returned. in the meantime i had learned from some other indians, whom i had seized, that this land was certainly an island; accordingly, i followed the coast eastward for a distance of leagues, where it ended in a cape. from this cape i saw another island to the eastward, at a distance of eighteen leagues from the former, to which i gave the name of la espanola. thither i went and followed its northern coast, (just the same as i had done with the coast of juana), full miles due east. this island, like all others, is extraordinarily large, and this one extremely so. in it are many seaports, with which none that i know in christendom can bear comparison, so good and capacious that it is a wonder to see. the lands are high, and there are many lofty mountains, with which the islands of tenerife cannot be compared. they are all most beautiful, of a thousand different shapes, accessible, and covered with trees of a thousand kinds, of such great height that they seem to reach the skies. i am told that the trees never lose their foliage, and i can well understand it, for i observed that they were as green and luxuriant as in spain in the month of may. some were in bloom, others bearing fruit, and others otherwise, according to their nature. the nightingale was singing, as well as other little birds of a thousand different kinds, and that in november, the month in which i was roaming amongst them. there are palm trees of six or eight kinds, wonderful in their beautiful variety; but this is the case with all other trees and fruits and grasses. it contains extraordinary pine groves and very extensive plains. there is also honey and a great variety of birds, and many different kinds of fruits. in the interior there are many mines of metals, and a population innumerable." chapter iii. spain's black historical record. present men of prominence are types of those who were infamous years ago--roman rule in spain--weakness of spanish power of resistance--discoveries in america--horrors of the inquisition-- spanish rule in holland--expulsion of the moors--loss of american colonies--later history of spain. the signal fact that will present itself to the student of spanish history is that from the earliest times the country has been in a continual state of conflict, internal, with its colonies, and with other nations; and seldom has it been a war of defense. in almost every instance spain has been the aggressor. the spaniard has ever been perfidious, avaricious, ferocious. in his veins still flows the blood of ferdinand, of torquemada, and of philip ii. weyler is a prototype of alva, and in blanco we find another antonio de mendoza. spain is the china of modern europe. her spirit is still the spirit of the inquisition. her policy is not to conciliate, but to coerce; not to treat justly, but to rob and enslave; and her dependence is the ignorance and superstition of her people. all reforms wrung from rulers must first be baptized in blood, and it is possible that the end of the present century may see a new nation, built on the ruins of the old, which will be a credit to civilization, instead of a disgrace. roman rule in spain. prior to the first war between rome and carthage, which ended bc, there is little or no authentic information regarding the history of the country now known to the world as spain. to the ancients it was a land of mystery and enchantment, the home of the setting sun; and iberia, as they called it, was but a name for an indefinite extent of territory in the far west, peopled by barbarous celts and iberians, with a few phoenician settlements, for the purposes of trade, on its southern coasts. at the close of the first punic war, hamilcar barca, at the head of a carthaginian host, crossed the strait of gibraltar and commenced the conquest which his son hannibal completed, and which resulted in the undisputed supremacy of carthage throughout almost all of spain. this brings us to b. c. and marks the beginning of the second punic war, when the roman legions first entered spain. after a struggle which lasted for thirteen years the carthaginians were completely routed, and the country was conquered by the arms of rome. it was many years, however, before the inhabitants were really subdued, but eventually they became more completely romanized than any province beyond the limits of italy. when brought under the iron rule of the empire they were forced to desist from the intestinal wars in which it had been their habit to indulge, and adopting the language, laws and manners of their conquerors, they devoted themselves to industrial pursuits, and increased remarkably both in wealth and numbers. their fertile fields formed for a considerable time the granary of rome, and from the metal-veined mountains an immense amount of gold and silver flowed into roman coffers. however, these were not voluntary offerings of the natives. they were compelled to labor in the mines for the benefit of strangers, and thus spain, in the early ages, was the type of spanish america in the fifteenth and succeeding centuries, with the difference that in the first case the spaniards were the slaves, and in the second they were the slave-holders. for more than years spain remained under roman rule, until in ad, hordes of barbarians crossed the pyrenees and swept over the peninsula. suevi, alani and vandals ravaged with equal fury the cities and the open country, and brought the inhabitants to the lowest depths of misery. they were finally subjugated by a visigothic host, and in , walia, a war-like and ambitious chief, established the west-gothic kingdom in spain, on the ruins of the old roman province. walia concluded a treaty with the emperor honorius, and, putting himself at the head of the brave goths, in a three-years' war he destroyed or drove the barbarians from the land. spain, thus reconquered, was nominally subject to rome, but soon became really independent, and began to be the seat of a christian civilization. this west-gothic kingdom lasted for about three centuries, from to , when it fell before the moorish invasion. weakness of spanish powers of resistance. few things in history are more remarkable than the ease with which spain, a country naturally fitted for defense, was subdued by a mere handful of invaders. the misgovernment of the visigoths, the internal factions and jealousies, and the discontent of numerous classes, notably the jews, co-operated to facilitate the conquest and to weaken the power of resistance. these conquerors were of the mohammedan faith, but while they were united by religion, they were of different races. besides the moors there were the arabs, the egyptians and the syrians, and when the task of conquest was achieved, and the need for unity removed, quarrels arose between them. so difficult was it to prevent these quarrels, that it was found necessary to subdivide the conquered territory, and to allot separate settlements to the different tribes. during the period of moorish domination a number of small independent kingdoms were formed in opposition to moslem rule. these comprised castile, leon, navarre and aragon, and sometimes separately, sometimes in combination, they were in constant war with the common enemy. the age of the great crusades came, and all christendom was absorbed in the struggle against the infidel, both in the east and west. spain, like palestine, had its crusading orders, which vied with the templars and the hospitallers both in wealth and military distinction. the decisive battle was fought in july, , when the combined forces of castile, leon, navarre, aragon and portugal met the mohammedan army, and gained the most celebrated victory ever obtained by the christians over their moslem foes, the latter losing, according to the account transmitted to the pope, , killed and , prisoners. the king of grenada was speedily forced to become a vassal of castile, and from this period all danger from moorish rule was over. following this time until the different kingdoms became as one, there is nothing in their history deserving a detailed account. the history of spain as a united state dates from the union of castile and aragon by the marriage of isabella and ferdinand, the respective rulers of those kingdoms, in . grenada, the last remaining possession of the moors, fell before the spanish forces in , and navarre was acquired in . discoveries in america. the year , during the reign of ferdinand and isabella, witnessed the discovery of america. spain had become consolidated into one empire from the pyrenees to the strait of gibraltar, and civil wars were at an end. maritime exploration was the task of the age, and under the patronage of isabella, columbus planted the flag of spain in the west indies. this grand achievement led to the opening of a splendid continent, teeming with riches, for spanish adventure and despoliation. in , columbus landed on the continent of south america, and in a few years the entire western coast was explored by subsequent adventurers. in , ponce de leon discovered florida, and the following year, balboa crossed the isthmus of darien, and gazed for the first time upon the pacific. the history of spain, in connection with its discovery and settlement of the new world, is one long record of revolting crime. new england was settled by a people who came to turn the wilderness into a city, but the spanish invaders went to the southern shores to turn the cities of the natives into a wilderness. in mexico and peru they found a civilization the equal and in many respects the superior of their own. with cross and sword in hand, in the name of religion, but with the lust for gold in their hearts, their coming was invariably a signal for every kind of attack that malignity could devise or avarice invent. wherever they went, desolation followed them. they looted the towns, pillaged the cities, murdered the people; they burned alike the hovels of the poor, and the palaces of the rich. the value of the treasure that spain secured from mexico and peru never can be known accurately; but it is certain that within sixty years from the time of the landing of columbus she had advanced to the position of the richest and most powerful nation in europe. victorious in africa and italy, philip ii, who was then the reigning monarch, carried war into france, and ruled in germany, as well as in those provinces now known as belgium and holland. the money necessary to carry on these vast wars of conquest was undoubtedly acquired in the new world. when cortez approached the palace of montezuma, the king's messengers met him, bearing presents from their lord. these gifts included pounds of gold for the commander, and two pounds of gold for each of his army. prescott, in his "conquest of peru," says that when the spanish soldiers captured the capital of that country they spent days in melting down the golden vessels which they found in temples and palaces. on one voyage a single ship carried to spain $ , , in gold, besides vast treasures of silver and jewels. the horrors of the inquisition. the inquisition was a tribunal in the roman catholic church for the discovery, repression and punishment of heresy and unbelief. it originated in rome when christianity was established as the religion of the empire, but its history in spain and her dependencies has absorbed almost entirely the real interest in the painful subject. as an ordinary tribunal, similar to those of other countries, it had existed there from an early period. its functions, however, in those times were little more than nominal; but early in the reign of ferdinand and isabella, on account of the alleged discovery of a plot among the jews to overthrow the government, an application was made to the pope to permit its re-organization. but in reviving the tribunal, the crown assumed to itself the right of appointing the inquisitors, and of controlling their entire action. for this reason catholic writers regard the spanish inquisition as a state tribunal, and refer to the bull of the pope, sixtus iv., protesting against it. notwithstanding this protest, however, the spanish crown maintained its assumption. inquisitors were appointed, and in the tribunal commenced its terrible career, under thomas de torquemada. the inquisition arrested on suspicion, tortured for confession, and then punished with fire. one witness brought the victim to the rack, two to the flames. the prisoner was not confronted with his accuser, nor were their names ever made known to him. the court was held in a gloomy dungeon at midnight, a dim light gleamed from smoking torches, and the grand inquisitor, enveloped in a black robe, glared at his victim through holes cut in the hood. before the examination, the accused, whether man, maid or matron, was stripped and stretched upon the rack, where tendons could be strained without cracking, bones crushed without breaking and the body tortured without dying. when the prisoner was found guilty, his tongue was cut out, so that he could neither speak nor swallow. on the morning of the execution a breakfast of rare delicacies was placed before the sufferer, and with ironical invitation he was urged to enjoy his last repast. then the prisoner was led to the funeral pyre, where an address was given, lauding the inquisition, condemning heresy, and commanding obedience to the pope and the emperor. then, while hymns were sung, blazing fagots were piled about the victim, until his body was reduced to a heap of ashes. some conception of the appalling cruelty of the inquisition under torquemada may be formed from the statement that during the sixteen years of his tenure of office nearly , persons were condemned to the flames, and the property of , others was confiscated. spanish rule in holland. horrible as the atrocities of the inquisition were in the mother country, it is doubtful if they ever reached the acme of savage cruelty that they attained during the period when spain was seeking to strengthen the fetters with which she nominally held holland in her grasp. the spanish government, from the time when it first acquired a place among nations, has never been satisfied with a reasonable tribute from its dependencies. its plan ever has been to exact all, and leave nothing to supply more than a miserable existence. so it was in the middle of the sixteenth century, when philip ii., greedy of the treasures of holland, determined to spoil them of their wealth, and planned to establish the inquisition among them by the sword. the duke of alva, already famous for his harshness and bigotry, was named commander of the forces, with almost unlimited powers. he entered the netherlands with about , tried troops, ready for cruelties, and all hopes of peace or mercy fled before them. there was a great and desperate exodus of the inhabitants; thousands took refuge in england, denmark and germany, and despair and helplessness alone remained to greet the cold spaniard and his train of orthodox executioners. the council of troubles--the "blood-tribunal"--was immediately established, and the land was filled with blood. in a short time he totally annihilated every privilege of the people, and with unrelenting cruelty put multitudes of them to death. the more the peasants rebelled, the crueler were the methods of alva. men were tortured, beheaded, roasted before slow fires, pinched to death with hot tongs, broken on the wheel, flayed alive. on one occasion the skins of leaders were stripped from their living bodies, and stretched upon drums for beating the funeral march of brethren to the gallows. during the course of six years alva brought charges of heresy and treason against , inhabitants, and made the infamous boast that, in addition to the multitudes killed in battle and massacred after victory, he had consigned , persons to the executioner. this unholy war with the netherlands lasted with occasional cessations of hostilities for eighty years, and during its progress spain buried , of her sons and allies in holland, spent untold millions in the attempted destruction of freedom, and sunk from the first power in europe, an empire whose proud boast it had been that upon her possessions the sun never set, to the level of a fourth-rate country, cruel in government, superstitious in religion, and ever an enemy to progress. expulsion of the moors. in addition to the terrible drain upon the country from losses in war, the expulsion of the jews and the moors was productive of the direst results. in all the moriscoes were ordered to depart from the peninsula within three days. the penalty of death was declared against all who failed to obey, and against any christians who should shelter the recalcitrant. the edict was obeyed, but it was a blow from which spain never recovered. the moriscoes were the back-bone of the industrial population, not only in trade and manufactures, but also in agriculture. the haughty and indolent spaniards had willingly left what they considered degrading employment to their inferiors. the moors had introduced into spain the cultivation of sugar, cotton, rice and silk. in manufactures and commerce they had shown superiority to the christian inhabitants, and many of their products were eagerly sought for by other countries. all these advantages were sacrificed to an insane desire for religious unity. the reigns of philip iii. and philip iv. witnessed a fearful acceleration in the decline of spain by the contests with the dutch and with the german protestants in the thirty years' war, the wars with france, and the rebellion of portugal in , which had been united to spain by philip ii. the reign of charles ii. was still more unfortunate, and his death was the occasion of the war of the spanish succession. under charles iii. ( - ), a wise and enlightened prince, the second great revival of the country commenced, and trade and commerce began to show signs of returning activity. previous to his accession to the throne, spain appeared to be a corpse, over which the powers of europe could contend at will. suddenly men were astounded to see that country rise with renewed vigor to play once more an important part on the international stage. commerce and agriculture were developed, native manufactures were encouraged in every way possible, and an attempt was made to remove all prejudices against trade, among the nobles. meritorious as these reforms were, it would give a false impression to represent them as wholly successful. the regeneration of spain was by no means accomplished, and many of the abuses which had been growing for centuries, survived the attempt to effect their annihilation. one of the chief causes of this failure was the corruption and ignorance of the lower officials; and a large portion of the population remained, to a great extent, sunk in sloth and superstition, in spite of all that was done in their behalf. during the inglorious reign of charles iv. ( - ), who left the management, of affairs in the hands of the incapable godoy, (at once the queen's lover and the king's prime minister), a war broke out with britain, which was productive of nothing but disaster to the spaniards. charles finally abdicated in favor of his son, the prince of asturias, who ascended the throne as ferdinand vii. forced by napoleon to resign all claims to the spanish crown, ferdinand became the prisoner of the french in the year of his accession, and in the same year, joseph, the brother of the french emperor, was declared king of spain, and set out for madrid to assume the kingdom thus assigned him. but spanish loyalty was too profound to be daunted even by the awe-inspiring power of the great napoleon. for the first time he found himself confronted, not by terrified and selfish rulers, but by an infuriated people. the rising on spain commenced the popular movement which ultimately proved fatal to his power. in july, , england, on solicitation, made peace with spain, recognized ferdinand vii. as king, and sent an army to aid the spanish insurrection. joseph invaded the country on july , defeated the spaniards at rio seco, and entered madrid on the th. but the defeat of dupont at baylen by the veteran spanish general castanos somewhat altered the position of affairs, and joseph, after a residence of ten days in his capital, was compelled to evacuate it. meanwhile sir arthur wellesley, afterwards duke of wellington, at the head of the british auxiliary force, had landed at mondego bay, and began the peninsular war by defeating the french at roliza and vimiero. in november, , napoleon, who had been preceded by ney with , men, entered spain and assumed the command. for a time his armies were completely successful. in less than a week the spanish forces were broken through and scattered, and joseph was returned to madrid. the victory was a short-lived one, however, for, in april, , general wellesley arrived in portugal and at once commenced operations. by dint of masterly generalship and bold enterprise he finally succeeded in driving the french from the country. napoleon, loth to lose his hold in the peninsula, sent soult, his most trusted general, to stop the ingress of the british into france, but the battles of the pyrenees, ( th july st august, ), and of the nivelle, orthez, and toulouse, in the beginning of , brought to a victorious conclusion this long and obstinate contest. loss of american colonies. after the convulsions it had endured, spain required a period of firm but conciliatory government, but the ill fate of the country gave the throne at this crisis one of her worst rulers. ferdinand vii. had no conception of the duties of a sovereign; his public conduct was regulated by pride and superstition, and his private life was stained by the grossest dissipations. for six years spain groaned under a "reign of terror," and isolated revolts only served as the occasion for fresh cruelties. the finances were squandered in futile expeditions to recover the south american colonies, which had taken advantage of napoleon's conquest of spain to establish their independence. in his straits for money, ferdinand ventured to outrage national sentiment by selling florida to the united states in . louisiana had been ceded to france in , and when mexico gained her independence in , the last of the territory under spanish rule in north america was lost to her. the reign of ferdinand's daughter, isabella ii., was disturbed by the carlist rebellion in - , in which england aided the queen with an army commanded by sir de lacy evans. spain, under isabella ii., presents a dismal picture of faction and intrigue. policies of state had forced her into a distasteful marriage with her cousin, francis of assisi, and she sought compensation in sensual indulgences, endeavoring to cover the dissoluteness of her private life by a superstitious devotion to religion. she had to contend with continual revolts, and was finally compelled, in , to abdicate the throne and fly to france for her life. a provisional government was formed with serrano as president, and a new constitution was formed, by which an hereditary king was to rule, in conjunction with a senate and a popular chamber. the throne was offered to amadeus of aosta, the second son of victor emmanuel, in , and he made an honest effort to discharge the difficult duties of the office. but he found the task too hard, and too distasteful, and resigned in . a provisional republic was then formed, of which castelar was the guiding spirit. but the spaniards, trained to regard monarchy with superstitious reverence, had no sympathy with republican institutions. don carlos seized the opportunity to revive the claim of inalienable male succession, and raised the standard of revolt. castelar finally threw up the office in disgust, and the administration was undertaken by a committee of officers. anarchy was suppressed with a strong hand, but it was obvious that order could only be restored by reviving the monarchy. foreign princes were no longer thought of, and alfonso xii., the young son of the exiled isabella, was restored to the throne in . his first task was to terminate the carlist war, which still continued in the north, and this was successfully accomplished in . he died in , and the regency was entrusted to his widow, christina of austria. on may th, , a posthumous son was born, who is now the titular king of spain. chapter iv. buccaneering and the warfare in the spanish main. spain's stolen treasures from mexico and peru tempt her european rivals--the spanish main the scene of piratical plundering for many years--havana and other cities threatened--great britain takes santo domingo--american troops from the british colonies capture havana--victory on land and sea is saddened by many deaths of brave americans from fever--lessons of the first capture of havana. after the acquisition of rich and populous countries in the western hemisphere had begun, spain discovered that her new-found wealth was not to be hers without a struggle. from the harbors of mexico and peru, spanish galleons sailed with their loads of treasure, stolen from the montezumas and the incas. year after year, rich argosies, laden with gold and silver to replenish the extravagant treasury of the spanish crown, crossed the seas. the atlantic ocean, the gulf of mexico and the caribbean sea were furrowed with the keels of spanish fleets, at a time when the european nations scarcely maintained the pretense of friendship with one another. it was hardly to be expected that these rich prizes should go unmolested. england and france knew quite well that they were plundered from the native treasuries of the new world, and no reason appeared why spain in turn should not be robbed of her plunder. so the spanish main, the caribbean sea, the gulf of mexico, and the adjacent waters, became the haunt of buccaneers and pirates, some under flags of european nations, and others under the black flag. desperate fights were the lot of almost every spanish galleon that sailed those seas, and fabulous prizes sometimes were taken under the skull and crossbones. spanish men of war sailed back and forth to convoy the merchant fleets, but their protection was not always sufficient. pirates could obtain frigates with guns as good as those of spain, and with the temptation of wealth before them they braved conflict whenever it was necessary. the harbors of key west, the dry tortugas and others along the florida keys, as well as many of those in the bahamas, the west indies and the antilles, were the haunts of buccaneers and privateers who careened their ships on shore for repairs, or held high revel on the beaches after their triumph over some spanish treasure fleet. those were bloody days, full of dramatic excitement. from them some of the most notable writers of fiction have drawn their tales, which entertain readers of to-day. what was done with all the gold thus garnered in sea fights before it reached the ports of spain, is hard to know. sometimes mysterious strangers appeared in the seaport towns of france and england and even the american colonies in their younger days, to spend money lavishly for a short time and then disappear as mysteriously as they came. these men were reputed to be pirate chiefs seeking relaxation from their customary life. others of the buccaneers hoarded their wealth in hiding places known only to themselves, the secret of which must have died with them, while the gold remains undiscovered. all through the florida keys and the west india islands, as well as along the coasts of georgia and the carolinas, traditions still exist in relation to these treasure hoards. sanguine people are still digging in the sands of these beaches, in the hope that some day they will unearth a sea chest full of spanish doubloons, or the golden ornaments stripped from aztec idols. some finds indeed have been made, but those who make them are not apt to reveal the secret which might guide another to a successful search. piratical raids trouble havana. having discovered the wealth that could be obtained by attacks upon the spanish fleets, the pirates began to think of the cities which were themselves the source of much of this wealth. the result of this was that they began to make descents upon the coasts, not only of cuba, but of the neighboring islands of jamaica and santo domingo. the expense occasioned by the attempts to suppress these incursions became so great toward the end of the sixteenth century, that it became necessary to impose a special tax to cover it. fortresses at all the fortified harbors were improved, and the power of the military officials increased as their importance increased, and that of the civil governors diminished. it was as a direct result of these conditions that the office of captain general was created, in which the governor shared military and civil authority alike. havana fortifications were hastened to completion and the preparations for defense began, which never have been materially improved to this day. the three fortresses of el morro, la punta and la cabana were built before the end of the sixteenth century and still were standing as the most effective defenses of havana when our war with spain began. it was during the same period, that african negroes were first introduced into cuba. slavery had proved so severe upon the aborigines, that their numbers had almost reached the vanishing point, and there was a lack of sufficient labor for the cultivation of tobacco and sugar cane, the chief products of spanish agriculture in the island. it was to promote the production of these new luxuries that the african slave trade was begun. a royal license from the king of spain was obtained to guarantee the privilege of importing negroes. then began that foul commerce which was another black stain on the history of spanish colonization of the western hemisphere. spanish ships descended upon the african coasts and kidnapped thousands of negroes for service in the cuban cane and tobacco fields. the horrors of the trade cannot be magnified and are too distressing for repetition. it is sufficient to say that in havana it is understood that the harbor was free from sharks which now swarm there, until they followed the slave ships from the african coasts in multitudes, for the feast of slaves who were thrown overboard on the long voyage. scores and hundreds of africans died during the journey, from the hardships they were compelled to undergo, and havana harbor itself was the last grave of many of these hapless ones. great britain threatens spanish possessions. it was just after the middle of the seventeenth century and during the rule of oliver cromwell in england, that the spanish governors of cuba began to fear an attack by a british fleet. a squadron sailed in with the design of capturing jamaica, a purpose which was easily accomplished. that island was taken by great britain, the spanish forces defending it were utterly defeated, the governor was killed, and many of the inhabitants removed, in consequence, to cuba. from jamaica the same fleet sailed for havana, but the attack was repulsed and the ships abandoned the attempt. except for the encroachments of the french upon the island of santo domingo, and the continual piratical incursions of french and english buccaneers, the spanish in the west indies were not threatened with any more hostilities except by their own internal dissensions until . at that time spain and england were at war, spain in alliance with the french, and it was decided by the british government that cuba was a vulnerable possession and a valuable one that ought to be taken. the capture of havana by forces under the english flag fills little space in the history of england and spain, because of the magnitude of the interests involved elsewhere. it is almost forgotten in america, in spite of the bearing of all its contemporary incidents upon the rapidly approaching revolution, and yet it was an achievement of the colonial troops and consequently the first assault upon cuba by americans. it was an event of the first importance in its own day and contained lessons of the first moment for the guidance of those who had to plan the conduct of the war against spain in . it proved that american troops under efficient officers could take the field with success against double their number of spaniards fully provisioned and strongly intrenched. it proved that havana could be successfully assaulted by a combined military and naval force, regardless of her picturesque but obsolete fortifications. spain's lack of administrative ability in the later war as well as in the first, destroying any advantage to be derived from balls and cannon. on the other side it proved that americans had to look forward to a considerable loss of life as a result of climatic conditions, if they attempted to conduct hostile operations in cuba during the summer season. the utter incapacity for straightforward, pertinacious fighting, which both napoleon and the duke of wellington found in the spanish army during the peninsular war, was as conspicuous fifty years before, when the americans took havana, and may rightly be argued as perpetually inherent in the national character; for though the annals of spain are filled with instances of individual courage of the first rank, demoralization sets in as soon as they come together in numbers in the face of a civilized foe. their chief maneuver in the course of a century and a half, has been just plain running away. the victorious wellington, seeing his spanish allies running for dear life just after he had whipped the opposing french line in the last battle of the peninsular campaign, was moved to remark that he had seen many curious things in his life, but never before , men engaged in a foot race. yet the fight made by the spaniards in havana during the attack of the british and colonial forces in is the one notable instance of a prolonged struggle between men who speak english and men who speak spanish. history may be searched in vain, either in the old or new world, for a defense as able in point of generalship or as stubborn in resistance as the spaniards made at the siege of havana. in all other cases, from the elizabethan campaigns in holland to the war with mexico, the men educated in the spanish school of arms have been content to spend their energies upon a single assault and then flee, sometimes even when the odds were greatly in their favor. the english armada left portsmouth on march th, , under the command of the gallant admiral pococke and lord albemarle, the force moving in seven divisions. it consisted of nineteen ships of the line, eighteen frigates or smaller men-of-war, and transports containing about , soldiers, nearly all infantry. at the island of hayti, then called hispanola, the british were joined by the successful expedition from martinique. together they sat down before havana, july th, . spain's intellectual dry rot. spain, suffering, as it suffers to-day, from intellectual dry rot, had known for weeks of the intended beleaguerment. then, as now, nothing adequate was done to meet it. the governor of havana, the marquis de gonzalez, was a gallant soldier, as he was to prove; but that ounce of prevention which is proverbially worth more than the pound of cure, was not taken by him, and the british found the fortifications in a partially ruinous condition, and the fourteen ships of the line which were lying in the harbor before the city in such a state that they could hardly be called in commission. the spanish army of defense numbered , men, and was in better condition; but the spanish sailors were utterly demoralized by the granting of too much shore liberty, and the best use the spaniard could put his fighting ships to was by sinking them at the entrance to the anchorage to prevent the entrance of the british fleet. once the enemy was before the city, however, all was activity. the fortifications, which were too newly erected to be quite incapable of repair, were set in order, the guns of morro castle and of the fort known as the puntal, across from it, were trained on the advancing foe, and the spanish ships were sunk, as has been said. those familiar with the history of english administrative methods during this period will find little to choose between them and the methods of spain. the season of the year most unwholesome to the inhabitants of a temperate climate had already set in, with all its train of pestilences, when the british arrived. though deluged by the tremendous rains of the tropics from day to day, the water supply was wholly insufficient, and the little obtainable was so tainted as to make its use fraught with danger. there was no pilot who knew the roadstead in order to lead the ships against the morro and the puntal for many days. in throwing up the parallels and approaches to the walls of the city on the landward side, the soldiers found such scarcity of earth, the blanket over the rocks being of the thinnest sort, that this necessary material for covering an attack had to be brought from a distance. then, too, it was charged with the germs of disease, and all who handled it suffered extremely. despite all the precautions of the officers, the sanitary condition surrounding the camp was horrible, and the troops died like dogs. yankees in cuba. meanwhile there was a large force of british regulars in north america, stationed there ever since the fall of the french empire in the new world in . four thousand of these soldiers were gathered in new york city. to them the colonies of east and west jersey added a regiment of men, new york another of , while lyman raised a full thousand in connecticut. when these, too, had been assembled in new york, lyman was made brigadier general of the colonial troops, and his lieutenant colonel, israel putnam, was made colonel of the connecticut soldiers in his stead. this was the same putnam who fought the wolf single-handed in its cave, and who was to take that breakneck ride a few years later to escape the very troops with whom he was now associated. the entire force of , provincials under general lyman's command was not a mere bevy of raw militia. nearly all of them had seen service against the french in those well trained and active forces which were given the general name of "rangers;" the officers especially, of whom putnam was hardly more than a type, being men of extended experience. the fact that so many men were willing to volunteer in this arduous and, as it turned out, desperate service for the king, speaks volumes for what could have been done with such men had pitt and not bute been at the head of the english nation at that time. the advices from havana showed that the army there was in great need of reinforcements, so by great efforts the regulars and provincials were stowed way in fourteen transports, and with an escort of a few frigates they set sail for the south about the middle of may. there were the usual shouts of an admiring populace and the tears of sweethearts and wives; but it is easy to say that there would have been no rejoicing if the people of connecticut, the jerseys, and new york could have foreseen that hardly one of every fifty of their volunteers would see his home again. americans were wrecked. just before the arrival of these welcome reinforcements on july , some english merchantmen had come along with cargoes of cotton bags, which were pressed into immediate use for the lines which were now closing around havana; and in the ships were also found several pilots. then the forces from the north came amidst general rejoicings, but without putnam and of his yankees. these, in a transport which was skirting the dangerous coast much too closely, were shipwrecked on one of the treacherous shoals thereabouts. putnam, with true new england fertility of resource, extemporized rafts from the fragments of the vessel and got all his men ashore without the loss of a life. they landed near the city of carthagena, threw up breastworks, and were found ready to repel a force of thousands of spaniards when the ships from before havana arrived for their rescue, their own companions wisely pressing on and sending aid back from the headquarters. the american troops went bravely to work, engaging themselves chiefly with the undermining of one of the walls. to reach this it was necessary for them to pass along a narrow eminence where they were in plain view and easy range of the spaniards. a number were lost in this dangerous enterprise, but their valor was dimmed neither by this nor by the still heavier losses which came upon them through the diseases prevalent in every portion of the british camp. though men of such hardiness that they must have been equal in resisting power to the british, their losses were comparatively much greater, proving that they occupied positions of greater danger, either from bullets or the fevers of the region. morro castle taken. five days after the arrival of the reinforcements, lord albemarle judged himself sufficiently strong to assault morro castle, and the word was accordingly given. the sunken ships were blown up early on the morning of july , and the british ships sailed into the fury of the spanish cannon, belching shot from all along the shore. the big guns of the ships could not be elevated sufficiently to silence the fire from morro castle, and this was accordingly left to be carried by assault. the puntal was silenced, troops landed, and after five days of ferocious fighting, in which the british and american losses were enormous by reason of their exposed position, and where every one concerned exhibited the utmost valor, morro castle was carried by the bayonet. the fighting within its walls after an entry had been made was exceedingly fierce. the marquis of gonzalez was killed by his own cowardly men for refusing to surrender. the cannon from the other spanish batteries were turned upon the morro as soon as the spanish flag had been lowered, and the british ensign run up in its place; and then the slow and disastrous work of the siege was taken up again. as the lines grew nearer and nearer, and the last hope of the spaniard for relief was given up, there was the usual attempt made to buy the attacking party off. though it would have been a hopeless undertaking at any time, the amount offered for the ransom of the city was so far below the treasure which was known to be in the town that the offer was made a subject for derisive laughter. fifteen days after morro castle had fallen, though the mortality in the trenches was so great that a few weeks more must have seen the abandonment of the enterprise, the city fell, the garrison stipulating for a passage out with all the honors of war, which was freely accorded them, owing to the climatic predicament in which lord albemarle found himself. it was also stipulated that private property should be respected. this was strictly observed, though spain had set repeated examples of giving a captured city over to plunder in the face of a stipulation to the contrary. august , , the british entered, the glory of their victory over such heavy odds even then dimmed by the enormous mortality. it was reckoned that the few days of august had wrought more damage to the invading forces than all the weeks of hard labor and open assault which had gone before. in the city--the havannah, as it was then called--treasure was found to the amount of $ , , , much of it in such shape that there had been abundant time to withdraw it either to spain or into the interior of the island, had there been any other than spaniards at the head of affairs. the occupancy of the british and colonial forces lasted but a few months. lord albemarle, with $ , of the prize money as his personal share, received notice of the conclusion of the treaty of paris and withdrew his army to great britain. a single ship sufficed to remove the shattered remnant of the soldiers from connecticut, the jerseys, and new york. twenty-three hundred sailed; barely fifty returned. it was a part of the good fortune of america--all of the good fortune, to be exact--which brought colonel israel putnam safely home again, though the paralysis which shortened his labors not many years after the declaration of independence was unquestionably due to his exposure to the vertical sun of cuba and to the poisons of its pestilential coast. in the hands of george iii., then king of england, all this suffering and deprivation amounted to virtually nothing. he was a coward at heart, a man who could not even avail himself of such hardly gained victories. the peace of paris was signed, and by its terms george yielded up cuba and the philippines again to the power that has never ceased to misuse the advantages so obtained. the belief gained ground in havana, in , that the english government again contemplated a descent on the island; and measures were taken to put it in a more respectable state of defense, although, from want of funds in the treasury, and the scarcity of indispensable supplies, the prospect of an invasion was sufficiently gloomy. the militia and the troops of the garrison were carefully drilled, and companies of volunteers were formed wherever materials for them could be found. the french, also, not content with mere preparations, made an actual descent on the island, first threatening santiago, and afterwards landing at batabano. the invaders consisted chiefly of refugees from st. domingo; and their intention seems to have been to take possession with a view to colonize and cultivate a portion of the unappropriated, or at least unoccupied, territory, on the south side of the island, as their countrymen had formerly done in st. domingo. without recurring to actual force, the captain-general prevailed on them to take their departure by offering transportation either to st. domingo or to france. chapter v. commercial development of cuba. efforts of the early governors to encourage trade--cultivation of sugar one of the first industries--decree defining powers of the captain general--attempted annexation to the united states--the ostend manifesto--its wonderful predictions, in the light of later events--exports and imports between cuba and spain--the future of commercial cuba. the commerce of cuba has grown in spite of the limitations that have been placed upon it and not because of any encouragement that has been given to it. columbus called cuba the most beautiful land that eyes had ever seen. its resources, granted by a generous nature, have enabled it to recuperate after destructive warfare with a rapidity simply amazing to those accustomed only to the climate and the soil of the temperate zone. the immense industries of cuba have been hampered from the beginning by spanish oppression and the fact that they have flourished under such unfavorable conditions is a striking evidence of what may be expected under a policy of encouragement and freedom. sugar, tobacco, and other tropical products have made fortunes for cuba every year, only to have them stolen by spanish officeholders, sent there to plunder all they could get their hands upon. with peace assured, the opportunities for the extension of industries in the "pearl of the antilles" will be enormous. the commercial development of cuba has come through centuries of disturbance, warfare, and oppression. a simple catalogue of all the evils with which the cubans have had to contend would fill a volume. all that can be done here is to indicate briefly some of the more notable events in the history of the island after the british conquests and the relinquishment of the prize to the spanish authorities upon the return of peace. near the end of the last century there came a period which offered more encouragement to the hope of permanent prosperity in cuba than had been offered before. the successive governors appointed varied in character, it is true, but several of them were liberal minded, public spirited men who gave to the colony far better administration that it had been accustomed to. one of these was luis de las casas, who imparted a new impulse to the agriculture and commerce of the island. it was under his guidance that trade with the united states began to assume importance, and to his efforts was due the transfer of the remains of columbus from santo domingo to their present resting place in the cathedral at havana. he encouraged literature, science, the fine arts and the erection of various public charitable and educational institutions. he was the founder of the first public library and the first newspaper which had existed in the island. he showed his ability as an executive by restraining the restless population under the excitement which accompanied the revolution in the neighboring colony of santo domingo, which ended by the loss to spain of that island. one of the earliest causes of ill feeling between the islanders of cuba and the people of spain occurred just at the end of the administration of las casas in . in the seventy years prior to that time a great navy yard grew up on the bay of havana, and war vessels were built there to convoy the spanish treasure ships. all at once this flourishing industry was closed on the demand of the ship-builders of spain that the work should be done in the mother country. as might have been expected, this aroused great indignation among a large number of people in havana who had been dependent upon the industry. it was about the same time, or just a hundred years before the outbreak of our war with spain, that sugar became an important article of general commerce. even then, however, it was not an article of common consumption, and was held at extravagantly high prices, measured by the present cheapness of the article. market reports of the time show that the price approximated forty cents a pound, and this at a time when the purchasing power of money was at least twice as great as it is now. as the price has fallen, the product and the consumption have increased, until of late years it has been an enormous source of revenue to the island of cuba. when napoleon bonaparte abducted the royal family of spain and deposed the bourbon dynasty in , every member of the provincial counsel of cuba took an oath to preserve the island for their legitimate sovereign. the colonial government immediately declared war against napoleon and proclaimed ferdinand vii. as king. it was by this action that the colony earned its title of "the ever-faithful isle," which has been excellent as a complimentary phrase, but hardly justified by the actual facts. for some years following this action, affairs in the island were in an embarrassing condition, owing to the progress of the napoleonic wars in europe, which kept all trade disturbed and spain in a constant condition of disorder. if it had not been for the fortunate election of one or two of the governors things might have been even worse than they were, and it was considered that cuba was enjoying quite as much peace and prosperity as were her neighbor colonies and the mother governments of europe. in a negro conspiracy broke out and attained considerable success, and as a result of it the spanish governors began to be more and more severe in their administrations. under the influence of the spirit of freedom which was spreading all around them, cubans became more and more restless. the revolutionary movements in spanish america had begun in , and after fourteen years of guerrilla warfare, european power had vanished in the western hemisphere from the northern boundary of the united states to cape horn, except for the colonies of british honduras and the guianas, and a few of the west indian islands. in , santo domingo became independent, and in the same year florida came into the possession of the united states. secret societies, with the purpose of revolution as their motive, began to spring up in cuba, and the population divided into well-defined factions. there was indeed an attempt at open revolt made in by one of these societies known as the "soles de bolivar," but it was averted before the actual outbreak came, and those leaders of it who were not able to escape from cuba were arrested and punished. it was as a result of these successive events that the office of captain general was created and invested with all the powers of oriental despotism. the functions of the captain general were defined by a royal decree of may , , to the following effect: his majesty, the king our lord, desiring to obviate the inconveniences that might in extraordinary cases result from a division of command, and from the interferences and prerogatives of the respective officers; for the important end of preserving in that precious island his legitimate sovereign authority and the public tranquillity through proper means, has resolved in accordance with the opinion of his council of ministers to give to your excellency the fullest authority, bestowing upon you all the powers which by the royal ordinances are granted to the governors of besieged cities. in consequence of this, his majesty gives to your excellency the most ample and unbounded power, not only to send away from the island any persons in office, whatever their occupation, rank, class, or condition, whose continuance therein your excellency may deem injurious, or whose conduct, public or private, may alarm you, replacing them with persons faithful to his majesty and deserving of all the confidence of your excellency; but also to suspend the execution of any order whatsoever, or any general provision made concerning any branch of the administration as your excellency may think most suitable to the royal service. this decree since that time has been substantially the supreme law of cuba, and has never been radically modified by any concessions except those given as a last and lingering effort to preserve the sovereignty of spain, when after three years' progress of the revolution she realized that her colony had slipped away from her authority. the decree quoted in itself offers sufficient justification for the cuban revolution in the name of liberty. attempted annexation to the united states. during the present century there have been a number of attempts on the part of men prominent in public life, both in the united states and cuba, to arrange a peaceable annexation by the purchase by this country of the island from spain. statesmen of both nations have been of the opinion that such a settlement of the difficulty would be mutually advantageous, and have used every diplomatic endeavor to that end. during thomas jefferson's term of office, while spain bowed beneath the yoke of france, from which there was then no prospect of relief, the people of cuba, feeling themselves imcompetent in force to maintain their independence, sent a deputation to washington, proposing the annexation of the island to the federal system of north america. in president pearce instructed wm. l. marcy, his secretary of state, to arrange a conference of the ministers of the united states to england, france and spain, to be held with a view to the acquisition of cuba. the conference met at ostend on the th of october, , and adjourned to aix-la-chapelle, where notes were prepared. mr. soule, then our minister to spain, said in a letter to mr. marcy, transmitting the joint report: "the question of the acquisition of cuba by us is gaining ground as it grows to be more seriously agitated and considered. now is the moment for us to be done with it, and if it is to bring upon us the calamity of war, let it be now, while the great powers of this continent are engaged in that stupendous struggle which cannot but engage all their strength and tax all their energies as long as it lasts, and may, before it ends, convulse them all. neither england nor france would be likely to interfere with us. england could not bear to be suddenly shut out of our market, and see her manufactures paralyzed, even by a temporary suspension of her intercourse with us. and france, with the heavy task now on her hands, and when she so eagerly aspires to take her seat as the acknowledged chief of the european family, would have no inducement to assume the burden of another war." the result of this conference is so interesting in its application to present conditions that its reproduction is required to make intelligible the whole story of cuba, and we give it here: the ostend manifesto. sir: the undersigned, in compliance with the wish expressed by the president in the several confidential despatches you have addressed to us respectively, to that effect, we have met in conference, first at ostend, in belgium, on the th, th, and th instant, and then at aix-la-chapelle, in prussia, on the days next following, up to the date hereof. there has been a full and unreserved interchange of views and sentiments between us, which we are most happy to inform you has resulted in a cordial coincidence of opinion on the grave and important subjects submitted to our consideration. we have arrived at the conclusion, and are thoroughly convinced that an immediate and earnest effort ought to be made by the government of the united states to purchase cuba from spain at any price for which it can he obtained, not exceeding the sum of $... the proposal should, in our opinion, be made in such a manner as to be presented through the necessary diplomatic forms to the supreme constituent cortes about to assemble. on this momentous question, in which the people, both of spain and the united states, are so deeply interested, all our proceedings ought to be open, frank and public. they should be of such a character as to challenge the approbation of the world. we firmly believe that, in the progress of human events, the time has arrived when the vital interests of spain are as seriously involved in the sale, us those of the united states in the purchase, of the island, and that the transaction will prove equally honorable to both nations. under these circumstances we cannot anticipate a failure, unless possibly through the malign influence of foreign powers who possess no right whatever to interfere in the matter. we proceed to state some of the reasons which have brought us to, this conclusion, and for the sake of clearness, we shall specify them under two distinct heads: . the united states ought, if practicable, to purchase cuba with as little delay as possible. . the probability is great that the government and cortes of spain will prove willing to sell it, because this would essentially promote the highest and best interests of the spanish people. then, . it must be clear to every reflecting mind that, from the peculiarity of its geographical position, and the considerations attendant on it. cuba is as necessary to the north american republic as any of its present members, and that it belongs naturally to that great family of states of which the union is the providential nursery. from its locality it commands the mouth of the mississippi and the immense and annually increasing trade which must seek this avenue to the ocean. on the numerous navigable streams, measuring an aggregate course of some thirty thousand miles, which disembogue themselves through this magnificent river into the gulf of mexico, the increase of the population within the last ten years amounts to more than that of the entire union at the time louisiana was annexed to it. the natural and main outlet to the products of this entire population, the highway of their direct intercourse with the atlantic and the pacific states, can never be secure, but must ever be endangered whilst cuba is a dependency of a distant power in whose possession it has proved to be a source of constant annoyance and embarrassment to their interests. indeed the union can never enjoy repose, nor possess reliable security, as long as cuba is not embraced within its boundaries. its immediate acquisition by our government is of paramount importance, and we cannot doubt but that it is a consummation devoutly wished for by its inhabitants. the intercourse which its proximity to our coast begets and encourages between them and the citizens of the united states, has, in the progress of time, so united their interests and blended their fortunes that they now look upon each other as if they were one people, and had but one destiny. considerations exist which render delay in the acquisition of this island exceedingly dangerous to the united states. the system of immigration and labor lately organized within its limits, and the tyranny and oppression which characterize its immediate rulers threaten an insurrection at every moment, which may result in direful consequences to the american people. cuba has thus become to us an unceasing danger, and a permanent cause of anxiety and alarm. but we need not enlarge on these topics. it can scarcely be apprehended that foreign powers, in violation of international law, would interpose their influence with spain to prevent our acquisition of the island. its inhabitants are now suffering under the worst of all possible governments, that of absolute despotism, delegated by a distant power to irresponsible agents, who are changed at short intervals, and who are tempted to improve their brief opportunity thus afforded to accumulate fortunes by the basest means. as long as this system shall endure, humanity may in vain demand the suppression of the african slave trade in the island. this is rendered impossible whilst that infamous traffic remains an irresistible temptation and a source of immense profit to needy and avaricious officials, who, to attain their ends, scruple not to trample the most sacred principles under foot. the spanish government at home may be well disposed, but experience has proved that it cannot control these remote depositaries of its power. besides, the commercial nations of the world cannot fail to perceive and appreciate the great advantages which would result to their people from a dissolution of the forced and unnatural connection between spain and cuba, and the annexation of the latter to the united states. the trade of england and france with cuba would, in that event, assume at once an important and profitable character, and rapidly extend with the increasing population and prosperity of the island. . but if the united states and every commercial nation would be benefited by this transfer, the interests of spain would also be greatly and essentially promoted. she cannot but see that such a sum of money as we are willing to pay for the island would affect it in the development of her vast natural resources. two-thirds of this sum, if employed in the construction of a system of railroads, would ultimately prove a source of greater wealth to the spanish people than that opened to their vision by cortez. their prosperity would date from the ratification of the treaty of cession. france has already constructed continuous lines of railways from havre, marseilles, valenciennes, and strasburg, via paris, to the spanish frontier, and anxiously awaits the day when spain shall find herself in a condition to extend these roads through her northern provinces to madrid, seville, cadiz, malaga, and the frontiers of portugal. this object once accomplished, spain would become a center of attraction for the traveling world, and secure a permanent and profitable market for her various productions. her fields, under the stimulus given to industry by remunerating prices, would teem with cereal grain, and her vineyards would bring forth a vastly increased quantity of choice wines. spain would speedily become what a bountiful providence intended she should be, one of the first nations of continental europe--rich, powerful and contented. whilst two-thirds of the price of the island would be ample for the completion of her most important public improvements, she might with the remaining forty millions satisfy the demands now pressing so heavily upon her credit, and create a sinking fund which would gradually relieve her from the overwhelming debt now paralyzing her energies. such is her present wretched financial condition, that her best bonds are sold upon her own bourse at about one-third of their par value; whilst another class, on which she pays no interest, have but a nominal value, and are quoted at about one-sixth of the amount for which they were issued. besides, these latter are held principally by british creditors, who may, from day to day, obtain the effective interposition of their own government for the purpose of coercing payment. intimations to that effect have already been thrown out from high quarters, and unless some new sources of revenue shall enable spain to provide for such exigencies, it is not improbable that they may be realized. should spain reject the present golden opportunity for developing her resources and removing her financial embarrassments, it may never again return. cuba, in her palmiest days, never yielded her exchequer, after deducting the expense of its government, a clear annual income of more than a million and a half of dollars. these expenses have increased to such a degree as to leave a deficit, chargeable on the treasury of spain, to the amount of six hundred thousand dollars. in a pecuniary point of view, therefore, the island is an encumbrance instead of a source of profit to the mother country. under no probable circumstance can cuba ever yield to spain one per cent, on the large amount which the united states are willing to pay for its acquisition. but spain is in imminent danger of losing cuba without remuneration. extreme oppression, it is now universally admitted, justifies any people in endeavoring to relieve themselves from the yoke of their oppressors. the sufferings which corrupt, arbitrary and unrelenting local administration necessarily entail upon the inhabitants of cuba cannot fail to stimulate and keep alive that spirit of resistance and revolution against spain which has of late years been so often manifested. in this condition of affairs it is vain to expect that the sympathies of the people of the united states will not be warmly enlisted in favor of their oppressed neighbors. we know that the president is justly inflexible in his determination to execute the neutrality laws; but should the cubans themselves rise in revolt against the oppression which they suffer, no human power could prevent citizens of the united states and liberal-minded men of other countries from rushing to their assistance. besides, the present is an age of adventure in which restless and daring spirits abound in every portion of the world. it is not improbable, therefore, that cuba may be wrested from spain by a successful revolution; and in that event she will lose both the island and the price which we are now willing to pay for it--a price far beyond what was ever paid by one people to another for any province. it may also be remarked that the settlement of this vexed question, by the cession of cuba to the united states, would forever prevent the dangerous complications between nations to which it may otherwise give birth. it is certain that, should the cubans themselves organize an insurrection against the spanish government, and should other independent nations come to the aid of spain in the contest, no human power could, in our opinion, prevent the people and government of the united states from taking part in such a civil war in support of their neighbors and friends. but if spain, dead to the voice of her own interest, and actuated by a stubborn pride and a false sense of honor, should refuse to sell cuba to the united states, then the question will arise, what ought to be the course of the american government under such circumstances? self-preservation is the first law of nature with states as well as with individuals. all nations have, at different periods, acted upon this maxim. although it has been made the pretext for committing flagrant injustice, as in the partition of poland and other similar cases which history records, yet the principle itself, though often abused, has always been recognized. the united states has never acquired a foot of territory except by fair purchase, or, as in the case of texas, upon the free and voluntary application of the people of that independent state, who desired to blend their destinies with our own. even our acquisitions from mexico are no exception to this rule because, although we might have claimed them by right of conquest in a just way, yet we purchased them for what was then considered by both parties a full and ample equivalent. our past history forbids that we should acquire the island of cuba without the consent of spain, unless justified by the great law of self-preservation. we must, in any event, preserve our own conscious rectitude and our own self-respect. whilst pursuing this course we can afford to disregard the censures of the world, to which we have been so often and so unjustly exposed. after we have offered spain a fair price for cuba, far beyond its present value, and this shall have been refused, it will then be time to consider the question, does cuba, in the possession of spain, seriously endanger our internal peace and the existence of our cherished union? should this question be answered in the affirmative, then, by every law, human and divine, we shall be justified in wresting it from spain, if we possess the power; and this upon the very same principle that would justify an individual in tearing down the burning house of his neighbor if there were no other means of preventing the flames from destroying his own home. under such circumstances we ought neither to count the cost, nor regard the odds which spain might enlist against us. we forbear to enter into the question, whether the present condition of the island would justify such a measure. we should, however, be recreant to our duty, be unworthy of our gallant forefathers, and commit base treason against our posterity, should we permit cuba to be africanized and become a second san domingo, with all its attendant horrors to the white race, and suffer the flames to extend to our own neighboring shores, seriously to endanger, or actually to consume, the fair fabric of our union. we fear that the course and current of events are rapidly tending toward such a catastrophe. we, however, hope for the best, though we ought certainly to be prepared for the worst. we also forbear to investigate the present condition of the questions at issue between the united states and spain. a long series of injuries to our people have been committed in cuba by spanish officials, and are unredressed. but recently a most flagrant outrage on the rights of american citizens, and on the flag of the united states, was perpetrated in the harbor of havana under circumstances which, without immediate redress, would have justified a resort to measures of war in vindication of national honor. that outrage is not only unatoned, but the spanish government has deliberately sanctioned the acts of its subordinates, and assumed the responsibility attaching to them. nothing could more impressively teach us the danger to which those peaceful relations it has ever been the policy of the united states to cherish with foreign nations, are constantly exposed, than the circumstances of that case. situated as spain and the united states are, the latter has forborne to resort to extreme measures. but this course cannot, with due regard to their own dignity as an independent nation, continue; and our recommendations, now submitted, are dictated by the firm belief that the cession of cuba to the united states, with stipulations as beneficial to spain as those suggested, is the only effective mode of settling all past differences, and of securing the two countries against future collisions. we have already witnessed the happy results for both countries which followed a similar arrangement in regard to florida. yours, very respectfully, james buchanan. j. y. mason. pierre soule. hon. wm. l. maecy, secretary of state. unfortunately for cuba the suggestions offered by this commission were not acted upon, although it is not probable that spain, ever blind to her own interests, would have admitted the justice or reason of the argument, had the offer to purchase been made to her. exports and imports. a table showing the amount of trade between cuba and spain during the year (the last authentic report), is instructive: importations in cuba from spain $ , , exportation from cuba to spain $ , , ----------- difference in favor of export $ , , the future of commercial cuba. under happier conditions, there can be no doubt that cuba will speedily attain a much higher state of commercial importance and prosperity than it has yet enjoyed. great as its productiveness has been in the past, well-informed writers assert that proper development of its resources will increase the value five-fold, and a liberal system of government will enable it to take advantage of its admirable position to gain greater prominence in the commercial world. chapter vi. beauties of a tropical island. a delightful climate--grand scenic surprises--the caves of bellamar--the valley of the yumuri--under nature's dome--gorgeous sunsets--the palm tree groves--the home of fruits and flowers-- the zodiacal light. when the little island of cuba, "the pearl of the antilles," was assigned a place upon the terrestrial globe, nature must have been in her most generous mood. certainly no land beneath the skies was given a more perfect combination of mountains and rivers, forests and plains. situated within and near the border of the northern tropical zone, the temperature of the low coast lands is that of the torrid zone, but the high interior of the island enjoys a delightful climate, and the verdure-clad hills, with the graceful palm and cocoa tree clear against the pure blue sky, may be seen at all seasons of the year. as in other countries on the borders of the tropics, the year is divided between a hot and wet season, corresponding to the northern declination of the sun, and a cool and dry period. the months from the beginning of may to october are called the wet season, though some rain falls in every month of the year. with may, spring begins in the island, rain and thunder are of almost daily occurrence, and the temperature rises high, with little daily variation. the period from november to april is called the dry season by contrast. on a mean of seven years the rain-fall at havana in the wet season has been observed to be . inches, of the dry months, . , or . inches for the year. july and august are the warmest months, and during this period the average temperature at havana is f, fluctuating between a maximum of and a minimum of . in the cooler months of december and january the thermometer averages , the maximum being , and minimum . the average temperature of the year at havana on a mean of seven years is . but in the interior, at elevations of over feet above the level of the sea, the thermometer occasionally falls to the freezing point in winter. frost is not uncommon, and during north winds, thin ice may form, though snow is unknown in any part of the island. the prevailing wind is the easterly trade breeze, but from november to february, cool north winds, rarely lasting more than forty-eight hours, are experienced in the western part of the island, to which they add a third seasonal change. hurricanes may occur from august to october, but they are rare and sometimes five or six years pass without such a storm. grand scenic surprises. many "globe-trotters" who have never included this little corner of the world in their itinerary, do not appreciate the fact that nowhere under the sun can be found a more perfect climate, grander mountain scenery, more charming valleys, more picturesque ruins, and fertile fields than cuba offers to their view. in another portion of this work will be found descriptions of the cities of cuba, and brief mention here of some of the beauties of the country may not be amiss. one of the grandest bits of scenery in the known world is to be found in the valley of the yumuri, rivaling in sublimity the far-famed lookout mountain view and the yosemite of the sierra nevadas. the journey leads over a winding trail, easily traversed by the native horses, up a steep hill, until, after a continuous climb of an hour and a half, the road turns around the edge of a grassy precipice, and the beautiful valley, with its patches of green and gold, spreads away in the distance. the little river of yumuri winds its way through its flower-decked banks until it reaches the bay beyond, while in the distance rise the mighty mountains, clod in their coats of evergreen, and over all the fleecy clouds, and the sky of azure blue. in this vicinity an opportunity is given the sight-seer to visit a sugar house and gain an idea of the sugar-making process, though on a very small scale, and enjoy a half an hour in the study of the natives, and their home life. a traveler, in writing of this place, says: "our interview with the little black 'ninos' was highly amusing. on entering the court yard of the negro quarters, a dozen little black imps, of all ages and sexes and sizes, perfectly naked, rushed towards us, and crossing their arms upon their breasts, fell upon their knees before us, and jabbered and muttered, out of which could be distinguished, 'master, master, give us thy blessing,' which we interpreted to mean 'tin;' whereupon we scattered sundry 'medios' among them! hey! presto! what a change! the little black devils fell over one another, fought, tugged, and scrambled to secure a prize, while anyone who had been lucky enough to obtain a coin, marched off in a state of dignified delight, his distended little stomach going before him like a small beer barrel, while the owner of it kept shouting out, 'medio, yo tengo medio' (five cents, i have five cents)." the caves of bellamar. one of the most interesting trips that can be made is to the "caves of bellamar," which may be found about two and a half miles southeast of the city of matanzas. the journey takes the traveler up a winding and rugged road to the top of a hill, where the "cave house" is reached, a large frame structure built over the entrance, and containing, among other objects of interest, a large collection of beautiful crystal formations found in the cave. here the tourist enters his name in the visitors' register, pays his dollar, and follows the boy guide down the stairs into the cave. about one hundred and fifty feet from the entrance a small bridge is crossed, and the "gothic temple" is reached. the only light comes from a few scattered lanterns, and is consequently very obscure, but one can see the millions of crystals, the thousand weird forms, and realize that it is surpassingly beautiful. the temple is about two hundred feet in length and seventy feet in width, and while it does not equal in size or solemn grandeur the temple of the same name in the mammoth cave of kentucky, it greatly excels it in the richness and splendor of its crystal formations and beautiful effects. the spectator possessed of strongly developed imaginative powers cannot fail to feel himself in fairy land. from the gloomy corners come gnomes and demons, and in the crystal shadows he sees sprites and lovely fairies, keeping gay revel to dreamy airs, played on invisible strings by spirit hands. one of the most beautiful objects in the cave is the "fountain of snow," a name given to one of the great pillars, called by the natives the "cloak of the virgin." others are known as "columbus mantle," "the altar," and "the guardian spirit." "who has not seen the caves of bellamar has not seen cuba." under nature's dome. one of the most vivid pieces of descriptive writing, referring to the beauties of cuban skies, is from the pen of james m. phillippo: "the splendor of the early dawn in cuba, as in the tropical islands in its vicinity, has been referred to. the whole sky is often so resplendent that it is difficult to determine where the orb of day will appear. small fleecy clouds are often seen floating on the north wind, and as they hover over the mountains and meet the rays of the sun, are changed into liquid gold and a hundred intensely beautiful dyes more splendid than the tints of the rainbow. during the cooler months, the mornings are delightful till about ten o'clock, the air soon after dawn becoming agreeably elastic, and so transparent that distant objects appear as if delineated upon the bright surface of the air; the scenery everywhere, especially when viewed from an eminence, is indescribably rich and glowing; the tops of the rising grounds and the summits of the mountains are radiant with a flood of light, while the vapor is seen creeping along the valleys, here concealing the entrance to some beautiful glen, and there wreathing itself fantastically around a tall spire or groves of palm trees that mark the site of a populous village. "the finest and most gorgeous sunsets occur in the west indian archipelago during the rainy seasons. the sky is then sublimely mantled with gigantic masses of cloud, glowing with a thousand gorgeous dyes, and seeming to collect at the close of day as though to form a couch for the sun's repose. in these he sinks, flooding them with glory, touching both heavens and earth with gold and amber brightness long after he has flung his beams across the other hemisphere, or perhaps half revealing himself through gauze-like clouds, a crimson sphere, at once rayless and of portentous size. "the azure arch, which by an optical illusion limits our view on every side, seems here, and in the tropics generally, higher than in england, even higher than in italy. here is seen, in a perfection compared to which even italian skies are vapid and uninteresting, that pure, serene, boundless sky, that atmosphere of clear blue, or vivid red, which so much contributes to enrich the pencil of claude lorraine. the atmosphere of cuba, as everywhere within the tropics, except when the high winds prevail, is so unpolluted, so thin, so elastic, so dry, so serene, and so almost inconceivably transparent and brilliant, that every object is distinct and clearly defined as if cut out of the clear blue sky. all travelers agree in praising the calm depths of the intensely blue and gloriously bright skies of inter-tropical latitudes. in the temperate zone, it is estimated that about , stars are visible to the naked eye at one time; but here, from the increased elevation and wider extent of the vault, owing to the clearness of the atmosphere, especially as seen from a high mountain chain, the number is greatly augmented. if, however, these luminaries may not be seen here in greater numbers, they certainly shine with greater brilliancy. the different constellations are indeed so greatly magnified as to give the impression that the power of the eye is increased. venus rises like a little moon, and in the absence of the greater casts a distinguishable shadow. "the milky way, which in the temperate zone has the appearance of a luminous phosphorescent cloud, and, as is well known, derives its brightness from the diffused light of myriads of stars condensed into so small space that fifty thousand of them are estimated to pass across the disc of the telescope in an hour, is here seen divided into constellations, and the whole galaxy is of so dazzling a whiteness as to make it resemble a pure flame of silvery light thrown across the heavens, turning the atmosphere into a kind of green transparency. besides this, there are vast masses of stellar nebulae of indefinite diversity and form, oval, oblate, elliptical, as well as of different degrees of density, diffused over the firmament, and discoverable through a common telescope, all novel to an inhabitant of temperate climes, and recalling the exclamation of the psalmist: 'the heavens declare the glory of god, ... the firmament showeth forth his handiwork.' "'the stars are elder scripture, writ of god's own hand, scripture authentic, uncorrupt by man.' "an interesting phenomenon sometimes occurs here, as in other islands of the west indies, which was long supposed to be seen only in the eastern hemisphere. a short time before sunrise or sunset, a flush of strong, white light, like that of the aurora borealis, extends from the horizon a considerable way up the zenith, and so resembles the dawn as to prove greatly deceptive to a stranger. as he watches the luminous track he sees it decrease instead of becoming more vivid, and at length totally disappear, leaving the heavens nearly as dark as previous to its appearance. this is the zodiacal light." chapter vii. wealth from nature's stores in the forests and fields of cuba. the palm tree, the queen of the cuban forests--sugar cane and its cultivation--the tobacco industry--tropical fruits and flowers-- beauties of a garden in cuba--enormous shipments to spain--the wealth of the island. the forests of cuba are of vast extent, and so dense as to be almost impenetrable. it is estimated that of about , , acres of land still remaining perfectly wild and uncultivated, nearly , , are uncleared forest. mahogany and other hard woods, such as the cuban ebony, cedar, and granadilla, valuable for manufactures, cabinet work and ship building are indigenous, and are exported to a considerable extent. the palm is the queen of the cuban forests and is its most valuable tree. it grows in every part of the island, but especially in the west, giving at once character and beauty to the scenery. the royal palm is the most common variety, and frequently grows to a height of one hundred and twenty feet, the branches numbering from twenty to twenty-five, in the center of which are the hearts or buds of the plant, elevating themselves perpendicularly with needle-like points. this heart, enveloped in wrappers of tender white leaves, makes a most delicious salad, and it is also boiled, like cauliflower, and served with a delicate white sauce. the trunk of the palm is composed of fibrous matter, which is stripped off and dried, forming a narrow, thin board, which the natives use for the walls of their cottages. the boughs are sometimes made to serve for roofing, though palm leaves are usually used for this purpose, as well as for the linings of the walls. "el yarey" is another variety of the palm tree that is of great utility. from it the native women make the palm leaf hats that are worn by almost all the villagers and country people of cuba. tropical fruits in abundance. the fruits of cuba are those common to the tropics. bananas, pineapples, oranges, lemons and bread-fruit all grow in abundance, delicious to the taste and delightful to the eye. richard henry dana, jr., after returning from a vacation trip to cuba, wrote a charming description of a fruit garden that it was his good fortune to visit there: "the garden contained a remarkable variety of trees, including some thrifty exotics. here the mango, with its peach-like foliage, was bending on the ground with the weight of its ripening fruit; the alligator pear was marvelously beautiful in its full blossom, suggesting, in form and color, the passion flower; the soft, delicate foliage of the tamarind was like our sensitive plant; the banana trees were in full bearing, the deep green fruit (it is ripened and turns yellow off the tree), being in clusters of a hundred, more or less, tipped at the same time by a single, pendent, glutinous bud, nearly as large as a pineapple. the date palm, so suggestive of the far east, and the only one we had seen in cuba, was represented by a choice specimen, imported in its youth. there was also the star-apple tree, remarkable for its uniform and graceful shape, full of green fruit, with here and there a ripening specimen; so, also, was the favorite zapota, its rusty coated fruit hanging in tempting abundance. from low, broad spreading trees depended the grape fruit, as large as an infant's head and yellow as gold, while the orange, lime and lemon trees, bearing blossoms, green and ripe fruit all together, met the eye at every turn, and filled the garden with fragrance. the cocoanut palm, with its tall, straight stem, and clustering fruit, dominated all the rest. guava, fig, custard apple, and bread-fruit trees, all were in bearing. "our hospitable host plucked freely of the choicest for the benefit of his chance visitors. was there ever such a fruit garden before, or elsewhere? it told of fertility of soil and deliciousness of climate, of care, judgment, and liberal expenditure, all of which combined had turned these half a dozen acres of land into a gan eden. through his orchard of hesperides, we were accompanied also by the proprietor's two lovely children, under nine years of age, with such wealth of promise in their large black eyes and sweet faces as to fix them on our memory with photographic fidelity. before leaving the garden we returned with our intelligent host once more to examine his beautiful specimens of bananas, which, with its sister fruit, the plantain, forms so important a staple of fruit in cuba and throughout all tropical regions. it seems that the female banana tree bears more fruit than the male, but not so large. the average clusters of the former comprise here about one hundred, but the latter rarely bears over sixty or seventy distinct specimens of the cucumber-shaped product. from the center of its large, broad leaves, which gather at the top, when it has reached the height of twelve or fifteen feet, there springs forth a large purple bud ten inches long, shaped like a huge acorn, though more pointed. this cone hangs suspended from a strong stem, upon which a leaf unfolds, displaying a cluster of young fruit. as soon as these are large enough to support the heat of the sun and the chill of the rain, this sheltering leaf drops off, and another unfolds, exposing its little brood of fruit; and so the process goes on, until six or eight rings of young bananas are started, forming, as we have said, bunches numbering from seventy to a hundred. the banana is a herbaceous plant, and after fruiting, its top dies; but it annually sprouts up again fresh from the roots. from the unripe fruit, dried in the sun, a palatable and nutritious flour is made." the tobacco industry. cuban tobacco is famous throughout the world, and is one of the most profitable of all its products. prior to the crop was sent to the national factories in spain, by the "commercial company of havana," under government contract, but during that year the "factoria de tobacco" was established in havana by the government. the tobacco was classified as superior, medium and inferior, and was received from the growers at fixed prices. in these were six, five and two and a half dollars per arrobe (a spanish unit of weight, subject to local variations, but averaging about twenty-seven pounds avoirdupois). by comparing the different prices with the quantity of each class of tobacco produced, we find that the "factoria" paid an average price of $ per hundred pounds for the leaf tobacco. with the expense of manufacture, the cigars cost the government seventy-five cents per pound; snuff, fine grain and good color, forty-three cents, and common soft, or seville, nineteen cents a pound in havana. in good years, when the crop amounted to , arrobes of leaf, , arrobes were manufactured for spain, , for havana, , for peru, , for buenos ayres, , for mexico, and , for caracas and campeachy. in order to make up the amount of , arrobes, (for the crop loses ten per cent. of its weight, in loss and damage in the transportation and manufacture) we must suppose that , arrobes were consumed in the interior of the island; that is, in the country, where the royal monopoly did not extend. the maintenance of slaves and the expenses of manufacture did not exceed $ , yearly; but the salaries of the officers of the "factoria" amounted to $ , . the value of the , arrobes of tobacco sent to spain, in the abundant years, either in cigars, leaf or snuff, at the customary prices there, exceeded the sum of five million dollars. it is surprising to see in the returns of the exports from havana (documents published by the consulado), that the exports for were only , arrobes; for the year , only , arrobes of leaf tobacco; and in only , pounds of cigars and , pounds of leaf tobacco and strips; but we must remember that no branch of the contraband trade is more active than that in cigars. the tobacco of the vuelta de abajo is the most celebrated, but large quantities are exported which are produced in other parts of the island. the cultivation of tobacco has been one of the most uncertain branches of industry in cuba. trammeled by restrictions and exactions, it was confined almost entirely to the poorer classes of the population, who were enabled to raise a scanty and uncertain crop through the advances of capital made them by the "factoria." since the suppression of this monopoly, it has had to contend with the more popular and profitable pursuit of sugar planting, which has successfully competed with it for the employment of the capital, skill and labor of the island. sugar cane and its cultivation. maturin ballou, in his "cuba past and present," published in , when the sugar industry was in its best days, writes an interesting account of cane cultivation: "sugar cane is cultivated like indian corn, which it also resembles in appearance. it is first planted in rows, not in hills, and must be hoed and weeded until it gets high enough to shade its roots. then it may be left to itself until it reaches maturity. this refers to the first laying out of a plantation, which will afterwards continue fruitful for years, by very simple processes of renewal. when thoroughly ripe the cane is of a light golden yellow, streaked here and there with red. the top is dark green, with long, narrow leaves depending, very much like those of the corn stalk, from the center of which shoots upward a silvery stem, a couple of feet in height, and from its tip grows a white fringed plume of a delicate lilac hue. the effect of a large field at its maturity, lying under a torrid sun, and gently yielding to the breeze, is very fine, a picture to live in the memory ever after. "in the competition between the products of beet-root sugar and that from sugar cane, the former controls the market, because it can be produced at a cheaper rate, besides which its production is stimulated by nearly all of the european states, through the means of liberal subsidies both to the farmer and to the manufacturer. beet sugar, however, does not possess so high a percentage of true saccharine matter as the product of the cane, the latter seeming to be nature's most direct mode of supplying us with the article. the cuban planters have one advantage over all other sugar-cane producing countries, in the great and inexhaustible fertility of the soil of the island. for instance, one or two hogsheads of sugar to the acre is considered a good yield in jamaica, but in cuba three hogsheads are the average. fertilizing of any sort is rarely employed in the cane fields, while in beet farming it is the principal agent of success. though the modern machinery, as lately adopted on the plantations, is very expensive, still the result achieved by it is so much superior to that of the old methods of manufacture, that the small planters are being driven from the market. slave labor cannot compete with machinery. the low price of sugar renders economy imperative in all branches of the business, in order to leave a margin for profit. "a planter informed the author that he should spread all of his molasses upon the cane fields this year as a fertilizer, rather than send it to a distant market and receive only what it cost. he further said that thousands of acres of sugar cane would be allowed to rot in the fields this season, as it would cost more to cut, grind, pack and send it to market than could be realized for the manufactured article. had the price of sugar remained this year at a figure which would afford the planters a fair profit, it might have been the means of tiding over the chasm of bankruptcy which has long stared them in the face, and upon the brink of which they now stand. but with a more than average crop, both as to quantity and quality, whether to gather it or not is a problem. under these circumstances it is difficult to say what is to become, financially, of the people of cuba. sugar is their great staple, but all business has been equally suppressed upon the island, under the bane of civil laws, extortionate taxation, and oppressive rule. "the sugar cane yields but one crop a year. there are several varieties, but the otaheitan seems to be the most generally cultivated. between the time when enough of the cane is ripe to warrant the getting up of steam at the grinding mill, and the time when the heat and the rain spoils its qualities, all the sugar for the season must be made, hence the necessity for great industry on large estates. in louisiana the grinding lasts but about eight weeks. in cuba it continues four months. in analyzing the sugar produced on the island, and comparing it with that of the main land, the growth of louisiana, chemists could find no difference as to the quality of the true saccharine principle contained in each. "the great sugar estates lie in the vueltra arriba, the region of the famous red earth. the face of this region smiles with prosperity. in every direction the traveler rides astonished through a garden of plenty, equally impressed by the magnificent extent, and the profuse fertility of the estates, whose palm avenues, plantain orchards, and cane fields succeed each other in almost unbroken succession. so productive are the estates, and so steady is the demand for the planter's crop, that the great sugar planters are, in truth, princes of agriculture. "the imposing scale of operations on a great plantation, imparts a character of barbaric regal state to the life one leads there. looking at them simply as an entertainment, the mills of these great sugar estates are not incongruous with the easy delight of the place. everything is open and airy, and the processes of the beautiful steam machinery go on without the odors as without the noises that make most manufactories odious. in the centrifugal process of sugar making, the molasses passes into a large vat, by the side of which is a row of double cylinders, the outer one of solid metal, the inner of wire gauze. these cylinders revolve each on an axis attached by a horizontal wheel and band to a shaft which communicates with the central engine. the molasses is ladled out into the spaces between the external and internal cylinders, and the axes are set in motion at the rate of nineteen hundred revolutions a minute. for three minutes you see only a white indistinct whirling, then the motion is arrested, slowly and more slowly the cylinders revolve, then stop, and behold! the whole inner surface of the inner cylinder is covered with beautiful crystallizations of a light yellow sugar. watching this ingenious process, i used to fancy that somewhat in this wise might the nebulae of space be slowly fashioning into worlds." how cuba has been robbed by spain. some knowledge of the enormous wealth that has accrued to spain from her cuban possessions may be gained from the following quotation from "cuba and the cubans," published in new york in by raimundo cabrera: "oh, we are truly rich! "from to , cuba, with her own resources, covered the expenditures of the treasury. our opulence dates from that period. we had already sufficient negro slaves to cut down our virgin forests, and ample authority to force them to work ... "by means of our vices and our luxury, and in spite of the hatred of everything spanish, which moreno attributed to us, we sent, in , the first little million of hard cash to the treasury of the nation. from that time until we continued to send yearly to the mother country two millions and a half of the same stuff. according to several spanish statisticians, these sums amounted, in , to $ , , . we were very rich, don't you see? tremendously rich. we contributed more than five million dollars towards the requirements of the peninsular--$ , , . we paid, in great part, the cost of the war in africa. the individual donations alone amounting to fabulous sums. "but of course we have never voted for our own imposts; they have been forced upon us because we are so rich. in , we had in a state of production the following estates: , stock farms, , sugar plantations, coffee plantations, , cattle ranches, cocoa plantations, cotton plantations, , , produce farms, , truck farms, , tobacco plantations, , apiaries, country resorts, distilleries, tile works, lime kilns, charcoal furnaces, cassava-bread factories, and tanneries. to-day i do not know what we possess, because there are no statistics, and because the recently organized assessment is a hodge podge and a new burden; but we have more than at that time; surely we must have a great deal more. "for a very long time we have borne the expenses of the convict settlement of fernando po. we paid for the ill-starred mexican expedition, the costs of the war in san domingo, and with the republics of the pacific. how can we possibly be poor? while england, france and holland appropriate large sums for the requirements of their colonies, spain does not contribute a single cent for hers. we do not need it, we are wading deep in rivers of gold. if the fertility of our soil did not come to our rescue, we must, perforce, have become enriched by the system of protection to the commerce of the mother country. ... the four columns of the tariff are indeed a sublime invention.. our agricultural industries require foreign machinery, tools and utensils, which spain does not supply, but, as she knows that we have gold to spare, she may make us pay for them very high. and since our sugar is to be sold to the united states .. never mind what they cost. when there are earthquakes in andalusia and inundations in murcia, hatred does not prevent us from sending to our afflicted brethren large sums ... (which sometimes fail to reach their destination.) "we are opulent? let us see if we are. from the earliest times down to the present, the officials who come to cuba, amass, in the briefest space of time, fortunes, to be dissipated in madrid, and which appear never to disturb their consciences. this country is very rich, incalculably rich. in we contributed $ , , ; in , $ , , ; in , $ , , ; in , $ , , . during the war we did not merely contribute, we bled. we had to carry the budget of $ , , . "we count , , inhabitants, that is to say, one million and a half of vicious, voluptuous, pompous spendthrifts, full of hatred and low passions, who contribute to the public charges, and never receive a cent in exchange, who have given as much as $ per capita, and who at the present moment pay to the state what no other taxpayers the world over have ever contributed. does anyone say that we are not prodigiously, enviably rich?" chapter viii. the cubans, and how they live. life in the rural districts--a cuban bill of fare--the amusements of the country people--sports of the carnival--native dances--an island farm--fruit used for bread--cattle ranches and stock farms --population of the island--education and religion--railways and steamship lines. the traveler from the north, landing for the first time on cuban shores, will discover his greatest delight in the radical changes he finds from everything he has been accustomed to in his own land. if he has read prescott and irving, he knows something of castilian manners and customs in theory, but as the peculiarities of the people, their home life, their amusements, their religious observances, and their business methods are brought before him in reality, he is impressed with the constant charm of novelty. in times of peace, the native of cuban soil in the rural districts knows nothing of the struggle for existence which faces the majority of mankind in colder climes. he "toils not, neither does he spin," for the reason that nature provides so freely that very little exertion is necessary to secure her gifts. occasionally he may plow, or sow a little grain, or even pick fruit, but, as a rule, he leaves the labor to the negroes. if he lives on a main-traveled road, he may possibly provide entertainment for man and beast, where he delights in gossiping with all who come his way, and is ready to drink whenever invited. neither does his raiment possess the glory of solomon's, for it generally consists of a pair of loose trousers, belted with a leather band, a linen shirt of brilliant hue, frequently worn outside his pantaloons, a silk handkerchief fastened about his head, a palm-leaf hat, and bare feet encased in leather slippers. he is astute, though frank, boastful, though brave, and superstitious, if not religious. gambling is his chief delight, and his fighting cocks receive more attention than his wife and family. his better half is more reserved than her lord, especially with strangers. she is an adept horse-woman, though she sometimes shares the animal's back with her husband, riding in front of him, almost on the neck of the horse. her dress is the acme of simplicity (sometimes rather too simple to suit conventional ideas), and consists of a loose frock, and a handkerchief tied around her neck. like her husband she dispenses with stockings, except on occasions of ceremony. her pride is her hair, on which she bestows a great deal of attention, and she delights in displaying it at every possible opportunity. a cuban bill of fare. the mode of life among the people of these rural districts is entirely unlike that of the residents of the cities. this difference extends even to their food and the manner of preparing it. in the populous centers, especially among the better classes, the table service is of the french mode, but among the country people will be found the real cuban cuisine. the morning meal usually consists of fried pork, of which they are very fond, boiled rice, and roasted plantain, which serves them for bread. beef, birds or roast pork are served for dinner, together with plantains and a stew composed of fresh meat, dried meat, green plantains, and all kinds of vegetables. these are cooked in a broth, thickened with a farinaceous root called malanga, and flavored with lemon juice. rice is a staple article of diet, and no meal is complete without it. rural amusements. it is not in gastronomy alone that the cubans of the country districts differ from their city cousins. they have their special amusements, some of which seem cruel to people of refinement, but it may be said in their defense that football is not a popular game on the island. cock fighting is the national sport, and men, women and children will wager their last possession on the result of an encounter between chickens of fighting blood. the goose fight is another cruel sport. two poles are placed in the ground, with a rope stretched between them, on which a live goose is hung with its feet securely tied, and its head thoroughly greased. the contestants are on horseback, and ride at full speed past the goose, endeavoring to seize its head and separate it from the body as they pass. the fowl usually dies before the efforts are successful, but the rider who finally succeeds in the noble endeavor gains the glory and the prize. there is a patron saint for every village, for whom there is a feast day, which is celebrated by masses at the church, and afterwards by games and dances. a procession is always arranged on this day, in which a little girl, dressed as an image, rides in a wagon, decorated with banners and flowers. men in costumes of indians lead the way, followed by others clad as moors. a band is a necessary adjunct, and bringing up the rear are the inhabitants, marching and singing to the music of the band. when the church is reached, the people gather about the child, and she recites a composition written for the occasion. during carnival time, processions of mountebanks, cavaliers, dressed as knights of old, on horses splendidly adorned, races, masques, balls and all manner of revelries are indulged in. dancing is a universal accomplishment, in which the young and old find enjoyment in all places and at all seasons. the zapato, a dance peculiar to cuba, is performed to the music of the guitar, accompanied by the voices of the dancers. it consists of fantastic posings, fancy marches, and graceful figures, and resembles in some details the "cake walks" of the negroes of our own country. an island farm. in the neighborhood of the larger cities are hundreds of "estancias," which correspond to what are known as market gardens in the united states. these farms usually consist of less than a hundred acres each, and on them are raised vegetables, chickens, small fruits and other table delicacies, for the city trade. properly looked after, this business might be one of great profit, but the land is, as a rule, cultivated by tenants, who pay a rental of about five dollars per acre a year, and who are too indolent to give it the care necessary to gain lucrative returns. the principal vegetable raised on these farms is the sweet potato, of which there are two varieties, the yellow and the white. the soil and the climate are not favorable to the cultivation of the irish potato, and it is necessary to import this luxury, which accounts for the fact that they are seldom seen outside the cities. plantains are raised in large quantities. this product is to the cuban what bread is to us, and may be characterized as the standard article of food. though less nutritious than wheat or potatoes, it is produced in vastly larger quantities from the same area, and with far less effort. it closely resembles the banana, and is in fact often regarded as a variety of that fruit. a fanciful name for it among the natives is "adam's apple," and the story is that it was the forbidden fruit of the garden of eden. on a number of these places the business of farming has been entirely abandoned, and kilns built, where the burning of lime is carried on extensively. cattle ranches and stock farms. the raising of cattle is one of the important industries of cuba, and as it costs comparatively nothing to fit the stock for the market, handsome profits are realized. herds of vast numbers roam over the prairies, receiving no attention from their owners, and are sold without any preliminary fattening. fabulous prices are received for the fierce bulls which are used for the bull fights in the cities, and the breeding of these animals brings large returns. hides are one of the principal exports of the island, and bone black, prepared from the bones, is sold in immense quantities to the sugar-makers, for use in the manufacture of that article. the finest horses raised in cuba come from puerto principe, and magnificent specimens of the noble animal they are. they are noted for their powers of endurance, and can journey day after day, covering sixty to seventy miles, at an easy gait, without showing signs of fatigue. as horses were unknown to the original inhabitants of the island, it is supposed that the cuban horse of to-day comes from spanish stock, and the fact that it differs so greatly from those animals, both in appearance and quality, is explained by the changed climatic conditions in its breeding. whatever its origin may be, it is certain that there are no finer specimens of horse flesh than are to be found in cuba, and the natives take great care of them, almost regarding them as belonging to the family. like the irishman who "kept his pig in the parlor," the cuban often stables his horse in a room of his house. peculiar funeral ceremonies. one of the strangest customs that is likely to be observed by the tourist in the interior sections, is the ceremony attendant on the burial of the dead. first come small boys, with white linen gowns over their clothes, short enough to display their ragged trousers and dirty shoes. a boy in the center bears a tall pole, upon the top of which is a silver cross, partially draped, while each of the other boys carries a tall candlestick. behind them comes the priest, in shabby attire, in one hand his prayer book, from which he is chanting from time to time, while in the other hand, the sun being hot, he carries an umbrella. following him, a venerable old man comes tottering along, personating the acolyth, the bell-ringer, the sacristan, or other church dignitary, as may be necessary, croning out in his dreary voice, as he swings the burning censor, the second to the chants of the priest. the coffin then makes its appearance, made of rough boards, but covered with black paper muslin, and borne upon the shoulders of four villagers, a crowd of whom, all uncovered, bring up the rear. here, as in all other catholic countries, the spectators uncover their heads at the passing of a funeral cortege. at the church are ceremonies of reading prayers, burning candles, and sprinkling the coffin with holy water, after which the priest goes his way, and the procession takes up its line of march for the newly-made grave, in the dilapidated and neglected cemetery, where the coffin is deposited without further ceremony. no females are present during the whole affair. a family in mourning in cuba, not only dress in dark clothes, upon which there is no luster, but they keep the windows of the house shut for six months. in fact, by an ordinance of the government, it is now prohibited to display the corpse to the public through the open windows, as was formerly done, both windows and doors being now required to be shut. an hospitable people. the cuban of the better class is noted for his hospitality. his door is always open to receive whomsoever calls, be he acquaintance, friend or stranger. there is a place at his table for the visitor at all times, without money and without price, and no one having the slightest claim to courtesy of this kind need hesitate to accept the invitation. there is little travel or communication on the island, so even if the guest be an entire stranger, his host will feel amply repaid for his hospitality by the news the traveler brings from the outside world. there is a good old custom among the danes, that when the first toast is drunk, it is to the roof of the house which covers everyone in it, meaning thereby it is all one family. this same custom might appropriately be kept up amongst the cuban planters, for when one takes his seat at the table, he is immediately installed as one of the family circle. education and religion. education is woefully backward on the island. in the absence of recent statistics it is estimated that not one-tenth of the children receive lettered education of any kind, and even among the higher classes of society, liberal education is very far from being universally diffused. a few literary and scientific men are to be found both in the higher and middle ranks, and previous to the revolution, the question of public instruction excited some interest among the creole population. at havana is the royal university with a rector and thirty professors, and medical and law schools, as well as an institution called the royal college of havana. there is a similar establishment at puerto principe, in the eastern interior, and both at havana and santiago de cuba there is a college in which the branches of ecclesiastical education are taught, together with the humanities and philosophy. besides this there are several private schools, but these are not accessible to the masses. the inhabitants can scarcely be said to have any literature, a few daily and weekly journals, under a rigid censorship, supply almost all the taste for letters in the island. to show how little liberty of opinion the newspapers of cuba enjoy, we quote a decree issued by general weyler, formerly captain-general of the island: don valeriano weyler y nicolau, marquis of tenerife, governor-general, captain-general of the island of cuba, and general-in-chief of this army. under the authority of the law of public order, dated the rd of april, . i order and command, st. no newspaper shall publish any news concerning the war which is not authorized by the staff officers. nd. neither shall be published any telegraphic communications of a political character without the authority given by the secretary of the governor general in havana, or by the civil officers in the other provinces. rd. it is hereby forbidden to publish any editorials, or other articles or illustrations, which may directly or indirectly tend to lessen the prestige of the mother-country, the army, or the authorities, or to exaggerate the forces and the importance of the insurrection, or in any way to favor the latter, or to cause unfounded alarm, or excite the feelings of the people. th. the infractions of this decree, not included in articles first and sixth of the decree of february th last, will make the offenders liable to the penalties named in article , of the law of the rd of april, . th. all persons referred to in article of the penal code of the peninsula, which is in force in this island, will be held responsible for said infractions in the same order as established by the said article. th. whenever a newspaper has twice incurred the penalty of said offense, and shall give cause for a third penalty, it may be then suppressed. th. the civil governors are in charge of the fulfillment of this decree, and against their resolutions, which must be always well founded, the interested parties may appeal within twenty-four hours following their notification. valeriano weyler. havana, april , . population of the island. conflicting accounts render it impossible to arrive at anything like a certainty as to the number of inhabitants in cuba at the time of its conquest, but it may be estimated at from , to , . there is but little doubt, however, that before the whole of this population had disappeared from the island. the first census was taken in , when the population was , . in it was , . owing to the disturbed condition of the island, no census of the inhabitants has been taken since that of , when the total population was , , . of this number, , , were whites, and , were of negro blood. these figures make questionable the claim that the war for liberty is simply an insurrection of the colored against the caucasian race. chapter ix. havana, the metropolis of the island. havana and its attractions for tourists--how to reach cuba-- description of the harbor of havana--how the proverbial unhealthfulness of the city may be remedied--characteristics of the business quarter--residences and how the people live--parks and boulevards--other features of life in the city. in spite of the little encouragement which american tourists have had for visiting the city of havana, for many years it has been a popular place of resort for the few who have tried it or have been recommended to it by their friends. with the attractions it has had during spanish administration, when an air of constraint and suspicion marked the intercourse with every american, it will not be surprising if under changed auspices and in an atmosphere of genuine freedom, americans will find it one of the most delightful and easily accessible places possible for them to visit. it is not all pleasant, but the unpleasant things are sometimes quite as interesting as the pleasant ones. if the traveler forms his judgments according to the actual comforts he may obtain, he will be pleased from beginning to end of his stay. if the measure of his good opinion is whether or not things are like those to which he is accustomed, he will be disappointed, because novelty reigns. but novelty does not necessarily mean discomfort. havana may be reached by a sea voyage of three or four days from new york, on any one of several excellent steamers under the american flag, and even in winter the latter portion of the voyage will be a pleasant feature of the journey. or the path of the american invading squadron may be followed, and the traveler, after passing through florida by rail, may journey from tampa by the mail steamers, and touching at key west for a few hours, reach havana after a voyage of two nights and a day. the florida straits, between cuba and the florida keys, which were the scene of the first hostilities of the war, are but ninety miles wide, and the voyage is made from key west in a few hours. the current of the gulf stream makes the channel a trifle reminiscent of the english channel, but once under the lee of the cuban coast the water is still and the harbor of the old city offers shelter. in the days before the war, morro castle had an added interest to the traveler from the fact that behind its frowning guns and under the rocks on which it was built, were the cells of scores of sad prisoners, some of them for years in the dungeons, whose walls could tell secrets like those of the inquisition in spain if they could but speak. between morro castle and its neighbor across the way, la punta, the vessels steam into that bay, foul with four hundred years of spanish misrule and filth, where three hundred years of the slave trade centered, and into which the sewers of a great city poured their filth. once inside the harbor, cabana castle frowns from the hills behind morro, and on the opposite shore rise the buildings of the city itself. the harbor always has been a busy one, for the commerce of the island and of the city has been large. in times of peace, scores of vessels lie at anchor in the murky waters. the american anchorage for mail steamers for years has been in the extremest part of the bay from the city of havana itself, in order to avoid the contagion which was threatened by a nearer anchorage. until the maine was guided to her ill-fated station by the harbor master, it had been long since any american vessel had stopped in that part of the harbor. perfect sanitary condition easily created. the shallow harbor of havana has its entrance from the ocean through a channel hardly more than three hundred yards wide, and nearly half a mile long, after which it broadens and ramifies until its area becomes several square miles. no fresh water stream, large or small, flows into it to purify the waters. the harbor entrance is so narrow, and the tides along that coast have so little rise and fall, that the level of water in the harbor hardly shows perceptible change day after day. the result of this is that the constant inflow of sewage from the great city pouring into the harbor is never diluted, and through the summer is simply a festering mass of corruption, fronting the whole sea wall and throwing a stench into the air which must be breathed by everyone on shipboard. there is one part of the harbor known as "dead man's hole," from which it is said no ship has ever sailed after an anchorage of more than one day, without bearing the infection of yellow fever among its crew. along the shores of this very harbor are great warehouses for the sugar and tobacco shipped into the united states by the thousands of tons every year. to preserve our national health, our government has maintained an expensive marine hospital service and quarantine system along our southern ports which trade with havana, in addition to supporting a marine hospital service under the eminent dr. burgess in havana itself. to the rigid enforcement of this system, and the untiring vigilance of dr. burgess, must be credited the immunity which the united states has had from annual epidemics of yellow fever and smallpox. the guilt of spain in permitting this shocking condition to continue, cannot in any way be palliated. for four hundred years she has had sway in the island, free to work her own will, and drawing millions of dollars of surplus revenue out of the grinding taxes she has imposed. the installation of a sanitary system of sewage, which should discharge into the open sea instead of into this cesspool which lies at the city's feet, would have been the first solution of the difficulty. the threat of danger would have been finally averted by the expenditure of a few hundred thousand dollars, which would open a channel from the further extremity of the harbor to the ocean eastward. the distance is but a few miles and the engineering problem a simple one. this and the construction of a jetty northwestward from the point on which morro castle stands, would divert a portion of the current of the noble gulf stream into the harbor entrance, and the foul pond of to-day would be scoured of its filth by a perennial flood which could never fail. vera cruz, on the mexican coast, has proven that it is possible to exterminate yellow fever, and it is a duty owed to civilization that havana shall follow along the same path. if all other excuses were to be ignored, the united states for years has had ample cause for intervention in cuban affairs, as a measure of safety to the health of her own citizens, as truly as one man may complain to the authorities if his neighbor maintains a nuisance in the adjoining yard. the business quarters of havana. once anchored in the safest place in the harbor, the mail steamers are surrounded without delay by a fleet of peculiar boats of a sort seen only in the bay of havana. for a bit of silver, the traveler is taken ashore, the journey to the landing stage being a matter of but a few moments. the journey through the custom house is not a formidable one, for unless there is suspicion of some contraband goods, the customs officers are not exacting upon travelers. at the door of the custom house, or aduana, wait the cabs, which are cheaper in havana than in any other city of the new world, and they serve as a conveyance to the hotels, which are all grouped in the same neighborhood. the streets through which the traveler passes are picturesque, but hardly practical, from the american point of view. some of them are so narrow that carriages cannot pass, and all traffic must go in one direction. nearly all of the business streets have awnings extending from one side to the other, between the roofs, as a protection from the tropic sun. the sidewalks on some of the most pretentious streets are not wide enough for three persons to walk abreast, and on others two cannot pass. on every hand one gets the impression of antiquity, and antiquity even greater than the four hundred years of spanish occupancy actually measures. spanish architecture, however modern it may be, sometimes adds to that impression and one might believe himself, with little stretch of the imagination, to be in one of the ancient cities of the old world. the streets are paved with blocks of granite and other stone, roughly cut and consequently exceedingly noisy, but upon these narrow streets front some shops as fine as one might expect to discover in new york or paris. it is true that they are not large, but they do not need to be, for nearly all are devoted to specialties, instead of carrying stocks of goods of the american diversity. the one who wants to shop will not lack for temptations. the selection is ample in any line that may be named, the styles are modern and in exquisite taste, and altogether the shops are a considerable surprise to one who judges them first from the exterior. stores devoted exclusively to fans, parasols, gloves, laces, jewels, bronzes, silks and the beautiful cloth of pineapple fiber known as nipe cloth, are an indication of the variety that may be found. the shoes and other articles of men's and women's clothing are nearly all direct importations from paris, and where parisian styles dominate one may be assured that the selection is not a scanty one. clerks are courteous even to the traditional point of castilian obsequiousness, and altogether a shopping expedition along this obispo street is an experience to be remembered with pleasure. havana homes. you notice that everything is made to serve comfort and coolness. instead of having panes of glass, the windows are open and guarded by light iron railings, and the heavy wooden doors are left ajar. you see into many houses as you pass along, and very cool and clean they look. there are marble floors, cane-seated chairs and lounges, thin lace curtains, and glimpses of courts in the center of each building, often with green plants or gaudy flowers growing in them between the parlor and the kitchen. you find much the same plan at your hotel. you may walk in at the doors or the dining room windows just as you please, for the sides of the house seem capable of being all thrown open; while in the center of the building you see the blue sky overhead. equally cool do all the inhabitants appear to be, and the wise man who consults his own comfort will do well to follow the general example. even the soldiers wear straw hats. the gentlemen are clad in underwear of silk or lisle thread and suits of linen, drill or silk, and the ladies are equally coolly apparelled. havana is a dressy place, and you will be astonished at the neatness and style to which the tissue-like goods worn there are made to conform. but come and see the apartment you are to rest in every night. ten to one the ceiling is higher than you ever saw one in a private house, and the huge windows open upon a balcony overlooking a verdant plaza. the floor is of marble or tiling, and the bed is an ornate iron or brass affair, with a tightly stretched sheet of canvas or fine wire netting in place of the mattress you are used to. you could not sleep on a mattress with any proper degree of comfort in the tropics. there is a canopy with curtains overhead, and everything about the room is pretty certain to be scrupulously clean. conspicuous there and everywhere else that you go is a rocking chair. rocking chairs are to be found in the houses, and in regiments in the clubs. havana is the metropolis of the west indies. it has more life and bustle than all the rest of the archipelago put together. if you are german, english, scotch, dutch, american, french or whatever you are, you will find fellow countrymen among its , souls. there is a public spirit there which is rare in these climes. the theaters astonish you by their size and elegance. the aristocratic club is the union, but the popular one is the casino espanol, whose club house is a marvel of tropical elegance and beauty. nearly all these attractions are on or near the broad, shady and imposing thoroughfare, the prado--a succession of parks leading from the water opposite morro castle almost across the city. in one or another of these parks a military band plays on three evenings of the week, and the scene on such occasions is wholly new to english eyes. it is at such times that one may see the beautiful spanish and cuban women. they do not leave their houses in the heat of the day unless something requires them to do so, and when they do they remain in their carriages, and are accompanied by a servant or an elderly companion. so strict is the privacy with which they are surrounded that you shall see them shopping without quitting their carriages, waited on by the clerks, who bring the goods out to the vehicles. but when there is music under the laurels or palms the senoritas, in their light draperies, and wearing nothing on their heads save the picturesque mantilla of old spain, assemble on the paths, the seats, the sidewalks and in their carriages, and there the masculine element repairs and is very gallant, indeed. here you will listen to the dreamy melody of these latitudes, spanish love songs and cuban waltzes so softly pretty that you wonder all the world does not sing and play them. on other nights the walk or drive along the prado is very interesting. you pass some of the most elegant of the houses, and notice that they are two stories high, and that the family apartments are on the upper stories, so that you miss the furtive views of the families at meals and of the ladies reclining in the broad-tiled window sills that you have in the older one-story sections of the city. chapter x. the cities of cuba. the harbor of matanzas--sports of the carnival--santiago de cuba and its beautiful bay--cardinas, the commercial center--enormous exports of sugar--the beauties of trinidad--other cities of importance. the city of havana may be said to stand in the same relation to cuba that paris does to france, for in it are centered the culture, the refinement, and the wealth of the island, but there are several other towns of considerable importance, and many of them have become places of interest since the struggle for liberty has attracted the attention of the civilized world. chief among these is matanzas. this city, with a normal population of about , , is situated fifty miles east of havana, with which it is connected by rail and water. its shipping interests are second only to those of the capital, as it is the outlet of many of the richest agricultural districts of the island. the city is situated on the flats on both sides of the san juan river, which brings down large quantities of mud and greatly impedes inland navigation. as an offset the bay is spacious, easy of access and sheltered from the violent gulf storms which prevail at some seasons. this makes the port a favorite with marine men. a large amount of money has been spent by the government to fortify and protect the city, and it has been connected by rail with all the principal towns and producing centers of the provinces. thus it is a particularly favorite port of entry for all the supplies required in the plantations--food staples and machinery. its exports consist principally of sugar, coffee, molasses, tobacco, honey, wax and fruits. the city is built principally of masonry and in a most substantial manner, though little effort has been made to secure architectural beauty. the pride of the city is the new theater, which is pointed out as the handsomest building in cuba. the empresa academy also takes rank equal with any for the excellence of its educational facilities. there is no more charming spot in cuba than matanzas. the bay is like a crescent in shape, and receives the waters of the yumuri and matanzas rivers, two small unnavigable streams. a high bridge separates them. on this ridge back of the town stands a cathedral dedicated to the black virgin. it is a reproduction of a cathedral in the balearic islands. the view from its steeple is magnificent. looking backward the valley of the yumuri stretches to the right. it is about ten miles wide and sixty miles long, dotted with palms, and as level as a barn floor. the yumuri breaks through the mountains near matanzas bay something like the arkansas river at canon city. carpeted with living green and surrounded with mountains this valley is one of the gems of cuba. about ten miles from matanzas, on the left of the road, stand what are known as the breadloaf mountains. they rise from the plain like the spanish peaks in colorado. these mountains are the headquarters of general betancourt, who commands the insurgents in the province. the spaniards have offered $ , reward for his head. several efforts have been made to secure it, but in all cases the would-be captor has lost his own head. in accordance with the weyler edict , reconcentrados were herded together at matanzas, and within a year over , of them died in the city. in the plaza, under the shadow of the governor's residence, twenty-three people died from starvation in one day. the province of matanzas is not larger in area than the state of delaware, yet , people have perished from starvation and incident diseases since the order went into effect. but all the people of matanzas are not reconcentrados, and even in the midst of war's alarms they find time for amusement, as the following description of a carnival ball will prove: "it was our good fortune to be in matanzas during the last three days of the carnival; and while the whole time was occupied by noisy processions and grotesque street masqueraders, the crowning ceremonies were on the last sunday night. then the whole town used every effort to wind up the season in a 'feu de joie' of pleasure and amusement. in almost every town of any importance there is an association of young men, generally known as 'el liceo,' organized for artistic and literary purposes, and for social recreation. a fine large building is generally occupied by the association, with ample space for theatrical representations, balls, etc.; in addition to which there are billiard rooms, and reading rooms, adorned, probably with fine paintings. in matanzas this association is known as 'el liceo artistico y literario de matanzas,' and is a particularly fine one, being composed of the elite of the city, with a fine large house, to which they made an addition by purchasing the 'club,' beautifully situated upon the plaza. "thanks to our letter of introduction, we were, through the kind offices of the members, permitted to enjoy the pleasures of their grand ball, called the 'pinata,' which was indeed a very grand affair, attended by the beauty and fashion of matanzas. the ball commenced at the seasonable hour of o'clock in the evening; and at entering, each one was required to give up his ticket to a committee of managers, who thus had a kind of general inspection of all those admitted. "the ball room was a long, large hall, at the other end of which was a pretty stage for theatrical representations; on each side of the room was an arched colonnade, over which were the galleries, where the band was posted. hanged in double rows of chairs the full length of the room in front of the colonnade, sat hundreds of dark-eyed angels, calm, dignified, and appearing, most of them, to be mere lookers on; not a black coat among them. all of these, with the exception of a few courageous ones that were facing all this beauty, were huddled together at the other end of the room, wanting the courage (it could not be the inclination) to pay their respects to 'las senoritas.' "what is exactly the trouble in cuba between the gentlemen and the ladies i never have been able to quite understand. the men are polished and gentlemanly, as a general thing--sufficiently intelligent, apparently; while the ladies are dignified and pretty. and yet i have never seen that appearance of easy and pleasant intercourse between the sexes which makes our society so charming. "i am inclined to believe that it is the fault of custom, in a great degree, which surrounds women in cuba with etiquette, iron bars and formality. this would seem to apply to the natives only, for nothing can be kinder, more friendly and courteous than the manners of the cuban ladies to strangers, at least, judging from what is seen. it may be as a lady with whom i was arguing the point said: 'it is very different with strangers, senor, and particularly with the americans, who are celebrated for their chivalric gallantry to ladies.' now i call that a very pretty national compliment. "taking the arm of my friend, we walk up and down to see, as he expresses it, 'who there is to be presented to,' and faith, if beauty is to be the test, it would seem to be a hard matter to make up one's mind, there is so much of it, but after a turn or two around the room, this form is gone through with, and one begins to feel at home and ready to enjoy one's self. "when one finds ladies (and there are numbers) who have been educated abroad, either in the united states or europe, he finds them highly accomplished and entertaining. several that i had the pleasure of meeting on this and other occasions spoke french perfectly, some english, and one or two both of these in addition to their native tongue. "but let us return to the ball, which is all the time going on with great eclat. it opens with the advent upon the stage of a dozen or more young men, under the direction of a leader, in some fancy costume very handsomely made, who, after making their bow to the audience, go through some novel kind of a dance. the performers take this means of filling up the intervals of the general dance, and amusing the audience. "it is now getting late, and the rooms are terribly warm. the fans of the long rows of lovely sitters, who have not moved out of their places the whole evening, keep up a constant flutter, and one begins to sigh for a breath of fresh air, and relief from the discomforts of a full dress suit. but the grand affair of the evening is yet to come off, we are told, so we linger on, and are finally rewarded by the grand ceremony of the 'pinata,' from which the ball takes its name. this word i can hardly give the meaning of as applied to this ceremony, which consists in having pendent from the ceiling a form of ribbands and flowers, the ribbands numbered and hanging from the flowery the rights to pull which are drawn like prizes in a lottery. of these ribbands, one is fastened to a beautiful crown of flowers, which, when the ribband to which it is attached is pulled, falls into the hands of the lucky person, who has the privilege of crowning any lady he may deem worthy of the honor 'queen of the ball,' to whom every one is obliged to yield obedience, homage, and admiration. there is, also, the same opportunity afforded to the ladies to crown a king. the whole ceremony is pretty, and creates much merriment and amusement. "this ceremony over, at midnight we sally out into the open air. but what a sight greets us there! lights blaze in such profusion that it seems more than day. music and dancing are everywhere. songs and mirth have taken complete possession of the place, while people of all ages, sexes and colors are mixed together, in what seems inextricable confusion, intent upon having a good time in the open air while their masters and betters are doing the same thing under cover. this is a carnival sight indeed, and only to be seen in a tropical clime." guantanamo, the home of the pirates. approaching cuba as columbus did--across the narrow stretch of sea from san domingo--you first sight the long, low promontory of the eastern tip, which the discoverer named point maysi. so different is the prospect from that seen at the other end of the island, as you come down in the usual route from new york or florida, that you can hardly believe it is the same small country. from maysi point the land rises in sharp terraces, backed by high hills and higher mountains, all so vague in mist and cloud that you do not know where land ends and sky begins. coming nearer, gray ridges are evolved, which look like cowled monks peering over each other's shoulders, with here and there a majestic peak towering far above his fellows--like the pico turquino, , feet above the sea. sailing westward along this south shore, the "queen of the antilles" looks desolate and forbidding, as compared to other portions of the west indies; a panorama, of wild heights and sterile shores, and surge-beaten cliffs covered with screaming sea birds. at rare intervals an opening in the rock-bound coast betrays a tiny harbor, bordered by cocoa palms, so guarded and concealed by hills, and its sudden revelation, when close upon it, astonishes you as it did the first explorer. according to tradition, everyone of these was once a pirate's lair, in the good old days we read about, when "long, low, suspicious-looking craft, with raking masts," used to steal out from sheltered coves to plunder the unwary. each little bay, whose existence was unknown to honest mariners, has a high wooded point near its entrance, where the sea robbers kept perpetual watch for passing merchantmen and treasure-laden galleons, their own swift-sailing vessels safe out of sight within the cove; and then, at a given signal out they would dart upon the unsuspecting prey like a spider from his web. among the most notorious piratical rendezvous was gauntanamo, which our warships are said to have shelled two or three times of late. in recent years its narrow bay, branching far inland like a river, has become of considerable consequence, by reason of a railway which connects it with santiago, and also because the patriot army, hidden in the nearby mountains, have entertained hopes of overcoming the spanish garrison and making it a base for receiving outside assistance. before the war there were extensive sugar plantations in this city, now all devastated. the cobre mountains, looming darkly against the horizon, are the great copper and iron range of cuba, said to contain untold mineral wealth, waiting to be developed by yankee enterprise. in earlier days $ , , a year was the average value of cuba's copper and iron exports; but in , , tons were taken out in less than ten months. then spain put her foot in it, as usual. not content with the lion's share, which she had always realized in exorbitant taxes on the product, she increased the excise charges to such an extent as to kill the industry outright. for a long time afterward the ore lay undisturbed in the cobre "pockets," until the attention of americans was turned this way. their first iron and copper claims in these mountains were recognized by the cuban government about seventeen years ago. three yankee corporations have developed rich tracts of mining territory hereabouts, built railways from the coast to their works on the hills and exported, ore to the united states. the oldest of these companies employed , men, and had , cars and a fleet of twenty steamers for the transportation of its output. the carnegie company, whose product was shipped to philadelphia, also employed upwards of a thousand men. santiago de cuba. at last an abrupt termination of the stern, gray cliffs which mark this shore line indicates the proximity of santiago harbor, and a nearer approach reveals the most picturesque fort or castle, as well as one of the oldest, to be found on the western hemisphere. an enormous rounding rock, whose base has been hollowed into great caverns by the restless caribbean, standing just at the entrance of the narrow channel leading into the harbor, is carried up from the water's edge in a succession of walls, ramparts, towers and turrets, forming a perfect picture of a rock-ribbed fortress of the middle ages. this is the famous castle of san jago, the moro, which antedates the more familiar fortress of the same name in havana harbor by at least a hundred years. words are of little use in describing this antique, moorish-looking stronghold, with its crumbling, honey-combed battlements, queer little flanking turrets and shadowy towers, perched upon the face of a dun-colored cliff feet high--so old, so odd, so different from anything in america with which to compare it. a photograph, or pencil sketch is not much better, and even a paint brush could not reproduce the exact shadings of its time-worn, weather-mellowed walls--the oriental pinks and old blues and predominating yellows that give it half its charm. upon the lowermost wall, directly overhanging the sea, is a dome-shaped sentry box of stone, flanked by antiquated cannon. above it the lines of masonry are sharply drawn, each guarded terrace receding upon the one next higher, all set with cannon and dominated by a massive tower of obsolete construction. it takes a good while to see it all, for new stories and stairways, wings and terraces, are constantly cropping out in unexpected places, but as it occupies three sides of the rounding cliff and the pilot who comes aboard at the entrance to the channel guides your steamer close up under the frowning battlements, you have ample time to study it. window holes cut into rock in all directions show how extensive are the excavations. a large garrison is always quartered here, even in time of peace, when their sole business is searching for shady places along the walls against which to lean. there are ranges above ranges of walks, connected by stairways cut into the solid rock, each range covered with lolling soldiers. you pass so near that you can hear them chattering together. those on the topmost parapet, dangling their blue woolen legs over, are so high and so directly overhead that they remind you of flies on the ceiling. in various places small niches have been excavated in the cliff, some with crucifixes, or figures of saints, and in other places the bare, unbroken wall of rock runs up, sheer straight feet. below, on the ocean side, are caves, deep, dark and uncanny, worn deep into the rock. some of them are so extensive that they have not been explored in generations. the broad and lofty entrances to one of them, hollowed by the encroaching sea, is as perfect an arch as could be drawn by a skillful architect, and with it a tradition is connected which dates back a couple of centuries. a story or two above these wave-eaten caverns are many small windows, each heavily barred with iron. they are dungeons dug into the solid rock, and over them might well be written, "leave hope behind, ye who enter here!" a crowd of haggard, pallid faces are pressed against the bars; and as you steam slowly by, so close that you might speak to the wretched prisoners, it seems as if a shadow had suddenly fallen upon the bright sunshine, and a chill, like that of coming death, oppresses the heart. since time out of mind, the moro of santiago has furnished dungeons for those who have incurred the displeasure of the government infinitely more to be dreaded than its namesake in havana. had these slimy walls a tongue, what stories they might reveal of crime and suffering, of tortures nobly undergone, of death prolonged through dragging years and murders that will not "out" until the judgment day. against that old tower, a quarter of a century ago our countrymen of the virginius were butchered like sheep. scores of later patriots have been led out upon the ramparts and shot, their bodies, perhaps, with life yet in them, falling into the sea, where they were snapped up by sharks as soon as they touched the water. the narrow, winding channel which leads from the open sea into the harbor, pursues its sinuous course past several other fortifications of quaint construction, but of little use against modern guns--between low hills and broad meadows, fishing hamlets and cocoanut groves. presently you turn a sharp angle in the hills and enter a broad, land-locked bay, inclosed on every side by ranges of hills with numerous points and promontories jutting into the tranquil water, leaving deep little coves behind them, all fringed with cocoa-palms. between this blue bay and a towering background of purple mountains lies the city which diego velazquez, its founder, christened in honor of the patron saint of spain, as far back as the year . it is the oldest standing city in the new world, excepting santo domingo, which columbus himself established only eighteen years earlier. by the way, san jago, san diego and santiago, are really the same name, rendered saint james in our language; and wherever the spaniards have been are numbers of them. this particular city of saint james occupies a sloping hillside, miles southeast from havana, itself the capital of a department, and ranks the third city of cuba in commercial importance--matanzas being second. as usual in all these southern ports, the water is too shallow for large vessels to approach the dock and steamers have to anchor a mile from shore. while waiting the coming of health or customs officials, these lordly gentlemen who are never given to undignified haste, you have ample time to admire the prospect, and if the truth must be told, you will do well to turn about without going ashore, if you wish to retain the first delightful impressions--for this old city of spain's patron saint is one of the many to which distance lends enchantment. red-roofed buildings of stone and adobe entirely cover the hillside, with here and there a dome, a tower, a church steeple shooting upward, or a tell palm poking its head above a garden wall--the glittering green contrasting well with the ruddy tiles and the pink, gray, blue and yellow of the painted walls. in the golden light of a tropical morning it looks like an oriental town, between sapphire sea and turquoise mountains. its low massive buildings, whose walls surround open courts, with pillared balconies and corridors, the great open windows protected by iron bars instead of glass, and roofs covered with earthen tiles--are a direct importation from southern spain, if not from further east. tangiers, in africa, is built upon a similar sloping hillside, and that capital of morocco does not look a bit more moorish than santiago de cuba. on the narrow strip of laud bordering the eastern edge of the harbor, the moro at one end and the city at the other, are some villas, embowered in groves and gardens, which, we are told, belong mostly to americans who are interested in the cobre mines. the great iron piers on the right belong to the american mining companies, built for loading ore upon their ships. cardinas. fifty miles east of matanzas is the city of cardinas, the last port of any consequence on the north coast of the island. it has a population of , , and is the capital of a fertile district. it is one of the main outlets of cuba's richest province, matanzas, and is the great railroad center of the island, or, more properly speaking, it ought to be, as the railroads of the country form a junction fifteen miles inland, at an insignificant station called jouvellenes. in time of peace cardinas enjoys a thriving business, particularly in sugar and molasses, its exports of the former sometimes amounting to , tons a year. to the west and south stretch the great sugar estates which have made this section of spain's domain a prize to be fought for. the water side of the town is faced with long wharves and lined with warehouses, and its extensive railway depot would do credit to any metropolis. there are a few pretentious public buildings, including the customs house, hospital and college. its cobble paved streets are considerably wider than those of havana, and have two lines of horse cars. there is gas and electric light, and more two-story houses than one is accustomed to see on the island. but, notwithstanding the broad, blue bay in front, and the paseo, whose tall trees seem to be touching finger tips across the road, congratulating each other on the presence of eternal summer, cardinas is not an attractive town. one misses the glamor of antiquity and historic interest which pervades havana, matanzas and santiago, and feels somehow that the town is new without being modern, young but not youthful. other cities of importance. puerto principe, or to give it its full name in the spanish tongue, santa maria de puerto principe, is the capital of the central department, and is situated about midway between the north and south coasts, miles southeast of havana, and forty-five miles southwest of nuevitas, its port, with which it is connected by railroad. its population is about , and it is surrounded by a rich agricultural district, the chief products of which are sugar and tobacco. the climate is hot, moist and unhealthy. it was at one time the seat of the supreme court of all the spanish colonies in america. one of the most attractive cities of cuba is trinidad, which lies near the south coast, three miles by rail from the port of casildas. it is beautifully situated on high land overlooking the sea, and on account of its mild and very equable climate it is a favorite resort for tourists and invalids. nuevitas, sancti espiritu, baracoa and cienfuegos are all centers of population with many natural advantages, and with a just form of government, and the advent of american enterprise and capital, they might become prosperous, attractive, and of great commercial importance. chapter xi. mutterings of insurrection. slavery in cuba--horrible tortures inflicted--the conspiracy of lopez--the united states interferes--lopez captured and executed --seizure of american ships--our government demands and secures indemnity from spain--enormous salaries of cuban officials-- oppressive taxation. slavery was a demoralizing influence to cuba as it has been, to every other country in which the system has existed, and to its presence was traced one of the most sensational episodes in all the sensational history of the unhappy island. it is impossible to know to what extent the suspected insurrection of slaves on the sugar plantations about matanzas was an actual threat. so horrible were the charges made by the accusers that it is almost impossible to believe them. at any rate, such an insurrection was anticipated, and the authorities took measures to crush it out, more severe than any such governmental movement has been since the days of the spanish inquisition itself. it was impossible to obtain witnesses by ordinary methods, so the most shocking forms of torture were employed. those who refused to confess whatever charges happened to be brought against them were tortured till they did confess, and then probably executed for the crimes which they admitted under such circumstances. by such "judicial" processes, , persons were convicted, of whom seventy-eight were shot and the others punished less severely in various ways. hundreds of others died from the tortures to which they were subjected, or in the foul prisons in which they were confined, and of these we have no record. of those convicted and punished under the alleged forms of law, fourteen were white, , were free negroes, and fifty-nine were slaves. the negroes of cuba have never forgotten the barbarities to which their parents were subjected in that trying year. the most notable outbreak of cuban insurrectionary forces prior to that of the ten years' war, which began in , was that known as the conspiracy of lopez. as early as may, , narcisso lopez and a number of his associates who had planned an insurrection in the central part of the island, were pursued to the united states by spanish agents, who had kept track of their conspiracy. the lone star society was in close sympathy with these refugees, and to a certain extent the two were co-existent. lopez, in , organized a military expedition to invade cuba. by the exertions of the officers of the united states government the sailing of the expedition was prevented. notwithstanding the activity of the government, however, lopez, in the following year, got together a force of men outside of the united states, shipped arms and ammunition to them from this country, and on may , , made a landing at cardenas. the united states authorities had put the spanish government in cuba on the alert for this expedition. president taylor had issued a proclamation warning all citizens of the united states not to take part in such an expedition or to assist it in any way. the expedition was driven out to sea from cardenas a few days after it landed, sailed for key west, and there disbanded. meantime there were a number of uprisings in the island between groups of unhappy natives who had not the wisdom to co-operate in the effort to resist the oppressive hand of the spaniards. in august of , lopez eluded the united states authorities at the port of new orleans, and sailed out into the gulf of mexico with an expedition strong. his lieutenant on this expedition was a colonel crittenden, a native of the state of kentucky. they landed near bahia honda, about thirty miles west of havana, and found the government forces waiting for them. colonel crittenden, with a subdivision of men, was compelled to surrender, and the rest were scattered. lopez, with fifty others, was captured, taken to havana, and there executed. the circumstances attending the lopez failure, and several spanish outrages against american citizens and vessels, aroused deep feeling in the united states, and the sentiment was growing rapidly that it was a national duty to our own peace, to do something that would make the troublesome neighbor a pleasant one. it was fifty years before action was taken, but, once begun, it was well done. it was in , prior to the lopez invasion, that president polk made the first approaches to the spanish government with a suggestion to purchase the island for $ , , , but was refused with scant consideration. a few years later came the succession of attacks on american merchant vessels by spanish ships of war, on the pretext that the intercepted craft were in filibuster service. some of these were fired on, and the american mail bags opened, the steamships falcon and crescent city being in this list. the most flagrant case was that of the black warrior, a large steamer in coasting trade between new york and mobile. in february, , while in the harbor of havana, she was stopped, her cargo confiscated, and a fine of twice its value declared. her captain hauled down the colors, and taking them with him, left the vessel as a spanish capture. after five years of "diplomacy," spain paid an indemnity of $ , for the outrage. it was in that the governments of great britain and france tried to draw the united states into an agreement on the question of cuba, which was happily refused on genuinely american grounds. it was suggested that all the parties should be bound not to acquire cuba themselves, nor to permit any other power to do so. our government gave the proposal respectful consideration, but declined to enter into any such arrangement, on the ground that we prefer to avoid entangling foreign alliances, that it would be unwise, if not unconstitutional, to tie our hands for the future regardless of what might happen, and that on geographical grounds, while england and france were making very slight concessions, we were asked to make a very important one. the united states came as near to the purchase of cuba in as it ever was, but spain gave the plan little encouragement. three american ministers to european countries, messrs. buchanan, mason and soule, met at ostend and formulated a plan for the purchase, signing and issuing what came to be known as the ostend manifesto. they recommended the purchase of the island for $ , , , and that in no event should it be allowed to come under the power of any other european government than the one by which it was held. at this time, and afterward, while filibustering expeditions were frequent and disorder constantly threatening in cuba, the subject of the acquisition of cuba was discussed in congress, but no headway was made in the matter. at last, conditions in the island became intolerable to the patriots there, and the ten years' war began. it is necessary at this point to relate some of the causes of the frequent disorders and uprisings in the island of cuba. some of the features of spanish misgovernment in the colony have been named, but the catalogue is far from complete. the most judicial writers, however bitterly they condemn spain, admit that that peninsular kingdom has itself suffered and that the people have suffered almost beyond endurance themselves. cuba is not the only land with which we may share a little of our sympathy. but sympathy for spain must come from other things than oppression from without. her oppression is within her own borders, and her authorities have tried to shift the burden of it to the colonists across the sea. the debt of spain has reached enormous proportions, and having fallen from her high estate as a commercial nation, it has become impossible for the great interest charges on her floating debt to be paid by ordinary and correct methods. says one writer: "to pay the interest necessitates the most grinding oppression. the moving impulse is not malice, but the greed of the famishing; and oppressor and oppressed alike are the objects for sympathy." the annual revenue raised in the island of cuba had reached nearly $ , , by the time of the outbreak of the ten years' war, and preparations were in progress for largely increasing the exactions. the large revenue raised was expended in ways to irritate the cubans or any one else who had to help pay it. the annual salary of the captain general was $ , , when the president of the united states was getting only $ , a year. each provincial governor in cuba got a salary of $ , , while the prime minister of spain received only half that. the bishop of havana and the archbishop of santiago de cuba each received a salary of $ , . all offices, civil, military and ecclesiastical, were productive of rich perquisites, except in those cases where stealing was simpler. wholesale corruption in the custom houses was generally known and admitted by all. the thefts in the custom houses in havana was estimated at forty per cent, and in santiago at seventy per cent of the entire revenue. all offices except the very lowest, in church and state alike, were filled by men sent from spain, with the frank understanding that as soon as he could, each new appointee could garner a fortune by fair means and foul combined, he should retire and let another be sent over to have a turn at the plunder. the result of this was that strangers were always in authority, men with no sympathy for local need, and no local reputation to sustain. it is perfectly obvious what sort of a public service such conditions would create. as might have been expected, the result was the growth of two parties, one the native-born cubans, and called the insulares, the other of those from spain, and their adherents, known as the peninsulares. the line between them has been sharply drawn for many years, and they are on opposite sides of everything. it is from the ranks of the continentals that the volunteer corps of cuba has been drawn, one of the most aggravating and threatening of all influences against peace in cuba. spain imposed differential duties in such a way as to virtually monopolize the trade of the island. at the same time the prices of all imports to cuba were forced, to an unnatural figure, to the great distress of the people. petty oppression in postage and in baptismal fees multiplied, so that instead of petty it became great. the increase in taxation of cuba for use in spain in two years prior to the outbreak of the ten years' war was more than $ , , , and the next year it was proposed to increase it still more. the cities were hopelessly in debt and unable to make the most ordinary and most necessary public improvements. what few schools there had been were nearly all closed. lacking insane asylums, the unfortunate of that class were kept in the jails. the people saw a country separated from them but by a narrow stretch of water, where freedom reigned. they saw that they were being heavily oppressed with taxation for the benefit of the people of spain, and that, in addition, they were being robbed mercilessly for the benefit of the authorities who were placed over them temporarily. if the money collected from them had been expended for their benefit in the island, or had been expended honestly, the case might have been different. as it was, however, an intolerable condition had been endured too long, and they rose against it for the struggle known to history as the ten years' war. chapter xii. outbreak of the ten years' war cuba again stirred to turmoil--the taxes of the island increased --a declaration of independence--civil government organized-- meeting of the legislature, and election of officers--the edict of a tyrant. before the outbreak of the ten years' war, the reform party in cuba, which included all the most enlightened, wealthy and influential citizens of the island, had exhausted all the resources at their command to induce spain to establish a more just and equitable administration of affairs, but all to no avail. it was proposed that cuba receive an autonomist constitution. the abolition of the supreme power of the captain general, the freedom of the press, the right of petition, the regulation of the chief frauds by which elections were so arranged that no cuban could hold government office, the right of assembly, representation in the cortes, and complete local self-government were among the reforms asked for. the plans were considered in spain and were reconsidered, and considered again, and that was about all that ever came of them, except that in june, , captain general lersundi was permitted to raise the direct taxes on the island ten per cent. finally, driven to a point where they could endure it no longer, they made the start for freedom, and began to fight for it, as brave men should do and have done through the history of the world. several months before the revolution in spain and the abdication of isabella, measures had been taken to prepare for the effort to achieve independence. at last matters progressed so rapidly in the mother country that the cubans dared not wait for the completion of their plans, but on october , , began the hostilities. on that day, carlos m. de cespedes, a lawyer of bayamo, took the initiative with poorly armed men, and issued a declaration of independence at yara. this declaration justified itself by referring in the following terms to the grievances that have been outlined: "in arming ourselves against the tyrannical government of spain, we must, according to precedent in all civilized countries, proclaim before the world the cause that impels us to take this step, which, though likely to entail considerable disturbances upon the present, will ensure the happiness of the future. ... and as spain has many a time promised us cubans to respect our rights, without having fulfilled her promises; and she continues to tax us heavily, and by so doing is likely to destroy our wealth; as we are in danger of losing our property, our lives and our honor under spanish dominion," etc. within a few weeks cespedes was at the head of , men, ill-prepared for war, so far as arms and equipment were concerned, but well provided with resolution, bravery and a just cause. a civil government was organized, and a constitution drawn up, providing for an elective president and vice-president, a cabinet, and a single legislative chamber. it also declared the immediate abolition of slavery. this constitution was promulgated at guaimaro in central cuba, on the th of april, . the legislature met soon after, and elected cespedes president, and francisco m. aguilero vice-president. this insurrection soon assumed formidable dimensions, and the following edict was issued by general balmaceda: inhabitants of the country! the reinforcement of troops that i have been waiting for have arrived. with them i shall give protection to the good, and punish promptly those that still remain in rebellion against the government of the metropolis. you know that i have pardoned those who have fought us with arms; that your wives, mothers and sisters have found in me the unexpected protection that you have refused them. you know, also, that many of those we have pardoned have turned against us again. before such ingratitude, such villainy, it is not possible for me to be the man i have been; there is no longer a place for a falsified neutrality; he that is not for me is against me; and that my soldiers may know how to distinguish, you hear the order they carry. st. every man, from the age of fifteen years upward, found away from his habitation (finca), and who does not prove a justified motive therefor, will be shot. nd. every habitation unoccupied will be burned by the troops. rd. every habitation from which does not float a white flag, as a signal that its occupants desire peace, will be reduced to ashes. women that are not living in their own homes, or at the houses of their relatives, will collect in the town of jiguani, or bayamo, where maintenance will be provided. those who do not present themselves will be conducted forcibly. the foregoing determinations will commence to take effect on the th of the present month. el conde de balmaceda. bayamo, april , . even weyler, the "butcher," has never succeeded in concocting a manifesto that surpassed this in malicious excuses for the ancient spanish amusements of pillage, incendiarism and murder. the cause a just one. it is now conceded by high spanish authorities that the insurgents had just grounds for this revolt, and senor dupuy de lome, formerly the spanish minister to the united states, admits in a letter to the new york herald that a very large majority of the leading citizens of the island were in sympathy with the struggle for liberty. the new government received the moral support of nearly all of the south american republics, but as many of them were troubled with internal dissensions, and uncertain of their own security, they were not in a condition to furnish assistance of a more practical nature, and the revolutionists were left to work out their own salvation. in an exhaustive review of the trouble between spain and her cuban possessions, published in , the edinburg review said: "it is well known that spain governs the island of cuba with an iron and bloodstained hand. the former holds the latter deprived of civil, political and religious liberty. hence the unfortunate cubans being illegally prosecuted and sent into exile, or executed by military commissions in time of peace; hence their being kept from public meeting, and forbidden to speak or write on affairs of state; hence their remonstrances against the evils that afflict them being looked upon as the proceedings of rebels, from the fact that they are bound to keep silence and obey; hence the never-ending plague of hungry officials from spain to devour the product of their industry and labor; hence their exclusion from public stations, and want of opportunity to fit themselves for the art of government; hence the restrictions to which public instruction with them is subjected, in order to keep them so ignorant as not to be able to know and enforce their rights in any shape or form whatever; hence the navy and the standing army, which are kept in their country at an enormous expenditure from their own wealth, to make them bend their knees and submit their necks to the iron yoke that disgraces them; hence the grinding taxation under which they labor, and which would make them all perish in misery but for the marvelous fertility of their soil." chapter xiii. the massacre of the virginius officers and crew. excitement in the united states over a spanish outrage of twenty-five years ago--the virginius a blockade runner--severity of the spanish court martial--insolence to the american consul--indignation in the united states--negotiations between washington and madrid--settlement an unsatisfactory one to most people--no just retribution ever made. it was less than twenty-five years before the destruction of the maine, that another vessel whose crew met its fate in a spanish port in cuba was the subject of as intense public interest in the united states as that created by the catastrophe of . the hopeful progress of the cuban revolution of - had stimulated their friends in the united states to aid the insurgents in every way possible, by money, men and the munitions of war. filibustering was constant and scarcely discouraged by the people of the united states, in spite of the protest of spain. it was as a result of this condition that the terrible affair of the virginius occurred. the case of the virginius had in it elements of tragedy that made it more spectacular and dramatic than that of the maine, and american spirit was worked to an even higher tension than it is now, before diplomacy and caution averted a war between the united states and spain. in the case of the virginius the facts of spanish aggression were in no way denied, but, on the contrary, avowed for a time with pride, until the authorities at madrid subdued their people, who were making a settlement more difficult by their talk. the only controversy was as to whether or not spain's action in the matter was within its rights. but the settlement, however it might have left the rights of the vessel still unsolved, was a rebuke to spain, and for its execution of american citizens with scarcely a formality of law spain has never been forgiven by those who remember it, whatever diplomacy decided as to being satisfied. the virginius was originally an english-built sidewheel steamer called the virgin, and during the war between the states was one of the most famous of blockade runners until captured by a vessel of the united states. in she was sold in washington to an agent of the cuban junta at new york, her name was changed to virginius, and she cleared for curacoa in the west indies. from that time till her unhappy fate she was never in united states waters. at aspinwall and in the ports of venezuela and the west indies she was known for three years as the most daring and the most successful of filibusters, making repeated landings on the cuban coast with supplies of arms, ammunition, food and clothes for the insurgents who were then fighting the ten-years' war. in all her filibustering it was claimed, however, that the virginius never lost her character as an american ship, though the cuban flag was kept at the masthead whenever that practice served any good purpose. the vessel sailed on the fatal voyage from kingston, jamaica, october , , having cleared at the united states consulate as a united states vessel bound for port simon, costa rica. the commander was captain joseph fry, a citizen of the united states. the cargo was made up of munitions of war for the cuban insurgents, and the crew was part of cuban and part of american citizens. there were also on board a number of enlisted men on their way to join the insurgent army. it was not until october that the virginius approached the coast of cuba to make her landing, and was intercepted by the spanish gunboat tornado. the tornado had been built by the same english firm that constructed the virginius, also for blockade running, but in the race that followed the virginius was unable to equal the speed of her spanish pursuer. the chase lasted eight hours. finally, at o'clock at night, the virginius was stopped and surrendered in response to the cannon shots of the tornado, which had come in range. the captain protested that his papers were regular and that the virginius was "an american ship, carrying american colors and papers, with an american captain and an american crew." in response he was told that he was a pirate, his flag was lowered and trampled upon, and the spanish flag was hoisted in its place. during the chase after the virginius, the passengers and crew of the fated vessel were in a state of panic. the cargo, which was made up of war material, was thrown overboard, and all persons on the vessel emptied their trunks of whatever might be considered suspicious. almost from the instant of the capture the fate of the unfortunate men was assured, and they soon realized the extent of the danger that threatened them. verdict of the spanish court-martial. when the tornado and the virginius reached santiago de cuba the next day the men captured were placed in close confinement and a court-martial was convened at once. the various courts-martial condemned most if not all of the prisoners to death, this summary proceeding being, as was alleged, in accordance with spanish laws, so far at least as the character of the court and the nature of the judicial forms were concerned. the first executions were on the morning of november , when four men were shot, one of them being brigadier washington ryan, who claimed british citizenship, as a canadian, although he had served in the union army during the late war. the victims were shot in the back, and their bodies were afterward beheaded, the heads displayed on spikes and the trunks trampled by horses. george w. sherman, the correspondent of the new york herald, tried to sketch the scene and was imprisoned for four days for his attempt. a guard kept the american consul in his house, so he could not appear to protest. as the virginius had displayed the american colors and was chartered and cleared as an american vessel, she had a prima facie claim to protection as such, until her right should be disproved. hence mr. e. g. schmitt, the american vice-consul at santiago, was prompt and urgent in demanding access to the prisoners, with a view to protecting the rights of the vessel and any on board who might be american citizens. he was treated with great discourtesy by the provincial governor, who told him in effect that it was none of his business, and persisted in declaring that they were all pirates and would be dealt with as such. mr. schmitt was even refused the use of the submarine cable to consult with the consul at kingston, jamaica. he would thus have been left entirely helpless but for the friendly aid of the british and french consuls. on the th of november twelve more men were executed, and on the th thirty-seven were executed, this last batch including the officers and crew of the virginius and most of the american citizens. at o'clock in the afternoon the condemned men were marched to the place of execution, passing and saluting the american consulate, where the flag was not flying from its staff. captain fry was shot first, and was the only man, though the soldiers stood but ten feet away, who fell dead at the first volley. the majority of the poor fellows, as the firing continued, were wounded, and killed as they lay on the ground by the usual spanish fashion of firing rifles in the mouths of those who were disabled. the second engineer of the virginius was among those executed. he had made a declaration to the spanish that he had tampered with the engines and cut down the speed of the vessel so that she could be captured, and was marched with the rest to prevent his comrades from knowing that he was to be spared. he was shot by mistake while making frantic protests and explanations, but, as he was a traitor in one way or the other, his death was the only one of all that was never regretted. protests were unheeded. during all this time the consuls at santiago were not idle, but they were helpless. e. g. schmitt, the american vice-consul, and theodore brooks, the british vice-consul, made all sorts of protests that were unavailing. schmitt was not permitted to see the prisoners before or after the court-martial, until the very end, when he reached captain fry and signed his protest with him. he was not permitted the use of the telegraph in order to communicate with the government at washington by way of kingston, jamaica. he wrote repeated notes to gen. burriel, the spanish commander at santiago, getting no answer to them, until at last an answer came that was more irritating than silence. burriel told him that he should have known that the previous day was a day of religious festival, during which he and all his officers were engaged in "meditation of the divine mysteries," and could not consider temporal affairs. he also informed the consul that he might be expelled from the island for trying to embroil the united states and spain in difficulties if he were not careful. then came the only bright spot in the whole affair. news of what was going on reached jamaica, and the british gunboat niobe, captain sir lambton lorraine, left for the scene of massacre, sailing in such a hurry that he left some of the crew ashore. the captain landed at santiago before his ship was anchored, and demanded that the slaughter be stopped instantly. he declared that he represented the united states as well as england, and that he would bombard the city if there was another american citizen executed. ninety-three men were under sentence of death, many of whom were americans, but the sentences were immediately suspended and the lives were saved. the spanish afterward asserted that the executions were stopped because of orders received from madrid. the next time sir lambton lorraine was in new york he was offered a reception, which he declined. he was presented, however, with a silver brick, on which were engraved the words: "blood is thicker than water." a resolution of thanks to him was laid on the table in the house of representatives and never passed. american demands for vengeance. when the news of all this reached the united states, public indignation rose rapidly. mass-meetings were held demanding vengeance on spain. president grant sent special messages to congress, and the state department began diplomatic negotiations. hamilton fish, secretary of state, declared that the virginius, having been registered as an american vessel carrying official documents regular upon their face and bearing the united states flag, was entirely beyond the jurisdiction of any other power on the high seas in the time of peace; that if she had secured fraudulent entry or committed any other fraud against the laws of the united states it was for her to be turned over to the united states courts for punishment, and not for her to be captured and punished by some other power. the spanish minister of foreign affairs at that time was admiral polo de bernabe, father of the new spanish minister who succeeded dupuy de lome. he wanted to submit the matter to arbitration, and secretary fish replied to him that the "united states was ready to refer to arbitration all questions properly subjects for reference, but that the question of an indignity to the flag of the nation and the capture in time of peace on the high seas of a vessel bearing that flag and having also the register and papers of an american ship, is not deemed to be one referable to other powers to determine. a nation must be the judge and custodian of its own honor." most of the men were executed after protests to madrid began to be made. madrid mobs made a demonstration against the american minister, general sickles. november , secretary fish cabled sickles: "in case of refusal of satisfactory reparation within twelve days from this date close your legation and leave madrid." ten days later, when the executions were over, he telegraphed: "if spain cannot redress these outrages, the united states will." ten days after that he wired: "if no settlement is reached by the close of to-morrow, leave." next day spain became tractable and war was averted. by his conduct in madrid at that time general sickles made many friends of those americans who wanted to see energetic action, and many enemies among those who wanted peace at any price. it was alleged afterward that the latter influence became dominant, and that his recall from that post was the result of their work to punish him for his energy that was not always diplomatic in its forms. settlement of the trouble. the terms of settlement of the trouble were that the virginius should be surrendered to an american warship, with the survivors of those who had been captured with her, and that on december the united states flag should be saluted by the tornado. the surrender was made in the obscure harbor of bahia honda, december , the spanish having taken the virginius there to avoid the humiliation of a surrender in santiago or havana, where it should have been made. captain w. d. whiting, the chief of staff of the north atlantic squadron, was appointed to receive the surrender of the virginius, and the gunboat dispatch was sent to bahia honda with him for that purpose. lieut. adolph marix was the flag lieutenant of the dispatch, the same who was afterwards the judge-advocate of the court of inquiry on the maine disaster. the virginius was delivered with the flag flying, but she was unseaworthy, and, struck by a storm off cape hatteras, was sunk on her way to new york. the salute to the flag that had been arranged was waived by the united states because the attorney-general gave an opinion that the virginius had no right to fly the american flag when she was captured. major moses p. handy, afterwards famous as a journalist, was present at the surrender of the virginius to the american men of war in the harbor of bahia honda, and gives a graphic account of the circumstances attending that ceremony. in concluding the tale he says: "the surrender of the surviving prisoners of the massacre took place in the course of time at santiago, owing more to british insistence than to our feeble representation. as to the fifty-three who were killed, spain never gave us any real satisfaction. for a long time the madrid government unblushingly denied that there had been any killing, and when forced to acknowledge the fact they put us off with preposterous excuses. 'butcher borriel,' by whose orders the outrage was perpetrated, was considered at madrid to have been justified by circumstances. it was pretended that orders to suspend the execution of ryan and his associates were 'unfortunately' received too late, owing to interruption of telegraph lines by the insurgents, to whose broad and bleeding shoulders an attempt was thus made to shift the responsibility. "there was a nominal repudiation of borriel's act and a promise was made to inflict punishment upon 'those who have offended,' but no punishment was inflicted upon anybody. the spanish government, with characteristic double dealing, resorted to procrastination, prevarication and trickery, and thus gained time, until new issues effaced in the american mind the memory of old wrongs unavenged. instead of being degraded, borriel was promoted. never to this day has there been any adequate atonement by spain, much less an apology or expression of regret for the virginius massacre." the amount of money paid to the united states government for distribution among the families of american sufferers by this affair was $ , . and that is the extent of the reparation made for the shocking crime. the virginius, although the most conspicuous, was not the only american victim of spanish misgovernment in cuba during the ten years' war. in the three whaling vessels, rising sun, ellen rizpah, and edward lee, while pursuing their legitimate business under the american flag, outside of cuban waters, were fired upon and detained for days, with circumstances of peculiar hardship and brutality. the united states government investigated the outrage with care, and demanded of spain an indemnity of $ , . the demand, however, was not enforced, and the sum of $ , was accepted as a compromise settlement. chapter xiv. operations of the ten years' war. the two wars compared--the havana volunteers--the slaughter at the villaneuva theater--the court martial of the students--a holiday in havana--the close of the war--the treaty of zanjon. the reader who has watched closely the struggle in cuba for the past three years need not be told that spain has had every advantage in men, money, arms and ammunition. the same state of affairs existed during the ten years' war. in fact, the inequality was even greater, for the spanish army was then composed of experienced soldiers who were well fed, well clothed and paid regularly. in the present conflict many of them are boys who have been sent from home to make targets for insurgent bullets. they know comparatively nothing of military tactics, they have not been paid for months, and they lack food and clothing. the equipment of the insurgent forces in the former rebellion was even more limited than it has been in this one. while they did not experience serious difficulty in obtaining food, the implements of war in any quantities were beyond their reach. but the same spirit that gave courage to our american heroes in revolutionary times was in them, and for ten years they struggled bravely against overwhelming odds. it is not possible to tell in detail of the monstrous cruelties practiced by the spanish army during those years of carnage. here is the testimony of one officer: "we captured seventeen, thirteen of whom were shot outright; on dying they shouted, 'hurrah for free cuba, hurrah for independence.' a mulatto said, 'hurrah for cespedes.' on the following day we killed a cuban officer and another man. among the thirteen that we shot the first day we found three sons and their father. the father witnessed the execution of his sons without even changing color, and when his turn came he said he died for the independence of his country. on coming back we brought along with us three carts filled with women and children, the families of those we had shot, and they asked us to shoot them, because they would rather die than live among spaniards." another wrote: "not a single cuban will remain in this island, because we shoot all that we find in the fields, on the farms and in every hovel. we do not leave a creature alive where we pass, be it man or animal. if we find cows we kill them, if horses, ditto, if hogs, ditto, men, women or children, ditto. as to the houses, we burn them. so every one receives his due, the men in balls, the animals in bayonet thrusts. the island will remain a desert." in the cities, outrages equally barbarous were committed. the havana volunteers. the havana volunteers, made up of the spanish-born residents, in whose favor the government of the island has always been arranged, took possession of havana, and put it under mob rule. in may, , they marched out in front of the villaneuva theater and fired volleys into the crowds that were entering. they had reason to believe, some of them said, that the performance to be given there was to raise funds for the insurgent cause. so powerful was this organization that shortly after this outrage they placed the captain-general of the island under arrest, and finally shipped him to spain, sending word to the home government that he was not severe enough in his rule to suit their views, and suggesting that in case there were no peninsulars who had the necessary stamina to govern cuba according to their ideas, they might feel it advisable to assume command themselves. on another occasion the dead body of one of these volunteers was placed in a public tomb in havana, and the repository was found to have been defaced by scurrilous writing on the glass of the door. for no known reason, except a blood-thirsty desire for vengeance on someone, no matter whether guilty or innocent, it was claimed that the outrage was committed by some of the students of the university, and on complaint of the volunteer corps, forty-three of these young men were arrested. they were arraigned before the military tribunal, and so manifestly unjust was the accusation that an officer of the regular army of spain volunteered to defend them. there was absolutely no proof against them, and they were acquitted. but the volunteers were determined that their victims should not escape, and taking advantage of the fear in which they were held, even by the havana officials, they forced the governor-general to issue an order for a second courtmartial. at this examination they manipulated matters so that two thirds of the members of the trial board were connected with their organization, and a verdict of guilty was quickly rendered against all of the prisoners. eight of them were sentenced to be shot, and the others to long terms of imprisonment at hard labor. the day of the execution was a holiday in havana. bands of music paraded the streets, followed by the volunteers, , strong, while behind them, bound in chains, and under military guard, came the eight boys who had been condemned to die. conscious of their innocence of any crime, they did not falter, but marched bravely to the place of execution, where they faced their murderers and fell, riddled by bullets from the rifles of the volunteers. the report of this affair sent a thrill of horror throughout the whole of the civilized world, and the perpetrators of the outrage were severely censured by the spanish cortes, but there was no attempt at punishment, nor were the ones who had been imprisoned released. meantime the war was being carried on in the provinces with varying success, but dissensions finally arose between the civil and military authorities of the republic of cuba, and as "a house divided against itself cannot stand," the effectiveness of the campaign was destroyed, and, in , concessions were offered by the spanish government, which were accepted by the revolutionists, and the struggle was abandoned. what the outcome of the contest might have been, could it have been continued with the leaders united for its success, is an open question. as the years went by the rank and file of the cuban army seemed to be more determined than ever to throw off the yoke, and the government in spain became less prompt in sending supplies of men and money to carry on the war. they eagerly seized the opportunity to bring it to a close, and the treaty of zanjon, which was signed by general martinez campos, the spanish governor-general of the island, and general maximo gomez, commander-in-chief of the cuban army, promised many reforms, and gave amnesty to all who had taken part in the rebellion. chapter xv. the peace of zanjon and its violated pledges spanish hypocrisy and deceit--cubans denied representation-- increase of taxation--the royal edicts--a plausible argument, which is not borne out by facts--spain's promises always broken. if spain had been sincere in the promises of reform she made her cuban colony when the treaty of zanjon was signed, it is probable that the present war would have never occurred. for while a few of the leaders--notably general maceo--refused to become pacified, the great majority of the better classes were glad to accept a peaceful settlement on terms that gave them, in fact, if not in name, nearly every concession for which they had fought. but it did not take them long to learn that they had been duped. spain granted to cuba the liberties of puerto rico, which had none. on this deceitful ground was laid the new situation, through which ran a current of falsehood and hypocrisy. spain, whose mind did not change, hastened to change the name of things. the captain-general was called the governor-general. the royal decrees took the name of authorizations. the commercial monopoly of spain was named coasting trade. the right of banishment was transformed into the law of vagrancy. the brutal attacks of defenseless citizens were called "componte." the law of constitutional guarantees became the law of public order. taxation without the consent or knowledge of the cuban people was changed into the law of estimates (budget) voted by the representatives of spain. the painful lesson of the ten years' war was entirely lost on spain. instead of inaugurating a redeeming policy that would heal the recent wounds, allay public anxiety, and quench the thirst for justice felt by the people, who were desirous to enjoy their natural rights, the peninsula, while lavish in promises of reform, persisted in carrying on, unchanged, its old and crafty system, namely: to exclude every native cuban from every office that could give him any effective influence and intervention in public affairs; the ungovernable exploitation of the colonists' labor for the benefit of spanish commerce and spanish bureaucracy, both civil and military. to carry out the latter purpose it was necessary to maintain the former at any cost. mr. clarence king, a recognized authority on political subjects connected with cuban affairs, says: "the main concession for which the insurgents accepted peace was the promise of constitutional reform. as a matter of fact, there promptly followed four royal edicts as follows: june , entitling cuba to elect deputies to the cortes, one for each , people; june , dividing the island into the present six provinces; june , instituting a system of provincial and municipal government, followed on august by the necessary electoral regulations. but the system was immediately seen to be the shadow without the substance of self-government. the provincial assembly could nominate only three candidates for presiding officer. it was the inevitable governor-general who had the power to appoint, not necessarily one of the three nominees, but any member of the assembly he chose. but all this provincial machinery is in reality an empty form, since expressly by law the governor-general was given the power to prorogue the assemblies at will. the deputies have never been able to accomplish anything in the cortes. moreover the crux of the whole financial oppression--tariff, taxes, and absolute control and expenditure of the revenue--remained with spain." the loyal spaniard insists that every agreement entered into by his government was faithfully carried out; that the cubans were given from time to time even greater liberties than the treaty promised them; and that in several matters of importance, immunities have been granted them that the people of the mother country did not share. the assistant colonial secretary of spain concludes a voluminous defense of the policy of his government in cuba as follows: there is thus no reason in cuba to complain of the illiberality of the laws. if there has been any shortcoming in respect to morals, the nation is not to blame; none but the colonial provinces are to blame for this; if we proposed to seek comfort in comparisons, it would not be necessary to look for them in south america, in the countries that have emancipated themselves from the spanish mother-country, because examples (some of them very recent) of acts of violence, anarchy and scandalous outbreaks could be found in the states of the union itself. in respect to another matter, a great deal of foolish talk is indulged in. from the statements of some people it would appear that cuba does nothing but contribute, by the taxes which it pays, to alleviate the burdens of the peninsular treasury, whereas, in reality, just the contrary is the truth. the nation has, of late, guaranteed the conversion of spanish debts in cuba, which took place in and . owing to these operations, and to the fact that all taxes which did not have to be met directly by its government have been rigorously eliminated from the budget of cuba, it was possible to reduce the cuban budget from forty-six and one-half million dollars, which was its amount at the close of the former war (for the fiscal year of - ) to a little more than twenty-three millions of dollars, as appears from the budget of . the financial laws have been assimilated, and if the system of taxation has not been entirely assimilated, this is because of the fact that direct taxes are very repugnant to the popular feeling in cuba, especially the tax on land, which is the basis of the peninsular budget. it appears, however, that our cuban brethren have no reason to complain in this respect. the direct tax on rural property is two per cent, in cuba, whereas in spain it is seventeen, and even twenty per cent. it is evident that every budget must be based on something; in cuba, as in all other countries in which the natural conditions are similar, that something must necessarily be the income from customs duties. notwithstanding this, it may be remarked that in the years when the greatest financial distress prevailed, the spanish government never hesitated to sacrifice that income when it was necessary to do so in order to meet the especial need of the principal agricultural product of cuba. consequently the spanish commercial treaty with the united states was concluded, which certainly had not been concluded before, owing to any fault of the spanish government. under that treaty, the principal object of which was to encourage the exportation of cuban sugar, which found its chief market in the states of the union, many spanish industries were sacrificed which have formerly supplied the wants of the people of cuba. that sacrifice was unhesitatingly made, and now that the treaty is no longer in force, is due to the fact that the new american tariff has stricken sugar from the free list. attention may also be called to the fact that the colonial provinces alone enjoy exemption from the blood tax, cuba never having been obliged to furnish military recruits. the disqualifications of the cubans to hold public office is purely a myth. such disqualifications is found on the text of no law or regulation, and in point of fact there is no such exclusion. in order to verify this assertion it would be sufficient to examine the lists of cuban officers, especially of those employed in the administration of justice and in all branches of instruction. even if it were desired to make a comparison of political offices, even of those connected with the functions which are discharged in the peninsula, the proportion would still be shown in which spaniards in cuba aspire to both. the fact is that a common fallacy is appealed to in the language habitually used by the enemies of spain, who call persons "peninsulars" who were not born in cuba, but have resided there many years and have all their ties and interests there, and do not call those "cubans" who were born there and have left the island in order to meet necessities connected, perhaps, with their occupation. this was done in the senate, when the advocates of the separation of cuba only were called "cubans," while those only who refused allegiance to the spanish mother-country were called patriots. in conclusion, i will relate a fact which may appear to be a joke, but which, in a certain way, furnished proof of what i have just said. when rafael gasset returned from habana, he came and asked me for some data showing the proportion of cubans holding office under our government. i asked him, as a preliminary question, for a definition of what we were to understand by "cuban" and what by "peninsular." he immediately admitted that the decision of the whole question was based upon that definition, and i called his attention to the fact that here, in the ministry of the colonies, at the present time, there are three high governmental functionaries. one is a representative from habana, being at the same time a professor in its university, and another, viz., your humble servant, is a spaniard because he was born in habana itself. is the other man a peninsular, and am i not a cuban? guillermo. assistant colonial secretary of spain. this is the argument from the peninsular standpoint, and it is probably made in good faith. but while the spanish rule in cuba may seem to be just and equitable in theory, it is oppressive and tyrannical in fact. while the government may have partly carried out the letter of its promises, there has been no effort to fulfill the spirit of the compact in the slighest degree, and the violated pledges of the treaty of zanjon only add new chapters to the long record of spanish treachery and deceit. chapter xvi. preparations for another rebellion. spain's policy of distrust--the cost of the ten years' war--work of the cuban exiles--revolutionary clubs in the western hemisphere--an expedition checked--heroism of cuban women--the struggle begun. ever since spain lost her colonies on the american continent the cubans have striven to gain their independence. the ten years war cost the mother country , , pesetas and , men, most of them victims of yellow fever. when slavery was abolished in fresh disturbances ensued. the majority of slave holders, who received no compensation, joined the party of independence. spain, adhering to her old policy of distrust, retained a large army in cuba and a navy round about her shores, the expenses of which caused the budget to amount to $ , , at a time when two-thirds of the island was nothing but a mass of ruins, and when cuba was beginning to feel the effects of the competition with other sugar-producing countries. while the european manufacturers received important bounties those of cuba had to pay export duties on their sugar, and the importation of all agricultural and industrial implements was subjected to a tariff almost prohibitive. two laws were enacted in to regulate commerce between cuba and spain. by the provisions of these laws the import duties on all spanish products were to be gradually diminished until their importation in cuba became entirely free, while the cubans had to pay on their imports to spain duties which practically closed the spanish market to all their products. spanish goods, as a rule, are much inferior to those of english, french or american manufacture, but the cuban consumer was forced to buy spanish goods or pay an exorbitant price for those which he would have preferred to buy at a fair price. an instance will suffice to illustrate this: when the present war began in the duty on a hundred kilogrammes of woolen cashmere was fifteen dollars and forty-seven cents if spanish, three hundred dollars if foreign. these differential duties opened a reign of prosperity for industry in spain, where foreign goods were imported or smuggled, to be later sent to cuba as spanish. the injustice of these commercial laws was so evident and so detrimental to the interests of cuba that in the planters' association, the president of which, the count de diana, was a spaniard, referred to them as "destructive of our public wealth, a source of inextinguishable discontent and the germ of serious dissensions." the insular budgets could never be covered, and the result was that the public debt was kept on the increase. the expenditures were classed as follows: for army and navy, . per cent of the budget's total; for the debt, . ; for justice and government, . , and for public works, . . no public work of any kind was begun in the seventeen years which intervened between the two wars. the cuban treasury, between and , sent to spain $ , , in gold. this money entered the spanish treasury as "colonial surplus," but as a spanish writer (zaragoza) says in his book, "las insurrecciones de cuba," it was absurd to speak of a surplus when not even the opening of a bad road was undertaken. politically, the condition of the cubans after the restoration of peace in , was as bad as it had been before. laws existed which might lead unobserving persons to believe that the cubans enjoyed every liberty, but as a matter of fact the cubans were kept under the most unbearable vassalage. the spaniards in cuba before this war numbered only . per cent of the island's population, but, availing themselves of a law which gave to them a majority in the electoral census, they were to return twenty-four of the thirty deputies which the island then sent to the spanish cortes. so restrictive was the electoral law that only , men were qualified to vote in the entire island, although its population was , , . in the municipal district of guines, with a population of , cubans and spaniards, the electoral census included spaniards and thirty-two cubans. this is one among many similar instances. the board of aldermen in havana, the capital city of the island, has for years been made up entirely of spaniards, and the same may be said of cienfuegos and other important cities. despite all constitutional provisions the governor-general of the island had the power to deport from the island, without a trial, any person whose presence there he considered dangerous to the security of the state. the island was at peace when cepeda, lopez de brinas and marquez sterling, all journalists, were deported. the liberty of the press was and still is a myth. el pais, the autonomist organ, was criminally prosecuted in because it denounced the appointment of one of the sons of the president of the havana court of appeals to a place which he could not lawfully hold. what liberty of association the cubans enjoyed may be judged from the fact that a delegate of the government had to be present at their meetings, with power to dissolve them whenever he saw fit to do so. no cuban was able to obtain a place in the administration unless he was rich enough to go to madrid and there become acquainted with some influential politician. even so, cubans seldom succeeded in being appointed to places of importance. the cuban exiles in key west, new york and other cities in the united states, and in costa rica, honduras, santo domingo and other parts of spanish america, had been planning a new uprising for several years. the desire of the cubans for national independence was quickened by what they suffered from spain's misgovernment. for two or three years the exiles in the united states and spanish american countries, veterans of the war of - , and younger champions of free cuba, organized clubs, collected a war fund, purchased munitions of war and laid plans with their compatriots in cuba for a new struggle for independence. there were revolutionary clubs in north and south america, cuba and other west india islands, affiliated under the name of the revolutionary party, ready to support an uprising with financial and moral aid. cuban workingmen in the united states promised to contribute a tenth of their earnings, or more if necessary. there were firearms on the island that had remained concealed since the former war, some had been bought from corrupt custodians of the government arsenals, who, finding it impossible to get pay due them from spain, took this method of securing what was rightfully theirs. an expedition checked. an expedition that planned to sail in the yacht lagonda from fernandina, fla., on january , , was broken up by the united states authorities. general antonio maceo, its leader, with jose marti, the political organizer of the new government, went to santo domingo, where they could confer with the revolutionist leaders living in cuba. there marti found maximo gomez, the veteran of a dozen struggles and a brave and able soldier, and offered him the command and organization of the army. gomez accepted and began at once to arrange his programme. the plan of the revolutionists was to rise simultaneously in the six provinces on february . the leaders on the island and the organizers abroad had a thorough understanding. heroism of cuban women. the men of cuba were not alone in their plans for independence, for their wives and sisters, mothers and sweethearts, were enthusiastic and faithful allies. the island was full of devoted women reared in indolence and luxury who were tireless in their successful efforts to get word from, one scattered rebel band to another, and to send them food, medicines and clothing. these women were far better conspirators than their fathers and brothers, for cuban men must talk, but the women seem to know the value of silence. beautiful and delicate senoritas would disguise themselves in men's attire and steal out at night to the near-by haunts of lover or brother in the "long grass," as the insurgents' camps are called, with food secreted in false pockets, or letters, whose envelopes had been dipped in ink, hidden in their black hair. medicines were carried in canes, and cloth for clothes or wounds was concealed in the lining of coats. one girl, disguised as a vender, frequently carried to the woods dynamite in egg shells deftly put together. she had many thrilling experiences, but her narrowest escape was when a spanish soldier by the roadside insisted on taking from the basket an egg, to let its contents drop in a hot and ready pan. he was with difficulty persuaded to forego the meal. the dynamite was made by another woman, who carefully obtained the ingredients at various times and at widely scattered drug stores. and so, with almost every cuban man, woman and child united in a fixed determination to make the island one of the free and independent nations of the earth, the final struggle was begun. chapter xvii. the cuban junta and its work. organization which has represented the insurgents in the united states--splendid work done by senor tomas estrada palma and his staff--sources of the war funds--generosity of cuban cigar makers who have supported the revolution--liberal gifts from americans-- some inside facts about filibustering--american sailors do not like to capture insurgent supplies--palma's address to the american people. from the moment of the first outbreak of insurrection in cuba, in february, , the name of the cuban junta has been a familiar phrase to everyone in the united states, and yet its functions and its organization have been by no means well understood. there have been those in congress and elsewhere who have spoken of it slightingly as an organization banded together for its own profit in some way, not realizing that its members were the trusted representatives abroad of the whole cuban people. the parallels between the cuban insurrection and that of the american colonies against great britain in , are far more numerous than has been recognized. the cuban army has been poorly clothed and scantily fed at times, and equipped with all sorts of obsolete weapons of offence. but these things are m> disgrace, and indeed are the basis of much of the pride that americans take in the splendid work which their ancestors did in that other insurrection, which, having resulted successfully, is now known as the american revolution. there have been sneers at the government of the cuban republic because its officers have had to move from place to place at various times, in order to avoid threatened capture by the spanish forces. but was there ever a more peripatetic national government than that of the american colonies during the revolution, when the legislature and its officers sat successively in philadelphia, germantown, princeton, new york and several other places, driven out of each in turn by the same fear of capture by british troops? finally, it ought to be remembered, though it may not be, that the colonies maintained an organization exactly similar to that of the cuban junta in new york, for the purpose of securing money and support from the people and the governments of europe, to whom they were accredited. the only country which gave them welcome encouragement was france. but benjamin franklin's position in paris as the head of what was virtually the american junta, was then and is now an honor to his name and his countrymen. it enlisted the same aid from france and french citizens that the cuban junta in new york has enlisted from the united states and american citizens, and there is no reason to form any less creditable judgment of the latter enterprise than the former. character of the work of the junta. the junta is the organization through which cuba's friends reach the cubans in the field. in many places these friends are banded together and work for the cuban cause as organizations. in the united states and europe there are cuban revolutionary clubs, with a membership of more than , . these clubs were the outcome of a suggestion originating with jose marti, and their organization has been accomplished by the delegation, with whom they are all in closest touch, to whom they all account, and through whom they all make contributions in money, clothing, provisions, arms, and munitions for those who are enduring the hardships of the war. before the revolution began these clubs had $ , in bank as a war fund. these most vital contributions must reach the army in the field, and it is the business of the delegation to see that they get there. and they have been getting there under most adverse and trying circumstances, and amid perils of land and sea where enemies are watching and where a friendly government has had to guard against the violation of neutrality laws. for accomplishing its work the junta has in no way been restricted in authority, the cuban government having even granted special authority allowing mr. palma to issue a limited amount of bonds, coin money, and grant letters of marque. it has further been the business of the junta--attended by risk of life to its agents--to keep in communication with the insurgents. this has been done by secret agents who come and go from new york to key west, from key west to havana, from havana into spanish cities of cuba and through the provinces of the island. the headquarters of the junta bears no outward sign except that the stars and stripes and the single starred flag of cuba wave from the third-story window, where is mr. palma's office. a narrow hall and tortuous stairs lead to the office of the delegate, where on every side are signs of active business, with shelves, tables, and desks holding heaps of letters, books of accounts, and documents of various sorts. here the delegate works, receives his friends, coworkers, and agents. off the main room is a private office, where secret agents report and are instructed, and where councils of moment are held and decisions of vital import to the cuban cause reached, to be followed by orders that are of immense importance to the army of liberation. the cuban junta, with its headquarters, represents the legation of the cuban republic abroad, and the head of the junta, as it is called, is t. estrada palma. properly speaking he is the delegate, and with the members of his ministerial and diplomatic household constitutes the delegation of the cuban republic. the term "junta" has been applied because such a body or council was attached to the diplomatic department of cuba during the ten years' war. as the authority of the junta frequently restricted the action of the delegate, the promoters of the present revolution decided to eliminate it; yet the name remains, and is used and accepted to designate mr. palma and his associates. authority of the junta. this junta, as the representative of the cuban republic, acts on high authority, for the delegation was appointed on september , , by the constituent assembly that formed the government and commissioned maximo gomez chief commander of the cuban army. at the same time it made mr. palma delegate and cuban representative abroad, with authority to appoint ministers to all governments and to have control of all of cuba's diplomatic relations and representatives throughout the world. besides this, mr. palma is the duly accredited minister from cuba to the united states, and in the event of the cuban republic being recognized would be received as such. under his authority mr. palma has appointed sub-delegates, or diplomatic agents, in france, italy, mexico, and the central and south american republics. cuba's independence not being acknowledged by these nations, her ministers are not officially recognized, but are often unofficially received at the "back door," and exert an influence for the benefit of cuba in the countries to which they are appointed. mr. palma is in reality the head of the cuban revolutionary party abroad, which is one of the three departments of the cuban revolutionary government, the two others being the civil government and the army of liberation. this cuban revolutionary branch was founded by jose marti, who is regarded by the cubans as the apostle and master mind of the cuban revolution. mr. palma is not only the head and front of the junta, but he is the one person in whom its authority is centered. he was born in cuba about sixty years ago, and in his tender youth imbibed the spirit of liberty for the island, a spirit which grew with him until it influenced his every word and act, and finally received his entire devotion. so direct, gentle, yet determined are his methods, and so unassuming and plain is he in speech and manner that he soon became known as the "cuban franklin," and more firmly has the name become attached to him since the potent influence of his policy has been felt throughout the world. during the ten years' war mr. palma was president of the cuban republic; was made prisoner by spanish troops, and sent to spain, where he was imprisoned until the close of the conflict. while in spain, absolutely suffering under the hardships of imprisonment, he was offered freedom if he would swear allegiance to the spanish crown. "no!" was his answer. "you may shoot me if you will, but if i am shot it will be as the president of the cuban republic." besides mr. palma, the only members of the delegation appointed by the cuban government are: dr. joaquin d. castillo, the sub-delegate; benjamin j. guerra, treasurer of the republic abroad, and gonzalo de quesada, charge d'affaires at washington. dr. castillo is vice-delegate and would take mr. palma's place in case of his death or inability to act. sources of the war funds. the junta, whose duty it has been to provide the funds for the carrying on of the war, has had various sources of income, all of them distinctly creditable, both to the integrity of the cuban authorities and to the sentiments of those who have contributed the money. the larger portion of the cash has come in small contributions from cubans living in the united states. the cigarmakers of key west, tampa, jacksonville, new york and other cities where large cuban colonies have congregated, have proven their patriotism and their adherence to the cause by giving more generously of their earnings than has ever been done before by the people of any country struggling for freedom. there is scarcely an exception to the assertion that every cuban in america has shared in contributions to the war fund. the minimum contribution has been ten per cent of the weekly earnings, and this has brought an enormous sum into the coffers of the junta for war purposes. it is true that a war chest of $ , or $ , a week would be hardly a drop in the bucket for the conduct of the war after the established methods of organized armies. but this has been a war for liberty, and the conditions have been unique. no soldier in all the armies of cuba libre has ever drawn one dollar of pay for his service. thousands of them have been fighting from the first outbreak of insurrection, without receiving a cent of money for it. if the pay of an army be deducted from the expenses of a war, the largest item is saved. nor has it been necessary to purchase many clothes, owing to the mildness of the cuban climate, which fights in favor of those who are accustomed to it. the commissary department, too, has been almost non-existent, and the soldiers in the field have lived by foraging and by collecting the vegetables and fruits saved for them by the women and children, whose hearts are as deep in the conflict as are their own. the principal demand for money has been to procure arms, ammunition and medical and surgical supplies. in addition to the contributions which have come from patriotic cubans, another large source of income to the junta has been the silent liberality of many american citizens, who have proved their practical sympathy to the cause of freedom by giving of their wealth to aid it. outside of these sources, the only income has been from the sale of bonds of the cuban republic, a means of obtaining money which has been used conservatively, so that the infant republic should not be saddled with a heavy debt at the outset of its career as an independent nation. aside from the contributions of money to the cuban powers, enormous quantities of medical and surgical supplies and hospital delicacies have been offered by the generous people of the united states, organized into cuban auxiliary aid societies in the various cities of the country. american women have taken a prominent part in this movement and have won thereby the undying gratitude of the cubans. some facts about filibustering. the sailing of vessels from new york and other ports with cargoes of supplies for the cuban revolutionists has been a frequent occurrence, far more so than has been known to the public. filibustering is a phrase that has gained honor during these three years, such as it never had before. carried on in the cause of humanity and liberty, its motives justified its irregularities, and there have been few to condemn the practice. in the fogs of an early morning, some fast steamer would slip away from an atlantic port, loaded with arms, ammunition, quinine, and all sorts of hospital, medical and surgical supplies, accompanied usually by a band of cuban patriots, seeking the first opportunity to return to their beautiful island and take up arms for its liberation. there have been a few such expeditions captured, but for everyone captured a score have reached their destination on the cuban coast without interruption, and have landed their cargo in safety in insurgent camps. the united states government, in recognition of its diplomatic obligations, spent millions of dollars prior to the outbreak of our war with spain, in carrying on a patrol service of the atlantic coast and the gulf of mexico, to prevent the sailing of filibustering expeditions. now that the day of such patrol service in the aid of spain is ended forever, there can be no harm in telling some of the details that might have been compromising before. american cruisers and gunboats were stationed in the harbors around the coast, from new york to new orleans, and particularly on both sides of the florida peninsula. to one of these vessels would come the news that a suspected filibustering craft was likely to sail from a certain place at a certain time, and orders would be given to intercept the rover if possible. to one who did not know the temper and the spirit of american sailors from highest to lowest in the service of the navy, the actions that followed might have been puzzling. in spite of the proverbial alacrity and readiness with which an american vessel can make sail, there was always a delay at such times. it was almost certain that something would be wrong that would require some time to correct before the anchor could be weighed. it might be necessary to buy provisions or to take on coal before sailing, and then, more than once after the anchor was weighed and the actual start begun, it would be discovered that some minor accident had occurred to the machinery, which would require another halt to repair it. finally at sea, the cruiser would steam away at full speed in the direction of the reported filibuster, until her hull and even her smoke disappeared far down in the horizon. capturing of filibustering vessels. what happened after that no one ashore could know. but more than once there were grave suspicions that other delays occurred as goon as the vessel was well out of sight, or that the course was changed in pursuit of some other passing vessel, until after a few hours' chase it would be discovered to be an unoffending craft, and the course would be resumed towards the goal, as first ordered. however these things may be, it is certain that the capture of a filibustering vessel before her cargo was discharged was an almost unknown event, and that the capture of such a craft after her cargo was discharged could in no way be disastrous to the cuban cause when nothing could be proved against the boat or her men. certain it is that no officer or sailor in the american navy ever wanted to capture a filibuster. to an american it was a blot on the honor of the ship that it should be used to intercept arms and ammunition on their way to an oppressed people struggling for their freedom. it is safe to say that the two or three captures which were made of filibusters at such a time that their confiscation and the conviction of their officers could not be avoided, was a distinct grief to every man who participated in the chase and the punishments that followed. no one can deny the integrity or the ability of the men who are enlisted in the cause of cuba as the new york junta, who knows the facts as to their personality and the work they have done. some of the diplomatic and state papers which have been issued by senor palma are worthy to take rank with the utterances of any american who has gained fame in national history for similar work. a notable instance of the dignity and the eloquence with which he speaks, is found in the proclamation to the people of the united states which he issued but a few weeks before the outbreak of our war with spain. he said: senor palma on the spanish concessions. "the persistency with which the american press has during the last few days been treating of supposed administrative reforms to be introduced in cuba by the government of spain, compels me to request the publication of the following declarations, which i make in behalf of my government, of the army of liberation of cuba, and of the cuban revolutionary party. "the question of the proposed reforms is not a matter which at all concerns those who have already established an independent government in cuba and have resolved to shrink from no sacrifice of property or life in order to emancipate the whole island from the spanish yoke. if the spanish residents of the island who are favored by the spanish government with all sorts of privileges and monopolies, and if the handful of cubans, too pusillanimous or too proud to acknowledge their error, or a few foreigners guided only by selfish interests, are satisfied that cuba should remain under spanish domination, we who fight under the flag of the solitary star, we who already constitute the republic of cuba, and belong to a free people with its own government and its own laws, are firmly resolved to listen to no compromise and to treat with spain on the basis of absolute independence for cuba. "if spain has power to exterminate us, then let her convert the island into a vast cemetery; if she has not and wishes to terminate the war before the whole country is reduced to ashes, then let her adopt the only measure that will put an end to it and recognize our independence. spain must know by this time that while there is a single living cuban with dignity--and there are many thousands of them--there will not be peace in cuba, nor even hope of it. "all good causes must finally triumph, and ours is a good cause. it is the cause of justice treated with contempt, of right suppressed by force, and of the dignity of a people offended to the last degree. "we cubans have a thousandfold more reason in our endeavors to free ourselves from the spanish yoke than the people of the thirteen colonies had when in they rose in arms against the british government. comparisons with the american colonies. "the people of these colonies were in full enjoyment of all the rights of man; they had liberty of conscience, freedom of speech, liberty of the press, the right of public meeting and the right of free locomotion; they elected those who governed them, they made their own laws and, in fact, enjoyed the blessings of self-government. they were not under the sway of a captain-general with arbitrary powers, who at his will could imprison them, deport them to penal colonies, or order their execution even without the semblance of a court-martial. they did not have to pay a permanent army and navy that they might be kept in subjection, nor to feed a swarm of hungry employes yearly sent over from the metropolis to prey upon the country. "they were never subjected to a stupid and crushing customs tariff which compelled them to go to the home markets for millions of merchandise annually, which they could buy much cheaper elsewhere; they were never compelled to cover a budget of $ , , or $ , , a year, without the consent of the tax-payers, and for the purposes of defraying the expenses of the army and navy of the oppressor, to pay the salaries of thousands of worthless european employes, the whole interest on a debt not incurred by the colony, and other expenditures from which the island received no benefit whatever; for out of all those millions only the paltry sum of $ , was apparently applied for works of internal improvement and one-half of this invariably went into the pockets of the spanish employes. "we have thrown ourselves into the struggle advisedly and deliberately; we knew what we would have to face, and we decided unflinchingly to persevere until we should emancipate ourselves from the spanish government. and we know that we are able to do it, as we know that we are competent to govern ourselves. "among other proofs which could be adduced of the ability of the cuban white and colored to rule themselves, is the strong organization of the cuban revolutionary party in america. it is composed of more than , cubans, living in different countries of the new world and formed into clubs, the members of which yearly elect their leader. this organization has been in existence over five years, during which every member has strictly discharged his duties, has respected without any interruption the regulations and obeyed the elected delegate loyally and faithfully. among the members of the clubs there are several spaniards, who enjoy the same rights as the cubans, and who live with them in fraternal harmony. this fact and that of the many spaniards incorporated into our army, fully demonstrate that our revolution is not the result of personal hatred, but an uprising inspired only by the natural love of liberty and free institutions. the war in cuba has for its only object the overthrow of spanish power, and to establish an independent republic, under whose beneficent laws the spaniards may continue to live side by side with the cubans as members of the same community and citizens of the same nation. this is our programme and we strictly adhere to it. "the revolution is powerful and deeply rooted in the hearts of the cuban people, and there is no spanish power, no power in the world, that can stop its march. the war, since general weyler took command of the spanish army, has assumed a cruel character. his troops shoot the cuban prisoners, pursue and kill the sick and wounded, assassinate the unarmed, and burn their houses. the cuban troops, on their part, destroy, as a war measure, the machinery and buildings of the sugar plantations and are firmly resolved not to leave one stone upon another during their campaign. "let those who can put an end to this war reflect that our liberty is being gained with the blood of thousands of cuban victims, among whom is numbered jose marti, the apostle and martyr of our revolution. let them consider that before the sacred memory of this new redeemer there is not a single cuban who will withdraw from the work of emancipation without feeling ashamed of abandoning the flag which on the th of february, , was raised by the beloved master. "it is time for the cuban people to satisfy their just desire for a place among the free nations of the world and let them not be accused if to accomplish their noble purpose they are obliged to reduce to ashes the cuban land. tomas estrada palma." chapter xviii. key west and the cubans. cuban refugees in key west--their devotion to the cause-- peculiarities of the town--odd sights and sounds--filibusters and their work--the first authorized expedition--it is a failure--the second more successful--landing supplies for the insurgents-- captain jose lacret, and some of his adventures. the island of key west lies sixty miles south of cape sable, the most southerly point of the mainland of florida, and is seven miles long and from one to two miles broad. the city covers nearly one-half of the island and has a population of about , . key west has been described as being "to cuba what gibraltar is to ceuta, to the gulf of mexico what gibraltar is to the mediterranean." it is one of the chief naval stations of the united states and is strongly fortified. the most important industry is the making of cigars, which gives employment to thousands of cubans, who make up a large majority of the population, and many of whom are refugees, charged with political crimes, with a price set upon their heads. one of the most important divisions of the cuban junta of the united states has its headquarters here. almost every cuban in key west gives regularly a portion of his earnings to the cause, and many cargoes of arms, ammunition and supplies have been sent to the insurgents by their brethren on this little island. the city is unique in many respects. it is made up of innumerable little wooden houses, without chimneys, but crowded in irregular groups. many of the houses have wooden shutters in place of glass windows. on most of the streets there are no sidewalks, but people stumble over the jagged edges of coral rock. there are a great number of public vehicles, and one can be hailed at any corner and engaged for cents. some of these carriages are quite respectable in appearance. they are generally double-seated affairs, which have been discarded in the north. the horses are wrecks, and they show by their appearance that fodder is dear and that they are not half fed. one of the sounds of key west is the whacking of the horses which draw the carriages and the mules which move the street cars from place to place. the street cars look as if they had been dug up from the neighborhood of the pyramids. ropes are used for reins, and the only substantial thing about the whole outfit is the great rawhide whip, with which the street-car driver labors incessantly. the people, as a rule, are opposed to excessive exertion, but they make an exception in the case of labor with a whip. journalism, climate and dogs. the town has one struggling newspaper, which is worthy of a better support. it is told of the editor that he came to key west a barefooted boy from georgia, and worked his way up to his present eminent position of instructor in etiquette and ethics to the four hundred. hundreds of dogs, cats, roosters, goats, and "razorbacks" run at large through the streets, and the three former combine to make night hideous. in the early evening the sound of negro meetings and jubilations predominates. then the cats begin where the shouters leave off. later, the dogs, sneaking and sore-eyed, and more numerous than any other species, take up the refrain. they howl and bark and keep on howling and barking, until sleep seems impossible. at last, when the wakeful man thinks the row is over, the roosters, the meanest, skinniest, loudest-mouthed roosters in the world, continue the serenade until death seems a welcome, especially the death of the roosters. negroes alone are patriotic. there is a strange mixture of races at key west, but the negroes are the most patriotic class. they alone celebrate the fourth of july and other national holidays. while the town has its enlightened and respectable people, it also has a shoddy class, whose ignorance of the rest of the world carries them to grotesque extremes in their efforts to proclaim their greatness. even in its schools key west is peculiar. the schoolhouses are built like cigar factories, and each has mounted upon the roof the bell of an old locomotive. when the school bells are ringing it is easy to close your eyes and imagine yourself in one of the great railway depots of the north. the first authorized expedition. prior to the commencement of our war with spain the united states authorities kept a close watch on the cubans in key west, and made every effort to prevent the shipment of supplies to the insurgents. but as soon as the conflict was begun there was a change in the policy and the government assisted the work in every possible way. the first expedition was a failure. under command of captain dorst of the united states army the transport steamer gussie sailed from key west with two companies of infantry on board, in charge of , rifles and , rounds of ammunition, intended for the insurgents of pinar del rio. the supplies were to be conveyed to general gomez by a force of insurgents encamped three miles back from the coast. but the cargo was not landed, for the reason that the insurgents were unable to meet the landing party at the rendezvous, and captain dorst was compelled to return to key west with his cargo. the second attempt was more successful. nearly men, with a pack train and a large quantity of arms and ammunition, sailed on the plant line steamer florida from key west, on the night of may . these men and the equipment constituted an expedition able to operate independently and to defend itself against any body of spanish troops which might oppose it. the expedition was under the command of captain jose lacret, formerly insurgent commander in matanzas province. he assumed the direction of affairs immediately on the landing of the expedition. until then general joaquin castillo was in control. in the landing of the expedition the united states army was represented by captain j. a. dorst, and tomas estrada palma was represented by j. e. cartaya, who has been the landing agent of nearly every filibustering expedition for more than a year. messrs. castillo, cartaya and dorst returned to key west. general julio sanguilly, on his way to report to general maximo gomez, was also on the boat. most powerful of them all. this was the most powerful anti-spanish expedition sent to cuba up to that date. about of the men were cubans, the others americans. the engineer corps of the expedition was composed entirely of americans under aurelian ladd. the men were dressed in canvas uniforms furnished by the united states government, and the commissary department had rations enough to last fifteen days after the landing. the pack train consisted of seventy-five mules and twenty-five horses. the expedition carried , rifles and , , rounds of ammunition for general calixto garcia. general sanguilly's return. general sanguilly's return to cuba is a remarkable incident in his extraordinary career. his gallant services in the ten years' war, his arrest in havana at the beginning of the present insurrection, his sentence to death and his release at the intercession of secretary sherman on a promise to remain outside of cuba have made him a conspicuous man. the expedition was convoyed by the cruiser marblehead, the torpedo-boat destroyer eagle and other warships. two younger brothers of the late general nestor aranguren are with the expedition. some of lacret's adventures. when the present revolution in cuba began general jose lacret morlot, by which title he is popularly known, secured passage on the steamer mascotte for jamaica on his way to cuba. the english government had information regarding lacret's movements and prevented his sailing for cuba from jamaica. he then went to mexico and later to new york. at the latter place he consulted with the junta and returned to tampa. here he embarked on the steamer olivette for havana in the garb of a priest. still in this disguise he boarded a train for sagua la grande. accompanying him were a large number of spanish soldiers. his being highly educated, a man of good presence and a "padre" were sufficient to give him entrance into the best spanish society of sagua la grande. lacret stopped at the finest hotel, and when in the cafe sat at the alcalde's right hand. after communicating with the insurgents the "padre" suddenly disappeared from the hotel. he joined the insurgents, and, throwing off his priestly disguise, has since performed valorous service for the cause of cuban freedom. he was transferred to the province of matanzas soon after his arrival, and his career there will form an interesting chapter in the history of cuba. from matanzas province he was sent to the eastward as a delegate to the assembly held in puerto principe last february, at which the new government was formed. from this assembly he was directed to come to this country as a bearer of dispatches to the junta. when the florida, escorted by the osceola, drew up close to the shore at the place selected for the landing, she sent scouts to see if all was clear. these scouts were greeted by generals feria and rojas, with about , armed insurgents. therefore, far from there being any hostile demonstration upon the part of the spaniards, the landing of the expedition was in the nature of a triumphal invasion. the cubans, who were in waiting for the party, had a brass band and welcomed the newcomers with national airs. the work of unloading the cargo of the florida was promptly begun and carried on by the men composing the expedition. there was nothing in the nature of interruption and the work was soon finished. had it all their own way. while the cargo was being unloaded the osceola, an auxiliary gunboat, with her guns ready for action, scouted about the vicinity looking for an enemy. but the spaniards apparently had no suspicion of what was taking place. so easily was the dangerous mission accomplished that while some members of the party were getting the supplies ashore others were providing themselves with fruit, sugar and other products of the landing place, a large stock of which was brought back for key west friends. the moment the work was concluded the florida and the osceola slipped away, leaving the insurgents to convey their re-enforcements into the interior, which was done without any casualty. the returning members of the florida party brought with them several hundred private letters, which give a complete insight into the conditions prevailing in the blockaded island. chapter xix. another stroke for freedom. the beginning of the revolt--martial law declared in santiago and matanzas--arrival of campos--the blacks as soldiers--no caste prejudices--general santocildes killed--a story of maceo--campos' campaign fails--he returns to spain. it was the intention of the insurgents to begin operations in the six provinces on the same date, but at the appointed time three of them failed to carry out the plan, and in only one was the aspect at all threatening. in havana and matanzas the spanish officials had no difficulty in suppressing the insurrectionists, and the leader in the former province, the editor of a newspaper, accepted a pardon and returned to his work. in santiago, however, which is thinly settled, the movement gained ground steadily. the landing of a party of revolutionists from san domingo aroused the patriots, and were welcomed warmly, being supplied with re-enforcements wherever they appeared. the government professed to be merely annoyed, nothing more, and pretended to look upon the patriots as mere brigands. calleja became alarmed at last when the determination of the insurgents became known, and proclaimed martial law in santiago and matanzas, and sent forces to both provinces. he could put only nine thousand men in the field, however, and had only seven gunboats for coast duty at his command. the commissary arrangements were miserable, and frequently caused the interruption of important movements. the insurgents were most ubiquitous, and would appear here and there without the slightest warning, making raids on plantations, which they plundered, and from which they enticed away the laborers, disappearing in the swamps, where pursuit was impossible, and appearing again in a day or so in some unexpected spot, and repeating the same maneuvers. in this manner they terrorized the loyalists, and ruined their prospects of raising a crop, and as many depended solely upon the soil for their living this method of warfare struck them a vital blow. at the end of march, , antonio maceo, with sixteen comrades, sailed from costa rica and landed at baracoa, on the eastern end of the island. they were surprised by a spanish cavalry, but kept up an intermittent fight for several hours, when maceo managed to elude his enemies and escape. after living in the woods for ten days, making his way westward, he met a party of rebels, was recognized and welcomed with great enthusiasm. he took command of the insurgents in the neighborhood and began to get recruits rapidly. he engaged in several sharp encounters with the spanish and did such effective service that the moral effect was noticed immediately. he and his brother jose were made generals. about the middle of april maximo gomez and jose marti landed from san domingo at about the same point where the maceos had landed. for days they were obliged to secrete themselves in a cave on account of the presence of the enemy's pickets, but they finally reached an insurgent camp, and gomez entered upon his duties as commander-in-chief. the insurgents now had an experienced leader at their head, re-enforcements poured in, and they soon had a force of six thousand men. arrival of campos. the government had issued new calls for troops, and in april no less than twenty-five thousand men were raised. martinez campos came over from spain, arriving at santiago on april , and went at once to havana, where he relieved calleja as captain-general. campos was a veteran, and expected to crush the insurrection at once, but day by day his task grew more difficult. gomez and maceo, instead of being driven hither and thither, led campos a dance, and he was prevented from solidifying the two trochas he had formed. gomez never attempted pitched battles or sieges, but harassed the enemy in every way possible, cutting off their convoys, picking them off in detail, getting up night alarms, and in every way annoying them. his hardened soldiers, especially the negroes, could stand hardships and still keep in good fighting condition, but with the europeans, what between yellow fever and the constant alarms of war, it was a different story. no european soldier could live under the hardships and exposures which seemed to put life into the negro soldiers. no caste prejudices. it must be understood that there is no caste feeling between the negro and the pure-blooded cuban. they march, eat and sleep side by side. moreover, the negroes make excellent soldiers, with finer physique than the cubans themselves, and equal powers of endurance. the cuban is small in stature compared to the american soldier, but he is well set up, wiry, and apparently has unlimited staying powers. he frequently lives on one meal a day, and that a poor one, but he shows no signs whatever of being ill-fed; in fact, he seems to thrive on it, and he has an uncomfortable habit of marching six hours in the morning on an empty stomach, which would be fatal to the ordinary anglo-saxon. about the first of july, maceo, still in the province of santiago, concentrated the forces in the holguin district and moved against bayamo, capturing one provision train after another that were en route to that place. campos took fifteen hundred men, with general santocildes second in command, and went to the relief of bayamo. about the middle of july he was attacked several miles from bayamo by maceo with twenty-seven hundred rebels. he and his entire staff narrowly escaped capture, and only the bravery of general santocildes averted this catastrophe. the brave general lost his life and the spaniards were forced to fly, after having fought for five hours, surrounded on all sides by the rebels. they finally made their escape to bayamo, the rear guard covering their retreat with great difficulty. flor crombet had fallen in battle several weeks before this fight and marti had been killed in an insignificant fight at dos rios. gomez had passed into camaguay to add fire to the insurrection and maceo had been left in command in the province of santiago. to him was campos indebted for his defeat. he escaped capture as if by intuition. a new snare had been spread for him by maceo after the death of santocildes, and he was already within its meshes, when, intuitively divining the situation, he came to an about face and fled to bayamo by an unused road, covered by impassable thickets in the rear of maceo's victorious troops. the spaniards were rapidly re-enforced after the escape to bayamo, and maceo, with quintin bandero, began to fall back to his impregnable mountain retreat at jarahuica. this was in the heart of santiago de cuba, over a hundred miles east of bayamo and twenty-five miles northeast of the port of santiago. his war-worn army needed rest, recruits, and supplies. once in his mountain fastness, he was perfectly secure, as no spanish army would trust itself in the rocky range. news of his movements had reached santiago and a strenuous effort was being made to head him off at san luis, a railroad town fifteen miles north-west of that city. nothing, however, escaped the observation of the cuban general. with wonderful prescience he anticipated the movements of the spaniards. his troopers were armed with machetes and the infantry with rifles and ammunition captured at paralejo. bandera commanded this band of blacks. the march had been terrific, and horses and men were nearly fagged. with sparse supplies the pace had been kept up for hours. the sun had gone down and the moon was flooding the fronds of the palms with pale, silvery light. maceo held a short conference with quintin bandera, and not long afterward the blacks wheeled in column and disappeared. meantime the cuban cavalry continued its course. by midnight it had reached cemetery hill, overlooking the town of san luis. the moon was half way down the sky. maceo sat upon his horse surveying the scene below him long and silently. the little town was aglow with electric lights and the whistle of locomotives resounded in the valley. over three thousand spanish troops were quartered in the town and their movements were plainly discernible. trains were arriving hourly from santiago, bearing strong re-enforcements. through a field-glass maceo watched the stirring scene. he turned the glass beyond the town and gazed through it patiently, betraying a trace of anxiety. finally he alighted and conferred with colonel miro, his chief of staff. a moment afterward came the order to dismount. three hundred troopers obeyed and were about to tether their horses when they were called to attention. a second order reached their ears. they were told to stand motionless, with both feet on the ground, and to await further orders with their right hands' on their saddles. in the moonlight beneath the scattered palms they stood as silent as if petrified. a story of maceo. among them there was a newspaper correspondent who had known maceo many years, and who had parted with him at port limon, in central america, a few months before. he had joined the column just after the battle of paralejo. in obedience to orders he stood with his arm over the back of his horse, blinking at the enlivening scene below him. exhausted by the day's march, his eyes closed and he found it impossible to keep awake. a moment later he fastened the bridle to his foot, wrapped himself in his rubber coat, placed a satchel under his head, and fell asleep in the wet grass. the adjutant soon awoke him, telling him that he had better get up, as they were going to have a fight. he thanked the adjutant, who told him there were over three thousand spanish soldiers in san luis and that it was surrounded with fourteen blockhouses. the correspondent soon curled himself on the grass a second time and was in a sound slumber, when he was again aroused by the adjutant, who told him he was in positive danger if he persisted in disobeying the order of general maceo. a third time his heavy eyelids closed and he was in a dead sleep, when startled by a peremptory shake. jesus mascons, maceo's secretary, stood over him. "get up this instant," said he. "the general wants to see you immediately." in a few seconds the correspondent was on his feet. the whistles were still blowing and the electric lights still glowing in the valley, and the moon was on the horizon. he went forward in some trepidation, fancying that the general was going to upbraid him for disobeying his orders. he was surprised to find him very pleasant. maceo always spoke in a low tone, as he had been shot twice through the lungs. "are you not hungry?" he asked. "no," the correspondent replied, wondering what was in the wind. "i thought possibly you might want something to eat," general maceo said, with a smile. "i have a boiled egg here and i want to divide it with you." as he uttered these words he drew out his machete and cut the egg straight through the center. passing half of it to the correspondent, he said: "share it; it will do you good." the newspaper man thanked the general and they ate the egg in silence. he said afterward that the incident reminded him of general marion's breakfast with a british officer. he had read the incident in peter parley's history of the revolution, when a schoolboy. marion raked a baked sweet potato out of the ashes of a camp fire and divided it with his british guest. the officer regretted the absence of salt, and the correspondent said he experienced the same regret when he ate his portion of general maceo's egg. after munching the egg both men sat for some time observing the stirring scene in the valley below them. the moon had gone down, but in the glow of the electric lights they could see that the activity among the spaniards was as great as ever. suddenly maceo turned to the correspondent and said abruptly: "were you asleep when jesus called you?" "oh, no," the correspondent replied, "i was not asleep; i was only just tired--that was all." the general looked at him searchingly and then said: "don't worry; it is all right. we are going through that town in a few minutes. there may be a fierce fight, and you will need a clear head. the egg will give you strength." within twenty minutes the little columns of three hundred men were on the move. they led their horses down the hill about an hour before daybreak, with the general in the lead. silently and stealthily they entered the outskirts of the town. the columns passed two blockhouses without being observed and at the break of day were beyond the town on the main road to banabacoa. meantime the spaniards had discovered them. the town was aroused and a hundred and fifty spanish cavalry headed the pursuit. the road wound through fields of cane. a strong column of spanish infantry followed the cavalry. maceo held his men in reserve and continued his march, the spanish troopers trailing after them like so many wildcats. suddenly, to their astonishment, quintin bandera's infantry arose on either side of the road and almost annihilated the pursuing column. those who escaped alarmed the columns of infantry, who returned to san luis to fortify themselves. maceo and bandera camped on the estate of mejorana, about six miles away. it was here that marti, gomez, the two maceos, crombet, guerra, and rabi met not long before this to inaugurate the new revolution. bandera and maceo found plenty of provisions at the estate, but no bread. a small cuban boy was sent to the spanish commander at san luis with a note requesting him to be so kind as to send some bread to visitors at the mejorana plantation. the boy delivered the note and the spanish commander asked who sent him. without a moment's hesitation he replied: "general maceo." the spanish official laughed and replied: "very well, a supply of bread will be sent. it will not be necessary for maceo to come after it." what is more remarkable is the fact that maceo told the correspondent beforehand that the bread would be sent, as the spaniards had been so frightened by bandera on the previous day that they did not want to invite another attack. that very evening the boy returned, conveying many bags of bread. the spaniards remained within the town until maceo had rested his army and departed for jarahuica. campos' campaign fails. before the end of the year campos' campaign was admitted to be a failure. he could not depart from his humane policy, however, and at the beginning of the year he returned to spain. the rabid spaniards of havana, having compelled campos to tender his resignation, demanded from canovas a captain-general framed in the old iron cast of the spanish conquerors, not to fight battles and risk his life in the field, but to exterminate the native population. in their belief, women, children, everyone born in cuba, should be held responsible for the situation. they did not like a soldier with a gallant career and personal courage. they wanted an executioner. canovas satisfied them and appointed don valeriano weyler y nicolau to succeed martinez campos. the question may be asked why the insurgents after so many victories did not invest the city of havana, and end therewith the spanish dominion. the answer is very clear. after the battle of coliseo general gomez reviewed his troops and found that each soldier had only three cartridges. the cubans in the united states were making vain efforts to send a big expedition to the insurgents, but the policy of our government was non-interference, and they were checked in their plans. at guira de helena, on january , , the cubans had to fight with their machetes to enter the province of havana. if history does not afford a parallel of the stern resolution displayed by the cubans to die or to win in a struggle with all the odds against them, neither does it present a case of stubborn resistance to justice and human rights, and of barbarous cruelty, which equals the record of spain in cuba. chapter xx. jose marti and other cuban heroes. a cuban patriot--a life devoted to the cause--first work for cuba--banished from his native land--he returns to fight for freedom--his death--maximo gomez, general-in-chief of the cuban forces--his methods of warfare--antonio maceo, the colored commander--other military men of note in the cuban army. when the day comes that cuba shall take her place among the free and independent nations of the earth, jose marti, who probably did more than any other one man to arouse the insurgents to make the final struggle for liberty, will not be among them to share their triumphs. struck down, by a spanish bullet, almost at the commencement of the last revolution, he sleeps beneath the, southern skies, and neither the clash of swords nor the thunder of the cannon over his grave can disturb his rest. born in havana, the son of a spanish army officer, he was taught from his childhood days that the friends of cuba's cause were rebels, deserving of death. but as he grew older he commenced to think for himself, and the more he learned of spanish robbery, injustice and cruelty, the more determined he became to devote his life to the cause of his native land. while yet a mere boy, he began the work. he published clandestine circulars, he wrote a play in which he depicted the wrongs inflicted upon the island people; "free cuba" was his thought by day, his dream at night. through imprisonment and exile, in spain, mexico and the united states, every action of his life was guided by the one ambition. on april th, , in company with maximo gomez, marti landed on the coast of cuba, at cobonico. his coming gave the insurgents new courage, and their numbers increased rapidly. he was made a major general of the army, and in company with gomez, who had seen service in the previous campaign, he led a number of successful attacks against detachments of the spanish forces. after organizing an expedition that was to march to puerto principe under gomez's command, marti intended to go to the seacoast in order to return abroad and continue his work there in favor of the secessionist revolution. about this time a man named chacon was captured by colonel sandoval, of the spanish forces, and letters from the rebels were found in his possession, and some money with which he was going to make purchases for the insurgent chiefs. this man gave information regarding the enemy's location, and acting upon this knowledge, colonel sandoval, on the th of may, brought his army to la brija. the hernan cortez squadron, under captain capa, was in vanguard, and attacked a band commanded by bellito, which had come to meet the column. when colonel sandoval heard of it, he advanced up to the plain of dos rios, and ordered his infantry to open fire. a spirited combat ensued, with fatal results to the insurgents, as the spanish guide, antonio oliva, running up to help a soldier who was surrounded by a large group of the enemy, fired his rifle at a horseman, who fell to the ground, and was found to be jose marti. captain enrique satue was the first to recognize him. a fight took place upon the spot, the rebels trying hard to carry the corpse away, but they were repulsed. maximo gomez was wounded in the encounter, which for some days led to the belief that he too was dead. according to one narrative, gomez was in the midst of the battle from the beginning, and while hurrying to recover the corpse of marti, he was slightly wounded. others say that the famous chief, had already taken leave of marti to go to camaguey, when, passing at some distance from dos rios, he heard the report of musketry. he imagined what was happening, and ran to rescue the civil chief of the revolution, but when he arrived, marti had been killed. gomez being wounded, borrero took him on his own horse, and in this manner carried him to a place of safety. the spaniards, after their victory, moved to remanganagaus, where the corpse of marti was embalmed. from the latter town it was taken to santiago de cuba, and while on the way there, the troops had to repel an attack from the rebels, who intended to carry off the coffin. on arriving at the city, the remains of marti were exhibited at the cemetery. colonel sandoval presided over the funeral ceremonies, and the dead leader was given a decent resting place. here are sandoval's words on the occasion: gentlemen:--in presence of the corpse of him who in life was jose marti, and in the absence of any relative or friend who might speak over his remains such words as are customary, i request you not to consider these remains to be those of an enemy any more, but simply those of a man, carried by political discords to face spanish soldiers. from the moment the spirits have freed themselves of matter they are sheltered and magnanimously pardoned by the almighty, and the abandoned matter is left in our care, for us to dispel all rancorous feelings, and give the corpse such christian burial as is due to the dead. maximo gomez, the general-in-chief. the general-in-chief of the cuban forces is maximo gomez, a man of scholarly attainments, great intellect, and long experience in military affairs. formerly an officer of spain, he explains his present position in the following words: "when i gave up, in , my uniform and rank as a major of the spanish army, it was because i knew that if i kept them. i would have some day to meet my own children in the field, and combat against their just desire for liberty. now, with my many years, i have come to lead and counsel the new generation to ultimate victory." of his methods in war, thomas alvord says: "general gomez never has more than or men with him. his favorite camp is near arroyo blanco, on a high plateau, difficult to approach, and covered with dense thicket. he posts his outer pickets at least three miles away, in directions from which the enemy may come. the spaniards, whenever possible, march by road, and, with these highways well guarded, gomez sleeps secure. he knows that his pickets will be informed by some cuban long before the spanish column leaves or passes the nearest village to attack him. a shot from the farthest sentry causes little or no excitement in gomez's camp. the report throws the spanish column into fears of attack or ambush, and it moves forward very slowly and carefully. two pickets at such a time have been known to hold , men at bay for a whole day. if the column presses on, and general gomez hears a shot from a sentinel near by, he will rise leisurely from his hammock and give orders to prepare to move camp. he has had so many experiences of this kind that not until he hears the volley-shooting of the oncoming spaniards will he call for his horse, give the word to march, and disappear, followed by his entire force, into the tropical underbrush, which closes like curtain behind him, leaving the spaniards to discover a deserted camp, without the slightest trace of the path taken by its recent occupants. "sometimes gomez will move only a mile or two. the spaniards do not usually give chase. if they do, gomez takes a keen delight in leading them in a circle. if he can throw them off by nightfall, he goes to sleep in his camp of the morning, happier than if he had won a battle. the spaniards learn nothing through such experiences. gomez varies the game occasionally by marching directly towards the rear of the foe, and there, reinforced by other insurgent bands of the neighborhood, falling upon the column and punishing it severely. while his immediate force is but a handful, the general can call to his aid, in a short time, nearly , men." a colored commander. as soon as the rebellion had assumed such proportions as to make it possible to arrange a regular military organization among the insurgents, antonio maceo was made the second in command, under general gomez, with the title of lieutenant general. he had risen from the ranks to the position of major general in the ten years' war, where, notwithstanding his colored blood, he had shown unusual ability as a leader of men. sons of the first families of cuba were proud to enlist under his banner, and to recognize him as their superior officer. space is devoted in another part of this volume to an account of the treacherous manner of his death. the following letter, written by him to general weyler, soon after the arrival of the latter named in cuba, shows that he could fight with his pen as well as with his sword: republic of cuba, invading army. second corps, cayajabos, feb. , . general valeriano weyler, havana: in spite of all that the press has published in regard to you, i have never been willing to give it belief and to base my judgment of your conduct on its statements; such an accumulation of atrocities, so many crimes repugnant and dishonoring to any man of honor, i thought it impossible for a soldier holding your high rank to commit. these accusations seemed to me rather to be made in bad faith, or to be the utterances of personal enmity, and i expected that you would take care to give the lie in due form to your detractors, rising to the height required of a gentleman, and saving yourself from any imputation of that kind, by merely adopting in the treatment of the wounded and prisoners of war, the generous course that has been pursued from the beginning by the revolutionists towards the spanish wounded and prisoners. but, unfortunately, spanish dominion must always be accompanied by infamy, and although the errors and wrongful acts of the last war seemed to be corrected at the beginning of this one, to-day it has become manifest that it was only by closing our eyes to invariable personal antecedents and incorrigible traditional arbitrariness that we could have imagined spain would forget forever her fatal characteristic of ferocity towards the defenseless. but we cannot help believing evidence. in my march during the period of this campaign i see with alarm, with horror, how the wretched reputation you enjoy is confirmed, and how the deeds that disclose your barbarous irritation are repeated. what! must even the peaceful inhabitants (i say noticing of the wounded and prisoners of war), must they be sacrificed to the rags that gave the duke of alva his name and fame? is it thus that spain, through you, returns the clemency and kindness with which we, the redeemers of this suffering people, have acted in like circumstances? what a reproach for yourself and for spain! the license to burn the huts, assassinations like those at nueva paz and the villa el gato, committed by spanish columns, in particular those of colonels molina and vicuna, proclaim you guilty before all mankind. your name will be forever infamous, here and far from here, remembered with disgust and horror. out of humanity, yielding to the honorable and generous impulses which are identified with both the spirit and the tendency of the revolution, i shall never use reprisals that would be unworthy of the reputation and the power of the liberating army of cuba. but i nevertheless foresee that such abominable conduct on your part and on that of your men, will arouse at no distant time private vengeances to which they will fall victims, without my being able to prevent it, even though i should punish hundreds of innocent persons. for this last reason, since war should only touch combatants, and it is inhuman to make others suffer from its consequences, i invite you to retrace your steps, if you admit your guilt, or to repress these crimes with a heavy hand, if they were committed without your consent. at all events, take care that no drop of blood be shed outside the battle field. be merciful to the many unfortunate citizens. in so doing you will imitate in honorable emulation our conduct and our proceedings. yours, a. maceo. this letter could have been written by none but a brave and honorable soldier, resolved to present the cause of the oppressed non-combatants, even when he probably knew that his appeal was powerless to lessen their sufferings in the slightest degree. love and war. among the many brave leaders of the insurgents there is perhaps none who has shown more heroism than young de robau. after the breaking out of the revolution he was one of the first to join the standard of independence. at that time he was engaged to be married, yet with him the call of duty was paramount over every selfish consideration. after having served for some months with conspicuous credit, he was sent with his command into the neighborhood of his fiance. the men hitherto, it may be imagined, had not paid much attention to their appearance, but now there was a regular conventional dress parade. a barber was requisitioned, accoutrements were furbished up, and weather-beaten sombreros were ornamented with brilliant ribbons. when the metamorphosis was complete, de robau placed himself at the head of his dashing troop, and went in state to call upon the lady of his affections. his march was a triumph, as everywhere he was attended by crowds of enthusiastic people, who had long known him, and who now hailed him as a distinguished champion. how he sped in his wooing may be gathered from the fact that an orderly was soon dispatched for the villa cura, and that there was a wedding which fairly rivaled that of camacho, so often and so fondly recalled by the renowned sancho. since then the senora de robau has accompanied her husband throughout the campaign, sharing the hard fare and the dangers of the men, and adding another to the noble band of patriotic cuban women, who vie with their husbands and brothers in fidelity to their native land. other commanders of note. the cause has many other brave leaders, among whom may be mentioned general calixto garcia, general serafin sanchez, francisco corrillo, and jose maria rodriguez. they are all veterans of the war of - , and are ready to sacrifice their lives in the struggle for liberty. chapter xxi. desperate battles with machete and rifle. the sword of cuba--battle cry of the revolutionists--cavalry charges--the strategies of war--hand-to-hand encounters--maceo at the front--barbarities of the spanish soldiers--americans in the cuban army--a fight for life--a yankee gunner--how a brave man died. there is a story told of a great roman general who, after having conquered in many battles, beat his sword into a plowshare, and turned from war's alarms to the peaceful pursuit of agriculture. the cuban has reversed the story. when he left his labors in the forests and fields to fight his oppressors, he carried with him the implement with which he had cut the sugar cane on his plantation, and made paths through dense tropic vegetation. the machete is the sword of the cuban soldier, and it will be famous forever. its blade is of tempered steel, curved slightly at the end, with one edge sharp as a razor. it has a handle of horn, and is carried in a leather scabbard, attached to a narrow belt. the weapon in the hands of one who understands its use is terribly effective. instances have been known where rifle barrels have been cut in two by it, and heads have been severed from their bodies at a single stroke. its name, shrieked in a wild ferocious way, is the battle cry of the insurgents, and when shouted from an hundred throats, it carries with it so awe-inspiring a sound, that it is little wonder that the enemy is stricken with fear, for it means in reality "war to the knife." cavalry charges. the cubans are among the most skillful and daring rough riders of the world, the equals of the cowboys of our western states, and the far-famed cossacks of russia. the horses' backs have been their cradles, and here they possess a decided advantage over their spanish foes, who know as little of the equestrian art as they seem to understand of other's rights, or the amenities of war. a mounted band of insurgents, rushing down on a detachment of the enemy, waving aloft the terrible machete, will carry with them terror and death, and conquer twice their number. the heroic mulatto brothers, antonio and jose maceo, adopted this manner of fighting on every possible occasion, and it is a coincidence worthy of note that they both met their death while leading machete charges against their hated foes. lack of ammunition in the cuban ranks. the lack of ammunition is one of the weaknesses of the insurgents. courage, ability and men they possess in abundance, but the lack of cartridges has interfered with many of their best laid plans, and has often prevented them from availing themselves of favorable opportunities. three or four rounds a man is nothing in action, especially when the spaniards are always so abundantly supplied. however they are determined, and as spanish incapacity becomes daily more apparent, they feel that it is only a question of a few months until the cause for which they have so long and bravely fought will be gloriously won. maceo at the front. within three months of the time that gomez and maceo landed at baracoa they had all santiago and puerto principe in a state of insurrection. they started out with comparatively a handful of men. the most reliable sources agree that there were not more than , but they were quickly joined by thousands of cubans, who brought out from hiding places arms and ammunition which they had been collecting and concealing for years. general campos, the spanish commander, had declared that puerto principe would never rise against spain, and he proposed at once a plan to make it doubly sure. he procured special concessions from madrid for the foreign railroads, permitting them to import iron bridges to replace their wooden structures, and pledging them $ , a month until they had extended their lines and made connections to complete a continuous road through the country, using the money to employ the natives. this was to insure the peace of puerto principe and santa clara, both considered conservative, and to prevent the people joining the revolutionary party. after the plan was announced, the revolutionists burned out the wooden bridges, tore up the tracks in many places, and the roads have been, for all practical purposes, in their hands ever since. campos, meantime, to prevent gomez moving eastward, placed , troops on the border between the provinces of puerto principe and santiago, but gomez crossed the line on may th, after a battle at boca del dos bios, where a loss was suffered in the death of general marti, which was so great a blow to cuba that campos announced that the "death blow to the bandits had been struck." in puerto principe gomez captured every town he attempted to take, among them alta gracia, san jeronimo and coscorro. he took fort el mulato, and in all the places secured large quantities of ammunition. so enthusiastic was his reception in the provinces of puerto principe and santa clara that in the latter spanish volunteers joined him with their arms. the most important battle of the summer occurred at bayamo in july, just as gomez was near the spanish line between santa clara and puerto principe, where, in an engagement between the two armies, with about , men on either side, the spanish forces were completely routed. from that time on through the summer and far into the autumn, every day was marked by skirmishes, the taking of important places, and the threatening of the larger towns. it kept the spanish columns moving constantly, and the exposure in the rainy season killed thousands. maceo now separated his forces from gomez's command, and marched westward, fighting as he went, and everywhere meeting with success. he established the new government in the cities and towns of mantua, san cristobal, remates, palacios, paso real de san diego, guane, consolacion del sur, pilotos, alonso de rojas, san luis, san juan y martinez, and others of less importance. pinar del rio city, the capital of the province, was the only city of importance that held out, but it was cut off with communication with its port, colon, and was short of provisions. one supply sent by the spanish for its relief, , rations, fell into maceo's hands. in san cristobal the spanish flag on the government building was replaced by the emblem of the new republic, a mayor and city officials were appointed, resolutions were adopted by the new authorities, and, after all the arms in the town had been collected, maco remained a day to rest his men and horses, and moved on the following morning at daybreak. generals navarre and luque were ordered to crush the insurgent army at all hazards. their combined forces consisted of , infantry, cavalry, and pieces of artillery. after a two-days' march they were joined by general arizon's command, which had encountered maceo's rear guard the previous day, with disastrous results. near quivera hacha, navarre's skirmishers encountered a small band of insurgents, and fearing that all of maceo's army was near, lines of battle were quickly formed. the engagement lasted for less than half an hour, when the insurgent forces withdrew, without serious losses on either side. general navarro finally discovered that the principal part of maceo's forces was at the armendores estate, and the seat of operations was changed. general luque succeeded navarro in command, and several days now passed without any conflict of note. finally luque led a charge upon maceo's vanguard, in the vicinity of pinar del rio, but the moment the attack was made he found himself under fire from the top of low hills on both sides of the road, where the insurgents were well protected, and he sustained severe losses without inflicting much injury upon the enemy. so hot was the encounter that luque withdrew and prepared to charge upon two points where the enemy were making a stand. he held the road with one battalion, sending a detachment to the right, and another to the left. the attack was successful. the spanish made a magnificent effort under withering fire, and swept maceo's forces before them, not, however, until they had left the field scattered with their own dead and wounded. for some reason the cavalry had not been used. the artillery was just coming up when the action had reached this point. the spanish found that the enemy had, instead of being routed, simply fallen back and taken a position on another hill, and scattered firing went on for a considerable time, while luque prepared to attack again. then, against , of maceo's men, was directed all of luque's command, over , infantry, cavalry, and eleven pieces of artillery. at least half of maceo's army, certainly not less than , cavalry, had been moving up to luque's rear and came upon him, surprising him just as this second attack was being made. for a time it was a question whether luque's command would not be wiped out. they were practically surrounded by maceo's men, and for fully an hour and a half the fighting was desperate. it is impossible to unravel the stories of both sides so as to arrive at a clear idea of the encounter. when the cannonading ceased, four companies of infantry charged up the hill and occupied it before the insurgents, who had been driven out by the artillery, could regain it. shortly the hill on the left of the road was taken in the same way, and luque, although at a great loss, had repelled maceo's attack from the rear. the battle had lasted for a little over two hours. maceo had about forty of his men wounded and left four dead on the field, taking away ten others. twenty or more of his horses were killed. the spanish reported that he had , killed, the next day reduced the number to , and finally to the statement that "the enemy's losses must have been enormous," the usual phrase when the true number is humiliating. luque's losses have never been officially reported, but it is variously estimated at from seventy-five to a hundred men. the work of fiends. the cubans give horrible details of a battle at paso heal, between general luque's army and a division of maceo's forces under bermudez. witnesses of the encounter claim that the spaniards invaded the hospital and killed wounded insurgents in their beds, and that, bermudez, in retaliation, formed a line, and shot thirty-seven spanish prisoners. luque says in his report of this engagement: "the rebels made a strong defense, firing from the tops of houses and along the fences around the city. the spanish vanguard, under colonel hernandez, attacked the vanguard, center and rear guard of the rebels in the central streets of the town, driving them with continuous volleys and fierce cavalry charges into the outskirts of the town. up to this point we had killed ten insurgents." the people of paso real say this report is true, as far as it goes, but that luque neglects to add that he then attacked the hospital, and murdered twenty-eight wounded men, firing at them as they lay on their cots, through the windows, and finally breaking down the door, and killing the rest with the bayonet. under date of february th we have an account of the operations of the spanish general sabas marin, who left havana a short time before. his campaign in search of general gomez was disastrous, and the official reports of spanish victories were misleading. there were losses on both sides, but marin accomplished absolutely nothing of what he intended to achieve. the first misfortune which overtook the spaniards was the rout of carnellas, on the very day on which marin left havana, gomez sent a detachment under pedro diaz to intercept him, and this force reached saladrigas in the early morning. in this section the country is cut into small fields, divided by stone fences, and facing the road there is a high fence, with a ditch in front of it. diaz placed infantry behind this fence, and waited himself with , cavalry back of a hill close by. when the spanish forces appeared, the advance guard was allowed to pass, and as soon as the main body was fairly in the trap, volleys were poured into them, literally mowing them down. at the sound of the first gun, diaz led his thousand horsemen upon the enemy's flank and rear. the charge was irresistible. half of diaz's men did not even fire a shot, but yelling "machete," they rode furiously upon the spanish lines, cutting their way through, and fighting with terrible effect. the spanish issued no official report of this battle. so far as the records show, it never occurred. one of the spanish officers, who fought in it, conceded a loss of men, but it is probable that twice that number would be nearer the correct figure. americans in the cuban army. colonel frederick funston, who returned to new york in january, , told an interesting story of brave yankee boys serving under general gomez and general garcia in eastern cuba, and also gave an account of the sad death of w. dana osgood, the famous football player, formerly of the university of pennsylvania. colonel funston was with gomez's army when they attacked guimaro. they had with them a twelve-pound hotchkiss rifle and four american artillerymen, osgood of pennsylvania, latrobe and janney of baltimore, and devine of texas. they attacked guimaro in the morning, at ranges of from to yards, the infantry being protected by a breastwork of earth, in which openings were left for the guns. the spanish garrison consisted of men in eleven forts, and they maintained a hot fire all day. gradually, however, the hotchkiss rifle, the fire of which was directed by osgood, made the largest and nearest fort untenable, and it was abandoned by the garrison. no sooner had the spanish forces left it than a band of the insurgents took possession, and from this point of vantage the fighting was continued with renewed vigor. as soon as darkness came on one of the cuban guns was moved forward and stationed in this fort, and on the following day a storm of shot and shell was directed at the other forts. naturally the rifles of the garrison were trained most of the time upon the man sighting the hotchkiss in the captured fort, and there, leaning over his gun in the early morning, the intrepid osgood was shot through the head. he was carried off by his comrades under fire, and died four hours later. the death of this gallant young soldier was universally lamented, and the cubans honor his memory as one of the first americans to give his life while fighting for their cause. with gomez, with garcia, and with maceo, in every insurgent camp, there were brave men, american born, who fought for the flag of free cuba, side by side with the native soldier, and who gave their lives in the war against spanish tyranny and misrule. chapter xxii. filibusters from florida. first expeditions--expense to the united states--president pierce's action--the uprising in -the patrol of the coasts--an expedition on the "three friends"--arms and ammunition for the insurgents--desperate chances--a successful landing. the record of the last fifty years is the clearest and most convincing evidence that can be offered against the spanish contention that the united states is not concerned with the question of government in cuba, and has not been tremendously injured by the inability of spanish administration to furnish the cubans with a peaceful and satisfactory government. the first bit of evidence to be submitted comes from away back in , when president polk, on behalf of the united states, announced that while the united states was willing that cuba should be continued under spanish ownership and government, it would never consent to the occupation of the island by any other european nation. it was pointed out at that time by the american government that were the united states to admit that cuba was open to seizure by any government that was able to throw spain out the fact that it was nearly surrounded, in central and south america and in other west indian islands, by territory belonging to twelve other nations would make it the ground of interminable squabbles. and these squabbles were not matters which would be without interest and damage to the commerce and peace of the united states. this was followed by an offer of $ , , to spain for the island of cuba. the offer was promptly declined, and the united states was informed that cuba was not on the market. first filibustering expedition. nevertheless, there was formed in the united states the lone star society, which had as its object "the acquisition of the island of cuba as part of the territory of the united states." the "conspiracy of lopez," which is fully treated of in previous pages of this work, was the first filibustering expedition that attracted particular attention from the authorities, and it was hoped that its disastrous end would deter others from like attempts. but the hope was a vain one, for within two years a similar expedition, led by general quitman of mississippi, was organized in the united states. many men were enlisted and vessels chartered, but the expedition was suppressed by the government of the united states. expense to united states. it will thus be seen that the fact that spain had not been able to govern cuba peaceably has caused the united states great expense and irritation for a much longer period than is usually taken into consideration in these days. it is not the fault of the united states that its citizens have been stirred to sympathy with the victims of the spanish policy of government by robbery and murder. it is not the fault of the united states that this country has been the refuge of men who have been outlawed from the country of their birth because their presence there meant the irrepressible working in them of a desire for freedom, a desire intolerable to spanish institutions. it is not the fault of the united states that these refugees, living in the land of civil liberty, should desire to return to their native country and drive out those who made it miserable. but it would have been the fault of the united states, under international law, if these exiled cubans were permitted to carry out their very natural and laudable desire in concert with the americans whose sympathy had been stirred by the story of spanish wrongs. to ferret out the plans for expeditions conceived with such determination and perseverance was not only a task requiring tremendous expenditure of money and energy, but it was a miserably disagreeable and unpopular work for the government to engage in. on the st of may, , president pierce issued a proclamation instructing citizens of the united states as to their duties in refraining from encouragement, aid, or participation in connection with the cuban insurrections. the uprising in . in the fall of , after scattering uprisings and several battles during the preceding year, plans for a concerted insurrection were arranged. the plan was discovered and the insurrection was started prematurely. there followed a campaign in which spanish forces, amounting to , men, were unable to hold in check the cuban force of about , . in may the filibustering expeditions, that were to prove such an immense expense and annoyance to the united states, began again. the spanish navy co-operated with the united states government in the efforts to suppress these expeditions, but many of them eluded the authorities, and aided the insurgents with arms and provisions. this was irritating to spain and the united states alike, because it cost just as much to keep up an unsuccessful anti-filibustering patrol as it did actually to catch filibusters, and, moreover, every successful expedition weakened the authority of the federal government. that authority in the southern states just after the war was none too strong, and it was not a good thing that the spectacle of defiance to the united states should be flaunted along the southern coast. from until , when the present insurrection gained strength to become openly active, the island is supposed to have been at peace, but in the latter year the open war and filibustering expeditions began again. the name of president cleveland was added to the list of presidents whose duty it was to interfere with efforts to aid cuban liberty. he issued appropriate proclamations on june , , and july , . revenue cutters and warships constantly patrolled the florida coast and, indeed, all the waters of the gulf, and sometimes new york harbor, to head off filibustering expeditions. it is said to have cost more to suppress the natural desire of citizens of the united states to relieve the political distress in cuba than it has cost to enforce customs regulations from the same territory. the voyage of the "three friends." as evidence of the fact that cuban sympathizers have been successful in escaping the patrol on american coasts and the enemy's battleships in cuban waters, we give the report of one of many expeditions that have been made during the past three years. the steamer "three friends," of jacksonville, florida, in command of captain napoleon b. broward, returned to jacksonville on march th, having succeeded in landing in cuba, general enrique collazo, major charles hernandez, and duke estrada, besides fifty-four men taken off the schooner "ardell" from tampa, and the entire cargo of arms and ammunition of the schooner "mallory" from cedar key. it was by long odds the most important expedition that has set out from this country, and the cubans at jacksonville, when they learned that the "three friends" had safely fulfilled her mission, shouted "viva cuba!" until they were hoarse. they declared that it would change the character of the whole war, as the unarmed men would now be armed, and that maceo, who had before been wary and cautious, would be more aggressive than he had ever been before. the cargo of arms landed by the "three friends" and the "mallory" was as follows: , rounds of cartridges, , rifles, , machetes, revolvers, besides stores, reloading tools, etc. the "three friends" met the "mallory" at alligator key. the "ardell" had just finished transferring the men to her. while they were rendezvoused there behind the pines in a deep coral-walled creek, three big spanish men-of-war steamed slowly by, but they did not discover that there was anything suspicious looking in shore, although with a glass men could be seen in their look-outs scanning the horizon, as well as searching the shore. sunday, about noon, no vessels being in sight, the "three friends" took in tow the "mallory" and steamed southward under a good head of steam. the "three friends" is a powerful tug, and by monday night was close enough to the cuban shore to hear the breakers. several shiplights to the west were seen, one of which was evidently a spanish man-of-war, for she had a search-light at her bow, and was sweeping the waves with it, but the "three friends" was a long way off, and had no light, and so was out of the neighborhood of the spaniard. a successful landing. at ten o'clock that night, by the aid of a naphtha launch and two big surf boats, which had been taken out of jacksonville, the "three friends" landed the men and ammunition from her hold, and from that of the "mallory." it took four and a half hours to complete the job. there were hundreds of men on shore to assist, and they did it silently, appreciating the peril of the position. the cubans on shore recognized general collazo immediately, and no words can describe their joy on seeing him. he is a veteran of cuban wars, and one whom spain fears. in fact, it is known that during his sojourn in florida he was shadowed by detectives, who had been instructed to spare no expense to keep collazo from reaching cuba. when it was whispered that collazo was really among them, they seemed not to believe their ears, but came forward and looked, and, seeing that there was really no mistake, threw up their arms and wept for joy. major charles hernandez and duke estrada were also enthusiastically welcomed. it was reported that night that maceo had received the arms of the first expedition that set forth three days before the "three friends" landed. they were not from the "commodore," for they reported that they were now on the lookout for that vessel. they said, too, that at the end of the week four expeditions were afloat. two, including the "three friends," had landed, and two more were on the way. tuesday morning, as the "three friends" was returning, she sighted a steamer that answered to the description of the "commodore." she was headed southward, and pushing along apparently at the rate of fifteen knots an hour. here is the story of the capture of an expedition, by commander butron, of the spanish gunboat "mensagera": "the 'mensagera' was directed to watch the coast between cayo julia and morrillo, about one hundred miles. it was heard on the afternoon of april that a suspicious schooner had been seen near quebrados de uvas. the gunboat followed, and found the 'competitor.' the usual signals were made, but the schooner tried to get closer in shore, so as to land a rapid-fire gun. "the 'mensagera' was then moved forward and fired a shot, which struck the schooner and exploded a box of cartridges which the men were trying to take ashore. several occupants of the schooner became alarmed, and threw themselves into the water, fearing an explosion of dynamite. the gunboat's crew seized rifles and began shooting, killing three men. several others reached shore. "three men were aboard the schooner when it was overhauled, and they surrendered without resistance. among them was owen milton, editor of the key west mosquito. sailors were sent ashore to capture the arms landed. in the skirmish, two men, supposed to be filibusters, and a horse were killed. they secured several abandoned cases of cartridges. a body of insurgents had come to watch the landing of the boat's crew. the 'mensagera' came to havana with the arms and prisoners, who were very seasick. the schooner was towed to havana by the gunboat 'vicente yanez.' it is regarded as an object of great curiosity by the crowds. it had the spanish flag floating when captured. it is a neat, strong boat, and looks fast. one of the prisoners captured steadily refuses to give his name." an account of the trial, as sent from havana, may th, reads as follows: "the court opened at the arsenal. the prisoners were alfredo liaborde, born in new orleans; owen milton, of kansas; william kinlea, an englishman, and elias vedia and teodore dela maza, both cubans. captain ruiz acted as president of the court, which consisted of nine other military and naval officers. the trial of the five filibusters captured aboard the 'competitor' was proceeded with against the formal protest presented by consul general williams, who declared that the trial was illegal and in violation of the treaty between spain and the united states. "the prisoners were not served with a copy of the charges against them and were not allowed to select their own counsel, but were represented by a naval officer appointed by the government. they were not permitted to call witnesses for their defense, the prosecution calling all the witnesses. owen milton, of kansas, testified through an interpreter that he came on the expedition only to correspond for a newspaper. william kinlea, when called, was in his shirt sleeves. he arose and said in english, 'i do not recognize your authority, and appeal for protection to the american and english consuls.'" fortunately for these prisoners, the united states government interfered, and they were eventually released. chapter xxiii. weyler the butcher. his ancestry--a soldier from his youth--he succeeds general campos--a master of diplomacy--a slave of spain--his personal appearance--his interview with a woman--his definition of war-- his resignation. early in , when the spanish government began to realize that the insurrection was assuming serious proportions, arrangements were made for the recall of general campos, then governor-general of the island, and general weyler was sent to assume the duties of the office. it was the opinion in spain that campos was too mild in his treatment of the rebels, and as weyler was known to have no lamb-like qualities, he was regarded as the ideal man for the position. that he did not succeed in putting down the rebellion was certainly not due to any lack of extreme measures on his part. he is known as the "butcher," and his management of affairs in cuba certainly gives him every right to the title. valeriano weyler y nicolau, to give him his full name, is only half a spaniard. his father was a prussian, though weyler himself was born in cadiz in . his parents were in very moderate circumstances and not of noble birth. what weyler has won he has acquired through his own efforts. he has made his way single-handed. he graduated from the infantry school at toledo in and was at once sent to cuba as a subaltern. he was quickly made a captain and his first work was to subdue a small revolt in san domingo. he rose rapidly in rank, and during the first cuban revolt he was in command in the province of santiago, where he earned the title that has since made him famous in the eyes of his supporters, but infamous from a civilized point of view. but he put down the revolt. he was rewarded with the appointment of captain general of the canary islands. his administration was so successful that he was created marquis of tenerife. he was then barely thirty-nine years old. he distinguished himself in the carlist war and at its conclusion he was made captain general of the philippines, where he quelled an insurrection and admittedly gave the islands the best administration they had ever known. he returned to spain in and was in command at barcelona until the present cuban revolution began. here is a mental photograph of him by a newspaper correspondent: "most men resemble their reputations, and if a life famously spent is in the mind of one who visits a character of world-wide repute, he quite naturally discovers peculiarities, of facial expression and physique which appear to account for the individuality of the man, fighter, philosopher, criminal, reformer or whatever he may be. "all this is true of general weyler. he is one of those men who create a first impression, the first sight of whom can never be effaced from the mind, by whose presence the most careless observer is impressed instantly, and yet, taken, altogether, he is a man in whom the elements of greatness are concealed under a cloak of impenetrable obscurity. inferior physically, unsoldierly in bearing, exhibiting no trace of refined sensibilities nor pleasure in the gentle associations that others live for, or at least seek as diversions, he is nevertheless the embodiment of mental acuteness, crafty, unscrupulous, fearless and of indomitable perseverance. "i have talked with campos, marin and weyler, the three captain-generals to whom spain has intrusted (thus far unsuccessfully) the reconquest of cuba. reconquest seems an ill-chosen word, but one of general weyler's staff has so denominated this war, and cuban revolutions can be settled only by conquests, campos was an exceptional man. marin was commonplace. weyler is unique. campos and marin affected gold lace, dignity and self-consciousness. weyler ignores them all as useless, unnecessary impediments, if anything, to the one object of his existence. campos was fat, good natured, wise, philosophical, slow in his mental processes, clear in his judgment, emphatic in his opinions, outspoken, and, withal, lovable, humane, conservative, constructive, progressive, with but one project ever before him, the glorification of spain as a mother-land and a figure among peaceful, enlightened nations. "weyler is lean, diminutive, shriveled, ambitious for immortality, irrespective of its odor, a master of diplomacy, the slave of spain, for the glory of sitting at the right of her throne, unlovable, unloving, exalted, and doubtless justly, in self-esteem, because he is unmistaken in his estimation of his value to his queen. his passion is success, per se, foul or fair consequences or the conventional ideas of humanity notwithstanding. "he is a little man. an apparition of blacks--black eyes, black hair, black beard, dark, exceedingly dark, complexion, a plain black attire, black shoes, black tie, a very dirty shirt and soiled standing collar, with no jewelry and not a relief from the aspect of darkness anywhere on his person. "it is not remarkable that i momentarily hesitated to make certain that this was actually weyler. doubt was dispelled with a look at his face. his eyes, far apart, bright, alert and striking, took me in at a glance. his face seemed to run to his chin, his lower jaw protruding far beyond any ordinary sign of firmness, persistence or willpower. his forehead is neither high nor receding, neither is it that of a thoughtful or philosophic man. his ears are set far back, and what is called the region of intellect, in which are those mental attributes that might be defined as powers of observation, calculation, judgment, and execution, is strongly developed. the conformation of his head, however, is not one that is generally accepted as an indication of any marked possession of philoprogenitiveness or its kindred emotions and inclinations. his nose is aquiline, bloodless and obtrusive; when he speaks it is with a high nasal enunciation that is not disagreeable, because it is not prolonged, and his sentences justify every impression that has already been formed of the man. they are short, crisp, emphatic and expressive. "'i have an aversion to speech,' he said. 'i am an enemy of publications. i prefer to act, not to talk. i am here to restore peace. when peace is in the land i am going away. i am a soldier. when i am gone, politicians will reconstruct cuba, and probably they will upset things again until they are as bad as they are now. i care not for america, england, anyone, but only for the treaties we have with them. they are the law. i observe the law, and every letter of the law. i have my ideas of cuba's relation to spain. i have never expressed them. some politicians would agree with them, others would not. no one would agree with all of them. i know i am merciless, but mercy has no place in war. i know the reputation which has been built up for me. things that are charged to me were done by officers under me, and i was held responsible for all things in the ten-years' war, including its victorious end. i do not conceal the fact that i am here solely because it is believed i can crush this insurrection. i care not what is said about me, unless it is a lie so great as to occasion alarm. i am not a politician. i am weyler.'" a woman's interview with weyler. the following interview with the "butcher" is by mrs. kate masterson, who bearded the lion in his den for an american newspaper: "his excellency, captain-general weyler, graciously gave me an audience to-day. he received me with most charming courtesy, escorted me through his apartments and presented me with a bunch of roses from his own table. before i left he had honored me with an invitation to dine with him at the palace. "'your excellency,' i said to him through my interpreter, 'the american women have a very bad opinion of you. i am very much afraid of you myself, but i have come to ask the honor of an interview with you, in order that i may write something which will reassure the women of america that you are not treating women and children unmercifully.' "'i do not give interviews,' he said. 'i am willing, however, to answer any question you wish to ask.' "'in the united states,' i said, 'an impression prevails that your edict shutting out newspaper correspondents from the field is only to conceal cruelties perpetrated upon the insurgent prisoners. will your excellency tell me the real cause?' "'i have,' replied the general, 'shut out the spanish and cuban papers from the field, as well as the american. in the last war the correspondents created much jealousy by what they wrote. they praised one and rebuked the other. they wrote what the prisoners dictated, instead of facts. they even created ill-feeling between the spanish officers. they are a nuisance.' "'then i can deny the stories as to your being cruel?' "the general shrugged his heavy shoulders as he said carelessly: 'i have no time to pay attention to stories. some of them are true and some are not. if you will particularize i will give direct answers, but these things are not important.' "'does not your excellency think that prisoners of war should be treated with consideration and mercy?' "the general's eyes glinted dangerously. 'the spanish columns attend to their prisoners just as well as any other country in time of war,' he replied. 'war is war. you cannot make it otherwise, try as you will.' "'will not your excellency allow me to go to the scene of battle under an escort of soldiers, if necessary, that i may write of the situation as it really is, and correct the impression that prevails in america that inhuman treatment is being accorded to the insurgent prisoners?' "'impossible,' answered the general. 'it would not be safe.' "'i am willing to take all the danger, if your excellency will allow me to go,' i exclaimed. "general weyler laughed. 'there would be no danger from the rebels,' he said, 'but from the spanish soldiers. they are of a very affectionate disposition and would all fall in love with you.' "'i will keep a great distance from the fighting, if you will allow me to go.' "the general's lips closed tightly, and he said: 'impossible! impossible!' "'what would happen,' i asked, 'if i should be discovered crossing the lines without permission?' "'you would be treated just the same as a man.' "'would i be sent to castle morro?' "'yes,' he replied, nodding his head vigorously. that settled it. i decided not to go. "'why,' i asked him, 'is the rule incommunicado placed upon prisoners? is it not cruel to prevent a man from seeing his wife and children?' "'the rule incommunicado,' said the general, 'is a military law. prisoners are allowed to see their relatives as a favor, but we exercise discretion in these cases.' "'there are stories that prisoners are shot in castle morro at daybreak each morning, and that the shots can be plainly heard across the bay. is this true?' "the general's eyes looked unpleasant again. 'it is false!' he said shortly. 'the prisoners go through a regular court-martial, and no one could be shot at morro without my orders, and i have not given orders to shoot anyone since i have been here.' "'do you not think it very cruel that innocent women and children should be made to suffer in time of war?' "'no innocent women and children do suffer. it is only those who leave their homes and take part in battle who are injured. it is only the rebels who destroy peaceful homes.' "'it is reported,' i said, 'that thirty women are fighting under maceo. is this true?' "'yes,' replied the general. 'we took one woman yesterday. she was dressed in man's clothes and was wielding a machete. she is now in morro castle. these women are fiercer than men. many of them are mulattoes. this particular woman was white.' "'what will be her fate?' "'she will go through the regular form of trial.' "'will no mercy be shown her?' "'mercy is always shown to a woman. while the law is the same for both sexes, there is a clause which admits of mercy to a woman.' "'there are several cuban women insurgents in morro and the cabanas. would your excellency,' i asked, 'allow me to visit them?' "'no,' he said. 'there is a law that no foreigner shall enter our fortresses. it is a military law. we can make no exceptions. you understand that i do not wish to be discourteous, senorita.' "'some of these women,' i continued, 'are said to be imprisoned for merely having cuban flags in their homes. is this possible?' "'treason,' exclaimed the general, 'is always a crime, punishable by imprisonment.' "'there is a newspaper correspondent at present in morro. what was his crime?' "the general shrugged his shoulders again. 'i know nothing about him,' he said. 'i think he has been freed.' "'do you not think the life of a newspaper correspondent in havana is at present a most unhappy one?' "'i think it must be, for they make me unhappy. if they were all like you it would be a pleasure.' "'is it true that thumbscrews are used to extort confessions from prisoners?' "'not by the spaniards. rebels use all these things, similar to those that were used in the inquisition tortures.' "'what does your excellency think of the cubans as a race? do you not think them progressive and brave?' "'with the progress of all nations the cubans have progressed,' he replied. 'there are many cubans in sympathy with spain, but this insurrection is a blot upon the cuban race which nothing can ever erase. it is a stain made with the blood of the slain and the tears of the women. it injures the cubans themselves more than any other.'" in spite of weyler's boasts when he assumed command of the spanish forces in cuba that he would quickly put down the insurrection, his failure was as complete as that of general campos had been, and his recall was finally demanded. in his letter of protest to the home government he said: "if the functions with which the government had entrusted me had been merely those of governor general of cuba, i should have hastened to resign. but the twofold character of my mission and my duty as commander-in-chief in the face of the enemy prevent my tendering a resignation. "nevertheless, although i can rely upon the absolute, unconditional support of the autonomist and constitutional parties, as well as upon public opinion, this would be insufficient without the confidence of the government, now more than ever necessary to me after the censure of which i have been made the object by the members and journals of the liberal party and by public opinion in the united states, which latter is largely influenced by the former. this confidence would be necessary to enable me to put an end to the war, which has already been virtually concluded from our lines at jucaro to cape antonio." senor sagasta replied: "i thank you for your explanation and value your frankness, i wish to assure you that the government recognizes your services and values them as they deserve, but it thinks a change of policy. in order to succeed, requires that the authorities should be at one with the ministry." chapter xxiv. cuba under the scourge. the civil guards and their crimes--horrible murder of eight innocent men--a man after weyler's own heart--how the spanish gain "victories"--life, liberty and property sacrificed--the war not a race war--resistance to the bitter end. cuba has been under martial law for over fifty years, and its enforcement by the civil guards (as the officers appointed by the spanish government are called) has been responsible for innumerable outrages against the lives and property of the inhabitants. these officials have been guilty of every crime in the calendar, but protected by their positions they have escaped legal punishment, and it has only been on occasions when, driven to desperation, the people have acted as judges and executioners by taking the law into their own hands that any redress has been possible. if for any reason these guards wish to persecute a man, the fact that he is a non-combatant is no protection to him, nor to his family. they have been the means of adding to the ranks of the insurrectionists, for frequently the man who has seen his relatives and friends shot before his eyes, to satisfy some personal spite, or in order that some officer may get credit for a battle, has left his fields and gone to strike a manly blow for his country and his home. the story of eight peaceable white men, who were shot without trial, at campo florida, near havana, will serve as an example of the work of these fiends. these poor fellows were arrested, their arms were tied, and they were taken to the police station. one of them had just completed a coffin for a woman, and he was dragged to the station with a rope about his neck. the next day, without even the pretense of a trial, they were taken two at a time into a ravine near the fort, where a trench had been lately dug, and in spite of the most pitiful pleas for mercy, they were shot down in cold blood by the cruel guards, who seemed to take fiendish delight in their work of blood. the following statement was seat by cuban, patriots, with the request that it be given the widest publicity possible, among the people of the united states: "if the government that unhappily rules the destinies of this unfortunate country should be true to the most rudimentary principles of justice and morality, colonel jull, who has been recently appointed military governor of matanzas province, should be in the galleys among criminals. it is but a short time since he was relieved by general martinez campos of the military command at cienfuegos, as he had not once engaged any of the insurgent forces, but vented all his ferocious instincts against innocent and inoffensive peasants. "in yaguaramas, a small town near cienfuegos, he arrested as suspects and spies mr. antonio morejon, an honest and hard-working man, and mr. ygnacio chapi, who is well advanced in years, and almost blind. not being able to prove the charge against them, as they were innocent, he ordered major moreno, of the barcelona battalion, doing garrison duty at yaguaramas, to kill them with the machete and have them buried immediately. major moreno answered that he was a gentleman, who had come to fight for the integrity of his country, and not to commit murder. this displeased the colonel sorely, but, unfortunately, a volunteer sergeant, with six others, was willing to execute the order of the colonel, and morejon and chapi were murdered without pity. "the order of jull was executed in the most cruel manner. it horrifies to even think of it. mr. chapi, who knew the ways of colonel jull, on being awakened at three o'clock in the morning, and notified by the guard that he and morejon had to go out, suspected what was to come, and told his companion to cry out for help as soon as they were taken out of the fort. they did so, but those who were to execute the order of jull were neither moved nor weakened in their purpose. a horrible sight. "on the contrary, at the first screams of chapi and morejon they threw a lasso over their heads, and pulled at it by the ends. in a few moments they fell to the ground choked to death. they were dragged on the earth, without pity, to the place where they were buried. all this bloody scene was witnessed by jull from a short distance. providence had not willed that so much iniquity should remain hidden forever. in the hurry the grave where these two innocent men were buried was not dug deep enough, and part of the rope with which they were choked remained outside. a neighbor, looking for a lost cow, saw the rope, took hold of it, and, on pulling, disinterred the head of one of the victims. he was terror stricken, and immediately gave notice to the judge, who, on ascertaining that the men had been killed by order of colonel jull, suspended proceedings. "the neighbors and all the civil and military authorities know everything that has been related here, but such is the state of affairs on the island that general weyler has no objection to appointing this monster, colonel jull, military governor of matanzas. such deeds as those enumerated are common. the people of the town of matanzas, with jull as governor, and arolas at the head of a column, will suffer in consequence of their pernicious and bloody instincts. "that the readers may know in part who general arolas is, it may be well to relate what has happened in the mercedes estate, near colon. it having come to his knowledge that a small body of rebels was encamped on the sugar estate mercedes, of mr. carrillo, general arolas went to engage them, but the rebels, who were few in numbers, retreated. much vexed at not being able to discharge one shot at them, he made prisoners of three workmen who were out in the field herding the animals of the estate and without any formality of trial shot them. when the bodies were taken to the central they were recognized, and to cover his responsibility somewhat, general arolas said that when he challenged them they ran off, and at the first discharge of musketry they fell dead." life, liberty and property sacrificed. life, liberty and property have all been sacrificed by these determined patriots for the sake of the cause they love. their towns have been burned, their homes pillaged, their wives and children starved, and in many sections of the island nothing but ruin and waste meets the eye. even their sick and wounded are not safe from the oppressor's sword, and wherever the insurgents have a hospital, they have a garrison to protect it. each of the six provinces has an insurgent hospital, with a staff of physicians and nurses, and a detachment of the army. the largest of these lies in that part of santa clara called the isthmus of zapata. it is a wild, swampy region, through which the natives alone can distinguish those precarious tracks, where the slightest deviation means being engulfed in the treacherous morass. a determined resistance. a prominent cuban, who may be said to speak for his entire race, makes this declaration: "the population of the island is, in round numbers, , , , of which less than , are spaniards, some , are colored cubans, and over , white cubans. of the spaniards, a small but not inconsiderable fraction, although not taking an active part in the defense of our cause, sympathize with, and are supporting it in various ways. of the cubans, whether colored or white, all are in sympathy with the revolution, with the exception of a few scattered individuals who hold positions under the spanish government or are engaged in enterprises which cannot thrive without it. all of the cubans who have had the means and the opportunity to join the revolutionary army have done so, while those who have been compelled for one reason or another to remain in the cities are co-operating to the best of their abilities. if the people of the small section of the western part of the island, which yet remains quiet, were supplied with arms and ammunition they would rise, to a man, within twenty-four hours. "this revolution of the whole cuban people against the government of spain is what the spanish officials are pleased to describe as a disturbance caused by a few adventurers, robbers, bandits, and assassins! but they have a purpose in so characterizing it, and it is no other than to justify, in some way, the war of extermination which the prime minister of spain himself has declared will be waged by his government against the cuban people. they are not yet satisfied with the rivers of human blood with which in times past they inundated the fields of italy, of the low countries, of our continent of america, and only a few years ago, of cuba itself. the spanish newspaper of havana, 'el pueblo,' urges the spanish soldiers to give no quarter, to spare no one, to kill all, all without exception, until they shall have torrents of cuban blood in which to bathe themselves. it is well. the cubans accept the challenge, but they will not imitate their tyrants and cover themselves with infamy by waging a savage war. the cubans respect the lives of their spanish prisoners, they do not attack hospitals, and they cure and assist with the same care and solicitude with which they cure and assist their own, the wounded spaniards who may fall into their hands. they have done so from the beginning of the war, and they will not change their humane policy. "the spanish officials have also attempted to convince you that the cuban war is a war of races. of what races? of the black against the white? it is not true, and the facts plainly show that there is nothing of the kind. nor is the war waged by cubans against the spaniards as such. no. the war is waged against the government of spain, and only against the government of spain and the officials and a few monopolists, who, under it, live and thrive upon the substance of the cubans. we have no ill feeling against the thousands of spaniards who industriously and honestly make their living in cuba. "but with the spanish government we will make no peace, and we will make no compromise. under its rule there will be nothing for our people but oppression and misery. for years and years the cuban people have patiently suffered, and in the interests of the colony, as well as in the interests of the metropolis, have earnestly prayed for reforms. spain has not only turned a deaf ear to the prayers, but instead of reforming the most glaring abuses, has allowed them to increase and flourish, until such a point has been reached that the continuation of spanish rule means for the cuban people utter destruction." chapter xxv. fitzhugh lee to the front. importance of the american consulate at havana in a critical time--general fitzhugh lee the man for the place--sketch of the life of lee--a nation's confidence in its popular hero--how he left havana and how he promised to return wife and family of general lee--his place during the early period of the war. never was there a more genuine and typical american gentleman in a difficult position where a genuine and typical american gentleman was needed, than fitzhugh lee, the american consul-general at havana during the most critical time prior to the outbreak of our war with spain. the cuban consul generalship is an office of much greater importance than others of the same name in other countries where diplomatic representatives are maintained. it includes the obligations of diplomacy as well as those of commerce, and lee was the man for both. his predecessor in the office, ramon williams, had held the position for many years and it was recognized by him as well as by the authorities at washington that a change should be made because of the unusual demands upon the office. his long and faithful service in the tropical country had undermined his health so that his energies were lessened thereby, at a time when they were most needed for the safety of american interests. it was in the spring of that president cleveland, believing that a man of unusual ability should represent the united states at havana, chose fitzhugh lee for the post. the selection was approved from the first by everyone who knew him, and not many months had passed until general lee became an idol and a hero of the whole american people. his havana record has been no surprise to those who knew of his exploits during the war, or of his family. blood will tell, and it has told in the case of general lee. his family has always been famous in american history. how could the grandson of "lighthorse harry, the revolutionary hero," or the nephew of robert e. lee, be anything else but courageous and possessed of tact and common sense? the son of a naval officer, he preferred the army as a career. graduating from west point, he fought on the frontier for six years before the opening of the rebellion, and was engaged in several desperate encounters with the comanche indians in texas. on one of these occasions he was pierced through the lungs by an arrow, but he lived to tell the story. on another occasion he grappled with a big indian in a hand-to-hand encounter, threw his antagonist on the ground and killed him. though only twenty-seven years of age, lee was an instructor in cavalry tactics at west point when the war broke out. he "followed his state" into the secession movement. his war record is a matter of pride to every virginian. the dashing young officer was an ideal trooper, fearing nothing and loved by his men. he was modest, too. after some brilliant movement of personal valor his brigade formed in a body and determined to serenade him at his headquarters, expecting, of course, a speech. but lee got an inkling of the matter, and when he saw them coming he slipped out of his tent and hid in the bushes. after the disappointed troopers had called for him in vain and dispersed he peeped furtively from his hiding place, and in a subdued tone asked, "have they gone?" composure in battle. general lee possessed remarkable composure in battle. he never got the least rattled under the most trying conditions, except at saylor's creek, on the retreat from petersburg; he never betrayed anxiety, and, though often under a rattling fire, no one ever saw him dodge. this cannot be said of many of the bravest men. sometimes a bullet will unexpectedly whizz close to one's head, and the impulse to dodge is almost irresistible, though it never did anybody any good. one of the officers with him said once that the only time he had been moved by the enemy's fire was at the battle of winchester. he and general early met under an apple tree near the summit of a hill and in a very exposed place. there was no firing at the time, but while the two generals, still on their horses, were intently examining a map, one shot was fired. it fell short and they paid no attention to it. but lo! another came, struck the apple tree just above their heads, and as the apples rained down on them they concluded the map could be better examined in a less exposed position--a conclusion in which all others agreed with remarkable unanimity. and nobody stopped to get any apples. general lee is a superb horseman. he rode a splendid mare named nellie. she had the form, the strength, the nimbleness of limb, the tapering neck, the alert poise of the head, the bright and intelligent eyes that made her a model worthy to bear any master. she was all grace and beauty. when the confederate columns were broken in the same battle and the rout began, for it was little less, general lee was at a very exposed point. the fire of thirty pieces of artillery was directed against it. the air was full of exploding shells; horses were plunging about on three legs, neighing piteously for a place of refuge; others were disemboweled by the furious shot; others were loose, running to and fro, bewildered by the terrible havoc, while the mutilated bodies of men could be seen on every hand; numbers who were crippled were hobbling away, and all seemed doomed to death. it was here that the beautiful nellie was gored by one fragment of shell and her master's leg torn by another. he was noted for his geniality and jollity. he loved humor and fun, and got all there was to be had in those trying times. but his cheerfulness failed at appomattox. there he cried. after the war had ended, general lee settled in stafford county as a farmer and miller. his life was the quiet and uneventful one of a country gentleman, caring for nothing but his wife, whom he married in , and his children. about he began to take an active part in politics, and he attended the national convention of as a delegate. in he was elected governor of virginia. it was then that he again became conspicuous. general lee headed the southern division of the inauguration parade, and his handsome presence and splendid horsemanship forced the men on the sidewalks to cheer him with more vim than they did anyone else. a similar demonstration occurred when, four years later, general lee led the virginia troops in the washington centennial parade in new york to the stirring tune of "dixie." on both of these occasions he sat in the identical saddle which his uncle, general robert e. lee, had used on his familiar gray war horse, traveler. who could occupy it more worthily? any one who has seen "fitz" lee mounted like a centaur on a virginia thoroughbred is certain to have in memory ever afterward an ideal figure of a knightly "man on horseback." afoot he is not so imposing, being only of medium stature, and, of late years, quite portly. he has a fine head and face, with frank steel blue eyes and a ruddy complexion, set off by his now almost white hair, mustache and imperial. his bearing is alert and military. altogether, he does not look, and probably does not feel, his sixty-two years. during mr. cleveland's second term he was made collector of internal revenue at lynchburg, va. the man for the place at havana. once settled in his position in havana, general lee's fame began to multiply. the american opinion of him was voiced immediately after the destruction of the maine, by l. p. sigsbee, the brother of the commander of that ill-fated ship, when he said: "there's a man down there looking after the interests of this country who cannot be blinded. he has more sand than anybody i know of, and if there's anything treacherous in this explosion we'll know of it without delay. the man i mean is general fitzhugh lee." the same thought occurred to every american who had watched his career. from first to last everybody had confidence in his americanism, his bravery and his cool-headedness. he held his office through merit alone, no politician gaining any success in the effort to win from him that position of distinction and profit, after the change of administration when president mckinley assumed the executive chair. the nation recognized that he was first an american and an interference with him on partisan grounds would not have been tolerated. jealous of american honor, and firm in insisting upon the rights of his countrymen, he has always kept cool. courteous and polite as well as courageous, he has never blustered and he has won the respect and admiration of the spaniards as well as their fear. throughout his service in cuba, general lee's figure was a familiar one in havana, and even by those most antagonistic to him because of their official position, he was heartily admired. no matter what the threat of violence from hot-headed spaniards, when the relations were most strained between the two countries, general lee never admitted the slightest danger to himself and refused to accept any guard except that which he himself was able to maintain for himself. upon the streets and in the hotels and cafes he was exempt from disrespect by the sheer force of his splendid personality. and never until the last day of his stay in havana when all diplomatic relations were severed, did the spanish authorities in that city omit any of the forms of courtesy. general lee promises to return. on that day, when in company with the british consul general he went to bid farewell to captain general blanco, the latter refused to see him upon the excuse that he was too busy. when the homeward voyage was actually begun, in the little boat that carried to the steamer the consul general and the last newspaper correspondents who remained in havana till the end, the malice of the spanish onlookers at the docks could restrain itself no longer. with imprecations and scornful and insulting epithets they raised their voices against him. with proper dignity general lee ignored it all, except to say in one definite last message, that he would be back again before long with troops to stand by him. in his office in the consulate at havana, general lee gained the admiration and the confidence of every american who had occasion to meet him. brave as an american should be, and equally gentle and tender-hearted, he was the man for the place. the spanish outrages upon american citizens roused in him but two sentiments. one was sympathy and grief for those who suffered. the other was indignation and enmity against those who were guilty. to the extent of all his power he guarded and aided those for whom that first sentiment was roused. he left cuba with an accumulation of detestation for spanish outrages in that unhappy island against americans and cubans, that would stimulate to deeds of valor through whatever warfare might follow in which he should be a leader. with a great heart, a brilliant mind and a magnificent physique, general lee combined all the qualities which made him worthy of the american pride which was centered upon him. chapter xxvl americans in spanish dungeons. spanish hatred of the american nation--instances of injustice-- the case of dr. ruiz--his death in a dungeon--julio sanguilly-- action of the united states senate in his behalf--a correspondent in morro castle--walter dygert's experiences--general lee shows his mettle in the case of charles scott. not content with their cruel and inhuman treatment of cuban patriots, the spanish officials have seemed to take special satisfaction in imprisoning and even murdering american citizens on the slightest pretext. the object of their most bitter hatred is the insurgent, but if they are to be judged by their deeds, it would appear that the american occupies a close second place in their black-list. time and again our government has been compelled to interfere to save the lives of its citizens, and unfortunately this interference has on several occasions been too late. it is not possible to present a list of all the men and women of american birth who have lost life, liberty and property by spanish authority, from the massacre of the crew of the virginius to the wrecking of the maine, but a few instances may be mentioned, which will prove conclusively that the retribution, of which the glorious victory in manila bay was but the commencement, came none too soon. the case of dr. ruiz. one of the most flagrant of these outrages was the imprisonment of dr. ricardo ruiz, a cuban by birth, but a naturalized citizen of the united states. he was a dentist by profession, having studied in a pennsylvania dental college, and after receiving his diploma, he returned to his native country to practice his profession. he was accused of being in sympathy with the revolutionists, arrested and kept in prison for two years, when he died, probably from violence. in the following letter, written from havana, regarding the case, will be seen the reasons for this supposition: "ruiz died, according to the surgeons, from congestion of the brain, caused by a blow or blows. when general lee and mr. calhoun visited the jail in guanabacoa, they were shown the cell in which the spanish say that ruiz died. the guard explained to general lee and mr. calhoun that he heard thumping on the inside of the door, and when he opened it and went in, ruiz was running at the heavy door and butting it with his head. ruiz had only one wound on the top of his head. had he butted this door, as the jailer says, his scalp must necessarily have been lacerated in several places." julio sanguilly is another american citizen who was tried for treason, and sentenced to life imprisonment. this case attracted a great deal of attention in the united states, and a resolution was passed by the committee on foreign relations of the senate, making a demand on the spanish government for his release. during the debate on this resolution, senator daniel, of virginia, said: "two years ago yesterday, julio sanguilly, an american citizen, was thrown into prison. two years have gone by and this government has done practically nothing for this citizen. great britain would have released him as soon as one of her battleships could reach havana. he has been brutally treated and condemned on unsworn testimony before military tribunals. this country and all civilization have been disgraced by the treatment meted out to this unfortunate man. every citizen of this country would have patriotically applauded the president if he had sent a fleet of american battleships and compelled the release, of this american citizen, whose country has been insulted by the treatment accorded to him and to our representative in cuba." the prime minister at madrid, realizing that trouble of a serious nature was likely to come from this affair, cabled weyler to discharge the prisoner from custody, and banish him from the island. sanguilly immediately came to the united states, where he was warmly received by his friends, and he has since been actively engaged in work for cuba's freedom. charles scott, an employe of the american gas company, was arrested at regla, charged with having cuban postage stamps in his possession. he was in solitary confinement, in a damp, empty cell, five feet by eleven, for fourteen days. once during his imprisonment he was left for two days without even a drop of water. general lee, then united states consul at havana, cabled to washington, asking that arrangements be made to send war vessels to havana, in case of necessity, and declaring that unless his requests were complied with, he would leave the island. in this affair, as in many others, general lee proved that he was the right man in the right place, for it was due to his efforts in scott's behalf that he was finally given his liberty. mr. charles michaelson, a newspaper correspondent, and his interpreter, were imprisoned, in morro castle as suspects. it required fine detective work to discover this fact, for they were missing for some time before it was definitely known that they were in the clutches of weyler, but the "butcher" finally admitted it, and after a short delay was persuaded by the united states consul to release them. mr. michaelson's treatment was almost brutal in its nature. the interior of the castle is like a dungeon, and he was compelled to sleep on the floor, as a hammock sent to him by friends outside was not given to him till the day of his release. his food was thrown to him through the bars of the door, and meals sent in to him were eaten by the guards. rats were his constant companions, and when, occasionally, he would sink into a light slumber, he would be suddenly awakened to find one of the animals in his hair, another burrowing under his coat, and still another making a meal on his shoes. on one occasion he threw a shoe at a rat, which struck the door of his cell, whereupon the guard threatened to punish him for a breach of prison discipline, the noise being against the rules. walter dygart relates his experience while the enforced guest of the spanish government. it is evident that the keeper of a prison in cuba has a profitable occupation. "a child may weep at brambles' smart, and maidens when their lovers part; but woe worth a country when she sees the tears of bearded men." "these lines by the poet, scott, recurred to me when i saw aged men weeping and heart-broken at being separated from their families and shut up in this hell. but why does the spanish government shut up helpless cripples and non-combatants? this is a question that puzzled me for some time, but i finally solved it, and will answer it after i have described the food and water. "a little after six in the morning we were, each of us, given a very small cup of coffee. the first meal of the day, if it could be called a meal, came after nine o'clock. it consisted of a little rice, which was generally dirty, a few small potatoes, boiled with their skins on, and often partly rotten, a little piece of boiled salt beef, or beef cut up in small bits, with soup, just about half enough, and of the poorest quality. the meat was often spoiled and unfit for anything but a vulture to eat. the second and last meal of the day came about four in the afternoon, and was the same as the first. "i had no opportunity to count the prisoners, but i learned that there were about on the average confined there. i learned as definitely as i could, without seeing the contract, that a certain party had the contract to feed these prisoners at twenty-five cents each per day. thus he gets $ a day, and i learned that the food costs him only $ to $ a day, and, as some of the prisoners did the cooking, his profit can be readily seen. on such a contract he could afford to divide with the judge and army officers to keep the prison full." a minister of the gospel in morro castle. the southern baptist missionary society has a mission in the city of havana, and it was formerly in charge of rev. alberto j. diaz, whose home is in the united states. ever loyal to his flag, and believing in the institutions of his country, he lost no opportunity to preach civil as well as religious liberty, and though often warned to desist, by the spanish authorities, he continued the course which he regarded as his solemn duty. he gives particulars of his arrest as follows: "about three o'clock one morning i was aroused by a knock at the door of my house, and when i opened it i saw some fifty or sixty spanish soldiers, with their guns leveled at me. i quickly shut the door and talked through it. the captain said he must search the house, and i consented to let three men come in. they spent seven hours looking through two trunks full of sermons, and other papers, and when the search was completed they had found no incriminating documents." nevertheless, both dr. diaz and his brother were imprisoned in morro castle. they were tried for treasonable utterances and sentenced to death. fortunately one of the sentries of the prison was a member of dr. diaz's church, and through his kind offices, a message was sent to the president of the southern baptist missionary society in atlanta. he communicated with the authorities at washington. this resulted in the execution being postponed, and the brothers were accorded more humane treatment than they had received heretofore. dr. diaz now addressed a telegram to our secretary of state, giving the particulars of the arrest, trial and conviction, and appealing to him to demand their immediate release. the message was smuggled on board a boat bound for key west, and weyler, hearing of it, at once cabled to washington that diaz had been released. he, with his brother and his family, was compelled to leave the island by the first steamer, and they returned to the united states. in our treaty with spain, which was in force up to the time of the declaration of war, was the following clause: "no citizen of the united states, residing in spain, her adjacent islands, or her ultramarine possessions, charged with acts of sedition, treason, or conspiracy against the institutions, the public security, the integrity of the territory, or against the supreme government, or any other crime whatsoever, shall be subject to trial by any exceptionable tribunal, but exclusively by the ordinary jurisdiction, except in the case of being captured with arms in hand." this treaty was supposed to protect american citizens from trial by martial law, but it was disregarded by spanish officials in cuba time and again, and, in fact, up to the time of general lee's arrival in havana, an american citizen had very little advantage over a cuban insurgent, when the safety of his property or his person was concerned. chapter xxvii. maceo dead by treachery. a great leader in a great cause--a modern judas--the worthy son of a noble sire--the farewell letter--an estimate of maceo's character--rejoicing among spanish supporters--their mistaken belief--patriotic ardor of the insurgents. in the death of antonio maceo the cuban cause lost one of its strongest defenders. besides being a man of acute intellect, and a general of great military skill, he had the rare gift of personal magnetism, and no one ever followed his leadership who did not feel for him the devotion which often gives courage to cowards and makes heroes in the time of need. that his death was due to treachery there is little doubt. doctor zertucha, his physician and trusted friend, is accused of having betrayed him to the spaniards. an insurgent officer, who was with the general when he received his death wound, says that they heard gun shots in the vicinity of punta brava. zertucha galloped into the brush a short distance and returned, calling to them to follow him. maceo at once put spurs to his horse, and, followed by his aides, rode swiftly after the physician, who plunged into the thick growth on the side of the road. they had ridden only a short distance, when zertucha suddenly bent low in his saddle and swerved sharply to one side, galloping away like mad. almost at the same moment a volley was fired by a party of spanish soldiers hidden in the dense underbrush, and maceo and four of his aides dropped out of their saddles mortally wounded. the single survivor, the one who tells this story, managed to make his way back to his own men, and brought them up to the scene of the tragedy, but the bodies had been removed, and when they were finally discovered, they had been mutilated in a most shocking manner. it was then learned that one of the victims was francisco gomez, a son of the commander-in-chief of the cuban army, who was one of maceo's aides. it seems that his wound was not necessarily a fatal one, but he refused to leave his dying commander, and rather than to fall alive in the hands of his foes, he committed suicide. this letter was found in his hand: dear mamma, papa, dear brothers: i die at my post. i did not want to abandon the body of general maceo, and i stayed with him. i was wounded in two places, and as i did not fall into the hands of the enemy i have killed myself. i am dying. i die pleased at being in the defense of the cuban cause. i wait for you in the other world. your son, francisco gomez. torro in san domingo. (friends or foes, please transmit to its destination, as requested by one dead.) dr. zertucha surrendered to a spanish officer shortly after maceo was killed. he said that the dead leader was discouraged by the continual failures of the insurgents to make any headway against their foes; that, on account of his color, the subordinate officers in the cuban ranks did not show proper respect for him, or obedience to his commands, and that he had purposely placed himself in range of the enemy's rifles, deliberately seeking death. these statements are manifestly false, and go far to confirm the belief that the coward who made them had a guilty knowledge concerning the manner of the death of the brave soldier he maligned. an estimate of maceo's character. a gentleman who made maceo's acquaintance in havana, prior to the present insurrection, gives this estimate of his character: "maceo was a natural politician in that he had the genius of divining popular opinion, and taking the leadership of popular movements. he was in havana at that time sounding men and scheming for the present revolution. he was always of the sunniest disposition, closely attaching all people to him, and a man of the strictest moral integrity. he never drank wine, he never smoked, and that in a land where tobacco is as common as potatoes in ireland, and he never played cards. he had a great abhorrence of men who drank to excess, and would not tolerate them about him. "he always dressed, when in havana, in the most finished style. his massive frame--he was about five feet ten inches in height and unusually broad shouldered--was displayed to advantage always in frock coat, closely buttoned, and he usually wore a silk hat. he was neat, even to fastidiousness, in his dress. he usually carried a cane. "when maceo took the field, however, he roughed it with his men, and dressed accordingly. when in battle he carried a long-barreled -caliber revolver with a mother-of-pearl handle, and a toledo blade made in the form of a machete. the handle of this machete was finely wrought silver and turquoise shell, and had four notches in it, into which the fingers could easily fit. maceo always had three horses with him on his marches, the favorite being a big white one." probably no event in the war up to that time caused such general satisfaction among the supporters of the existing government, both in cuba and in spain, as the death of maceo. when jose marti was killed, they were certain that the loss of that leader would compel the insurrectionists to abandon hopes of success. on the contrary, it inspired them with greater determination than before. but the spanish sympathizers learned nothing from that experience, and when it was definitely known that maceo was no longer to be feared, they were unanimous in the belief that the end of the struggle was at hand. subsequent events have shown how little they knew of the kind of men with whom they were at war. "the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church," and every cuban patriot who has fallen in this conquest of extermination has but added fuel to the fires of liberty, which are sweeping spanish rule from the island, leaving the tyrants nothing but the ashes of their hopes. chapter xxviii. weyler's reconcentration policy and its horrors. the object of the plan--slaves of spain--the massacre of the innocents--deserted fields and farms--a fearful mortality--the cubans the oldest americans of caucasian blood--women and children doomed to die--an appeal for help--our manifest duty. when general weyler promulgated his policy of reconcentration he hypocritically claimed that it was intended to protect the non-combatant peasantry of the island, but his sole object was to compel them to put themselves wholly in the power of the spanish officials. no one knew better than the "butcher" that the cuban peasant, no matter what he might publicly profess, was bound with all his heart to the cause of free cuba, and that he never lost an opportunity to aid the insurgents by every means in his power. and when he formulated the plan compelling them to abandon their homes in the rural districts, and to herd like sheep in the cities and towns which were still under his rule, it was to prevent them from giving aid and information to the rebels. he must have known that the enforcement of this edict meant certain starvation to thousands of the inoffensive inhabitants, but no thought of the misery and injustice which he thus wrought upon them deterred him in his determination to crush the unhappy people, and keep them still the slaves of spain. the order found a very large proportion of the working classes absolutely destitute of money, and the men, knowing there was no work for them in the towns, hesitated about going with their families, while they did not dare to remain in their poor homes, where, at least, they could be sure of food. the consequence was that thousands of homes were deserted. the women and children were sent to the towns to look out for themselves as best they could, while the men joined the insurgent army. in a number of cases wives refused to be separated from their husbands, and followed them into the ranks of the revolutionists, where they fought like the amazons of old. some of them found a melancholy pleasure in nursing the sick and wounded, others fought side by side with the men, and the fear of death was not half as strong as the thoughts of the horrors which awaited them at their homes, or among the reconcentrados in the towns. marriages have been solemnized, and children have been born upon the fields of battle. spain is nursing a forlorn hope when she counts on subduing patriots like these. women and children doomed to die. hon. c. w. russell, an attache of the department of justice of the united states, went to cuba shortly after the order for reconcentration went into effect. it was his purpose to learn by personal observation how much or how little truth there was in the reports that had come to this country regarding the terrible suffering among the reconcentrados. he states the result of his investigations as follows: "i spent just two weeks in cuba, visited havana, went south to jaruco, southwest to guines, northeast to matanzas, eastwardly about two hundred miles through the middle of the country to san domingo, santa clara and sagua la grande. i visited marianao, a short distance west of havana, and saw along the railroad thirty or forty towns or stations. in havana i visited the fossos, the hospital prison at aldecoa, where i talked with the father of evangelina cisneros, and a place called the jacoba. i found reconcentrados at all three places, and begging everywhere about the streets of havana. "the spectacle at the fossos and jacoba houses, of women and children emaciated to skeletons and suffering from diseases produced by starvation, was sickening. in sagua i saw some sick and emaciated little girls in a children's hospital, started three days before by charitable cubans, and saw a crowd of miserable looking reconcentrados with tin buckets and other receptacles getting small allowances of food doled out to them in a yard. in the same city, in an old sugar warehouse, i saw stationed around the inside walls the remnants of twenty or thirty cuban families. "in one case the remnant consisted of two children, seven or eight years old. in another case, where i talked to the people in broken spanish, there were four individuals, a mother, a girl of fourteen, and two quite small girls. the smallest was then suffering from malarial fever. the next had the signs on her hands, with which i had become familiar, of having had that dreadful disease, the beri-beri. these four were all that order of concentration had left alive of eleven. at san domingo, where two railroads join, the depot was crowded with women and children, one of the latter, as i remember, being swollen up with the beri-beri, begging in the most earnest way of the few passengers. "san domingo is little more than a railroad station in times of peace, but at present it has a considerable population, living in cabins thatched with the tops of royal palm trees, composed of the survivors of the reconcentrados. the huts are arranged close together in a little clump, and the concentration order required and apparently still requires these people to live within a circle of small block houses, commonly dignified in the dispatches by the name of forts. they had no work to do, no soil to till, no seed to plant, and only begging to live on. i do not know the exact measure of the dead-line circle drawn around them, but there was certainly nothing within it upon which a human being could subsist. practically they were prisoners. at every one of the numerous stopping places along the road a similar collection of huts could be seen, and at most of them beggars, often nice looking women and beautiful children, invaded the cars. between the stations, although i traveled always by daylight, as the trains do not run at night, and i was observing as carefully as possible, i saw no signs of the reconcentrados going away from the forts. if they had gone, it takes seed, instruments, land, and three or four months to raise the vegetable which could be soonest produced, and nowhere away from the block houses was there any sign of vegetables growing. near the larger towns the circle of concentration seemed to be somewhat larger, and some planting of vegetables, tobacco, etc., seemed to be going on. at this a very few persons, possibly some of the reconcentrados, found employment. deserted fields and farms. "all along the railroad, as far as could be seen, were stretches of the most fertile and beautiful country, with very few trees, even on the low mountains, and most of these royal palms. i saw many dozens of burned canefields, and one evening, going from guines to havana, saw the sky all lighted up along the road with fires, principally of the tall grass of the country, but partly of cane. the whole land was lying perfectly idle, except that i saw two or three or four sugar mills where cane was growing, but in all such instances the mill and cane were surrounded by forts, manned by soldiers, who are paid, i was told, by the owners. except in the cities, i saw no indication that any relief whatever was being afforded to the starving people. neither in havana nor elsewhere did any priest, religious woman or other person seem to be paying any attention to the wants of the starving, except that at the fossos, and some other places, charitable cubans were nursing the sick. the church, being a state institution, was, so far as i could see, leaving the victims without either bodily or spiritual relief. in fact, the general air of indifference to suffering which seemed to prevail everywhere was astonishing. a fearful mortality. "as the country was stripped of its population by the order of concentration, it is easy to believe that , persons were gathered behind the forts without being given food, medicine, or means of any kind to earn a living, except where in the larger cities some few could find employment in menial offices. judging by the orphans i was shown at jacoba, aidecoa and elsewhere, and from all i saw and heard, i believe that half of the , have died as the result of starvation. i know from the official register of the city of santa clara, which ordinarily has a population of about , , that the deaths for november were over , , and the number of deaths for december was over , and showed an increase, considering the loss of the former , , from its total population. the exact figures for december are . at that city the government was distributing single rations per day out of a total appropriation for the purpose of $ , . this was not relief, but a mere prolongation of the sufferings of a small part of the reconcentrados of the city. "so far as any evidence of relief was visible to my eyes or was even heard of by me in all my talks on the island, the surviving , people are in the same condition and have the same prospect of starvation before them as had their kindred who have died. there is as much need of medicine now as food, and they are getting neither. the reason given by the spanish sympathizers in cuba is that the troops must be first fed, and it is certain that many of the soldiers are sick and suffering for want of proper food. i saw many myself that looked so. i was informed on all sides that they had not been paid for eight months, and that most of the civil officials had not been paid for a similar period. it is, therefore, most probable that spain is practically unable to supply the millions which are immediately necessary to prevent the death of most of the surviving reconcentrados, but this leads to political questions, which i desire to avoid. our manifest duty. "i wish merely to state in such a way as to be convincing that in consequence of the concentration of the people, some , cubans are daily suffering and dying from diseases produced by a lack of nourishment, in the midst of what i think must be the most fertile country in the world, and that something must be done for them on a large scale, and at once, or a few months will see their extermination. so far as i could see, they are a patient, amiable, intelligent set of people, some of them whom i saw begging having faces like madonnas. they are americans, probably the oldest americans of european descent. constant intercourse with the united states has made them sympathize with and appreciate us, who are but six hours by boat from them, if we do not sympathize with or care for them. no order or permission from general blanco can save the lives of many of them. indeed, many are too far gone to be saved by the best care and treatment. "there was no indication of a cessation of hostilities by the insurgents. if they do not voluntarily cease, their tactics are such that spain cannot conquer them, if at all, before the reconcentrados will have had the finishing stroke. but even the speedy termination of the war would not save many of them. what they need is instant pecuniary assistance to the extent of $ , a day, distributed by our consuls. private charity, it seems, will hardly produce the amount. twenty thousand dollars would be but ten cents apiece for medicine, clothes and food. when i left havana i was informed that consul general lee had received $ , and some hundreds of cans of condensed milk. as there are about , sufferers in havana alone, the inadequacy of such contributions is manifest. whether congress should make an appropriation, as in the case of the san domingo refugees and other cases, it is not for me to say, but i beg the charitable to believe the statement of facts which i have made, and try to realize what they mean." a correspondent in cuba gives an interesting account of a case that came under his notice among the reconcentrados in the town of guadaloupe. it is substantially as follows: in all misery-ridden cuba there is no town in which the reign of misery is so absolute as in guadaloupe. even the situation of this place might be said to be in "the valley of the shadow of death." it is not upon the earth's surface, but far below, in a broad, deep hole. the all-surrounding hills are not green, but black. for these up-sloping fields, upon which many a rich tobacco crop has been raised, lie now under blackening ashes--the work of insurgent torches. in this low-lying town , reconcentrados are naked, shelterless and starving. that aid has not come to them till now is because of the ingratitude and treachery of two of their own number. as the two guilty ones have just paid the penalty of their crime, the red cross society will probably have a relief corps in guadaloupe by the time this letter is printed. the tragedy of guadaloupe, to the denouement of which i was an eyewitness, shows that the insurgents have learned the art of butchery as taught by the spanish, and that a reconcentrado will sometimes betray the samaritan who helps him. a faithful mule carried me into guadaloupe at o'clock in the afternoon, the siesta hour. i had come from the coast many miles away, over the hills. as i rode into the town, i said to the mule: "the next artist who is given an order to illustrate dante's 'inferno' ought to come here. he could draw from life, pictures more infernal than a mere human mind could conceive." reconcentrados lay everywhere under the broiling sun. the mule picked his way between human heaps that looked like so many little mounds of rags. skeleton legs and arms protruded from out the heaps. soft moans of mothers and the wailing of little children gave evidence of so many living deaths. one kind-hearted spaniard. i presented my credentials to the commandante. he was the most genial spanish official i had met between havana and guadaloupe. when he smiled, his face was all kindness. when he spoke of the reconcentrados, tears welled from his eyes. yet around his mouth and chin were the cruel lines of a nature as stern as it was commiserative. he told me that the hospital was full, always full; there was room in its wards for only patients, and only one doctor for all. all who entered that place of sickness came out of it, not cured, but dead. three thousand human beings, mostly women and children, had passed away in that town in three months. nearly all had died of starvation and exposure. when the cemetery was full, they began burying in the still burning tobacco fields on the hillsides. but it was the siesta hour. the commandante excused himself, saying he would rest awhile and advised me to do the same. the commandante's house was in the center of the town. round about was a circle of the houses of those who had owned the tobacco fields. beyond these homes of the well-to-do were hundreds of huts. in these lived the reconcentrados, several families in each, or as many as could huddle within and not pull the roughly constructed frame of palm stalks down about their heads. outside the circle of huts were the blackened fields and hills. on the tops of the hills, at intervals of yards, was a circle of small houses that looked like sentry boxes. they were really little forts, with four soldiers in each. beyond the forts were, heaven only knows how many, insurgent guerillas, lynx-eyed human watch dogs, always lurking and waiting for a chance to swoop upon one of the little forts, slay the garrison of four and dash back into the bushes. a soldier's ghastly burden. at this moment not a soldier was in sight. perhaps all were sleeping, like the commandante. or perhaps the soldiers always remained inside the barricades surrounding their forts, fearing that to step outside would be to attract the bullets of the lurking insurgents. for such is warfare in cuba's hills to-day; much the same sort of warfare our american forefathers knew when each man who stepped from his doorway was likely to become a target for the arrows of the lurking and invisible redskins. i was making a mental note of this picture of war and misery, when suddenly i saw a human form on the hilltop over which i had just come. the peculiar shape of the white hat worn by this apparition told me it was a soldier. in the middle of the white road he stopped, lowered a burden from his shoulders to the ground. what was that soldier doing there and what was the nature of his apparently heavy burden? from my perch on the balcony i beckoned to the sentry, who was pacing up and down in front of the commandante's house. the sentry came up to the balcony, took one look in the direction of my pointing finger, and then rushed into the house. the next moment the commandante appeared. with a field glass he surveyed the figure on the hilltop. "he is carrying something," i said, as i watched the man in the distance reshoulder his burden and begin descending the hill. "a dead man," said the commandante. and he closed the glasses, thoughtfully. then he gave me a long black cigar. we waited. at the end of half an hour the soldier approached the house. yes, on his back he was carrying a corpse. tell-tale scrap of paper. he laid his burden down in the road and saluted the commandante. a group of officers and soldiers had gathered round. the body was that of a noted insurgent captain. a scrap of paper was produced. it had been found in the dead man's pocket by the soldier who had carried the body into town. the commandante read the paper. his brow contracted. now he was all sternness. "bring the man, jose manual, here," he said to a sergeant. five minutes later an old man, all bones and skin, stood before us. the miserable man trembled as with the palsy. "si, senor, i did it. i ran over the hill. i informed. i alone am to blame." evidently the wretch knew of what he was accused. it was also apparent that he was not the only guilty one. "who wrote this for you?" the commandante asked. "i did, senor; i wrote it." "the man lies," murmured one of the officers. "bring hither the son of jose manual," was the next order. with that, another skeleton, a young one, stepped forward. "i am here, senor, and i wrote the note. that is all. we two, senor. i wrote and my father ran. he was stronger, that day, than even my younger bones." the commandante compressed his lips. he turned to the sergeant and said: "at sunset have these two men shot." the two men merely spat upon the ground. for them death evidently had no terrors. as they were led away they made the sign of the cross again and again upon their naked breasts. a hundred starving wretches followed them in silence. when we were again alone on the balcony--a broad, square balcony it was--the commandante noticed my look of inquiry. "the story can be briefly told," he said. "you are simply the witness of a tragedy that had its beginning on this very balcony one month ago. i sent word by the priest to a lady in havana--an english lady--that we had , starving people in this town. could she help us? always generous, beneficent, self-sacrificing, the lady responded in person. she came by the coast steamer, landed at broad noon, traversed the two miles over which you came a few hours ago from the coast, bringing with her seven ox-cart loads of provisions, clothing and medicine. with her came her daughter, a young girl just over from england. their charity was distributed from this very balcony to the starving people. the distribution occupied two entire days. out of , people, , were given food and clothing and medicine. she promised the other half equal relief as soon as she could go to havana and return again with the stores. on the night before she was to leave us the ladies and gentlemen of the leading families here, together with the officers of my staff, proposed to give the good samaritans a banquet. the proposal was accepted. all gathered for the banquet on this balcony. i draped the front of the house in the spanish colors, and hung out all the available lamps. that illumination was our ruin. thirty-four sat down to dine. only thirty lived through the first course. of a sudden a hailstorm of bullets was poured into our midst. a bottle of wine in front of me flew into bits. not a whole plate or a whole glass was left. we sprang up and fled into the house. not all of us, though. no. three men-- three of my best officers--had fallen from their chairs, dead. the other--oh, god!" english samaritan murdered. the commandante could not continue. he made a gesture indicating that i was to step into the house. in his room he opened a huge wardrobe and took out a jacket, a tiny coat, such as might be worn by a soldier boy. the sleeves were loaded with the gold lace and golden stars of a colonel in the spanish army. on the left side of this jacket or coat was a ragged hole. "the bullet entered here," the commandante said, sorrowfully. "it pierced her heart. the poor mother carried her dead back to havana. that is all." i understood. a fatal volley had been poured into that dinner party by insurgents on the hilltops. the house was in the center of the town, and the lamps illuminating the spanish colors had rendered the balcony the best of targets. these spanish officers and an innocent young english girl, a samaritan, were murdered. and by whom? by the insurgents, who were guided to the hilltops by two of the very reconcentrados whom the victims had saved that day from starvation. one had written a note informing the insurgents of the circumstance, time, and place of the banquet. the other had delivered the note to one of the murderers. father and son were equally guilty of ingratitude and treachery. the incriminating note had been found on the dead body of the insurgent captain, carried into town by the soldier of spain. the sad final scene. at sunset a squad of twenty men, armed and in charge of a first lieutenant, filed out of the barracks. in front of the squad marched the two prisoners, their arms tied together above the elbows, behind their backs. behind the soldiers came perhaps a thousand of the wretched and starving. no murmuring, no uplifting of arms, nothing but solemn silence. in front of a wall, lining one of the blackened fields, the prisoners were made to kneel down. a priest stood over them speaking the last consoling words. out of the squad of twenty soldiers, eight stepped forth and leveled their rifles at the kneeling father and son. the eight shots sounded as one, and one of the blackest crimes of this atrocious war was expiated. chapter xxix. american indignation growing. the american people favor cuba--influence of the press--hatred of weyler--general lee's reports of the horrors of the war--the question of annexation--spanish soldiers oppose american aid for the suffering--consular reports from the island. the people of the united states, from the commencement of the war, have been deeply interested in the success of the cuban cause. the leading journals, with hardly an exception, have upheld the revolutionists, and have been largely instrumental in arousing our government to action. the following editorial is one of many on the subject which voiced the popular feeling, and gave hope to the struggling band of patriots, both in the united states and cuba: "cuba bleeds at every pore, and liberty goes weeping through a land desolated by cruel war and throttled by the iron hand of a foreign despotism. we hold that this government would be justified not only in recognizing cuban belligerency, but also in recognizing cuban independence, on the sole ground of the rights and claims of outraged humanity. ... in consequence of weyler's barbarous decrees the most harrowing scenes of savagery and brutality are of almost daily occurrence in this beautiful island, which is situated a hundred miles from our florida coast line. in the midst of these horrifying and terrorizing spectacles cuba extends her hand in supplication to this land of boasted freedom, asking only for a kindly glance of friendly recognition. "shall we refuse this small crumb of comfort from our bounteous board? spain may have the right to expect american neutrality, but she has no right to demand indifference on our part to the fate of a brave people, whose territory almost touches our own, and is nearer to our national capital than are a number of the states of the union, and whose heroic struggle for liberty was largely inspired by our glorious example of beneficent free institutions and successful self-government. "spanish rule in cuba has been characterized by injustice, oppression, extortion, and demoralization. she has fettered the energies of the people, while she has fattened upon their industry. she smiled but to smite, and embraced but to crush. she has disheartened exertion, disqualified merit, and destroyed patience and forbearance, by supporting in riotous luxury a horde of foreign officials at the expense of native industry and frugality. "irritated into resistance, the cubans are now the intended victims of increased injustice. but the inhuman design will fail of accomplishment. cuban patriotism develops with the growth of oppression. the aspiration for freedom increases in proportion to the weight of its multiplied chains. the dawn of cuban liberty is rapidly approaching." consular reports of suffering in the island. general lee's reports cover the period from november , , to april , . much of the correspondence is marked confidential. only excerpts are given in many instances. general lee's first dispatch related to the modifying of general weyler's concentration order by general blanco. in his communication he says: "first. the insurgents will not accept autonomy. "second. a large majority of the spanish subjects who have commercial and business interests and own property here will not accept autonomy, but prefer annexation to the united states rather than an independent republic or genuine autonomy under the spanish flag." the remainder of the letter is devoted to plans for the relief of the reconcentrados. "in this city," he writes, "matters are assuming better shape under charitable committees. large numbers are now cared for and fed by private subscriptions. i witnessed many terrible scenes and saw some die while i was present. i am told general blanco will give $ , to the relief fund." annexation desired. general lee writes on december : "the contest for and against autonomy is most unequal. for it there are five or six of the head officers at the palace and twenty or thirty other persons here in the city. against it, first, are the insurgents, with or without arms, and the cuban non-combatants; second, the great mass of the spaniards bearing or not bearing arms--the latter desiring, if there must be a change, annexation to the united states. indeed, there is the greatest apathy concerning autonomy in any form. no one asks what it will be, or when or how it will come. "i do not see how it could even be put into operation by force, because as long as the insurgents decline to accept it, so long, the spanish authorities say, the war must continue." general lee then describes the efforts to form an autonomistic cabinet in cuba and the public disapprobation of the people. on january general lee makes the following report: "sir--i have the honor to state, as a matter of public interest, that the reconcentrado order of general weyler, formerly governor-general of this island, transformed about four hundred thousand self-supporting people, principally women and children, into a multitude to be sustained by the contributions of others, or die of starvation or of fevers resulting from a low physical condition and being massed in large bodies, without change of clothing and without food. "their homes were burned, their fields and plant beds destroyed, and their live stock driven away or killed. "i estimate that probably two hundred thousand of the rural population in the provinces of pinar del rio, havana, matanzas, and santa clara have died of starvation or from resultant causes, and the deaths of whole families almost simultaneously, or within a few days of each other, and of mothers praying for their children to be relieved of their horrible sufferings by death are not the least of the many pitiable scenes which were ever present. in the provinces of puerto principe and santiago de cuba, where the 'reconcentrado order' could not be enforced, the great mass of the people are self-sustaining. ... "a daily average of ten cents' worth of food to two hundred thousand people would be an expenditure of $ , per day, and, of course, the most humane efforts upon the part of our citizens cannot hope to accomplish such a gigantic relief, and a great portion of these people will have to be abandoned to their fate." ... on january , , and general lee sent brief cablegrams to the department in regard to those rioting and the demonstrations against autonomy and blanco and the three newspaper offices. january he said some of the rioters threatened to go to the united states consulate. "ships," he said, "are not needed, but may be later. if americans are in danger ships should move promptly for havana. uncertainty and excitement widespread." the rioting ceased the next day and general lee reported all quiet. on march general lee reports that the distribution of food, medicines, and clothing to the destitute is proceeding satisfactorily. the work, he says, has been well organized and systematized under the supervision and direction of miss clara barton, president of the red cross of the united states, and her active, able, and experienced assistant. he inclosed a letter on march from consul barker, of sagua, who requests him to transmit the following letter, which is addressed to him (general lee): "dear sir--i will thank you to communicate to the department as quickly as possible the fact that military commander and other military officers positively refuse to allow the reconcentrados, to whom i am issuing food in its raw state, to procure fuel with which to cook the food. "in addition, they prohibited this class of people (i am only giving food to about one-fifth of the destitute--the authorities have quit altogether) from gathering vegetables cultivated within the protection of the forts, telling them 'the americans propose to feed you, and to the americans you must look.'" general lee reports on march that "instructions have been given, by the civil government of havana that the alcaldes and other authorities shall not give out any facts about the reconcentrados, and if any of the american relief committees should make inquiries concerning them, all such inquiries must be referred to him." general lee's dispatches end with a dispatch under date of april , transmitting the decree of the governor-general terminating the concentration order. consul barker's report. consul barker covers the conditions existing in santa clara province in several communications, beginning on november , , and closing on march last. his letters constitute one long story of distress, of sickness, destitution and death, until, indeed, the picture, even as drawn in the plain language of official communications, is revolting. mr. barker devoted comparatively little space to political questions. only one or two of his letters are along these lines. probably the most notable of these is his communication of january last: "when spain will admit defeat," he writes, "no mortal, in my humble judgment, dare predict. that her plan of settlement-- autonomy--is a failure, and that with this failure passes from under her dominion the island, is not to be questioned. pending this admission on her part thousands of human beings, guiltless of bringing on or having any part in the insurrection, are dying for want of sustenance." mr. barker then suggests that residents in cuba be allowed to take out first papers under the naturalization laws before a consul in cuba, and that by this scheme, he thinks, spain will be rebuked and change her laws. he adds that the relief from the united states must be continued or the people must starve, so long as there is an armed spanish soldier in the country, "since these people, for fear of being murdered, do not go to their country homes." on january mr. barker writes: "in this consular district a reign of terror and anarchy prevails, which the authorities, if so disposed, are utterly powerless to control or in any measure to subdue. aside from the suffering and desperation caused by the unparalleled destitution, i regard the situation as rapidly assuming a critical stage. as stated heretofore, in no way have the authorities departed from the policy pursued by the late, but not lamented, general weyler. spanish troops, as well as the guerrillas under the cruel chiefs carreraz, clavarrietta, and lazo, continue to despoil the country and drench it with the blood of non-combatants. although the 'bando' of the captain-general provides that laborers may return to estates, it restricts their operations to those having a garrison. last week a number belonging to the 'sta. ana' estate, located within a league of sagua, and owned by george thorndike of newport, were driven off after returning, and refused a permit as a protection by the military commander, mayor lemo, one of the trusted officers under the weyler regime." mr. barker says that from february to march he cared for twelve hundred persons, increasing the number on the relief list after that date to two thousand. on march mr. barker increased his estimate as to the amount of food necessary to keep life in the people of that province. he said that one hundred and fifty tons a month were needful for that time, and that the distress was far greater than his former reports had shown. in the letter of this date he recounts the particulars of a visit to santa clara, where, he says, he learned from his own agents and also from the governor of the province that the number of persons in actual want exceeded any estimate which he had previously sent to the government he had said only three days before that he thought twenty tons a month should be added to the eighty tons previously suggested. in a communication of march mr. barker says: "the distress is simply heart-rending. whole families without clothing to hide nakedness are sleeping on the bare ground, without bedding of any kind, without food, save such as we have been able to reach with provisions sent by our own noble people; and the most distressing feature is that fully per cent are ill, without medical attendance or medicine." soldiers oppose aid. mr. barker adds that if $ , could be sent to consul general lee, blankets, cots, and medicines could be purchased in santa clara, and thus save thousands who must die if compelled to await the sending of these supplies from the united states. "i have," he says, "found the civil governor willing to lend every aid in his power, but he admits that he can do nothing but assist with his civil officers in expediting relief sent by the united states. the military obstruct in every way possible." consul hyatt's report. writing on december , mr. hyatt said: "the reconcentration order is relaxed, but not removed; but many people have reached a point where it is a matter of entire indifference to them whether it is removed or not, for they have lost all interest in the problem of existence. a census of the island taken to-day, as compared with one taken three years ago, i feel confident would show that two-thirds of the residents are missing, and the spanish army would make no better showing." on december mr. hyatt wrote: "the order of reconcentration practically has been wiped out, and, so far as the spanish government is concerned, men go about nearly as they please. the insurgents and their sympathizers will unquestionably take advantage of the revocation to get from the towns and cities what they need and otherwise strengthen their cause. the effects on agricultural pursuits will be disappointing, because the great majority of those who would or should take up the work joined the insurgent forces when compelled to leave their homes, and the portion which came within the lines of reconcentration are women, children, old and sickly people, most of whom seem to have little interest in the problem of life. there is no one to take these people back to the fields and utilize their remaining strength. their houses are destroyed, the fields are overgrown with weeds, they have no seeds to plant, and, if they had, they could not live sixty or eighty days until the crop matured; which, when grown, would more than likely be taken by one or the other of the contending parties." dying at his door. "as i write," mr. hyatt closes this communication, "a man is dying in the street in front of my door, the third in a comparatively small time." mr. hyatt's letter of december deals largely with the sickness and the death rate on the island, which he characterizes as appalling. "statistics," he says, "make a grievous showing, but come far short of the truth. the disease is generally brought on by insufficient food. it is sometimes called paludal fever, and at others la grippe, and it is epidemic rather than contagious. from to per cent of the people were afflicted with it." he also reported smallpox and yellow fever as prevailing, and said that out of a total of sixteen thousand soldiers recently sent to manzanillo, nearly five thousand were in hospitals or quartered on the people. he says that dr. gaminero, united states sanitary inspector, reported at that time that there were more than twelve thousand people sick in bed, not counting those in military hospitals. this is at least per cent of the present population. mr. hyatt adds that quinine, the only remedy of avail, is sold ten times higher than in the united states. he says that steamers coming into port give out soup once a day to the waiting throngs, and that fresh meat sells at from cents to $ a pound. condemned to a living death. every ten days or so crowds of handcuffed men are driven through the streets of havana, which they will never tread again, on their way to the transport ship which will convey them to the penal settlements on the african coast. many of these men represent the elite of cuban society. seldom is a direct charge brought against them. police spies denounce them as cuban sympathizers. they are given no trial, that they may prove the charges false. on administrative order they are sentenced to exile for life, and frequently the source of their misfortune can be traced to private revenge or personal feeling. since the beginning of the war at least ten thousand prominent citizens have been torn from their native island, families and friends, and sent to life exile in the filthy, overcrowded, deadly swamps of fernando po. with a little money and good health it is possible to survive in ceuta, but none ever returns from fernando po. on the d of march a large party of citizens of the matanzas district passed through havana on their way to the transport. it was a sad procession. hopeless, jaded, despairing men, with arms tied behind them and feet shackled, forced to leave cuba and face a slow, horrible death. on the train from matanzas two of these unfortunates were literally shot to pieces. the guards reported they tried to escape and were shot in the attempt. their fellow-prisoners told a different story. "the two men were deliberately taken out on the platform between the cars and fired upon. and the soldiers would give no reason." the action could likely be traced to personal revenge. for three-quarters of a century the misgovernment of spain in cuba was a neighborhood shame and scandal to the people of the united states. warning off the interference of any other foreign nation, under the policy known as the "monroe doctrine," the american people witnessed the repeated efforts of a less favored nation of this hemisphere to release itself from the grasp of the oppressor. they witnessed at the periods of each of these revolts their own ships of war patroling the southern coast and the waters adjacent to cuba to intercept any young americans whose sympathies might lead them to join the cuban cause, and they acquiesced, because the law as it stood exacted it. they witnessed in more than one of these revolts, when some young americans, who had eluded the vigilance of united states cruisers, landed on the island and were captured by spanish troops. these young men stood against the walls of morro castle and were shot like dogs, because their government was powerless under the law to aid them. they witnessed the offers on the part of their government at various times to terminate the continued scandal upon civilized government at one of the doorways of their country by the purchase of the island for a generous sum of money, and the rejections of such propositions by spain. the american people finally realized that peace could never come to cuba until it was imposed by the action of the united states, and the opinion gradually grew that neither international obligations nor a desire for the maintenance of friendly relations with spain could justify our government in permitting these outrages to continue at our doors. chapter xxx. outrages on americans in cuba. how spain pays her debts--an old soldier's experience--the case of pedro casanova--destruction of property--robbery and murder--a cruel attack--the insurgents to the rescue--hiding in a cane field--the appeal to the consul--intervention justifiable. many american citizens in cuba have been confined in spanish prisons, a number have been sent to the penal colonies, the property of some has been confiscated, and others have been murdered in cold blood. a celebrated case, which shows how slowly the wheels of justice sometimes revolve, was that of antonio maximo, a naturalized american citizen. he was condemned to death, and his estates declared the property of the government, by order of a court-martial, in . he was charged with participating in the revolution then going on in cuba and convicted, in spite of the fact that he was not residing on the island. the united states demanded restitution and indemnification, and in the spanish republic admitted that the claim was just. the decree was confirmed in by the royal government, but the authorities in cuba delayed its execution until the estates were in ruins. spain finally offered the sum of , , pesos as indemnity, and this offer was accepted in . the cortes, however, made no appropriation for the payment, and in the spanish minister of state attempted to affix to the agreement the new condition that certain claims of spanish subjects should be adjudicated and settled simultaneously. secretary bayard rejected the proposition, and our government continued to urge the spanish authorities to fulfill their contract. on june , , secretary olney instructed hannis taylor, united states minister at madrid, to ask spain to give assurances that she would settle the claim within two months. the spanish government then offered to pay the principal of the claim, and the claimant agreed to forego the interest. on september , the original claimant having died, the spanish government paid $ , , , equal to , , pesos, in settlement of the long-standing claim. an old soldier's experience. william ewing, of buffalo, new york, served in the seventeenth united states infantry all through the civil war, and is a member of the g. a. r. he went to cuba, and invested $ , , all the money he had, in a sugar plantation, and with his wife and daughter and his brother-in-law, william hamilton, he took up his abode on the island. finally, owing to the unsettled conditions resulting from the war, he sent his family back to the united states, and joined the insurgent army. his brother-in-law also espoused the cuban cause, and was killed in battle. discouraged by his reverses, he decided to return to his native land, and made his escape from the island by boarding a blockade runner, which landed him at atlantic city, from where he walked to new york. grand army comrades gave him food and shelter, and assisted him to reach his family. this man has a personal interest in the success of the cause, for when that time comes he hopes to regain possession of his property. the case of pedro casanova. pedro casanova, a citizen of the united states, resided near the little railway station of san miguel de jaruca with his family, which consists of his wife and three children and his nephew, the latter born in the united states. he told the story of his wrongs at the hands of the spaniards to a representative of the new york herald in the following words: "i have suffered great outrages from the spanish soldiers. the soldiers recently passed on the road, and my wife called my attention to the fact that they had broken into a vacant house where valuable property was stored, and were pulling things in pieces. just then i saw two officers coming toward the house. i was very glad, and went out to meet them, and invited them to enter the house and refresh themselves. they accepted, and said they liked coffee. while they were drinking, one or two soldiers came and spoke to the captain, who asked me, 'who are the men in the sugar house?' 'my employes,' i replied, 'including one engineer. the others are engaged in repairs.' "the captain said: 'i hear rebels are hidden there. i must take the men before the major for examination; the major himself will be here to-morrow.' "after he left i found the door of the house on the hill broken open. a quantity of bottled beer had been taken, also my saddles and bridles, and many other things. gloves and other articles of woman's apparel were tossed in the yard. i went to the station. the drug store looked as if it had been visited by a mad bull. all the shelves and drawers were thrown out and smashed. an empty store opposite was in the same condition. the counter was thrown down and the door posts hacked by machetes. the large coffee mill was broken, and all was in disorder. an account of this work was what the soldiers had whispered to the captain. the officer had remarked to me with a sneer: 'the insurgents are very kind to you, as no harm has been done here.' "i was surprised on the following wednesday morning to hear shots as of several volleys of musketry. about three hundred soldiers-- infantry and cavalry--were, in fact, outside, having surrounded my house. more soon appeared under command of captain cerezo martinez. in most brutal and vulgar terms he ordered all in the house to go outside. the soldiers rushed in and dragged me out by the coat collar. my wife, with her baby, was taken out, a rifle being pointed at her breast. eleutrie zanabria, a negro servant, who was badly frightened, tried to hide. he was pulled to the front, and before my eyes a soldier struck him a heavy blow with his machete, cutting him deep in the head and arm, leaving a pool of blood on the floor. the wound was serious. "an order was then given to take into custody all men on the estate. near a tree beyond the hill, one hundred yards from the house, i stopped, about forty paces from the others, to talk to the captain, who had been at the house the week before. at that moment a young negro, manuel febels, made a dash to escape. some cavalrymen rushed after him, firing. he fell, and they mutilated his body, taking out his eyes. the officer, enraged at the negro's flight, pulled out his sabre, and shouted to the others of the party: 'get down on your knees!' they obeyed and he had them bound and kept in that position a quarter of an hour. "while i was talking to the captain my wife and five-year-old child were begging for mercy for me. the cavalrymen helped themselves to corn for their horses, and finally started. the officers told me that my nephew's life and my own were only spared because we were americans, and they did not want to get into trouble with the united states. they then ordered me to leave san miguel without waiting a moment. "their explanation of the raid was that the rebels had fired upon the troops, and that they saw one man run, as he fired, into my house, and that, under the major's instructions, the whole family should have been killed. my wife and children were in agony while i was away. my employes were all taken away by the troops. "an officer of high rank in the spanish army passed my place after i left, came to me here, and said: 'i know what has happened. the man in command is unfit to be an officer of spain.' i heard that my men had been taken to the spanish camp and shot while eating breakfast." destruction of property. the brothers farrar, in presenting their claim for indemnity, made the following statement: "on saturday, march , the dwelling house of the coffee plantation estrella was the object of a wanton attack by the column of gen. bernat, operating in that region. the said building received cannon shots of grape and cannister, breaking the door, one window, several piazza columns, and greatly endangering the lives of the families of my brothers, don tasio and don luis farrar, both american citizens. there were two small children in the house. from my information it appears that the troops mentioned had sustained fire with a rebel band in paz plantation, a quarter-league from estrella. the rebels having fled to pedroso and buena esperanza plantations, the government troops advanced toward estrella in quite an opposite direction from that taken by the rebels. on arriving at the borders of estrella plantation the spanish column began firing cannon at the dwelling house, and it was immediately invaded by the soldiers, who ransacked it, carrying off wardrobes, all jewelry and men's clothing which they contained, as well as the sum of about $ in money. they also took away everything found in workmen's dwellings, arresting at the same time twelve of the occupants, whom they conducted to alquizar as insurgents. it should be observed that the cannon were fired solely at the dwelling house of the owners, although there were twenty other buildings on the plantation, and the place was entirely clear of insurgents. "in consideration of all the above, and particularly on account of the danger to which his relatives were exposed, and also for the unjustifiable looting on the part of the regular troops in the service of a constituted government, the undersigned does most solemnly protest, and asks an immediate indemnity for the damages suffered, which he values at $ , , as all work has been stopped on the plantation and everything abandoned." a cruel attack. the case of dr. deligado is a particularly pathetic one. his home was in new york, where he was a practicing physician, but he went to cuba to take possession of some property which he had inherited. his father told the story of their sufferings to a correspondent, and his account was supplemented by additional particulars from the doctor himself. the elder gentleman said: "our plantation is called dolores, the old name being morales. it was about half past one on the th day of march when a regiment of rebels, about four hundred or five hundred men, invaded the place. they told us they were maceo's men, and soon after them came maceo, with twenty-four women, sixteen whites and eight mulattoes. i understood that these women were the wives of the officers. "maceo shook hands politely and asked if i would allow them to take breakfast with us. of course there was nothing to do but say yes, and the men spread themselves over about seventy acres of the plantation, the officers and ladies coming into the house. they had provisions with them, but desired to cook and serve them, which they did. they sat down at the table and were soon joking and laughing. suddenly we heard rifle shots. hernandez yelled to his wife to hand him his machete. then all went out and found that the firing had come from what seemed to be an advance guard of the spanish troops. there was some skirmishing at a distance, and the insurgents rode away. they did not wish to fight on the plantation, as they were on another mission. "the spaniards had fired the cane, thinking there were other insurgents hiding there. spanish bullets rattled on the tiled roof of the house, and farm hands who were plowing back of the house got frightened and wished to come in. "after a while i opened the window to see how matters stood and saw two cavalrymen and a captain, with two soldiers. my son and the farm hands went out toward the burning cane in an attempt to save some oxen that were near the cane. when the captain saw them he shouted: 'who are those people?' i told him they were our workmen, and he then gave orders to clear the house. they rushed their horses right through the house, the captain leading them. i took out my american papers and showed them to him to prove that i was a peaceful citizen. 'they are the worst documents you could have,' said the captain. they answered my son in the same way, and the captain repeated the order to clear the house. then they ordered us to march on as prisoners and told the women to stay back. my son asked them to let me stay back with the women, and they allowed me to do so. of course the women were panic-stricken and screaming when they saw their husbands being taken away. "we heard shots and then a second volley. one of the women cried out: 'they have killed my husband!' her words were true. after about three hours i ventured out, and i saw coming towards the house the old farm hand, a man of about seventy. he seemed to be holding a red handkerchief over his arm, but when i got nearer i saw that it was covered with blood. he cried out when he saw me: 'they have killed them!' 'my son! my son!' i cried. 'he was the first one they killed,' he said. "i took the man in the house and tried to bind up his arm, which had been shattered by a bullet. i endeavored to pacify the women, and told them they should go to the nearest neighbors for help. the two white farm hands, who had been hiding in the cane, then came over toward the house, while i was trying to quiet the women. they were afraid to move, panic-stricken, and would not go for help. "suddenly a young man dashed up to the house at full gallop. he drew his revolver and told the farm hands to get cots and pillows and medicine to bring to the missing men in case any of them should be still alive. he said he would shoot them if they disobeyed, and they did as he directed. they made up a litter, and we walked on till we found the place where the men lay in a pool of blood. "i looked into my son's face and cried out: 'my son, my son!' he opened his eyes and whispered: 'father, they have killed us.'" the old gentleman broke down in a passion of weeping at these recollections of the awful scene, and the son gave his account of the horrible butchery: "they marched us along," said the doctor, "and i spoke to the general: 'general, i am an american citizen, and here are my papers from mr. williams.' 'they are the worst things you could have,' he said. 'i wish the consul were here himself, so that i could treat him thus,' and he struck me three times in the face. then he sounded the bugle calling the volunteers, and ordered us taken to the rear guard. of course, we knew that this meant death. they tied us in a line with our hands pinioned. i knew the sergeant and said to him: 'is it possible that you are going to kill me?' 'how can i help it?' he answered. then the order was given and the soldiers rushed upon us with machetes. their knives cut our ropes as we tried to dodge the blows, and the soldiers fired two volleys at us. the first shot grazed my head, and i dropped to the ground as though dead. the old farm hand also threw himself to the earth. this act saved our lives. "the other four men who tried to fight were killed. at the second discharge a bullet pierced my side. when we all lay as though dead they came up and turned us over and searched our pockets--mine first, of course, as i was better dressed than the other men. one of the soldiers noticed that my breast moved and shouted out: 'this fellow is not dead yet. give him another blow,' and he raised his machete and gave me a slash across the face and throat. then i became unconscious." delgado's father took up the story as his son left off: "the brave young man who brought us to the place where my son was, now jumped from his horse and gave orders to the men to lift my son on the litter, as we found he was the only man still living. we put a pillow under his head, and the two farm hands lifted the litter and carried it into the cane field. meanwhile the women relatives of the dead men came up and began to wail and cry. the young man, whom we afterwards found was an insurgent leader, told them they should be quiet, as their lamentations would bring the spanish troops upon the scene again. "then the litter was carried into the cane field. this young man said: 'you must immediately write to the american consul. i will furnish you with a messenger, and you may rest safely in this cane field with your son. i will put a guard of men around it so that they cannot burn it, as they do when they know people are hiding in the cane.' "for five days i was in the cane field with my son. it rained upon us, and then i put the pillows over my son's chest, in order to protect him. i suffered greatly from rheumatism. only the young man appeared and said that general maceo had sent a guard to escort me back to my home. with my boy we were taken there and guard kept around our house. the messenger came back from the consul, and i came on to havana to see general weyler, who had my son brought here to the city." stories of outrages on americans that are unquestionably true might be furnished in numbers sufficient to more than fill this entire volume, but enough have been given to convince the most skeptical that the demand for intervention was justified on our own account, as well as for the sake of the people of cuba. chapter xxxi. mckinley succeeds cleveland. the cuban question not a new one--the efforts of former administrations to bring about a settlement--president cleveland's message--recommendations of president mckinley--the spanish minister's insulting letter--his resignation accepted--the apology of the spanish government. for more than ninety years the united states government has been confronted with a cuban question. at times it has disappeared from our politics, but it has always reappeared. once we thought it wise to prevent the island from winning its independence from spain, and thereby, perhaps, we entered into moral bonds to make sure that spain governed it decently. whether we definitely contracted such an obligation or not, the cuban question has never ceased to annoy us. the controversies about it make a long series of chapters in one continuous story of diplomatic trouble. many of our ablest statesmen have had to deal with it as secretaries of state and as ministers to spain, and not one of them has been able to settle it. one president after another has taken it up, and every one has transmitted it to his successor. it has at various times been a "plank" in the platforms of all our political parties--as it was in both the party platforms of --and it has been the subject of messages of nearly all our presidents, as it was of president cleveland's message in december, , in which he distinctly expressed the opinion that the united states might feel forced to recognize "higher obligations" than neutrality to spain. in spite of periods of apparent quiet, the old trouble has always reappeared in an acute form, and it has never been settled; nor has there recently been any strong reason for hope that it could be settled merely by diplomatic negotiation with spain. our diplomats have long had an experience with spanish character and methods such as the public can better understand since war has been in progress. the pathetic inefficiency and the continual indirection of the spanish character are now apparent to the world; they were long ago apparent to those who have had our diplomatic duties to do. thus the negotiations dragged on. we were put to trouble and expense to prevent filibustering, and filibustering continued in spite of us. more than once heretofore has there been danger of international conflict, as for instance when american sailors on the virginius were executed in cuba in . propositions have been made to buy the island, and plans have been formed to annex it. all the while there have been great american interests in cuba. our citizens have owned much property and made investments there, and done much to develop its fertility. they have paid tribute unlawful as well as lawful, both to insurgents and to spanish officials. they have lost property, for which no indemnity has been paid. all the while we have had a trade with the island, important during periods of quiet, irritating during periods of unrest. trouble not a new one. the cuban trouble is, therefore, not a new trouble, even in an acute form. it had been moving forward toward a crisis for a long time. still, while our government suffered these diplomatic vexations, and our citizens these losses, and our merchants these annoyances, the mass of the american people gave little serious thought to it. the newspapers kept us reminded of an opera bouffe war that was going on, and now and then there came information of delicate and troublesome diplomatic duties for our minister to spain. if cuba were within a hundred miles of the coast of one of our populous states, and near one of our great ports, periods of acute interest in its condition would doubtless have come earlier and oftener, and we should long ago have had to deal with a crisis by warlike measures. or if the insurgents had commanded respect instead of mere pity, we should have paid heed to their struggle sooner; for it is almost an american maxim that a people cannot govern itself till it can win its own independence. when it began to be known that weyler's method of extermination was producing want in the island, and when appeals were made to american charity, we became more interested. president cleveland found increasing difficulty with the problem. our department of state was again obliged to give it increasingly serious attention, and a resolute determination was reached by the administration that this scandal to civilization should cease--we yet supposed peacefully--and spain was informed of our resolution. when mr. mckinley came to the presidency, the people, conscious of a cuban problem, were yet not greatly aroused about it. indeed, a prediction of war made at the time of the inauguration would have seemed wild and foolish. most persons still gave little thought to cuba, and there seemed a likelihood that they would go on indefinitely without giving serious thought to it; for neither the insurgents, nor the cuban junta, nor the cuban party in the united states, if there was such a party, commanded respect. president mckinley's message. president mckinley sent a message to congress a few weeks after his inauguration, in which he recommended the appropriation of $ , for the relief of american citizens in cuba. it read as follows: "official information from our consuls in cuba establishes the fact that a large number of american citizens in the island are in a state of destitution, suffering for want of food and medicines. this applies particularly to the rural districts of the central and eastern parts. the agricultural classes have been forced from their farms into the nearest towns where they are without work or money. the local authorities of the several towns, however kindly disposed, are unable to relieve the needs of their own people, and are altogether powerless to help our citizens. the latest report of consul-general lee estimates that to are without means of support. i have assured him that provision would be made at once to relieve them. to that end i recommend that congress make an appropriation of not less than $ , , to be immediately available for use under the direction of the secretary of state. "it is desirable that a part of the sum which may be appropriated by congress should, in the discretion of the secretary of state, also be used for the transportation of american citizens who, desiring to return to the united states, are without means to do so." the joint resolution offered by senator gallinger, which embodied the recommendations of president mckinley, passed both houses without a dissenting vote. an influential journal printed the following editorial concerning this measure: "it is an essentially new departure in international affairs, and it is in order for the sticklers for precedent to enter fussy protestation, as they did in connection with the venezuelan question, against the monroe doctrine, declaring it was not to be found in the code of international law. it is certainly very unusual, if not unprecedented, for the government to make a relief appropriation for its own people in some foreign land. the truth is, this cuban situation is wholly exceptional. here is a little island in a state of civil war. it is largely a sectional war, one part of the island being in possession of one of the belligerents, and the other section in possession of the other belligerent. "several hundreds of our american citizens are in that section of the island occupied by spanish armies, and are suffering, in common with the cubans themselves, from a deliberate policy of starvation. weyler is trying to conquer by famine. that is his fixed purpose, and, from the nature of the case, no discrimination is made between spanish subjects in rebellion and american citizens sojourning in the island. if the policy of starvation cannot be maintained without this indiscrimination then so much the worse for weyler and his policy. congress has only to make the appropriation asked for, and the relief will go forward, without regard to any collateral consequences." de lome's insulting letter. one of the most sensational incidents in connection with spanish affairs prior to the destruction of the maine was the publication of a letter, which fell into the hands of the cuban junta, written by senor dupuy de lome, the representative of the spanish government in washington, to the editor of a newspaper at madrid. a translation of the letter is given: my distinguished and dear friend: you need not apologize for not having written to me. i ought to have written to you, but have not done so on account of being weighed down with work. the situation here continues unchanged. everything depends on the political and military success in cuba. the prologue of this second method of warfare will end the day that the colonial cabinet will be appointed, and it relieves us in the eyes of this country of a part of the responsibility of what may happen there, and they must cast the responsibility upon the cubans, whom they believe to be so immaculate. until then we will not be able to see clearly, and i consider it to be a loss of time and an advance by the wrong road, the sending of emissaries to the rebel field, the negotiating with the autonomists, not yet declared to be legally constituted, and the discovery of the intentions and purposes of this government. the exiles will return one by one, and when they return will come walking into the sheepfold, and the chiefs will gradually return. neither of these had the courage to leave en masse, and they will not have the courage to thus return. the president's message has undeceived the insurgents, who expected something else, and has paralyzed the action of congress, but i consider it bad. besides the natural and inevitable coarseness with which he repeats all that the press and public opinion of spain has said of weyler, it shows once more what mckinley is--weak and catering to the rabble, and, besides, a low politician, who desires to leave a door open to me and to stand well with the jingoes of his party. nevertheless, as a matter of fact, it will only depend on ourselves whether he will prove bad and adverse to us. i agree entirely with you that without military success nothing will be accomplished there, and without military and political success there is here always danger that the insurgents will be encouraged, if not by the government, at least by part of the public opinion. i do not believe you pay enough attention to the role of england. nearly all that newspaper canaille, which swarm in your hotel, are english, and while they are correspondents of american journals, they are also correspondents of the best newspapers and reviews of london. thus it has been since the beginning. to my mind, the only object of england is that the americans should occupy themselves with us and leave her in peace, and if there is a war, so much the better. that would further remove what is threatening her, although that will never happen. it would be most important that you should agitate the question of commercial relations, even though it would be only for effect, and that you should send here a man of importance, in order that i might use him to make a propaganda among the senators and others, in opposition to the junta and to win over exiles. there goes amblarad. i believe he comes too deeply taken up with political matters, and there must be something great or we shall lose. adela returns your salutation, and we wish you in the new year to be a messenger of peace and take this new year's present to poor spain. always your attentive friend and servant, who kisses your hand, enrique dupuy de lome. as soon as this letter was made public, de lome cabled his resignation to the spanish government, and withdrew his passports from the state department in washington, thus saving himself the mortification of a dismissal. the spanish government at madrid sent the following communication to minister woodford regarding the affair: the spanish government, on learning of the incident in which minister dupuy de lome was concerned, and being advised of his objectionable communication, with entire sincerity laments the incident, states that minister de lome had presented his resignation, and it had been accepted before the presentation of the matter by minister woodford. that the spanish ministry, in accepting the resignation of a functionary whose services they have been utilizing and valuing up to that time, leaves it perfectly well established that they do not share, and rather, on the contrary, disauthorize the criticisms tending to offend or censure the chief of a friendly state, although such criticisms had been written within the field of friendship and had reached publicity by artful and criminal means. that this meaning had taken shape in a resolution by the council of ministers before general woodford presented the matter, and at a time when the spanish government had only vague telegraphic reports concerning the sentiments alluded to. that the spanish nation, with equal and greater reason, affirms its view and decision after reading the words contained in the letter reflecting upon the president of the united states. as to the paragraph concerning the desirability of negotiations of commercial relations, if even for effect and importance of using a representative for the purpose stated in senor dupuy de lome's letter, the government expresses concern that in the light of its conduct, long after the writing of the letter, and in view of the unanswerable testimony of simultaneous and subsequent facts, any doubt should exist that the spanish government has given proof of its real desire and of its innermost convictions with respect to the new commercial system and the projected treaty of commerce. that the spanish government does not now consider it necessary to lay stress upon, or to demonstrate anew the truth and sincerity of its purpose and the unstained good faith of its intentions. that publicly and solemnly, the government of spain contracted before the mother country and its colonies a responsibility for the political and tariff charges which it has inaugurated in both antilles, the natural ends of which, in domestic and international spheres, it pursues with firmness, which will ever inspire its conduct. chapter xxxii. the case of evangelina cisneros. a martyr to the cause--filial devotion--spanish chivalry--in a spanish prison--an american rescuer--yankee pluck against brute force--the escape--arrival in new york--enthusiastic reception--a home in the land of liberty. spanish officials in cuba have always denied the charge that they made war on women, and have insisted that the tales of persecution of the weaker sex that have reached this country were inventions of the insurgents, published to gain sympathy for their cause. in direct contradiction to this claim is the story of evangelina cisneros, the niece of the president of the cuban republic. her father, a cuban patriot of prominence, was banished to the isle of pines, and she showed her filial devotion by leaving a luxurious home to share his exile. while there, her beauty attracted the attention of a spanish general, who tried by every means in his power to gain her favor. it was natural that she should despise anyone who wore the hated uniform of spain, and, because she rejected his advances, she was charged with conspiring against the government, and sent to a jail in havana. her unhappy fate attracted the attention of mr. w. r. hearst, the proprietor of the new york journal, and he, actuated no doubt by philanthropic motives, as well as the desire to advance the interests of his paper, determined to make an effort for her release. how this was accomplished is best told by mr. karl decker, who was mr. hearst's representative in carrying out the plot. "i have broken the bars of prison and have set free the beautiful captive of monster weyler, restoring her to her friends and relatives, and doing by strength, skill and strategy what could not be accomplished by petition and urgent request of the pope. weyler could blind the queen to the real character of evangelina, but he could not build a jail that would hold against enterprise when properly set to work. "to-night all havana rings with the story. it is the one topic of conversation. everything else pales into insignificance. no one remembers that there has been a change in the ministry. what matters it if weyler is to go? evangelina cisneros has escaped from the jail, thought by everyone to be impregnable. a plot has been hatched right in the heart of havana--a desperate plot--as shown by the revolver found on the roof of the house through which the escape was effected, and as the result of this plot, put into effect under the very nose of spanish guards, evangelina is free. how was it done? how could it have been done? details of the escape. "these are the questions asked to-night by the frequenters of the cafes throughout the city, where the people of havana congregate. it is conceded by all, by the officials of the palace included, to be the most daring coup in the history of the war, and the audacity of the deed is paralyzing. no one knows where evangelina is now, nor can know. "to tell the story of the escape briefly, i came here three weeks ago, having been told to go to cuba and rescue from her prison miss cisneros, a tenderly-reared girl, descended from one of the best families in the island, and herself a martyr to the unsatisfied desires of a beast in spanish uniform. i arrived at cienfuegos late in september, telegraphed to a known and tried man in santiago de cuba to meet me in havana, and then went to santa clara, where i picked up a second man, known to be as gritty as sahara, and then proceeded to havana. "here i remained in almost absolute concealment, so as to avoid the spies that dog one's steps wherever one may go, and make impossible any clever work of this kind. both the men who accompanied me, joseph hernandon and harrison mallory, pursued the same course, and remained quiet until all plans had been completed. "the fact that miss cisneros was incommunicado made the attempt seem at first beyond the possibility of success, but we finally, through hernandon, who was born on the island, and speaks spanish like a native, succeeded in sending a note to her through an old negress, who called upon one of her friends in the prison. a keeper got this note through two hands to miss cisneros, and three keepers later got to her a package of drugged sweets. having established communication with her, we began work without losing a day." the prison left behind. mr. decker then tells hew he rented a house adjoining the prison, and instructed miss cisneros to give the drugged candies to the other women who were in the prison with her. as soon as the drug produced the desired effect on them, the bars of the prison were cut from the outside, and miss cisneros was assisted through the window, onto the roof of the house mr. decker had rented, kept in concealment for two days, and then smuggled on board a ship, bound for the land of liberty. her arrival in new york is thus described: "evangeline cisneros, one week ago a prisoner among the outcast wretches in a havana prison, is a guest at the waldorf hotel. surrounded by luxury and elegance, she is alternately laughing and crying over the events of one short week. one week ago last night a correspondent broke the bars of her cell and led her to liberty over the flat roofs of the cuban capital. it is the memory of those thrilling few minutes that meant for her a lifetime of captivity or a future of peace and liberty that most often occurs to her now. "she arrived to-day on the ward liner, seneca, and was taken from the steamer by a boat at quarantine, thanks to the courtesy of the government and the quarantine authorities. when the seneca sailed from havana there figured on the passenger list one juan sola. a girl who signed the name of juana sola to the declaration, exacted by the custom house officers, was the nearest passenger to making good the lost one. her declaration was that she brought nothing dutiable into the country. "if ever that declaration was truthfully made, it was made in the case of this brown-eyed, chestnut-haired girl, who was so anxious to please the man who made her sign. all she had was the simple red gown she had on her back and a bundle that contained a suit of clothes such as a planter's son might have worn. "those were the clothes that juan sola wore when he ran up the gang-plank in havana, with a big slouch hat over the chestnut hair, that even danger of discovery could not tempt her to cut, and a fat cigar between a red, laughing pair of lips that accidentally, maybe, blew a cloud of smoke into the face of the chief of police, who was watching that plank, and made the features of the young man very indistinct indeed. "there was no reason why the chief of police should scan too closely the young man with the big cigar. juan sola's passport had been duly issued by the spanish government, and as far as the papers showed, there was no reason to suspect him. "of course juan sola was the girl the correspondent had rescued from prison, and the fame of whose escape was on every tongue in havana, the girl for whose capture the police had for three days been breaking into houses and guarding the roads, and yet she passed under their noses with no disguise but a boy's suit of clothes. "miss cisneros did not court any more danger than was necessary, and at once went to her cabin. the next day, however, when morro castle was left far behind, she appeared on deck, transformed into senorita juana sola, alias evangelina cisneros. "when the ship sighted cape hatteras light the young woman asked what light it was, and when told that it was an american beacon, she knelt down in the saloon and prayed. after that she wept for joy. she must have been all strung up with excitement over her experiences, and when she saw the light she could contain herself no longer, but simply overflowed. "nothing could be seen of the cuban girl as the seneca slowed opposite quarantine to permit the boarding of the health officer. the other passengers, after the habit of ocean travelers, grouped amidships to scan the vessel of the tyrant, who had it in his power to lock them all up in quarantine. the girl was hidden away in her stateroom, wondering what reception awaited her in the big city whose sky-line broke the horizon ahead. "the people on board were kind to her from the moment she revealed her identity, but at this moment when she had reached the haven of refuge, to gain which she and her gallant rescuers had risked death itself, she fled from the new-found friends and would not even look out of the door of her stateroom." miss cisneros was given a great reception in madison square garden, during her stay in new york, where many noted men and women congratulated her on her happy escape, and welcomed her to "the land of the free, and the home of the brave." since then she has become the protege of mrs. john a. logan, widow of the famous general, and is now a member of her family. it is suspected that general weyler connived at the escape of miss cisneros, as it is not probable that it could have been accomplished without the knowledge of the prison officials, and as they were not called to account for their negligence, it would seem that they were simply obeying orders in keeping their eyes conveniently closed. the military judge of havana issued a proclamation commanding miss cisneros to return to prison, but it was evident that this was merely a legal formality. there were men in cuba, occupying high official positions, who could not afford to have the story of the persecutions of which she was a victim, while in voluntary exile with her father in the isle of pines, made known, for it would have gained for them the scorn and contempt of the civilized world. her case had attracted the attention of men and women of prominence, not only in our own country, but in england, france and germany as well, and it was likely to become an international affair, and weyler probably decided to escape these complications by allowing her to be "rescued" from her prison cell. while all the details of the affair go to prove that this supposition is correct, all concerned have guarded the secret well, and it is but just to state that there is no direct proof to support the theory, and both the man who planned and the one who executed deserved all the honors they received. chapter xxxiii. work of miss clara barton and the red cross. the geneva conference--miss barton's work in the war of the rebellion--organization of the american red cross--the work in cuba--appeal to the public--a floating hospital--correspondence with admiral sampson--the spanish prisoners in key west, and what the red cross did for them. many attempts have been made to bring about an international agreement for mitigating the horrors and mortality of battle. the first successful movement of this kind was started at the same time that the civil war was raging in the united states. a conference of jurists and others interested in humanitarian work was held in geneva, switzerland, in . they drew up an international compact, which was approved by the swiss government, and the support and sanction of the french empire were won. it was several years, however, before the articles of agreement were signed by all the civilized nations of the world, and, strange to relate, the united states was the last of the great powers to officially recognize the rights to special protection secured to the bearers of the red cross symbol. in the autumn of a final effort was made to gain the agreement of the united states to the stipulations of the convention of geneva, and assurances were given by president arthur of his willingness to accede. the president and the senate subsequently formally recognized the association, and the treaty was signed march , . pending this action by the government, a national society was formed and incorporated under the laws of the district of columbia, bearing the name of the american association of the red cross. by this international treaty the red cross society is given peculiar privileges in times of war, and its agents and officers are permitted to carry on their work without hindrance from either of the belligerents, but they are prohibited from having anything, however remote, to do with military or naval operations. they deal exclusively with the means provided to aid the wounded, relieve the suffering, and care for the sick, in all of which the red cross agents know neither friend nor foe. in case of a battle the ambulances, surgeons and nurses of the society go upon the field at soon as it is possible for them to do so and carry out the work of mercy that has been undertaken. the american society has been generous in extending its aid to other countries in times of war, and during the franco-prussian hostilities in - it sent to paris from its own funds $ , , while the french branch expended $ , , . even the spanish branch contributed to the humanitarian work of that war in the sum of $ , . in the turko-russian, the tunisian, the tonquin, the madagascar, the greeco-turkish and several other wars the red cross has carried on its work of mercy. miss clara barton. when the war of the rebellion begun miss clara barton was a clerk in the patent office in washington. she resigned her position to devote herself to the care of wounded soldiers on the field of battle. in she was appointed by general butler "lady in charge" of the hospitals at the front of the army of the james. in she was sent to andersonville, georgia, to identify and mark the graves of union soldiers buried there, and in the same year was placed by president lincoln in charge of the search for the missing men of the union army, and while engaged in this work she traced out the fate of , men. in she inaugurated a movement to secure recognition of the red cross society by the united states government, and finally, during the administration of president arthur, she saw her labors rewarded. she naturally became president of the american branch of the society, which was founded in , and she still holds that honored office. work in cuba. after weyler's infamous order of reconcentration went into effect the red cross society was not long in realizing that it had work to do among the suffering people of cuba. an appeal was made to the public, and an expedition was dispatched to the island, with miss barton at its head. in speaking of her work during that reign of terror, senator proctor said in the course of his address to the senate: "miss barton needs no endorsement from me. i have known and esteemed her for many years, but had not half appreciated her capability and her devotion to her work. i especially looked into her business methods, fearing here would be the greatest danger of mistake, that there might be want of system, and waste and extravagance, but i found that she could teach me on all those points. i visited the warehouse where the supplies are received and distributed, saw the methods of checking, visited the hospitals established or organized and supplied by her, saw the food distributed in several cities and towns, and everything seems to me to be conducted in the best possible manner." when diplomatic relations were broken off between our country and spain, and the american consuls in cuba were recalled, it was deemed advisable that the representatives of the red cross then in cuba should come with them. miss barton and her assistants returned to new york and immediately commenced the work of preparation to follow our army into cuba. the following appeal was issued: the american national red cross relief corps, acting under the auspices of american national red cross, has for its objects the collection of funds for providing medical and surgical attendance, nursing, medical supplies, food, clothing, and such necessary assistance as may be required by the american national red cross, upon call of the united states government, in order to unify all endeavors to that end during the present war. under the provisions of the geneva conference, from which every national red cross society derives its authority, the american national red cross is directed to provide such relief as may be required by all, without recognition of friend or foe, who may suffer from the calamities incidental to war, pestilence or famine. the red cross here, and throughout the civilized world, by a wide and varied experience in recent wars, recognizing by international treaty the sacred obligations of helpfulness for the suffering, wherever found, has so perfected its organization that it becomes the recognized and legitimate channel for contributions from all classes of individuals, and every variety of auxiliary association. for the purpose of properly systemizing the benevolent impulses of the general public, and of giving proper direction of efficient red cross work, the committee solicits the co-operation of individuals and auxiliary associations throughout the country, confident that through such means the various funds and articles collected can most safely and most directly reach their ultimate destination. the steamer state of texas was chartered and loaded with food, medicines and hospital supplies, and headquarters were established at key west. when miss barton joined the state of texas at key west on the th of april, there seemed to be no immediate prospect of an invasion of cuba by the united states army, and, consequently, no prospect of an opportunity to relieve the distress of the starving cuban people. knowing that such distress must necessarily have been greatly intensified by the blockade, and anxious to do something to mitigate it--or, at least, to show the readiness of the bed cross to undertake its mitigation--miss barton wrote and sent to admiral sampson, commander of the naval forces on the north atlantic station, the following letter: s. s. state of texas, may , . admiral w. t. sampson, u. s. n., commanding fleet before havana: admiral--but for the introduction kindly proffered by our mutual acquaintance captain harrington, i should scarcely presume to address you. he will have made known to you the subject which i desire to bring to your gracious consideration. papers forwarded by direction of our government will have shown the charge intrusted to me; viz., to get food to the starving people of cuba. i have with me a cargo of , tons, under the flag of the red cross, the one international emblem of neutrality and humanity known to civilization. spain knows and regards it. fourteen months ago the entire spanish government at madrid cabled me permission to take and distribute food to the suffering people in cuba. this official permission was broadly published. if read by our people, no response was made and no action taken until two months ago, when, under the humane and gracious call of our honored president, i did go and distribute food, unmolested anywhere on the island, until arrangements were made by our government for all american citizens to leave cuba. persons must now be dying there by hundreds, if not thousands, daily, for want of the food we are shutting out. will not the world hold us accountable? will history write us blameless? will it not be said of us that we completed the scheme of extermination commenced by weyler? fortunately, i know the spanish authorities in cuba, captain-general blanco and his assistants. we parted with perfect friendliness. they do not regard me as an american merely, but as the national representative of an international treaty to which they themselves are signatory and under which they act. i believe they would receive and confer with me if such a thing were made possible. i should like to ask spanish permission and protection to land and distribute food now on the state of texas. could i be permitted to ask to see them under a flag of truce? if we make the effort and are refused, the blame rests with them; if we fail to make it, it rests with us. i hold it good statesmanship at least to divide the responsibility. i am told that some days must elapse before our troops can be in position to reach and feed these starving people. our food and our forces are here, ready to commence at once. with assurances of highest regard, i am, admiral, very respectfully yours, [signed] clara barton. at the time when the above letter was written, the american red cross was acting under the advice and direction of the state and navy departments, the war department having no force in the field. admiral sampson replied as follows: u. s. flagship new york, first rate, key west, fla., may , . miss clara barton, president american national red cross: . i have received through the senior naval officer present a copy of a letter from the state department to the secretary of the navy; a copy of a letter from the secretary of the navy to the commander-in-chief of the naval force at this station; and also a copy of a letter from the secretary of the navy to the commandant of the naval station at key west. . from these communications it appears that the destination of the s. s. state of texas, loaded with supplies for the starving reconcentrados in cuba, is left, in a measure, to my judgment. . at present i am acting under instructions from the navy department to blockade the coast of cuba for the purpose of preventing, among other things, any food supply from reaching the spanish forces in cuba. under these circumstances it seems to me unwise to let a ship-load of such supplies be sent to the reconcentrados, for, in my opinion, they would be distributed to the spanish army. until some point be occupied in cuba by our forces, from which such distribution can be made to those for whom the supplies are intended, i am unwilling that they should be landed on cuban soil. yours very respectfully, [signed] w. t. sampson, rear-admiral u. s. n. commander-in-chief u. s. naval force, north atlantic station. after this exchange of letters miss barton had a conference with admiral sampson, in the course of which the latter explained more fully his reasons for declining to allow the state of texas to enter any cuban port until such port had been occupied by american troops. on the d of may miss barton sent the following telegram to stephen. e. barton, chairman of the central cuban belief committee, in new york: key west, may , . stephen e. barton, chairman, etc.: herewith i transmit copies of letters passed between admiral sampson and myself. i think it important that you should present immediately this correspondence personally to the government, as it will place before them the exact situation here. the utmost cordiality exists between admiral sampson and myself. the admiral feels it his duty, as chief of the blockading squadron, to keep food out of cuba, but recognizes that, from my standpoint, my duty is to try to get food into cuba. if i insist, admiral sampson will try to open communication under a flag of truce; but his letter expresses his opinion regarding the best method. advices from the government would enable us to reach a decision. unless there is objection at washington, you are at liberty to publish this correspondence if you wish. [signed] clara barton. on may the chairman of the central cuban relief committee replied as follows: washington, d. c,, may , . clara barton, key west, fla.: submitted your message to president and cabinet, and it was read with moistened eyes. considered serious and pathetic. admiral sampson's views regarded as wisest at present. hope to land you soon. president, long, and moore send highest regards. [signed] barton. under these circumstances, of course, there was nothing for the red cross steamer to do but wait patiently in key west until the army of invasion should leave tampa for the cuban coast. meanwhile, however, miss barton had discovered a field of beneficent activity for the red cross in key west, where there were nearly spaniards, mostly fishermen, prisoners on vessels captured while running the blockade, and without means of subsistence. most of these unfortunate men lived on fish after they were captured and none of them had a chance to obtain other food, as under the law they were not permitted to leave their vessels. the naval officers had no authority to supply the captives with food from the ships in the harbor, so their lot was far from being enviable. when miss clara barton received word of their plight she sent dr. egan, the chief medical officer of the expedition, with several attendants, around among the fleet of prizes to distribute food. on one of the larger smacks dr. egan found that the crew had had nothing but fish to eat for several days. the well in the boat, in which there were hundreds of live fish, contained also a large number of dead ones, which were putrefied and were rapidly polluting the living ones. the physician immediately ordered the dead fish removed and fresh water pumped into the well. he then furnished bread, potatoes and salt meat to the crew, so that, the continuity of friday diet might be changed. the red cross relief boats made a complete and accurate list of the spanish prizes in the harbor--twenty-two in all--with the numerical strength of every crew, the amount of provisions, if any, on every vessel, and the quantity and kind of food that each would require. this was at once provided, and thus almost the first work done by the red cross in our war with spain was the feeding of representatives of a nation that had forced us into war mainly because of its policy of starvation of the people of cuba. on the morning of june , the red cross steamer state of texas left key west for santiago, stocked with food and medicines, and having on board miss barton, mr. kennan, and a complete working force of doctors and nurses. they were warmly welcomed on their arrival on cuban shores, and the state of texas was the first american ship to enter the harbor of santiago after the surrender. the red cross has done a grand work on many battlefields in every quarter of the globe, but never has it rendered more efficient aid to suffering humanity than it did on the southern shores of the island of cuba. on the battlefield, braving the bullets of the foe, in the hospitals, ministering to the wants of the wounded and the dying, among the wretched non-combatants, giving food to the starving, and nursing the fever-stricken refugees, these noble men and women were ever ready to answer to the cry of the needy and the helpless. chapter xxxiv. the catastrophe to the maine. the board of inquiry in session--its report received by congress --spanish officials in cuba show sympathy--the evidence of the divers--a submarine mine--the officers and men of the maine exonerated--responsibility not fixed. the story of the destruction of the battleship maine has already been told in these pages. the naval board appointed to inquire into the causes of the disaster was composed of the following officers of the united states navy: captain sampson, of the iowa; captain chadwick, of the new york; captain marix, of the vermont, and lieutenant commander potter, of the new york. after an investigation which lasted for more than three weeks, this board of inquiry sent its report to president mckinley, who transmitted it to congress, accompanied by the following message: to the congress of the united states: for some time prior to the visit of the maine to havana harbor our consular representatives pointed out the advantages to flow from the visits of national ships to the cuban waters, in accustoming the people to the presence of our flag as the symbol of good will and of our ships in the fulfillment of the mission of protection to american interests, even though no immediate need therefor might exist. accordingly, on the th of january last, after conference with the spanish minister, in which the renewal of visits of our war vessels to spanish waters was discussed and accepted, the peninsular authorities at madrid and havana were advised of the purpose of this government to resume friendly naval visits at cuban ports, and in that view the maine would forthwith call at the port of havana. this announcement was received by the spanish government with appreciation of the friendly character of the visit of the maine, and with notification of intention to return the courtesy by sending spanish ships to the principal ports of the united states. meanwhile the maine entered the port of havana on the th of january, her arrival being marked with no special incident besides the exchange of customary salutes and ceremonial visits. the maine continued in the harbor of havana during the three weeks following her arrival. no appreciable excitement attended her stay; on the contrary, a feeling of relief and confidence followed the resumption of the long interrupted friendly intercourse. so noticeable was this immediate effect of her visit that the consul-general strongly urged that the presence of our ships in cuban waters should be kept up by retaining the maine at havana, or, in the event of her recall, by sending another vessel there to take her place. at forty minutes past nine in the evening of the th of february the maine was destroyed by an explosion, by which the entire forward part of the ship was utterly wrecked. in this catastrophe two officers and two hundred and sixty-four of her crew perished, those who were not killed outright by her explosion being penned between decks by the tangle of wreckage and drowned by the immediate sinking of the hull. prompt assistance was rendered by the neighboring vessels anchored in the harbor, aid being especially given by the boats of the spanish cruiser alphonse xii., and the ward line steamer city of washington, which lay not far distant. the wounded were generously cared for by the authorities of havana, the hospitals being freely opened to them, while the earliest recovered bodies of the dead were interred by the municipality in the public cemetery in the city. tributes of grief and sympathy were offered from all official quarters of the island. the appalling calamity fell upon the people of our country with crushing force and for a brief time an intense excitement prevailed, which in a community less just and self-controlled than ours might have led to hasty acts of blind resentment. this spirit, however, soon gave way to the calmer processes of reason and to the resolve to investigate the facts and await material proof before forming a judgment as to the cause, the responsibility, and, if the facts warranted, the remedy. this course necessarily recommended itself from the outset to the executive, for only in the light of a dispassionately ascertained certainty could it determine the nature and measure of its full duty in the matter. the usual procedure was followed, as in all cases of casualty or disaster to national vessels of any maritime state. a naval court of inquiry was at once organized, composed of officers well qualified by rank and practical experience to discharge the duties imposed upon them. aided by a strong force of wreckers and divers, the court proceeded to make a thorough investigation on the spot, employing every available means for the impartial and exact determination of the causes of the explosion. its operations have been conducted with the utmost deliberation and judgment, and while independently pursued, no source of information was neglected and the fullest opportunity was allowed for a simultaneous investigation by the spanish authorities. report of the board received. the finding of the court of inquiry was reached after twenty-three days of continuous labor, on the st of march, and having been approved on the d by the commander-in-chief of the united states naval forces of the north atlantic station, was transmitted to the executive. it is herewith laid before congress, together with the voluminous testimony taken before the court. its purport is in brief as follows: when the maine arrived at havana she was conducted by the regular government pilot to buoy no. , to which she was moored in from five and one-half to six fathoms of water. the state of discipline on board and the condition of her magazines, boilers, coal bunkers and storage compartments are passed in review, with the conclusion that excellent order prevailed and that no indication of any cause for an internal explosion existed in any quarter. at eight o'clock in the evening of february th everything had been reported secure and all was quiet. at forty minutes past nine o'clock the vessel was suddenly destroyed. there were two distinct explosions with a brief interval between them. the first lifted the forward part of the ship very perceptibly; the second, which was more open, prolonged and of greater volume, is attributed by the court to the partial explosion of two or more of the forward magazines. the evidence of the divers establishes that the after part of the ship was practically intact and sank in that condition a very few minutes after the explosion. the forward part was completely demolished. upon the evidence of a concurrent external cause the finding of the court is as follows: at frame seventeen the outer shell of the ship, from a point eleven and one-half feet from the middle line of the ship, and six feet above the keel, when in its normal position, has been forced up so as to be now about four feet above the surface of the water; therefore about thirty-four feet above where it would be had the ship sunk uninjured. the outside bottom plating is bent into a reversed v-shape, the after wing of which, about fifteen feet broad and thirty-two feet in length (frame to frame ), is doubled back upon itself against the continuation of the same place extending forward. at frame the vertical keel is broken in two and the flat keel bent into an angle similar to the angle formed by the outside bottom plate. this break is now about six feet below the surface of the water and about thirty feet above its normal position. a submarine mine. in the opinion of the court this effect could have been produced only by the explosion of a mine situated under the bottom of the ship, at about frame and somewhat on the port side of the ship. the conclusions of the court are: that the loss of the maine was not in any respect due to fault or negligence on the part of any of the officers or members of her crew; that the ship was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine, which caused the partial explosion of two or more of her forward magazines; and that no evidence has been obtainable fixing the responsibility for the destruction of the maine upon any person or persons. i have directed that the finding of the court of inquiry and the views of this government thereon be communicated to the government of her majesty, the queen regent, and i do not permit myself to doubt that the sense of justice of the spanish nation will dictate a course of action suggested by honor and the friendly relations of the two governments. it will be the duty of the executive to advise the congress of the result, and in the meantime deliberate consideration is invoked. (signed,) william mckinley. executive mansion, march , . report of the investigating board. the text of the report of the board of investigation was as follows: u. s. s. iowa, first rate, key west, florida, monday, march , . after full and mature consideration of all the testimony before it, the court finds as follows: . that the united states battleship maine arrived in the harbor of havana, cuba, on the twenty-fifth day of january, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, and was taken to buoy no. , in from five and a half to six fathoms of water, by the regular government pilot. the united states consul-general at havana had notified the authorities at that place the previous evening of the intended arrival of the maine. . the state of discipline on board the maine was excellent, and all orders and regulations in regard to the care and safety of the ship were strictly carried out. all ammunition was stowed in accordance with prescribed instructions, and proper care was taken whenever ammunition was handled. nothing was stowed in any one of the magazines or shell rooms which was not permitted to be stowed there. the magazine and shell rooms were always locked after having been opened, and after the destruction of the maine the keys were found in their proper place in the captain's cabin, everything having been reported secure that evening at eight p. m. the temperatures of the magazines and shell room were taken daily and reported. the only magazine which had an undue amount of heat was the after -inch magazine, and that did not explode at the time the maine was destroyed. the torpedo warheads were all stowed in the after part of the ship under the ward room, and neither caused nor participated in the destruction of the maine. the dry gun cotton primers and detonators were stowed in the cabin aft, and remote from the scene of the explosion. waste was carefully looked after on board the maine to obviate danger. special orders in regard to this had been given by the commanding officer. varnishes, dryers, alcohol and other combustibles of this nature were stowed on or above the main deck and could not have had anything to do with the destruction of the maine. the medical stores were stored aft under the ward room and remote from the scene of the explosion. no dangerous stores of any kind were stowed below in any of the other store rooms. the coal blinkers were inspected daily. of those bunkers adjacent to the forward magazines and shell rooms four were empty, namely, "b , b , b and b ." "a " had been in use that day and "a " was full of new river coal. this coal had been carefully inspected before receiving it on board. the bunker in which it was stowed was accessible on three sides at all times, and the fourth side at this time, on account of bunkers "b " and "b " being empty. this bunker, "a " had been inspected monday by the engineer officer on duty. the fire alarms in the bunkers were in working order, and there had never been a case of spontaneous combustion of coal on board the maine. the two after boilers of the ship were in use at the time of the disaster, but for auxiliary purposes only, with a comparatively low pressure of steam and being tended by a reliable watch. these boilers could not have caused the explosion of the ship. the four forward boilers have since been found by the divers and are in a fair condition. on the night of the destruction of the maine everything had been reported secure for the night at eight p. m. by reliable persons, through the proper authorities, to the commanding officer. at the time the maine was destroyed the ship was quiet, and, therefore, least liable to accident caused by movements from those on board. . the destruction of the maine occurred at : p. m. on the th day of february, , in the harbor of havana, cuba, she being at the time moored to the same buoy to which she had been taken upon her arrival. there were two explosions of a distinctly different character, with a very short but distinct interval between them, and the forward part of the ship was lifted to a marked degree at the time of the first explosion. the first explosion was more in the nature of a report, like that of a gun, while the second explosion was more open, prolonged and of greater volume. this second explosion was, in the opinion of the court, caused by the partial explosion of two or more of the forward magazines of the maine. the evidence bearing upon this, being principally obtained from divers, did not enable the court to form a definite conclusion as to the condition of the wreck, although it was established that the after part of the ship was practically intact and sank in that condition a very few minutes after the destruction of the forward part. . the following facts in regard to the forward part of the ship are, however, established by the testimony: that portion of the port side of the protective deck which extends from about frame to about frame was blown up aft, and over to port, the main deck from about frame to about frame was blown up aft, and slightly over to starboard, folding the forward part of the middle superstructure over and on top of the after part. this was, in the opinion of the court, caused by the partial explosion of two or more of the forward magazines of the maine. . at frame the outer shell of the ship, from a point eleven and one-half feet from the middle line of the ship and six feet above the keel when in its normal position, has been forced up so as to be now about four feet above the surface of the water, therefore, about thirty-four feet above where it would be had the ship sunk uninjured. the outside bottom plating is bent into a reversed v-shape, the after wing of which, about fifteen feet broad and thirty-two feet in length (from frame to frame ) is doubled back upon itself against the continuation of the same plating extending forward. at frame the vertical keel is broken in two and the flat keel bent into an angle similar to the angle formed by the outside bottom plating. this break is now about six feet below the surface of the water and about thirty feet above its normal position. the officers of the maine exonerated. in the opinion of the court this effect could have been produced only by the explosion of a mine situated under the bottom of the ship at about frame , and somewhat on the port side of the ship. . the court finds that the loss of the maine on the occasion named was not in any respect due to fault or negligence on the part of the officers or men of the crew of said vessel. . in the opinion of the court the maine was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine, which caused the partial explosion of two of her forward magazines. . the court has been unable to obtain evidence fixing the responsibility for the destruction of the maine upon any person or persons. w. t. sampson, captain u. s. n., president. a. marix, lieutenant-commander u. s. n., judge advocate. chapter xxxv. patience at the vanishing point. our former troubles with spain recalled--the verdict of the people--spanish rule a blot on civilization--the attitude of other nations--the necessity for delay--the message to congress-- "the war in cuba must stop!" the american people did not wait for the report of the naval board to form an opinion as to the cause of the tragedy. the masses think in events, and not in syllogisms, and this was an event. this event provoked suspicions in the public mind. the thought of the whole nation was instantly directed to cuba. the fate of the sailors on the virginius, twenty-five years ago, was recalled. the public curiosity about everything cuban and spanish became intense. the weyler method of warfare became more generally known. the story of our long diplomatic trouble with spain was recalled. diplomacy was obliged to proceed with doors less securely shut. the country watched for news from washington and from madrid with eagerness. it happened to be a singularly quiet and even dull time in our own political life--a time favorable for the concentration of public attention on any subject that prominently presented itself. leslie's weekly voiced the popular sentiment in its issue of april in the following language: "if the report of the board of inquiry is accepted as final, then the destruction of the maine was an act of war. the maine was in a spanish harbor on a peaceful errand. its location was fixed by the spanish authorities, and if a mine was planted in the harbor, it could only have been planted by the spaniards. to think otherwise is to discredit the official report. the verdict may be challenged by the spanish government. spain may insist on the raising of the wreck and upon an expert examination. if such an examination is made, and if the weight of evidence controverts the verdict, our position will be humiliating. we take it, therefore, that our government is entirely satisfied with the examination, and that it accepts the verdict of the court of inquiry as final and without appeal. this verdict makes spain responsible for the loss of the maine, the sacrifice of the lives of heroes, and for all the consequences involved. the indictment must be answered. any other nation than this would have demanded an immediate answer. we can wait. on the answer made by spain the issues of the future must depend. no policy of evasion such as spain has pursued in all her dealings with us will enable her to escape. she is at the bar of judgment with bloody fingers, and must plead guilty. no other plea can be accepted. and the punishment must fit the crime." causes leading to strife. the better the condition of cuba was understood, the more deplorable it was seen to be; the more the government of the island was examined, the wider seemed the divergence between spain's methods and our own; the more the diplomatic history of the case was considered, the plainer became spain's purpose to brook no interference, whether in the name of humanity or in the name of friendly commercial interests. the calm report of the naval court of inquiry on the blowing up of the maine and senator proctor's report on the condition of cuba put the whole people in a serious mood. these and more made their contributions to the rapidly rising excitement. but all these together could not have driven us to war if we had not been willing to be driven--if the conviction had not become firm in the minds of the people that spanish rule in cuba was a blot on civilization that had now begun to bring reproach to us; and when the president, who favored peace, declared it intolerable, the people were ready to accept his judgment. congress, it is true, in quiet times, is likely to represent the shallows and the passing excitement of our life rather than its deeper moods, but there is among the members of congress a considerable body of conservative men; and the demand for war was practically unanimous, and public opinion sustained it. among the people during the period when war seemed inevitable, but had not yet been declared--a period during which the powers of europe found time and mind to express a hope for peace--hardly a peace meeting was held by influential men. the president and his cabinet were known to wish longer to try diplomatic means of averting war, but no organized peace party came into existence. except expressions of the hope of peace made by commercial and ecclesiastical organizations, no protest was heard against the approaching action of congress. many thought that war could be postponed, if not prevented, but the popular mood was at least acquiescent, if not insistent, and it eventually became unmistakably approving. not only was there in the united states an unmistakable popular approval of war as the only effective means of restoring civilization in cuba, but the judgment of the english people promptly approved it--giving evidence of an instinctive race and institutional sympathy. if anglo-saxon institutions and methods stand for anything, the institutions and methods of spanish rule in cuba were an abomination and a reproach. and english sympathy was not more significant as an evidence of the necessity of the war, and as a good omen for the future of free institutions, than the equally instinctive sympathy with spain that was expressed by some of the decadent influences on the continent; indeed, the real meaning of the american civilization and ideals will henceforth be somewhat more clearly understood in several quarters of the world. american character will be still better understood when the whole world clearly perceives that the purpose of the war was only to remove from our very doors this cruel and inefficient piece of medievalism which was one of the great scandals of the closing years of the century. notwithstanding the fact that we were on the very verge of war, with all its horrors, all its possibilities of destruction to life and happiness, the nation pursued its accustomed way, transacted its business by day, and slept peacefully at night. upon the shoulders of the chief executive rested the gravest of all responsibilities, and the nation trusted to him to carry it safely. rash and impetuous demands for hasty and hostile action were heard. congressmen, under the pressure of their constituents, filled the air with cries for speedy action, but amid all the tumult the president stood serene. he realized, what the country, strangely enough, had not comprehended, that we were drifting into a conflict with a nation that was on a war footing. he knew that we were totally unprepared for war. munitions, ships, stores, supplies, of vast amount and infinite variety, were absolutely required before a step could be taken. harbor defenses, a closer connection between exposed points, and the installation of modern armaments--a thousand things had to be done, and done at once. modern guns required supplies of modern ammunition, of which there was scarcely any to be obtained on this side of the water. this was the situation, as the president, the heads of the army and the navy, and the cabinet saw it, and it was left discreetly undisclosed to the world. they understood the necessity of delay as well as the necessity for statesmanship of the highest quality in dealing with the cuban question. we lost nothing by their delay. we gained untold advantages by their prudence, a prudence that never forsook them, even when the preparations for war were completed. the message to congress was a calm, dispassionate, judicial presentation of the case, and upon that presentation of facts and of evidence we went before the jury of the nations of the world. there could be but one verdict rendered that the american people could accept, and that verdict, whether it came by peace or war, was, in the language of the president's message, that "the war in cuba must stop!" chapter xxxvi. events in the american congress. cuba's friends in congress--senator proctor's address to his colleagues--a notable exhibition of patriotism--an appropriation for the national defense--relief for the survivors and victims of the maine--the recognition of cuban independence. from the date of the first attempt of the people of cuba to secure their independence from spain, they have had advocates in the american congress who have worked with voice and vote in their behalf. after the commencement of the revolution in these champions gradually increased in numbers and influence, until at the time of mr. mckinley's inauguration they included in their ranks many of the leaders in both houses. in february, , several senators and representatives went to cuba for the purpose of studying the conditions on the island, and to gain a personal knowledge of the results of spain's policy of rule or ruin. senator proctor was one of this committee, and after their return to the united states, in a speech to his colleagues, he made the strongest argument in favor of intervention in behalf of cuba that was ever made in the senate of the united states. he had carefully prepared his address, and he delivered it as an official report of what he had observed on the island. he gave no opinion of what action should be taken by the government. he said the settlement "may well be left to an american president and the american people." but while he did not make a recommendation in so many words, he left the impression with all who heard him that he favored a declaration by our government of the independence of cuba. he declared that he was opposed to annexation, and, while many cubans advocated the establishment of a protectorate by the united states, he could not make up his mind that this would be the best way out of the difficulty. he told his associates that he believed the cubans capable of governing themselves, and reinforced this statement by the assertion that the cuban population would never be satisfied with any government under spanish rule. the senator's remarkable speech undoubtedly had a powerful effect, both in influencing congressional action, and in swaying public opinion. as an able and responsible member of congress and an ex-secretary of war, his words would carry weight under any circumstances, but apart from these considerations, the speech was notable because of its evident fidelity to facts, and its restraint from everything resembling sensationalism. a notable exhibition of patriotism. there was never a more notable exhibiton of harmony and patriotism in any legislative body in the world than occurred in the house of representatives when congressman cannon presented a bill appropriating $ , , for the national defense and placing this amount in president mckinley's hands, to be expended at his discretion. party lines were swept away, and with a unanimous voice congress voted its confidence in the administration. many members who were paired with absent colleagues took the responsibility of breaking their pairs, an unprecedented thing in legislative annals, in order that they might go on record in support of this vast appropriation to maintain the dignity and honor of their country. speaker reed, who as the presiding officer, seldom voted, except in case of a tie, had his name called and voted in his capacity as representative. the scene of enthusiasm which greeted the announcement of the vote--yeas, ; nays, none--has seldom been paralleled in the house. the bill passed the senate without a dissenting vote, and, on march , the president signed the measure, thus making it a law. relief for the survivors of the maine. on march , the house unanimously passed the bill for the relief of the survivors and victims of the maine disaster. the bill reimbursed the surviving officers and men for the losses they sustained to an amount not to exceed a year's sea pay, and directed the payment of a sum equal to a year's pay to the legal heirs of those who perished. when the president sent to congress the report of the naval board of examiners the feeling of that body at once found open expression in resolutions proposing a declaration of war, recognition of the independence of cuba, armed intervention, and other decisive and warlike steps against spain. every group of senators talked of cuba. constant and continual conferences were held, and all recognized the seriousness of the occasion. on the house side it was apparent that the majority could no longer be controlled by what was known as the conservative element, led by the speaker. groups of members in a state of excitement were to be seen on every hand. it was generally acknowledged that a serious condition had arisen, that a crisis was at hand. on april the long expected message was received. in it the president asked congress to authorize him to take measures to secure a termination of hostilities in cuba, and to secure in the island the establishment of a stable form of government, and to use the military and naval forces of the united states as might be necessary. the message was received in silence. the most notable criticism made was the entire absence of any reference to cuban independence. the admission in the message that the president had proposed an armistice to spain until october provoked vigorous comment. but conservative members were highly pleased with the position taken by the president, and many still hoped that war might be prevented. however, this did not prevent the purchase of a number of armed cruisers from foreign powers, which were transferred to the united states flag. the ships of several passenger and mail lines were also purchased, or leased as auxiliary cruisers, and were at once remanned and put in commission. the most notable examples were the two american built ships, st. patil and st. louis of the american line. the new purchases were fitted for their new uses at once, and the preparations for war went on without delay. congress, taking its cue from the president, united upon the following resolutions which were signed by the president on april : joint resolutions for the recognition of the independence of the people of cuba demanding that the government of spain relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from cuba and cuban waters, and directing the president of the united states to use the land and naval forces of the united states to carry these resolutions into effect. whereas, the abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than three years in the island of cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked the moral sense of the people of the united states, have been a disgrace to christian civilization, culminating, as they have, in the destruction of a united states battleship, with of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbor of havana, and cannot longer be endured, as has been set forth by the president of the united states in his message to congress of april , , upon which the action of congress was invited; therefore, be it resolved; first--that the people of the island of cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent. second--that it is the duty of the united states to demand, and the government of the united states does hereby demand, that the government of spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of cuba and cuban waters. third--that the president of the united states be, and hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the united states, and to call into the actual service of the united states the militia of the several states to such an extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. fourth--that the united states hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its people. the spanish government was deluded by the belief that in the event of war our country would not be able to present a united front, and that sectional animosities would weaken our strength. the action of congress from the time of the first rumors of war to the end of the session snowed how little ground there was for this belief. the representatives of the people from all sections of our broad land gave president mckinley loyal support in every undertaking, and the south vied with the north, the east with the west, in expressions of devotion to our nation and our flag. chapter xxxvii. president mckinley acts. the message to congress--loss of american trade--terrible increase in the death rate--american aid for the starving--the president's proposition to spain--grounds for intervention--the destruction of the maine--the addenda. with the press and public of the entire country at a fever heat of indignation, and the evident determination on the part of a large majority of the members of the congress of the united states to bring matters to a crisis, it was evident to all that the time for action had arrived. the president yielded to the popular demand, and on april he sent to congress the following message: to the congress of the united states: obedient to that precept of the constitution which commands the president to give from time to time to the congress information of the state of the union, and to recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient, it becomes my duty now to address your body with regard to the grave crisis that has arisen in the relations of the united states to spain by reason of the warfare that for more than three years has raged in the neighboring island of cuba. i do so because of the intimate connection of the cuban question with the state of our own union, and the grave relation the course of which it is now incumbent upon the nation to adopt, must needs bear to the traditional policy of our government if it is to accord with the precepts laid down by the founders of the republic and religiously observed by succeeding administrations to the present day. the present revolution is but the successor of other similar insurrections which have occurred in cuba against the dominion of spain, extending over a period of nearly half a century, each of which during its progress has subjected the united states to great effort and expense in enforcing its neutrality laws, caused enormous losses to american trade and commerce, caused irritation, annoyance and disturbance among our citizens, and by the exercise of cruel, barbarous and uncivilized practices of warfare, shocked the sensibilities and offended the humane sympathies of our people. since the present revolution began, in february, , this country has seen the fertile domain at our threshold ravaged by fire and sword in the course of a struggle unequaled in the history of the island, and rarely paralleled as to the number of the combatants and the bitterness of the contest by any revolution of modern times, where a dependent people striving to be free have been oppressed by the power of the sovereign state. our people have beheld a once prosperous community reduced to comparative want, its lucrative commerce virtually paralyzed, its exceptional productiveness diminished, its fields laid waste, its mills in ruins, and its people perishing by tens of thousands from hunger and destitution. we have found ourselves constrained in the observance of that strict neutrality which our laws enjoin, and which the law of nations commands, to police our waters and watch our own seaports in prevention of any unlawful act in aid of the cubans. loss of american trade. our trade has suffered, the capital invested by our citizens in cuba has been largely lost, and the temper and forbearance of our people have been so seriously tried as to beget a perilous unrest among our own citizens, which has inevitably found its expression from time to time in the national legislature, so that issues wholly external to our own body politic stand in the way of that close devotion to domestic advancement that becomes's self-contained commonwealth, whose primal maxim has been the avoidance of all foreign entanglements. all this must needs awaken, and has indeed aroused, the utmost concern on the part of this government, as well during my predecessor's term as in my own. in april, , the evils from which our country suffered through the cuban war became so onerous that my predecessor made an effort to bring about a peace through the mediation of this government in any way that might tend to an honorable adjustment of the contest between spain and her revolted colony, on the basis of some effective scheme of self-government for cuba under the flag and sovereignty of spain. it failed, through the refusal of the spanish government then in power to consider any form of mediation, or, indeed, any plan of settlement which did not begin with the actual submission of the insurgents to the mother country, and then only on such terms as spain herself might see fit to grant. the war continued unabated. the resistance of the insurgents was in no wise diminished. the efforts of spain were increased, both by the despatch of fresh levies to cuba and by the addition to the horrors of the strife of a new and inhuman phase, happily unprecedented in the modern history of civilized christian peoples. the policy of devastation and concentration by the captain-general's bando of october, , in the province of pinar del rio was thence extended to embrace all of the island to which the power of the spanish arms was able to reach by occupation or by military operations. the peasantry, including all dwelling in the open agricultural interior, were driven into the garrison towns or isolated places held by the troops. the raising and moving of provisions of all kinds were interdicted. the fields were laid waste, dwellings unroofed and fired, mills destroyed, and, in short, everything that could desolate the land and render it unfit for human habitation or support was commanded by one or the other of the contending parties and executed by all the powers at their disposal. by the time the present administration took office a year ago, reconcentration--so-called--had been made effective over the better part of the four central and western provinces, santa clara, matanzas, havana and pinar del rio. the agricultural population, to the estimated number of , , or more, was herded within the towns and their immediate vicinage, deprived of the means of support, rendered destitute of shelter, left poorly clad, and exposed to the most unsanitary conditions. as the scarcity of food increased with the devastation of the depopulated areas of production, destitution and want became misery and starvation. terrible increase in the death rate. month by month the death rate increased in an alarming ratio. by march, , according to conservative estimate from official spanish sources, the mortality among the reconcentrados, from starvation and the diseases thereto incident, exceeded per centum of their total number. no practical relief was accorded to the destitute. the overburdened towns, already suffering from the general dearth, could give no aid. in this state of affairs my administration found itself confronted with the grave problem of its duty. my message of last december reviewed the situation, and narrated the steps taken with a view to relieving its acuteness and opening the way to some form of honorable settlement. the assassination of the prime minister, canovas, led to a change of government in spain. the former administration, pledged to subjugation without concession, gave place to that of a more liberal party, committed long in advance to a policy of reform involving the wider principle of home rule for cuba and puerto rico. the overtures of this government made through its new envoy, general woodford, and looking to an immediate and effective amelioration of the condition of the island, although not accepted to the extent of admitted mediation in any shape, were met by assurances that home rule, in an advanced phase, would be forthwith offered to cuba, without waiting for the war to end, and that more humane methods should henceforth prevail in the conduct of hostilities. american aid for the starving. while these negotiations were in progress, the increasing destitution of the unfortunate reconcentrados and the alarming mortality among them claimed earnest attention. the success which had attended the limited measure of relief extended to the suffering american citizens among them by the judicious expenditure through the consular agencies of the money appropriated expressly for their succor by the joint resolution approved may , , prompted the humane extension of a similar scheme of aid to the great body of sufferers. a suggestion to this end was acquiesced in by the spanish authorities. on the th of december last i caused to be issued an appeal to the american people inviting contributions in money or in kind for the succor of the starving sufferers in cuba, followed this on the th of january by a similar public announcement of the formation of a central cuban relief committee, with headquarters in new york city, composed of three members representing the national red cross and the religious and business elements of the community. coincidentally with these declarations, the new government of spain continued to complete the policy already begun by its predecessor of testifying friendly regard for this nation by releasing american citizens held under one charge or another connected with the insurrection, so that, by the end of november, not a single person entitled in any way to our national protection remained in a spanish prison. the war in cuba is of such a nature that short of subjugation or extermination a final military victory for either side seems impracticable. the alternative lies in the physical exhaustion of the one or the other party, or perhaps of both--a condition which in effect ended the ten years' war by the truce of zanjon. the prospect of such a protraction and conclusion of the present strife is a contingency hardly to be contemplated with equanimity by the civilized world, and least of all by the united states, affected and injured as we are, deeply and intimately by its very existence. realizing this, it appeared to be my duty in a spirit of true friendliness, no less to spain than to the cubans who have so much to lose by the prolongation of the struggle, to seek to bring about an immediate termination of the war. to this end i submitted on the th ultimo, as a result of much representation and correspondence through the united states minister at madrid, propositions to the spanish government looking to an armistice until october , for the negotiation of peace with the good offices of the president. the president's proposition to spain. in addition i asked the immediate revocation of the order of reconcentration so as to permit the people to return to their farms and the needy to be relieved with provisions and supplies from the united states, co-operating with the spanish authorities so as to afford full relief. the reply of the spanish cabinet was received on the night of the st ultimo. it offers as the means to bring about peace in cuba, to confide the preparation thereof to the insular parliament, inasmuch as the concurrence of that body would be necessary to reach a final result, it being, however, understood that the powers reserved by the constitution to the central government are not lessened or diminished. as the cuban parliament does not meet until the th of may nest, the spanish government would not object, for its part, to accept at once a suspension of hostilities if asked for by the insurgents from the general-in-chief, to whom it would pertain in such a case to determine the duration and conditions of the armistice. the propositions submitted by general woodford and the reply of the spanish government were both in the form of brief memoranda, the texts of which are before me, and are substantially in the language above given. there remain the alternative forms of intervention to end the war, either as an impartial neutral by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants, or as the active ally of one party or the other. as to the first, it is not to be forgotten that during the last few months the relation of the united states has virtually been one of friendly intervention in many ways, each not of itself conclusive, but all tending to the exertion of a potential influence toward an ultimate pacific result just and honorable to all interests concerned. the spirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest, unselfish desire for peace and prosperity in cuba, untarnished by differences between us and spain and unstained by the blood of american citizens. the forcible intervention of the united states as a neutral, to stop the war, according to the large dictates of humanity and following many historical precedents where neighboring states have interfered to check the hopeless sacrifices of life by internecine conflicts beyond their borders, is justifiable on rational grounds. it involves, however, hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest, as well to enforce a truce as to guide the eventual settlement. grounds for intervention. the grounds for such intervention may be briefly summarized as follows: first. in the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, starvation and horrible miseries now existing there, and which the parties to the conflict are either unable to or unwilling to stop or mitigate. it is no answer to say this is all in another country, belonging to another nation, and is therefore none of our business. it is specially our duty, for it is right at our door. second. we owe it to our citizens in cuba to afford them that protection and indemnity for life and property which no government there can or will afford, and to that end to terminate the conditions that deprive them of legal protection. third. the right to intervene may be justified by the very serious injury to the commerce, trade and business of our people, and by the wanton destruction of property and devastation of the island. fourth. aid which is of the utmost importance. the present condition of affairs in cuba is a constant menace to our peace and entails upon this government an enormous expense. with such a conflict waged for years in an island so near us, and with which our people have such trade and business relations; when the lives and liberty of our citizens are in constant danger and their property destroyed and themselves ruined; where our trading vessels are liable to seizure and are seized at our very door by warships of a foreign nation, the expeditions of filibustering that we are powerless altogether to prevent, and the irritating questions and entanglements thus arising--all these and others that i need not mention, with the resulting strained relations, are a constant menace to our peace and compel us to keep on a semi-war footing with a nation with which we are at peace. the destruction of the maine. these elements of danger and disorder already pointed out have been strikingly illustrated by a tragic event which has deeply and justly moved the american people. i have already transmitted to congress the report of the naval court of inquiry on the destruction of the battleship maine in the harbor of havana during the night of the th of february. the destruction of that noble vessel has filled the national heart with inexpressible horror. two hundred and fifty-eight brave sailors and marines and two officers of our navy, reposing in the fancied security of a friendly harbor, have been hurled to death, grief and want brought to their homes and sorrow to the nation. the naval court of inquiry, which, it is needless to say, commands the unqualified confidence of the government, was unanimous in its conclusions that the destruction of the maine was caused by an exterior explosion--that of a submarine mine. it did not assume to place the responsibility. that remains to be fixed. in any event the destruction of the maine, by whatever exterior cause, is a patent and impressive proof of a state of things in cuba that, is intolerable. that condition is thus shown to be such that the spanish government cannot assure safety and security to a vessel of the american navy in the harbor of havana on a mission of peace and rightfully there. further referring in this connection to recent diplomatic correspondence, a despatch from our minister to spain, of the th ultimo, contained the statement that the spanish minister for foreign affairs assured him positively that spain would do all that the highest honor and justice required in the matter of the maine. the reply above referred to of the st ultimo also contained an expression of the readiness of spain to submit to an arbitration all the differences which can arise in this matter, which is subsequently explained by the note of the spanish minister at washington of the th instant as follows: as to the question of fact which springs from the diversity of views between the report of the american and spanish boards, spain proposes that the fact be ascertained by an impartial investigation by experts, whose decision spain accepts in advance. to this i have made no reply. in view of these facts and these considerations, i ask the congress to authorize and empower the president to take measures to secure a full and final termination of hostilities between the government of spain and the people of cuba, and to secure in the island the establishment of a stable government capable of maintaining order and observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tranquillity and the security of its citizens as well as our own, and to use the military and naval forces of the united states as may be necessary for these purposes. and in the interest of humanity and to aid in preserving the lives of the starving people of the island, i recommend that the distribution of food and supplies be continued, and that an appropriation be made out of the public treasury to supplement the charity of our citizens. the issue is now with congress. it is a solemn responsibility. i have exhausted every effort to relieve the intolerable condition of affairs which is at our doors. prepared to execute every obligation imposed upon me by the constitution and the law, i await your action. the addenda. yesterday, and since the preparation of the foregoing message, official information was received by me that the latest decree of the queen regent of spain directs general blanco in order to prepare and facilitate peace, to proclaim a suspension of hostilities, the duration and details of which have not yet been communicated to me. this fact, with every other pertinent consideration, will, i am sure, have your just and careful attention in the solemn deliberations upon which you are about to enter. if this measure attains a successful result, then our aspirations as a christian, peace-loving people will be realized. if it fails, it will be only another justification for our contemplated action. (signed,) william mckinley. executive mansion, april , . chapter xxxviii. strength of the opposing squadrons and armies. growth of the white squadron in a single decade--progress of our navy a gratifying ode after it was fairly started--how the united states stands in comparison with the other nations of the world-- list of ships in the american navy--list of ships in the navy of spain at the beginning of the war--interest of all countries centered on the result of our naval battles--modern guns and projectiles--the armies of the two combatants--coast defenses of the united states. three elements enter into the fighting efficiency of nations at war: the strength of their navies, the strength of their armies and the condition of their coast defences. for the first time in many years general attention of the people of the united states was centered upon these conditions when the outbreak of hostilities began to threaten. inasmuch as it was an admitted fact that most of the fighting would be done at sea, or at least that the efficiency of our fleets would be the most important factor, most of the attention was directed to a study of the navy. the constructions of what we call the new navy of the united states, "the white squadron," which has placed us sixth in the rank of the naval powers of the world, instead of so far down that we were scarcely to be counted at all, has all been done in less than twelve years. it may be that to stand sixth in rank is not yet high enough, but the progress of a single decade certainly is remarkable. after the civil war, when hostilities on our own coast and complications abroad seemed to be at an end, the care of the navy was abandoned and ships were sold with scarcely a protest, almost as entirely as had been done eighty years before, at the end of the revolution. there was even less reason for this policy, because in the country was poor and needed the money the ships brought, while in the twenty years following the civil war there was no such excuse of national poverty. by there was no united states navy at all worthy the name, for the wooden vessels on the list, with their obsolete guns, were of no value whatever in the event of hostilities with a foreign power that had kept up its equipment with rifled guns and ironclads. the movement to repair the decay began when, in , secretary of the navy william h. hunt appointed the first advisory board, presided over by rear-admiral john bodgers, "to determine the requirements of a new navy." this board reported that the united states should have twenty-one battleships, seventy unarmored cruisers of various sizes and types, twenty torpedo boats, five rams and five torpedo gunboats, all to be built of steel. the report was received by congress and the country with the attention it merited, but to get the work started was another matter. policy of the economists. the economists had been praising the policy of idleness in naval construction, claiming first that we were at peace and did not need to spend money on expensive vessels and, next, that naval construction was in an experimental stage and that we should let the european nations go to the expense of the experiments, as they were doing, and when some result had been reached, take advantage of it, instead of wasting our own money in work that would have to be thrown away in a few years. when the country became convinced that a navy was needed, it was found that we could not follow out that pleasant little theory. our naval authorities could not obtain the facts and the experience they wanted from other nations, and our shipyards could not build even one of the armored ships. we could not roll even the thinnest of modern armor-plates, and could not make a gun that was worth mounting on a modern vessel if we had it. the shipyard of john roach did the first work on the new navy, and during secretary chandler's term of office built the chicago, the boston, the atlanta and the dolphin. instead of battleships, the first of the fleet were third-rate cruisers. armor-plate was bought in a foreign market, and we actually went abroad for the plans of one our largest cruisers--the charleston. in the navy department came under the administration of secretary william c. whitney, and it was beginning with his years of service that the greatest progress was made. while our shipyards were learning to build ships, the gunmakers and the makers of armor-plate were learning their craft too, so that progress was along parallel lines. in the sum of $ , , was appropriated for modern rifled guns. the first contract for armor-plate was signed in . since that time the plants for construction have been completed and armor-plate equal to the best in the world turned out from them. ten years of apprenticeship have taught us how to build whatever we need to carry on naval warfare. takes the rank of sixth. by the united states had risen to the sixth among the naval powers of the world, the first ten and their relative strength expressed in percentage of that of great britain being as follows: great britain united states france spain italy china russia austria germany turkey since that time the relative position of the leaders has not materially changed, although some estimates are to the effect that russia and italy have changed places and that spain has gained slightly on the united states. of the ones at the foot of the procession all have dropped below the station assigned them, by the advance of japan, which has come from outside the file of the first ten and is now eighth, ranking between spain and china. the estimates are based on a calculation of all the elements that enter into the efficiency of the navies, such as tonnage, speed, armor, caliber and range of armament, number of enlisted men and their efficiency. such calculations cannot be absolute, for they cannot measure at all times the accuracy of the gunnery of a certain vessel. the human equation enters so prominently into warfare that mathematical calculations must be at all times incomplete. americans will be slow to believe, however, that they are at any disadvantage in this detail, whatever their material equipment may be. the following table shows the strength of the navy of the united states. in that part of the table marked "first rate" the four ships placed first are first-class battle ships, the brooklyn and new york are armored cruisers, the columbia, olympia and minneapolis protected cruisers, the texas a second-class battle ship and the puritan a double-turret monitor. among the second-raters all but the miantonomah, amphitrite, monadnock and terror (monitors) are protected cruisers. the newly bought boats, new orleans and albany, belong in this class. the third-raters are a heterogeneous lot, consisting of cruisers, gunboats, old monitors and unprotected cruisers. of the fourth raters, vesuvius is a dynamite ship, the yankee and michigan are cruisers, the petrel, bancroft and pinta are gunboats and the fern is a transport. the remaining classes of the table are homogeneous. the government has recently purchased numerous tugs and yachts not accounted for in the table: first rate. name displacement guns in indicated hull (tons) main battery horsepower iowa , , steel indiana , , steel massachusetts , , steel oregon , , steel brooklyn , , steel new york , , steel columbia , , steel minneapolis , , steel texas , , steel puritan , , iron olympia , , steel second rate. name displacement guns in indicated hull (tons) main battery horsepower chicago , , steel baltimore , , steel philadelphia , , steel monterey , , steel newark , , steel san francisco , , steel charleston , , steel miantonomah , , iron amphitrite , , iron monadnock , , iron terror , , iron lancaster , , wood cincinnati , , steel raleigh , , steel atlanta , , steel boston , , steel third rate. name displacement guns in indicated hull (tons) main battery horsepower hartford , , wood katahdin , , steel ajax , iron canonicus , iron mahopac , iron manhattan , iron wyandotte , iron detroit , , steel montgomery , , steel marblehead , , steel marion , , wood mohican , , wood comanche , iron catskill , iron jason , iron lehigh , iron montauk , iron nahant , iron nantucket , iron passaic , iron bennington , , steel concord , , steel yorktown , , steel dolphin , , steel wilmington , , steel helena , , steel adams , wood alliance , wood essex , wood enterprise , wood nashville , , steel monocacy , iron thetis , wood castine , , steel machias , , steel alert , iron ranger , iron annapolis , , comp vicksburg , , comp wheeling , , comp marietta , , comp newport , , comp fourth rate. name displacement guns in indicated hull (tons) main battery horsepower vesuvius , steel yantic wood petrel , steel fern wood bancroft , steel michigan iron pinta iron torpedo boats. name displacement guns in indicated hull (tons) main battery horsepower -gushing , steel -ericsson , steel -foote , steel -rodgers , steel -winslow , steel -porter steel -du pont steel -rowan , steel -dahlgren , steel -t. a. m. craven , steel -farragut , steel -davis , steel _fox , steel -morris , steel -talbot / steel -gwin / steel -mackenzie steel -mckee steel -stringham , steel -goldsborough / steel -bailey , steel stiletto wood tugboats. name displacement guns in indicated hull (tons) main battery horsepower fortune iron iwana. steel leyden iron narkeeta steel nina iron rocket wood standish iron traffic wood triton steel waneta steel unadilla steel samoset steel sailing ships. name displacement guns in indicated hull (tons) main battery horsepower monongahela , wood constellation , wood jamestown , wood portsmouth , wood saratoga , wood st. mary's. , wood receiving ships. name displacement guns in indicated hull (tons) main battery horsepower franklin , , wood wabash , wood vermont , wood independence , . wood richmond , . wood unserviceable. name displacement guns in indicated hull (tons) main battery horsepower new hampshire , . wood pensacola , wood omaha. , wood constitution , wood iroquois , , wood nipsic , wood st. louis wood dale. wood minnesota , , wood under construction. name displacement guns in indicated hull (tons) main battery horsepower kearsarge , , steel kentucky , , steel illinois , , steel alabama , , steel wisconsin , , steel princeton , comp plunger , steel tug no. steel tug no. steel training ship. , comp spain's navy is a weaker one. spain's navy is decidedly weak when compared with that of the united states. a mere glance at the two tables will be sufficient to show the difference. spain's list of unarmored cruisers is long, but four of our battle ships or swift, modern, armored cruisers could blow the lot out of the water. in torpedo boats we compare favorably with spain. in one respect spain is stronger, that is in her six speedy torpedo boat destroyers. this table accounts for every war ship spain has, to say nothing of the few antique merchantmen of the spanish liner company which can be turned into cruisers. first-class battle ships. name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. pelayo , . steel vitoria (inefficient) , . iron old battle ships. name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. numancia , . iron first-class armored cruisers. name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. carlos v , . steel cisneros , . steel cataluna , . steel princess asturias , . steel almirante oquendo , . steel maria teresa , . steel vizcaya , . steel cristobal colon , . steel second-class armored cruisers. name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. alfonso xii , . steel lepanto , . steel unarmored cruisers. name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. reina christina , . steel aragon , . steel cartilla , . steel navarra , . steel alfonso xii , . steel reina mercedes , . steel velasco , . steel c. de venadito , . steel ulloa , . steel austria , . steel isabel , . steel isabel ii , . steel isla de cuba , . steel isla de luzon , . steel ensenada , . steel quiros iron villabolas iron ---- wood torpedo boats. [footnote: armed with two and four torpedo tubes, six quick fire and two machine guns.] name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. alvaro de bezan . steel maria molina . steel destructor . steel filipinas . steel galicia . steel marques vitoria . steel marques molina . steel pinzon . steel nueva espana . steel rapido . steel temerario . steel yanez pinzon . steel gunboats. [footnote: there are eighteen others of smaller size, which with the above were built for service in cuban waters, and are now there.] name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. hernon cortes . steel pizarro . steel nunez balboa . steel diego velasquez . steel ponce de leon . steel alvarado . steel sandoval . steel torpedo boat destroyers. name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. audaz . steel furor . steel terror . steel osada . steel pluton . steel prosperina . steel small torpedo boats. name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. ariete . steel rayo . steel azor . steel halcon . steel habana . steel barcelo . steel orion . steel retamosa . steel ordonez . steel ejercito . steel pollux . steel castor . steel aire . steel gun vessels (so-called). name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. general concha steel elcano steel general lego steel magellanes steel building. (battle ship.) name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. ---- , steel (armored cruisers.) name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. ---- , steel pedro d'aragon , steel (protected cruisers.) name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. reina regente , steel rio de la plata , steel (torpedo boats.) five of ariete type and one of tons. liners for conversion. name. tonnage. guns in speed in hull. batteries. knots/hour. magellanes , . steel buenos aires , . steel montevideo , . steel alfonso xii , . steel leon xiii , . steel satrustegui , . steel alfonso xiii , . steel maria cristina , . steel luzon , . steel mindanao , . steel isla de panay , . steel cataluna , . steel city of cadiz , . steel interest in the working of modern war ships. the puzzle that was troubling every naval authority as well as every statesman in the civilized world, at the outbreak of the war between the united states and spain, was what would be the results of a conflict at sea between the floating fortresses which now serve as battle-ships. since navies reached their modern form there had been no war in which the test of the battle-ship was complete. lessons might be learned and opinions formed and prophesies made from the action of battle-ships in the war between china and japan, the war between chili and peru, and from the disasters which had overtaken the maine in the harbor of havana and the victoria in her collision with the camperdown, as well as the wreck of the reina regente and others. but in all these, combine the information as one might, there was insufficient testimony to prove what would happen if two powers of nearly equal strength were to meet for a fight to a finish. whatever was uncertain, it was known at least that there would be no more sea fights like those of the last century and the first half of this, when three-deck frigates and seventy-four-gun men-of-war were lashed together, while their crews fought with small arms and cutlasses for hours. those were the days when "hearts of oak" and "the wooden walls of england" made what romance there was in naval warfare, and the ships of the young united states won respect on every sea. in the fights of those days the vessels would float till they were shot to pieces, and with the stimulus of close fighting the men were ready to brave any odds in boarding an enemy's craft. it was well understood that the changed conditions would make very different battles between the fighting machines of to-day. that a naval battle between modern fleets, armed with modern guns, would be a terribly destructive one both to the ships and to the lives of those who manned them, was conceded by all naval authorities. the destructiveness would come not only from the tremendous power and effectiveness of the guns, but also from the fact that the shell had replaced the solid shot in all calibers down to the one-pounder, so that to the penetrating effect of the projectile was added its explosive power and the scattering of its fragments in a destructive and death-dealing circle many feet in diameter. modern guns and projectiles. the modern armor-piercing shell, made of hardened steel, and with its conical point carefully fashioned for the greatest penetrating power, has all the armor-piercing effectiveness of a solid shot of the same shape, while its explosiveness makes it infinitely more destructive. for the modern shell does not explode when it first strikes the side or armor of an enemy's ship, but after it has pierced the side or armor and has exhausted its penetrative effect. the percussion fuse is in the base of the shell, and is exploded by a plunger driven against it by the force of the impact of the shell on striking. the time between the impact of the shell and its explosion is sufficient for it to have done its full penetrative work. it first must be understood that all modern guns on ships-of-war are breech-loading and rifled, and that the smooth bore exists only as a relic, or to be brought out in an emergency for coast defense, when modern guns are not available. from the thirteen-inch down to the four-inch, the guns are designated by their caliber, the diameter of their bore, and the shot they throw, while from that to the one-pounder they take their name from the weight of the shot. everything below the one-pounder is in the machine-gun class. the base of rapid-fire work is the bringing together in one cartridge of the primer, powder, and shell. when the limit of weight of cartridge, easily handled by one man, is reached, the limit of rapid-fire action is also reached; and, although the quick-moving breech mechanisms have been applied abroad to guns of as large as eight-inch caliber, such guns would rank as quick, rather than rapid firing, and would require powder and shot to be loaded separately. on the modern battleships the function of the great guns is the penetration of the enemy's armor, either at the waterline belt or on the turrets and gun positions, while that of the rapid-firers is the destruction of the unarmored parts or the disabling of the guns not armor protected. the six, three, and one-pounders direct their rain of shots at the turret portholes, gun shields, or unprotected parts of the ship, having also an eye to torpedo-boats, while from the fighting tops, the gatlings rain a thousand shots a minute on any of the crew in exposed positions. with such a storm of large and small projectiles it would seem to be rather a question of who would be left alive rather than who would be killed. the guns in use in the united states navy are the -inch, -inch, -inch, -inch, -inch, -inch, -inch, -pounders, -pounders, -pounder, hotchkiss mm. revolver cannon, and the machine guns. in the following table is given the length and weight of these guns, as well as of the shell they carry: length powder weight of gun, charge, of shell, guns. feet. pounds. pounds. one-pounder . . three-pounder . . six-pounder . . fourteen-pounder . . four-inch . . five-inch . . six-inch . . eight-inch . . ten-inch . . twelve-inch . . thirteen-inch . . , how the big guns are used. the -pounder, although not included in the navy armament, is given for the purpose of comparison, since it is with guns of this caliber that some of the spanish torpedo-boat destroyers are armed. the largest gun as yet mounted on our largest torpedo-boats is the -pounder, while a single -pounder is the gun armament of the ordinary torpedo-boat. the hotchkiss revolver cannon is not given in the table because its caliber, etc., is the same as that of the -pounder, and, in fact, the latter has superseded it in the latest armaments, so that it is now found only on the older ships of the modern fleet. the machine guns are not given because their effective work is practically the same. the gatling is of -caliber, and uses the government ammunition for the springfield rifle. a look over the table shows some general principles in the matter of powder and shell used. the powder charge is about half the weight of the shell, while the length of the shell is a little over three times its diameter. to attain its extreme range a gun must be given an elevation of about fifteen degrees. the greatest elevation given any of the guns on shipboard is about six degrees. this limit is made by two factors--the size of the portholes or opening in the turrets for the larger guns, and the danger of driving the gun backward and downward through the deck by any greater elevation. the practical range of the great guns of a ship, the ten, twelve, and thirteen-inch, is not, therefore, believed to be over five or six miles, and even at that range the chances of hitting a given object would be very small. a city could, of course, be bombarded with, effect at such a range, since a shell would do tremendous damage wherever it might strike, but a city to which a ship could approach no nearer than say seven miles would be safe from bombardment. the muzzle velocities given the shells from the guns of the navy are something tremendous, while the muzzle energy is simply appalling. the shell from the thirteen-inch gun leaves the muzzle at a velocity of , feet a second, and with an energy of , -foot tons, or the power required to lift one ton one foot. from this velocity the range is to , feet a second in the one-pounder, although from the three-pounder at , feet it averages about the same as the thirteen-inch. the five-inch rapid-fire gun has the greatest muzzle velocity at , feet. the muzzle energy is, of course, small in the smaller guns, being only twenty-five-foot tons in the one-pounder and tons in the fourteen-pounder. the power of penetration has already been given in a general way, but the power of penetration of steel is much greater. at its muzzle velocity the thirteen-inch shell will penetrate . inches of steel, the twelve-inch, . inches; the ten-inch, inches, and the five-inch, inches. the one-pound shell bursts in piercing one-fourth and nine-sixteenths-inch plates, scattering its fragments behind the target. it may be interesting to note that the cost of one discharge of a thirteen-inch gun is $ , and that when a battleship like the massachusetts lets loose her entire battery, both main and secondary, the cost of a single discharge is $ , . chapter xxxix. battleships and troops begin to move. the north atlantic squadron sent to key west--commodore schley at hampton roads--the voyage of the oregon--the camp at chickamauga-- where the initial work of mobilizing the troops was done--life at camp thomas--life on the famous battle field--rendezvous at fort tampa--the great artillery camp. immediately following the action of congress authorizing the president to call into service the army and navy of the united states, the north atlantic squadron, under command of captain sampson, was mobilized at key west. it consisted of the following vessels: battleships iowa and indiana, armored cruiser new york, the monitors puritan, terror and amphitrite, the gunboats nashville, castine, machias, wilmington and helena, the cruisers detroit, cincinnati and marblehead, and the torpedo-boats cushing, ericsson, dupont, foote, winslow, porter and mayflower. these comprised a hard fighting aggregation under a cool and daring fighter. the two first-class battleships were not equaled in fighting power by anything in the spanish navy, and the new york was one of the best fighting ships of her kind in the world. commodore winfield scott schley and the fighters of his flying squadron were gathered at hampton roads, impatient for orders from washington to face the foe. far away in pacific waters commodore dewey was cabled the command to hold himself in readiness to proceed to manila, and the good ship oregon, under command of captain clarke, was steaming her way around cape horn to join the fleet in cuban waters. in the army equal activity was shown. the camp at chickamauga. chickamauga park, near chattanooga, tenn., was the point of concentration for the regular troops which were gathered for the war with spain. it was the initial camp where the mobilization took place, and from which soldiers and supplies were dispatched to seacoast towns within easy striking distance of cuba. when orders went out from army headquarters at washington for the movement of the regulars to chickamauga a thrill of soldierly pride swelled the breast of every man who wore uncle sam's blue uniform, and there was a hasty dash for the new camp. there is nothing an army man, officer or private, dislikes so much as inactivity. fighting, especially against a foreign foe, suits him better than dawdling away his time in idleness, and word to "get to the front" is always welcome. for nearly three weeks troops poured into chickamauga on every train. they came from all parts of the country, and from every regiment and branch of the service. there were "dough-boys" and cavalry-men, engineers and artillerymen; some regiments were there in force, others were represented by detachments only. there were companies and parts of companies, squadrons and parts of squadrons, batteries and parts of batteries. it was a bringing together of uncle sam's soldier boys from all conceivable sections of the country. they came from posts in california and texas, from wyoming and maine, from colorado and minnesota. in time of peace the regular army is badly scattered. it is seldom that an entire regiment is stationed at one post, the companies being distributed over a wide area of territory. a mobilization, therefore, like that at chickamauga, tended to consolidate and put new life into commands which had been badly dismembered by the exigencies of the service. old comrades were brought together and there was a sort of general reunion and glorification. men who had been doing police duty near big cities met those who had been watching indians on the plains, or chasing greaser bandits on the border line. they exchanged stories and prepared for the stern realities of war with a vigor which boded ill for the foe they were to face. uncle sam's soldier is a great grumbler when in idleness. he finds fault with his officers, his food, his quarters, his clothing, his pay, and even with himself. nothing pleases him. he records big, sonorous oaths about his idiocy in swearing away his liberty for a term of years. but let the alarm of war sound, show him active preparations for a scrimmage with the enemy, and the "regular" is happy. this was the condition which prevailed at chickamauga. the men were full of enthusiasm and worked as hard as the proverbial beavers. drills once distasteful and shirked whenever possible were gone through with alacrity and the "boy in blue" was a true soldier, every inch of him. there was war in sight. life at camp thomas. on one point at least there was an accord of opinion in rank and file--the camp was well named. "camp george h. thomas" they called it, in memory of old "pap," the hero of chickamauga, and men and officers alike took a very visible pride in being residents of the tented city. the establishment of the community at camp thomas was much like the establishment of a colony in an unsettled land, in so far as domestic conveniences were concerned. everything had to be taken there, and each regiment, which was a small canvas town in itself, had to depend entirely upon its own resources. dotted here and there throughout the entire expanse of the fifteen-mile reservation, these cities of tents were seen, and the brave men who lived in them depended upon themselves and each other for what little entertainment they got. a description of the quarters of one officer will serve for all. an "a," or wall tent, by feet, and some of them a size smaller, was his house. on one side a folding camp cot, with a thin yet comfortable mattress and an abundance of heavy, woolen army blankets. a table about twenty inches square, with legs that fold up into the smallest possible space, stood near the door at the foot of the cot. a folding chair or two for his visitors, a large valise or a very small trunk, a bit of looking glass hanging from a tent pole, a tubular lantern, or, if the tenant of the tent was not so fortunate as to possess such a modern light, then a candle attached to a stick in the ground beside his bed. tie strings attached to the rear wall of the tent afforded a hanging place for "his other shirt" and a pair of extra shoes. his leggings and boots were on his feet, and his belt, pistol and saber stood in a corner. a pad of writing paper, pocket inkstand, a razor strop, unless he had foresworn shaving, a briar or corn-cob pipe, and a bag of tobacco completed the furnishings of his house. commanding officers, at regimental headquarters, had an extra roof, or "tent fly," as an awning in front of their quarters, but otherwise lived as other officers did. the enlisted men, quartered in the conical wall tents now adopted by the army, bunked with heads to the wall and feet toward the center, from nine to twelve in a tent their bedding and blankets were good and they were as comfortable as soldiers could hope to be in the field. some of the regiments from the remote northwest had the sibley conical tent, which has no wall, but which has a small sheet iron stove. these were more than appreciated during the cold, rainy weather that prevailed at camp thomas. the mess tents and cookhouses are about alike in all the arms of the service. the "cuddy-bunk" oven, made of sheet, iron, bakes well and looks like two iron pans fastened together, one upon the top of the other. men detailed as cooks and waiters, or "kitchen police," as they are denominated in the posts, attended to the preparation and serving of the meals, and the soldiers lived well, indeed. field rations were used when in transit from point to point, but when in camp the company or troop mess purchased fresh meats, vegetables, eggs, fruits, etc., and lived high. rendezvous at fort tampa. twenty-eight batteries of artillery, almost the entire complement of this branch of the united states army, were in camp at port tampa, fla., awaiting orders to make a descent upon the spanish forces in cuba. this great gathering of artillery was the feature of the camp. infantry and cavalry troops were held there also, and their number increased every day, but it was in the artillery that the civilian spectators took the most interest. this may be said without disparagement of the "dough boys" and "hostlers," notwithstanding the fact that there were some of uncle sam's most famous fighters in both lines of service stationed at tampa, among them being the ninth cavalry, and the fourth, fifth, ninth, thirteenth and twenty-fourth infantry. no cavalry regiment has a finer record than the ninth, the "buffalo" troopers, who gave the sioux and apaches more fighting than they wanted, but southern people have no use for negro soldiers, and their laudations went to the white artillerymen. no such aggregation of light and heavy artillery has been gathered before at any one city in the united states, even in war time. life in camp at tampa was much the same as at chickamauga, except that the weather was much hotter. to offset this, however, the boys had fine sea bathing, good opportunities for sailing parties, and the best of fresh fish with which to leaven their rations of salt horse and hardtack. it is astonishing how quickly a man learns to forage and cook after joining the regular army. three months of service will transform the greenest of counter-jumpers into an expert in the art of enticing chickens from their coops and turning them into savory stews. one of the troopers of the ninth cavalry was called "chickens," from his predilections in this line. there were orders against foraging, of course; there always are in friendly territory, but they never amount to much. the officers knew they were disobeyed, but they winked the other eye and said nothing. it is hinted that in this course may be often found an explanation of the lavishness with which the officers' mess is served. one night major--was smoking a nightcap cigar just outside his tent, when he caught sight of "chickens" stealing past in the shade of the trees. "chickens" of course was halted and asked why he was prowling around at that time of night. before the culprit could frame an excuse the major noticed a suspicious bulging of the front of the trooper's blouse, and an uneasy, twisting motion within. it was plain to him that "chickens" had been foraging, and was getting back into quarters with his plunder. "been foraging, hey?" said the major. "don't you know it's against orders?" "chickens" stammered out a denial, when the major, making a sudden grab at the front of his blouse, tore it open, and out fell two plump pullets. "stealing hens, hey?" said the major. "you'll go to the clink for this." "ah didn't dun steal 'em, majah," said "chickens," with brazen effrontery. "ah 'clar to goodness ah didn't know dem pullets was dar. mus' have crawled into mah blous t' keep wahm, majah." the reply tickled the veteran so much that he let "chickens" pass, and the next morning there was one officer at the post who had stewed pullet for breakfast. one of the most famous regiments of infantry at tampa was the thirteenth. it has the well-earned reputation of being a good fighting body. some of the most distinguished officers of the army have been on its rolls in time past, among them sherman and sheridan. the history of the thirteenth goes back to may , , when president lincoln directed its organization. the first colonel was william t. sherman, who re-entered the army after a number of years engaged in banking and the practice of law. c. c. augur was one of the majors, and philip h. sheridan was a captain. sheridan joined the regiment in november, , but was soon appointed chief commissary and quartermaster to the army of southwest missouri, which practically severed his connection with the regiment. in the first battalion of the regiment entered on active service in the mississippi valley. it engaged in the yazoo expedition under sherman, who was by that time a major-general of volunteers, and took part later in grant's operations around vicksburg. the battalion won for its colors the proud inscription, "first honor at vicksburg," and lost . per cent of its force in the attack on the confederates. among the dead was its then commander, who died on the parapet. sherman's nine-year-old son, willie, who was with his father at vicksburg, was playfully christened a "sergeant" of the thirteenth battalion, and his death of fever in october, , called forth a sorrowful letter from general sherman to the commander of the thirteenth. "please convey to the battalion my heartfelt thanks," he wrote, "and assure each and all that if in after years they call on me or mine, and mention that they were of the thirteenth regulars when willie was a sergeant, they will have a key to the affections of my family that will open all it has; that we will share with them our last blanket, our last crust!" after the war the regiment was transferred to the west. it was employed in kansas, montana, dakota, utah, wyoming and elsewhere until , for a large part of the time serving almost continuously against hostile indians. in it was moved to new orleans, and was engaged on duty in the department of the south for six years. during the labor riots of all but two companies were on duty at pittsburg, scranton, wilkesbarre and other points in pennsylvania. then back to the west it went again, and, with some slight vacations, remained on the frontier until october, , when it was transferred to various posts in new york state. chapter xl. diplomatic relations terminate. grave responsibilities bravely met--the ultimatum to spain--the spanish minister of foreign affairs sends minister woodford his transports--our consuls in cuba leave the island--fate of americans left behind--spanish spies at work--playing a desperate game. none but those who were close to the men at the head of our government just prior to the commencement of the war with spain can realize with what solicitude they watched the development of the preliminary proceedings. with full appreciation of their grave responsibilities, knowing the power inherent in their positions to effect results, and yet cognizant as the days went by of their inability to prevent the fulfillment of fate, they endeavored to guide events so far as they could in a course which will hold them and the people blameless in the sight of the world for whatever might follow. that they withstood the strain so well bears testimony to their mental poise and strength of character. the president's demeanor underwent a noticeable change. the affable, cheery mood which formerly characterized him, gave way to a sternness of manner which befits a humane but just judge called upon to execute a righteous sentence. a curious illustration of mr. mckinley's temperament was shown in the difference in his bearing after the passage of the resolutions which made war inevitable. so long as there was the slightest chance for peace the pressure of uncertainty bore heavily upon him, and his face assumed a wan and haggard look. that look did not entirely disappear, but it was no longer marked by anxiety. from the moment the decision was reached which imposed upon him the leadership of a nation at war, he seemed to have experienced a sense of relief, for he saw his pathway straight before him, no matter how rough it might be. immediately after signing the resolutions declaring for intervention by our government, the president sent an ultimatum to spain, quoting the act of congress, and notifying her that her army and navy must be withdrawn from cuba by noon of april . the spanish minister, polo y bernabe, at once applied for his passports, and left the country. the spanish government, without waiting for minister woodford to deliver the ultimatum of the united states government, sent him his transports, thus taking the initiative and practically declaring war against this government. the official notification to general woodford, from the spanish minister of foreign affairs, was as follows: dear sir: in compliance with a painful duty, i have the honor to inform you that there has been sanctioned by the president of the republic a resolution of both chambers of the united states which denies the legitimate sovereignty of spain, and threatens immediate armed intervention in cuba, which is equivalent to a declaration of war. the government of her majesty has ordered her minister at washington to retire without loss of time from the territory of north america with all of the personality of the legation. by this act the diplomatic relations which formerly existed between the two countries, and all official communications between their respective representatives cease. i am obliged to inform you, so that on your part you can make such arrangements as you believe convenient. i beg that at a suitable time your excellency will acknowledge receipt of this and take this opportunity to reiterate the assurance of my most distinguished consideration. pio gullon. general woodford then turned over the legation to the care of the british government, and ordered all american consuls in spain to cease their offices and leave the country at once. he then made his own preparations to leave and started for paris without delay. consuls in cuba leave the island. anticipating the action taken by congress, a peculiar form of notice had been agreed upon between consul-general lee and the consuls some weeks previously. the telegram notifying them to leave the island was to be in these words: "appropriation for relief of american citizens is exhausted." this form was devised for a reason which had its bearing upon the unhappy fate of the americans left on the island. spaniards of the vindictive class never got over the action of the united states in undertaking the support of its citizens in cuba. that action was in striking contrast "with the course of the spanish government. the spaniards lost no opportunity to show their resentment toward the americans. when local measures of relief were planned, the americans were taunted, and told to look to the united states for help and protection. the charity extended by the united states brought upon the beneficiaries persecution at the hands of the spaniards. general lee, realizing the strength of this unworthy sentiment, thought that a message in the language quoted would be so grateful to spanish eyes that it would be put through to the consuls without delay. he was right about that. the government attempted to make provision for the removal of the americans on the island at the same time that the consuls were notified to withdraw. results showed that only a comparatively small number availed themselves of the opportunities to go. a ship made its way along the south coast of cuba and removed from santiago, manzanillo and cienfuegos between and refugees, conveying them to jamaica. this was hardly one-half. from the northern coast the number taken off the island was much smaller. at havana there were on the rolls of the consulate over americans, of whom perhaps elected to take passage on the ships sent by the united states. at matanzas, consul brice had about americans. consul barker, at sagua, had about the same number, while consul hance, at cardenas, had about . very few of these wanted to leave their interests and relatives. all of them were utterly destitute. they did not know what they could do if they landed in the united states without friends. many of them were cubans, who had lived in the united states only long enough to obtain american citizenship. all their ties were in cuba. they believed that the warships would come quickly with provisions. and so they chose to stay. when the consuls left they put food enough in the possession of these americans to last them from ten days to two weeks. the fate of these unfortunates can only be imagined. from the prejudice which existed toward the american reconcentrados the consuls know that they would be the last to receive any consideration when the blockade began to bear heavily. spanish spies at work. just prior to the breaking out of actual hostilities between this country and spain the military attache of the spanish legation at washington was compelled to leave this country, because it was known he had been seeking to learn certain facts relative to the strength of our forts and their defensive equipment. this man was lieutenant sobral, and in plain and uncompromising english, he was a spy, or member of the spanish secret service, which implies the same thing. before he left this country he had been ejected from several forts along the south atlantic coast, where he had been found endeavoring to gain access to those mysteries which no man, unless he wears the blue of the united states army, can righteously know aught of, even in times of peace. this was the first intimation this country had that spain would introduce here the same system of espionage she employs at home. following sobrap's expulsion from the country came the knowledge that spanish spies were working in washington, watching every move made there; that they swarmed in key west and in new york city, where they maintained a strict surveillance over the members of the cuban junta. many of these spies were american citizens, or at least nominally so, for their work was done under the direction of a well-known detective agency, acting, of course, with the spanish representatives here. these men were principally engaged in preventing the shipment of stores and arms to cuba. at one time it was impossible to enter or leave the building where the junta had its headquarters without observing one or more men hanging about the place, apparently with nothing to do and making a vain effort to do it as gracefully as possible. these were thrilling times in the annals of the junta, when rubens, palma and captain o'brien were regularly followed to and from their homes to their headquarters. these were good times, too, for the american detective agency. but all this was mere clumsy work, more of an annoyance than anything else, and scarcely any hindrance to the shipping of arms and stores when the junta was fortunate enough to have the arms and stores to ship. but after the declaration of war, the spy question assumed an aspect as serious as it was unlocked for. spain worked silently, secretly and through one of the best-handled branches of her government and with all the latins' natural love of intrigue. she no longer paid much heed to palma or rubens, or to captain o'brien. she was playing a bigger game. american detectives no longer represented her interests here--an impossibility under existing conditions, of course. under polo was established a most complete department of espionage, which he controlled from the refuge canada offered him. the gathering together of information and those facts which usually concern the operation of secret service of civilized countries seemed to be a side issue with this particular department. the scope of its operations was along different lines from those usually followed by the mere spy. polo's intention appeared to be to carry the war into america in a new and startling manner--startling, because his movements could not be seen or foretold until the blow was struck. he made use of the corps under his control to place the bomb of the anarchist and apply the torch of the incendiary under our arsenals and to those buildings where the government stored its supplies for the army and navy. for a time he was successful in his cowardly scheming and his emissaries celebrated his success with many tons of good american gunpowder, and at the cost of some good american lives. bombs were found in the coal reserved for use aboard our men-of-war. they were even taken from the coal bunkers of our ships and they were found in certain of the government buildings at washington. indeed, the situation became so serious that finally strangers were not allowed to visit a man-of-war or enter a fort. it must be remembered that there are in america thousands of spaniards who, unless they commit some overt act of violence, can enjoy all the privileges accorded to a citizen. this, together with our mixed population, in many quarters made up largely of the peoples of southern europe, all more or less of one type, all speaking languages which, to untrained ears at least, are almost identical one with the other, gave the spanish spy in america a protection and freedom from suspicion and surveillance he would hardly meet with in any other country, and which, by the inverse, offered no opportunity for the american spy in spain, had we chosen to make use of the same methods. playing a desperate game. these spaniards were playing a desperate game, however. it was literally at the peril of their necks, for should a man be apprehended, there would be no possibility of escaping the ignominious death that usually awaits on such services. sobral was allowed to go, though there was no question but that his conduct was so incriminating that he was liable to arrest, trial, and, if convicted, death, had this country cared to hold him. his fate abroad would be easy to foretell. his guilt was almost as great as that which brought major andre to his death in the times of the revolution. chapter xli. first guns and first prizes of the war. capture of the lafayette--the government orders her release-- towing prizes into key west--the spanish set a trap--the vicksburg and the morrill take the bait--the spanish gunners poor marksmen-- another narrow escape. shortly after the proclamation of the blockade of cuban ports a capture was made which threatened international complications. the french mail steamer lafayette was held up almost under the guns of morro castle. the annapolis hailed her in the harbor offing and receiving no answer but a show of the french tricolor plumped a six-pounder across her bows and brought her up standing. prayers and tears in staterooms. of the cabin passengers on the steamer eighty were women and children. they locked themselves in the staterooms when the warning shot was fired and the annapolis and wilmington approached, and gave themselves up to prayers and tears. most of the passengers were spaniards or cubans, and there were a few mexicans. nearly all were bound for havana. the steamer was filled to the hatches with medicines, provisions, wines and cotton goods consigned to merchants in havana and vera cruz, mexico. it is estimated that the value of the ship's cargo was nearly $ , . her net tonnage is , tons. she hails from santander, france, and cleared from corunna, spain, april , two days after the president issued the blockade proclamation, although captain lechapelane declared he was not notified. as soon as official notice of her capture reached washington telegrams were sent ordering immediate release. the explanation for this action on the part of the administration is given in the statement which follows and which was issued from the white house: "the lafayette was released in pursuance of orders which were issued by the navy department previous to her seizure, but which had not been received by the commanding officers of the vessels that made the capture. the facts are that on april the french embassy made an informal inquiry as to whether the lafayette, which left saint nazaire, france, for vera cruz, by way of havana, before war was declared or information of the blockade was received, would be allowed to land at havana certain passengers, her mail bags and the dispatch bag of the consulate-general of france and take some french passengers on board. an assurance was given that, if this privilege should be granted, the steamer would be forbidden by the french consul to land goods. "the matter was duly considered and it was decided that, without regard to the strict law of blockade and as an act of courtesy, the request of the french government should be acceded to. orders were accordingly sent on the d of may. when information was received of the capture of the steamer and of her having been brought to key west, these orders were communicated to the captors, with instructions to release the steamer and see that the orders were duly delivered, so that they might be carried into effect. no demand was made, either by or on behalf of the french government, directly or indirectly, for the steamer's release. the wilmington will escort the lafayette to havana to-night." on may th the british tramp steamer strathdee, captain currie, attempted to run the blockade, but was overhauled by the gunboat machias. the captain of the strathdee claimed that the vessel was loaded with sugar and that he had on board a number of spanish refugees from sagua la grande. he also said that the steamer was bound for matanzas, where it was desired to disembark some of the refugees. the commander of the machias was skeptical of the story, however, and warned the captain of the strathdee that if he attempted to take the vessel into matanzas she would be fired on, whereupon the strathdee put about and steamed away in the direction of new york. three small prizes towed into key west. three prizes were brought in may th. they were the brigantine lorenzo, taken by the montgomery near havana, on friday, while bound for rio de la plata with a cargo of dried beef. the espana, a little fishing sloop, was taken by the morrill about three miles off mariel just after a sharp engagement. the newport was close at hand at the time, and a prize crew made up from both ships brought the capture in. the third vessel taken was the schooner padre de dios, master mateo herrera, laden with fish. it was taken by the newport off mariel, and was brought in by a petty officer and a prize crew. all three accepted one blank shot apiece as sufficient. making her prize work as towboat. one captive was seen taking another to port on the morning of may th. both are prizes of the gunboat newport, and were captured between mariel and havana. it was about sunrise, just after an inexplicable shot had been fired from a havana battery, that a dispatch boat off morro castle sighted the newport with a big norwegian tramp steamer, the bratsberg, following obediently. suddenly the newport's stack blew clouds of black smoke, and, looking for the cause, a pretty two-masted schooner was seen, her sails wing and wing, flying from the northwest for havana. a blank shot sounded over the waters. the schooner stood no chance, but she kept her course until a solid six-pounder from the newport skimmed across to her, and dropped ahead of the bowsprit. then she dropped her jib and came about quickly, sailing toward the warship, as one has seen a dog run to his master at the snap of a lash. she was the fernandito, avaricious of the bounty captain-general blanco offered for fish delivered to hungry havana. a line was put aboard her, and the bratsberg was compelled to take the other end and go to key west. the spanish set a trap one day during the blockade. the wily spaniards arranged a trap to send a couple of our ships to the bottom. a small schooner was sent out from havana harbor to draw some of the americans into the ambuscade. the ruse worked like a charm. the vicksburg and the morrill, in the heat of the chase and in their contempt for spanish gunnery, walked straight into the trap that had been set for them. had the spaniards possessed their souls in patience but five minutes longer, not even their bad gun practice would have saved our ships, and two more of our vessels would lie at the bottom within two lengths of the wreck of the ill-starred maine. friday evening the vicksburg and the morrill, cruising to the west of morro castle, were fired on by the big guns of the cojimar batteries. two shots were fired at the vicksburg and one at the morrill. both fell short, and both vessels, without returning the fire, steamed out of range. it would have been folly to have done otherwise. but this time the spaniards had better luck. the schooner they had sent out before daylight ran off to the eastward, hugging the shore, with the wind on her starboard quarter. about three miles east of the entrance to the harbor she came over on the port tack. a light haze fringed the horizon and she was not discovered until three miles off shore, when the mayflower made her out and signaled the morrill and vicksburg. they take the bait. captain smith, of the morrill, and commander lilly, of the vicksburg, immediately slapped on all steam and started in pursuit. the schooner instantly put about and ran for morro castle before the wind. by doing so she would, according to the well-conceived spanish plot, lead the two american warships directly under the guns of the santa clara batteries. these works are a short mile west of morro, and are a part of the defenses of the harbor. there are two batteries, one at the shore, which has been recently thrown up, of sand and mortar, with wide embrasures for eight-inch guns, and the other on the crest of the rocky eminence which juts out into the water of the gulf at the point. the upper battery mounts modern -inch and -inch krupp guns behind a six-foot stone parapet, in front of which are twenty feet of earthwork and a belting of railroad iron. this battery is considered the most formidable of havana's defenses except morro castle. it is masked and has not been absolutely located by the american warships. it is probably due to the fact that the spanish did not desire to expose its position that the vicksburg and morrill are now afloat. the morrill and vicksburg were about six miles from the schooner when the chase began. they steamed after her at full speed, the morrill leading until within a mile and a half of the santa clara batteries. commander smith, of the vicksburg, was the first to realize the danger into which the reckless pursuit had led them. he concluded it was time to haul off and sent a shot across the bow of the schooner. nearly hit by shrapnel shells. the spanish skipper instantly brought his vessel about, but while she was still rolling in the trough of the sea, with her sails flapping, an -inch shrapnel shell came hurtling through the air from the water battery, a mile and a half away. it passed over the morrill between the pilothouse and the smokestack and exploded less than fifty feet on the port quarter. the small shot rattled against her side. it was a close call. two more shots followed in quick succession, both shrapnel. one burst close under the starboard quarter, filling the engine room with the smoke of the explosion of the shell, and the other, like the first, passed over and exploded just beyond. the spanish gunners had the range and their time fuses were accurately set. the crews of both ships were at their guns. lieutenant craig, who was in charge of the bow -inch rapid-fire gun of the morrill, asked for and obtained permission to return the fire. at the first shot the vicksburg, which was in the wake of the morrill, slightly in-shore, sheered off and passed to windward under the morrill's stern. another narrow escape. in the meantime, captain smith also put his helm to port, and was none too soon, for as the morrill stood off a solid -inch shot grazed her starboard quarter and kicked up tons of water as it struck a wave yards beyond. captain smith said afterward that this was undoubtedly an -inch armor piercing projectile, and that it would have passed through the morrill's boilers had he not changed his course in the nick of time. all the guns of the water battery were now at work. one of them cut the jacob's ladder of the vicksburg adrift, and another carried away a portion of the rigging. as the morrill and the vicksburg steamed away their aft guns were used, but only a few shots were fired. the morrill's -inch gun was elevated for , yards and struck the earth-works repeatedly. the vicksburg fired but three shots from her -pounder. the spaniards continued to fire shot and shell for twenty minutes, but the shots were ineffective. some of them were so wild that they roused the american "jackies" to jeers. the spaniards only ceased firing when the morrill and vicksburg were completely out of range. if all the spanish gunners had been suffering from strabismus their practice could not have been worse. but the officers of both the morrill and vicksburg frankly admit their own recklessness and the narrow escape of their vessels from destruction. they are firmly convinced that the pursuit of the schooner was a neatly planned trick, which almost proved successful. if any one of the shots had struck the thin skin of either vessel it would have offered no more resistance than a piece of paper to a rifle ball. the accurate range of the first few shots is accounted for by the fact that the spanish officers had ample time to make observations. the bearings of the two vessels were probably taken with a range-finder at the santa clara battery, and, as this battery is probably connected by wire with morro, they were able to take bearings from both points, and by laborious calculations they fixed the positions of the vessels pretty accurately. with such opportunity for observation it would have been no great trick for an american gunner to drop a shell down the smokestack of a vessel. as soon as the ships sheered off after the first fire, the spanish gunners lost the range and their practice became ludicrous. if they had waited five minutes longer before opening fire, captain smith says it would have been well-nigh impossible to have missed the target. prior to the invasion of cuba by our army large stores of arms and ammunition were sent to the insurgents. one of the most notable of these expeditions was made by the tug leyden, which carried , rounds of rifle cartridges and two chests of dynamite. she left key west with colonel acosta and some twenty-five other cubans on board, who were to join general gomez in santa clara province. the tug reached the cuban coast and after landing her passengers in safety steamed to a point seventeen miles west of havana, where she was met by general perico delgado with about cubans on the beach. the leyden's crew began landing the ammunition, when a small body of spanish cavalry appeared some little distance back from the shore, and, dismounting, began firing upon the leyden. several bullets had penetrated the tug's smoke-stack, when the boat drew off the shore some three miles, where it met the gunboat wilmington. returning under the protection of the gunboat, the leyden again began landing its cargo. the spaniards soon returned, and, ignoring a lively fusillade from degaldo's insurgents, resumed their attack on the leyden. the wilmington, which had taken up a position further off shore, sent a three-pound shell into the midst of the cavalry, wounding several of them and putting them to flight. the leyden then finished the work of landing the ammunition, and returned to key west. chapter xlii. declaration of war. the spanish minister in washington demands his passports-- minister woodford leaves madrid--formal declaration of war--our government declares its intentions--the war feeling in spain-- effect of the declaration in cuba--opinion of the vice-president of the cuban republic. spain was given until saturday, april , at noon, to answer the demand of our government expressed in, the joint cuban resolutions, passed by both houses of congress, and signed by the president. in default of an answer by that time, the president declared his intention to carry out the purpose of the ultimatum. a copy of this ultimatum was delivered to senor polo, the spanish minister at washington. senor polo instantly demanded his passports, declared all diplomatic relations between himself as minister and the united states no longer possible, and within a few hours was on his way to canada. at madrid, before our minister could comply with his instructions, he was notified by the spanish minister of foreign affairs that diplomatic relations were at an end. he at once asked for his passports, and the same day left for paris. president mckinley rightly regarded the conduct of spain in breaking off diplomatic intercourse and refusing even to receive his demand, as an equivalent to an absolute refusal. there remained no reason to await action till saturday noon, as no possible reply could be expected to a demand the very presentation of which had been positively rejected. in short, spain instantly showed that it regarded the act of congress and president as practically a declaration of war, and there remained no resort except to arms. on monday, april , the president sent to congress a message asking for a joint resolution declaring that a state of war existed between spain and the united states, and a bill was at once introduced into the house declaring that war did exist, and had existed, since and including april , which passed in less than two minutes. the senate promptly concurred and the bill became a law. while the united states was not a party to the declaration of paris, the government made known its intention to maintain its four cardinal principles: ( ) privateering abolished. ( ) neutral flags to exempt an enemy's goods from capture, except contraband of war. ( ) neutral goods under an enemy's flag not to be seized ( ) blockade to be binding must be effective. spain, on her part, issued a decree recognizing the fact that a state of war existed, breaking off all treaties with the united states, and promising to observe the rules just given, except that she maintained her right to grant letters of marque to privateers. but this exception was modified by spain's declaring her intention to send out only auxiliary cruisers taken from the mercantile marine and kept under naval control. one consideration which may have influenced this decision was the self-evident fact that the european powers would certainly interfere, in the event that spain attempted to carry on privateering under the old methods. the war feeling in spain. in spain the war feeling was high. the queen regent, in her speech to the cortes, declared "the unalterable resolution of my government to defend our rights, whatsoever sacrifices may be imposed upon us in accomplishing this task." she said further: "thus identifying myself with the nation, i not only fulfil the oath i swore in accepting the regency, but i follow the dictates of a mother's heart, trusting to the spanish people to gather behind my son's throne and to defend it until he is old enough to defend it himself, as well as trusting to the spanish people to defend the honor and territory of the nation." the policy of the administration. the president and congress undoubtedly acted on the lines of good policy in making a formal declaration of war. as mr. mckinley said in his message to congress, the trend of events compelled him to take measures of a hostile kind. a blockade had been established and spanish vessels had been captured. while every civilized power on earth immediately learned the facts, there still remained the necessity of going through the formal act of notifying them of this government's intentions. in this instance, as in others in the nation's history, the actual hostilities were begun before it seemed necessary for the government to make a formal declaration. according to the authorities on international law, "a declaration may be necessary, but is not essential." in this case, when it became so evident that a general conflict was imminent, the administration did fairly by the commercial nations of the world in formally stating its position, and giving them all warning as to the consequences which might follow in the case of vessels attempting to enter cuban waters. the resolutions were admirably brief and concise, merely declaring the existence of a state of war, and authorizing the president to do whatever he thought best with the army and the navy. by this act, while the situation was in itself no way changed, the nation assumed a definite diplomatic status as a power at war, and was free to proceed to any such acts as came within the laws of civilized nations in time of war. effect of the declaration in cuba. when the news of the action of the administration reached the insurgents in cuba it caused great rejoicing among them, for they felt that the hour of their deliverance was at last at hand. in speaking of it, dr. capote, vice-president of the cuban republic, said: i desire to thank the great american people and their government for the resolution they have made to free us from the tyrannical rule of spain. the people of cuba believe in the good faith of the people of america. they believe in their honesty of purpose to free cuba and are confident of their ability to do so; but it must be borne in mind that the loadstar of the cuban is not merely freedom from the dominion of spain, but independence from outside control, however beneficent that control might be, and absolute non-interference by others in the management of our own affairs. "cuba free and independent" is the watchword of cuban liberty. the cuban commanders await some decisive step on the part of your generals. if you can open up and maintain communication with the cuban armies, and give us a plentiful supply of arms and ammunition, we will free cuba without the loss of an american soldier. our position on the field is precarious. for lack of supplies, we cannot concentrate our troops. our camps shift from place to place, according to food conditions. we are hampered and embarrassed for lack of ammunition. we cannot arm the men we are able to put in the field. open up communication, give us arms and supplies, and we ask no more. as to the eventual settlement of the island, when the war is ended and when the last spanish soldier has left cuba, the work of the provisional government will be ended. the people of cuba, whatever the class or sympathy, will then say how we shall be governed. there will be no reprisals, no confiscation, no distinctions. chapter xliii. call for the national guard, our citizen soldier. enthusiastic answer to the call--requirements of the war department--who may enlist--how the army was formed--in the training camps--the american makes the best soldier--the "rough riders"--cowboys and society men--their uniforms and their weapons--their fighting leaders. if all the men who showed a desire to answer the call to arms had been accepted, no nation in the world could have boasted of a larger army. the demand was so limited and the supply so great that many more had to be refused than were accepted, and many of the national guard, who were given the preference in all the states, were rejected at the final examination, because they lacked some of the qualifications necessary in a soldier of the united states. according to the requirements of the war department applicants for enlistment must be between the ages of and years, of good character and habits, able-bodied, free from disease and must be able to speak the english language. if one is addicted to the bad habit of smoking cigarettes it is quite likely that he will not pass the physical examination. a man who has been a heavy drinker is apt to be rejected without ceremony. married men will only be enlisted upon the approval of the regimental commander. minors must not be enlisted without the written consent of father, only surviving parent, or legally appointed guardian. original enlistment will be confined to persons who are citizens of the united states or who have made legal declaration of their intention to become citizens thereof. these requirements fulfilled a man is permitted to take the physical examination. few understand just how rigid this examination is. many have been rejected who thought that they were in perfect physical condition. a number of applicants who were confident that they would be allowed to enlist were rejected by the physicians on account of varicose veins. varicose veins are enlarged veins which are apt to burst under the stress of long continued exertion. closely allied to this is varicocele, which threw out a surprisingly large proportion of the national guard and the recruits. after a man is weighed and his height taken, he is turned over to the doctor, who places the applicant's hands above his head and proceeds to feel his flesh. if it is soft and of flabby fiber the physician is not well pleased and if he finds that the bones are too delicate for the amount of flesh he turns the applicant down. fat men, however, get through if their bones are solid and there is no organic weakness of any description. to discover the condition of the heart the applicant is made to hop about five yards on one foot and back again on the other. the doctor then listens to the beating of the heart. he lifts his head and says to some apparently fine-looking specimen of manhood the simple word: "rejected." this man has heart trouble, and, strange to say, he does not know it. if a man be of a pale complexion or rather sallow, the doctors will question him with regard to his stomach. of course the lungs are thoroughly tested. it is not often, however, that any one presents himself who is suffering from lung trouble. one man in particular was rejected because of the formation of his chest. he was what is commonly known as "pigeon-breasted." the doctors said that there was not enough room for air in the lungs, and yet the rejected applicant was a well-known athlete. but after all organic centers have been found in excellent condition several things yet remain to be tested. a man's feet must not blister easily. his teeth must be good, because bad teeth interfere with digestion and are apt to develop stomach troubles. of course other things taken into consideration a particular defect may be overlooked according to the discretion of the doctor. a man with his index finger gone stands no show. a bow-legged man will be accepted, but a knocked-kneed man rarely. the final test is of the eyes. at a, distance of twenty feet one must be able to read letters a half inch in size. many tricks were played to read the letters when the eager candidate could see only a blur before him. the favorite method was to memorize the letters from those who had taken the examination and knew in just what order the letters were situated. how an army is formed. the making of an army--that is what it means to turn men of peace to men of war, to fit the mechanic or the business man, the farmer or the miner, for a passage at arms with a foreign foe--has been for the present generation a matter of conjecture and of lessons drawn from previous passages in the nation's chronicles. in our war with spain it became a fact, and the progress made in the various stages forms a chapter in the public history which is as interesting as any of those conquests of either peace or war which brighten for every american the pages of the achievements of the union of the states. it is impossible to tell just how an army is made. during the long debates which preceded the declaration of war, eloquent men on both sides of the chambers of congress pictured the strength of american arms, the shrillness of the scream of the eagle, and the sharpness of his talons, and applauding galleries saw in the coming combat little but the calling out of the vast body of the reserve strength of the american people, its marching upon the enemy, and return, bearing captured standards and leading prisoners in chains, to the music of the applauding nations, and the thanksgiving of a people made free by their struggles. the other side was never touched. the nights of toil by staff officers, the multiplied forces of mills and factories, the shriek of the trains crossing the continent, bearing men and munitions, and the hours of waiting for the completion of those warlike implements which the peaceful american has never before contemplated in the expansion of his industrial institutions, were entirely overlooked. not by all, however, for, from the moment the conflict seemed inevitable, stern-eyed men who had fought before began to count, not the cost, but the hours between the giving of an order and its fulfillment, between the calling and the coming, and finally when the results of their labors were completed the story of what they did may be partly told. all the processes of making a soldier are as distinct as are those which mark the seed time and the harvest, the milling and the making of the loaf. it can be readily seen that in a country where the standing army is but , , and the militia forces of the various states bears such a slight proportion to the population, that manufactures of materials of use only in time of war could not flourish. thus it was that at the time of the commencement of hostilities there was available in the united states equipment for an army of less than one-fifth the size of that which afterwards took the field, and patriotism and fidelity were shown as much in the outfitting of that force, as can be shown in actual battle by any volunteer or regular officer, whether he be posted in fort or field, and win glory by brilliant dash, or simply doing his duty by holding his post. the ready response to the president's call for volunteers was sufficient to prove that the people were eager to take up arms and ready to go to the front. but enthusiasm, patriotism and readiness never make an army. an army is a great machine, of which each individual is a part, and there even the militia men of the various states, who had spent so much time in preparing themselves for just such a struggle, lacked the one great element without which no army can hope for success: the capacity to move in unison. few of the states had given their men the training which makes of the simple company or regiment a wheel in the brigade or division. in the great camps at chickamauga, at camp alger, at tampa, and at san francisco the task of making an army from men who a month before had been working in the store, the mill or the field, went on. this meant long, thorough drilling under competent instructors. careful study of the tactics and intelligent comprehension of the meaning of an order makes the soldier. it is not possible to imagine anything more difficult than the thorough training of the arms bearer, and for this task the american seems better fitted than the men of any other country. in an analysis of the soldiers of the world an authority would place the american, combining as he does the blood of nations, at the head of the list, for the reason that with his finer sensibility, his greater capacity to think while acting and to act while thinking, all tend to produce in him that character capable of high and perfect development in the soldier. at chickamauga, under general wade; at washington, under general graham; at tampa, under general shafter; at san francisco, under general merriam, and on the new york and new england coasts under brigadiers who had served east and west, the raw material was formed, until at length the perfect soldier was produced, the soldier of whom it could be said: "theirs not to reason why, theirs but to do and die." about the rough riders. those who are acquainted with the nature of the service usually required of cavalry in time of war will not question the usefulness of the cowboy regiment--rough riders as they are called--that were raised in the west to take part in the invasion of cuba. the cowboy is a rapidly passing type. barbed wire, the fencing in of the range, together with the irrigation and cultivation of those regions which were once marked as deserts on the maps--have been responsible for his undoing and he has made what may prove to be his last stand, as a soldier. the cowboy regiment was the idea of the assistant secretary of the navy, theodore roosevelt, who had had some experience himself as a cowboy on his wyoming ranch and who was an expert in such matters as branding, rope-throwing, broncho breaking and those other practices which are peculiar to the "cow-puncher." lieutenant-colonel roosevelt's regiment, which figures on the army records as the " st regiment of rifle rangers," but which the general public from the first preferred to call "roosevelt's rough riders," or more simply still, "teddy's terrors," was made up almost entirely of cowboys, with a small sprinkling of society men, who had both a fondness and an aptitude for horsemanship, which had found no other outlet than that offered by the hunting field and the polo ground. made up almost entirely of cowboys. in organization the regiment was not widely different from the famous texas rangers, but the uniform was the same as that of the cavalrymen of the regular army, slightly modified. its personnel, with the exception of the millionaire members--was about the same, however, as that of the rangers. it included men from almost every state in the union, and they could one and all ride well, and shoot well, and many of them smelled powder in more than one indian war. while lieutenant-colonel roosevelt took the most active part in its formation, he did not command the regiment. that responsibility was delegated to colonel wood, who was almost as well known in the west as roosevelt was in the east. he entered the army as a surgeon, but he probably had much more to do with the making of wounds than their healing. it is said of him that when he was first assigned for duty to an arizona post he arrived at the post one night at o'clock, and the next morning at was in the field and at work. this was during the apache campaign in , and surgeon wood soon won for himself the name of the fighting doctor. he was conspicuous in the famous geronimo outbreak, having command at various times of the infantry and scouts engaged in the chase after that wily savage. the regiment was armed with the krag-jorgensen carbine and revolvers, without which no cowboy would be complete even in time of peace. and instead of the regular cavalry sword, which is a rather unwieldy instrument except in the hands of men trained to its use, the rough riders adopted the cuban machete, which even the inexperienced can use successfully; but it was not intended that they should be swordsmen; their reliance was on the rifle and revolver. the machete was carried merely as a possible dependence should ammunition fail, or a hand-to-hand encounter with the cavalry of the enemy occur. in the development of this plan of action it can be seen that colonel wood and lieutenent-colonel roosevelt in the tactics they employed followed closely those used by the mounted riflemen of the revolution. it was a band of this sort that after a ride of sixty miles the last day met and utterly routed the english under colonel ferguson. chapter xliv. blockade of cuban ports. contraband of war--confiscation of cargoes--establishment of a blockade--notice to other nations--prizes, lawful and unlawful-- privateering abolished--distribution of prize money--the use the government makes of its share. while the great blockade was in progress the air was full of talk about "prizes," "contraband," "search," and "seizure," and some of the terms proved rather puzzling to the average citizen who had never had occasion to study the rules of war. first about "contraband." it is one of the strictest rules of war that neutral nations must not interfere nor in any way give help to either party. to furnish ships or arms or ammunition might greatly prolong the conflict or even change its result, especially where this assistance is extended to a nation--like spain to-day-- ill supplied and of small resources. this would be manifestly unfair, and for a neutral to offer or abet such aid is a grave offense. for remissness in an aggravated case of this sort (that of the alabama) england was forced to pay us heavy damages. neither national sympathy nor national interests afford any excuse. that is why we restrained and punished those who organized expeditions to help the cubans while we were still at peace with spain. but nations engaged in war must not ask too much. they may insist that a neutral shall allow no hostile operations to be carried on within its territory, but they have no right to demand that it shall punish its private citizens for engaging in trade in articles that may be helpful to the enemy, for that would be imposing too much trouble and expense upon a nation which has no concern in the quarrel. such trade is punishable, but it is the business of the nation injured by it to catch the ships engaged in it and enforce the penalty--which is usually confiscation of the goods as "contraband of war." to do this it may stop and search any ships--except warships--which it finds at sea; and so long as no outrages are committed the neutral must submit and has no ground for complaint. trade in contraband goods is tolerated, but it is carried on at the trader's own risk. his government will not undertake to protect him from the legitimate consequences of his venture. as has been stated, the contraband goods are confiscated by the captor. the vessel, however, must be captured while the guilty goods are still on board; to seize the proceeds after the cargo has been sold and landed is not allowable, though it has sometimes been done. if the ship belongs to the same owner as the forfeited goods, it, too, is confiscated; otherwise it goes free after the goods are taken off. it is very important to know just what articles are contraband and what are not; but this is often hard to decide. there is no question about weapons, military equipments and ammunition. these are plainly contraband, and the materials from which they are made are classed with them whenever they seem intended for military uses. thus sulphur and saltpeter are always contraband. the detached parts of cannon and naval engines do escape by the trick of separation. cloth is not contraband in itself, but if of a quality evidently designed for the manufacture of uniform it would probably be seized. horses are so useful in war that most nations treat them as contraband--though, oddly enough, russia has never done so. still more objectionable, nowadays, is coal, which will never be allowed to reach the bunkers of hostile warships if it can be prevented. this shows plainly how uncertain and changeful is the list, for fifty years ago coal was as free as provisions, though even food must not be run through the lines of a blockade. articles, such as coal, which are of great value in war, but are also largely used for peaceful purposes, are called "occasional contraband" and their seizure has given rise to endless disputes. there is no justice in treating them as contraband except when they are obviously destined for hostile use. sometimes, in doubtful cases, such goods, instead of being confiscated, are seized and paid for to prevent their reaching the enemy. this is called "pre-emption;" but, fair as it seems, there is much danger that it will be made a pretext for appropriating goods which ought to go quite free, and the practice is generally condemned. search at sea is extremely annoying, and ships entirely innocent of contraband are often subjected to great inconvenience. that must be endured; to attempt to resist or escape would make them liable to confiscation, whatever their cargo might prove to be. only properly commissioned vessels, however, are entitled to hold up merchantmen for this purpose. another kind of meddling in war for which a neutral citizen may be punished by confiscation, but for which his government is not held responsible, is blockade running. a blockade, such as we maintained around cuba, is established by stationing war vessels at the entrances of harbors and at intervals along the blockaded coast. its purpose is to cut off supplies and stop all communication with the enemy by sea. the merchant ships of all nations are therefore forbidden to pass or even to approach the line, and the penalty for disobedience is the confiscation of both ship and cargo--whether the latter is contraband or not here makes no difference. if the ship does not stop when hailed she may be fired upon, and if she is sunk while endeavoring to escape it is her own fault. and unlike vessels merely guilty of carrying contraband, she is no less liable to seizure on her return voyage, after her cargo has been disposed of. altogether, blockade running is perilous business. it is usually attempted under cover of night or stormy weather, and it is as full of excitement and adventure as war itself. the motive is usually either to take advantage of famine prices, or to aid the enemy by bringing supplies or carrying dispatches. neutral ships, however, are entitled to some sort of warning that a blockade exists. notice is therefore sent to all neutral governments, announcing the fact and stating exactly the extent of coast covered. besides this, until the blockade has lasted for some time and thus has become generally known it is customary for the officers of the blockading fleet to visit and warn every ship that approaches, the warning, with the date, being entered upon her register. if, after that, she approaches the forbidden coast, she is liable to confiscation--though possibly great stress of weather might excuse her provided she landed no cargo. instructions of this sort were issued by president mckinley to our squadron blockading cuba. a reasonable time, also, was granted to ships that were lying in the blockaded ports at the time when the blockade was declared, to make their escape. president mckinley allowed thirty days for this purpose, which was unusually liberal. nations engaged in war have sometimes assumed that they could establish a blockade by simply issuing a proclamation forbidding neutrals to approach the enemy's coast, without stationing ships to enforce it. for example, during the napoleonic wars, france declared the whole coast of england to be blockaded at a time when she scarcely dared send out a ship from her ports, having been soundly thrashed at trafalgar. but these "paper blockades" are a mere waste of time and ink. they are not valid, and except in the way of angry and contemptuous protest, no nation would consider them worthy of the slightest attention. if spain, for instance, should attempt a desperate game of bluff by declaring new orleans, new york and boston under blockade, all neutral ships would come and go just the same, and she would meddle with them at her peril. this question--if it ever was a question--was finally decided by the epoch-making convention of the powers at the close of the crimean war (treaty of paris, ), which, along with other rules that have revolutionized naval warfare, declared that "blockades in order to be binding must be effective." this means that they must be maintained by a force actually stationed on the blockaded coast, strong enough to make it decidedly dangerous to attempt to run through. the temporary absence of some of the ships, however, either in pursuit of an enemy or on account of a violent storm, would not invalidate the blockade, and ships seeking to take advantage of such an opening would be liable to the full penalty if caught. and now a few words about "prizes"--a particularly interesting and timely theme, for during the very first week of the war our fleet captured no fewer than fifteen of them. in time of war properly commissioned ships are entitled to capture not only the armed vessels but also the helpless merchantmen of the enemy. it does seem a good deal like piracy, but it has been the universal practice from time immemorial. these captured vessels are taken to some convenient port of the captor's own country that the courts may pass judgment on them, and if there has been no mistake made in the seizure they are forthwith condemned as "lawful prize." then they are sold, and "prize money" is awarded the captors in proportion to the value of the prize. the cargo is treated in the same way, unless it happens to belong to a neutral, in which case it is free; though the owner must put up with the inconvenience and delay resulting from the seizure, since he deliberately took that risk when he placed his goods in a hostile craft. formerly his property was sometimes confiscated under these circumstances, but the treaty of paris, already mentioned, put a stop to that. formerly, too, the goods of enemies could be taken from neutral ships and confiscated in the same manner as contraband of war, but the treaty of paris made an end of that also. another excellent rule adopted on that notable occasion abolished privateering. privateers were armed ships belonging to private citizens who had obtained from their own government a commission (letter of marque) which authorized them to make prize of the enemy's merchant vessels and appropriate the proceeds. the abolition of privateering was a long step in the right direction, for the privateer's motive was mainly plunder, and the whole business was really close kin to piracy. neither the united states nor spain signed the original agreement, but both have acceded to it now--spain, evidently, very much against her will, for her citizens thirsted for the rich booty of our commerce, a fact which makes supremely ridiculous her crazy ravings against our legitimate captures as "american piracy." distribution of prize money. the prize money adjudged to captors is distributed in the following proportions: . the commander of a fleet or squadron, one-twentieth part of all prize money awarded to any vessel or vessels under his immediate command. . to the commander of a division of a fleet or squadron, a sum equal to one-fiftieth of any prize money awarded to a vessel of the division under his command, to be paid from the moiety due the united states, if there be such moiety; if not, from the amount awarded the captors. . to the fleet captain, one-hundredth part of all prize money awarded to any vessel of the fleet in which he is serving, in which case he shall share in proportion to his pay, with the other officers and men on board such vessel. . to the commander of a single vessel, one-tenth of all the prize money awarded to the vessel. . after the foregoing deductions, the residue is distributed among the others doing duty on board, and borne upon the books of the ship, in proportion to their respective rates of pay. all vessels of the navy within signal distance of the vessel making the capture, and in such condition as to be able to render effective aid if required, will share in the prize. any person temporarily absent from his vessel may share in the captures made during his absence. the prize court determines what vessels shall share in a prize, and also whether a prize was superior or inferior to the vessel or vessels making the capture. the share of prize money awarded to the united states is set apart forever as a fund for the payment of pensions to naval officers, seamen and marines entitled to pensions. chapter xlv. spanish dissensions at home. spain threatened with interior difficulties--danger that the crown might be lost to the baby king of spain--don carlos and the carlists are active--castelar is asked to establish a republic-- general weyler as a possible dictator--history of the carlist movement and sketch of "the pretender." while these events were in progress in the international relations of the united states and spain, with a threat of a hopeless war hanging over the latter, the embarrassments of the government of the peninsular kingdom as to the conflict of its own affairs at home multiplied daily. altogether aside from the prospective operations of the war itself the queen regent and her ministry had more than one local difficulty to face. it was frankly recognized in their inner councils that a succession of spanish defeats, in all probability, would lose the throne to the dynasty and that the boy king would never wear the crown of his father. a second threat of danger was that in the midst of difficulties abroad there would be an uprising of the adherents of don carlos "the pretender," who would take advantage of the situation to start a civil war and seize the authority. in addition to all this, the republicans of spain, growing more restless under the misgovernment they saw, united in an address to castelar, who was formerly the president of the spanish republic, urging that he declare the republic again established and promising to support him in such a movement. the names of , of the best citizens of spain were signed to this request, and it was an element of danger to the monarchy that was well recognized. finally, the partisans of general weyler, who comprised a large element of the proudest and most influential people of spain, showed distinct signs of a desire to establish a dictatorship with that ferocious general as the supreme authority. he had been recalled from cuba as a rebuke and in order to alter the policies which he had established there. his friends were ready to resent the rebuke and offer him higher place than he had had before. don carlos and the carlists. spain has been the scene of many revolutions, a fact easily understood when the character of the government is known. dishonesty and oppression in an administration always breed the spirit of rebellion. don carlos, who regards alfonso as a usurper, and believes himself the true king of spain, issued, april , from his retreat in switzerland, a manifesto to his supporters. in this he arraigned the government, sought to inflame the excited spanish populace against the queen regent, her son and her ministers, and declared that they had permitted the spanish standard to be dragged in the mud. he said in part: twenty years of patriotic retirement have proved that i am neither ambitious nor a conspirator. the greater and better part of my life as a man has been spent in the difficult task of restraining my natural impulses and those of my enthusiastic carlists, whose eagerness i was the first to appreciate, but which nevertheless i curbed, although it rent my heart to do so. to-day national honor speaks louder than anything, and the same patriotic duty which formerly bade me say "wait yet a while," may lead me to cry, commanding the carlists, "forward," and not only the carlists, but all spaniards, especially to the two national forces which still bravely withstand the enervating femininities of the regency, the people and the army. if the glove which washington has flung in the face of spain is picked up by madrid i will continue the same example of abnegation as before, wretched in that i cannot partake in the struggle other than by prayers and by the influence of my name. i will applaud from my soul those who have the good fortune to face the fire, and i shall consider those carlists as serving my cause who embark in war against the united states. but if everything leads me to fear that the policy of humiliation will again prevail, we will snatch the reins of government from those who are unworthy to hold them and we will occupy their places. while their leader was talking in this strain, his supporters were preparing to act. they believed that the conditions for a revolution were more favorable than they had been for years, that the present dynasty was doomed, and that spain would be forced to choose between republicanism and don carlos. the only chance, they said for the retention of the present dynasty, would be for spain to defeat the united states, and they were not so blind as to believe that such would be the outcome of a war between the two powers. ready for action. don carlos himself believed that the time had come to act. he journeyed to ostend, where he consulted with lord ashburnham and other catholic englishmen who were his supporters, and mapped out a plan of campaign. he stood ready at any convenient moment to cross the frontier and place himself at the head of his supporters. never since there was a pretender to the throne of spain, and don carlos is the third of the name, had the outlook been so favorable for the fall of the constitutional monarchy. discontent has been widespread in spain and it has been fomented by the carlists, with a splendid organization, with more than , clubs scattered in various parts of the kingdom. causes for discontent have not been lacking, and the cuban and philippine revolts, together with the threatened trouble with the united states, were not the only reasons for popular dissatisfaction. spain was bankrupt and found it difficult to borrow money from the money lenders of london and paris. with the increased expenses due to the revolution there had been a decrease in receipts for the same cause--the usual revenues from havana being lacking. the people were poor and thousands of them starving. additional taxation was out of the question, for the people were taxed to the limit. these were the causes to which the strength of the carlist agitation was due. and that it was strong there can be no doubt. the birthday of don carlos, march , was celebrated this year with an enthusiasm and unprecedented degree of unanimity throughout the kingdom, and the government did not feel itself strong enough to interfere with them. toasted as king. there were hundreds of fetes in cities, towns and villages, and many of them were held in the open air, where the pretender was toasted as "el key" or "the king," and alfonso was ignored. this inaction could be due only to the fact that the government was powerless. to say that they did not fear don carlos would be ridiculous, as the latest manifesto of don carlos was suppressed, and the government was really in fear and trembling. a more plausible reason would be that the ministry wished to be in the good graces of don carlos should he win, and they were not ready to trust themselves to absolute loyalty to the present dynasty. meanwhile, as this chapter is written, reports from spain tell of unprecedented carlist activity. they are arming themselves. arms are pouring across the frontier in such quantities as to show that the carlists are preparing for an early rising, and all of the actions and utterances of the leader show that they are only waiting for a favorable opportunity to begin the revolution. strong proof of this is to be found in the fact that since don carlos secured his second wife's vast fortune he has been penurious, and it is not believed that he would spend money in arms unless he believed the expenditure would bring about some practical advantage to his cause. his agents have been working among the army officers, and it is said that they have secured many recruits for their cause. the throne of spain, like the throne of russia, during the last century, or that of borne in the days of the empire, rests largely upon the army, and if the army, discontented and dissatisfied as it certainly is, were to revolt, don carlos' success would be almost certain. ever since his marriage in with the princess de rohan, who brought him a large fortune, don carlos has been watching a favorable opportunity for a coup. there cannot be a better one than that which will be offered when spain is defeated by the united states, and it would not be surprising to see don carlos unfurl his banner to the breeze and call for troops to rally to his standard. those who are supporters of the pretensions of don carlos believe they have right on their side. his supporters love him with the loyalty of the legitimists to the house of stuart during the period before the restoration in england. his personality is attractive. he has all the elements of personal popularity with the masses. he is brave and dashing. he does not sit and weep over the fallen glories of his race, but he is always ready for action. he is ready at any moment to lead an army in a forlorn cause and will fight, for what he believes to be his rights. flower of spain. the position occupied in spanish affairs by don carlos is similar to that occupied by prince charles edward toward the throne of great britain during the last century. his family has been dispossessed for about the same length of time and he has made a fight just as romantic, but with more brilliant prospects, and at the head of the heroic highlanders, dwellers in the basque mountains. his followers are the flower of spain, the most aristocratic families in the kingdom, willing to risk all in his support, setting property and life itself as worth naught compared with their honor. there have been three carlist pretenders to the throne of spain. the first was carlos v., born in . he laid claim to the throne on the death of his brother, ferdinand vii., in . ferdinand had had a stormy reign, torn by dissensions between the court and the popular party. napoleon compelled him to resign in favor of joseph bonaparte, but he returned to the throne of his ancestors upon the fall of bonaparte. during twenty-eight years he married five wives in succession. by four of these he had no children, but a daughter was born to the last, who had been princess of naples. she secured an absolute mastery of the king, who was an imbecile unfitted to reign. the heir apparent to the throne was the grandfather of the present don carlos, carlos v., the brother of ferdinand. between carlos and his brother there had been a long enmity. christina used her influence with her husband to persuade him to disinherit his brother. by the salic law females were excluded from inheriting the throne of france. but through the influence of ferdinand and his spouse the cortes was persuaded to repeal the law, the more willingly since carlos was in favor of absolutism, while with a woman as ruler the chances would be better for the perpetuation of constitutionalism. the carlists claim that during the last days ferdinand repented his act and issued documents which would have established carlos' right to the succession, but that these were suppressed. however that may be, upon the death of ferdinand his baby daughter was declared queen of spain, with her mother as regent. for five years there was civil war. the youth and weakness of the baby queen proved her strength. the liberals believed that with her as the nominal ruler the continuance of the constitutional monarchy would be assured. for the same reasons france and england supported isabella. these were odds against which carlos could not effectually fight, and in he retreated from spain, and the historians treat the succession as settled in favor of the young girl, who even at that time was not in her teens. queen isabella's reign. isabella ii., or rather her mother, for the latter was the real ruler, did not rule with prudence. scandals disgraced the reign, and led to the regent's removal from the regency. queen isabella's ill-fated marriage and other intrigues led to domestic disturbances which kept alive the pretensions of the carlists. upon the death of the first pretender, in , a second arose in the person of his son, don carlos, count de montemolim. he attempted to cause a revolution in , but was arrested with his brother, and they were not liberated until they had signed a renunciation of their claims to the throne. the second pretender died in , and then the present don carlos arose. he was the son of don juan, and a brother of the two who had renounced their claims to the spanish throne, and he claimed that their renunciation could not be binding on him. this was the don carlos who is now the leader of the legitimists, and he has never renounced his claim to the throne of his ancestors. his name in full is don carlos de los dolores juan isidore josef francisco quirino antonio miguel gabriel rafael. he was born in the little village of laibach in the austrian alps, while his parents were on a journey through the country, and from his infancy his career has been surrounded with a romance which has endeared him to the hearts of his followers. his father, don juan, was an exile from spain and a royal wanderer seeking a place where he could end his life in peace. he and his wife were befriended by the emperor ferdinand of austria, who placed the young don carlos under the care of a spanish priest, who educated him for the priesthood. even in his infancy he cared nothing to become a priest in spite of his devout devotion to the roman catholic faith, but dreamed of the day when he would rule as king of spain. don carlos was only seventeen years of age when he met and fell in love with margaret, the daughter of the duke of parma. she was only fourteen, and the mother of the young prince persuaded them to postpone the marriage for three years. with his wife the pretender received a large fortune and he has been able to maintain a court in the semblance of royalty for several years. thirty years ago carlos might have been king. the crown was then offered him by prim and sagasta, who journeyed to london for the purpose. they said it should be his if he would support the liberal constitution proposed for the country and would favor the separation of church and state. it was the latter idea that led to his rejection of the proffered honor. his strict roman catholic training made him refuse, for religion was more to him than anything else. carlos' scornful refusal. "when i come to my throne," he declared, "i shall rule my land as i see fit." these were the words with which he scornfully spurned their offer. the republicans never forgave him, and later when, after the dethronement of isabella, his name was again proposed in the cortes by his supporters, prim and sagasta were his most bitter enemies. on don carlos' behalf, insurrections--speedily repressed--took place in and . but the insurrection headed by him in person in proved much more formidable and kept the basque provinces in a great confusion till the beginning of , when it was crushed. before the commencement of the war of - , don carlos defined clearly his position and views in various manifestos addressed to the people of spain. he declared that with him the revolutionary doctrine should have no place. what spain wanted, said don carlos, was that no outrage should be offered to the faith of her fathers, for in catholicity reposed the truth, as she understood it, the symbol of all her glories, the spirit of all her laws and the bond of concord between all good spaniards. what spain wanted was a real king and a government worthy and energetic, strong and respected. the opportunity for don carlos was found in the troublous times that led to and followed the abdication of amadeo i., duke of aosta, who had been elected by the cortes. the four years' war commenced in spring, , and a year later amadeo abdicated in a message saying that he saw spain in a continual struggle, and the era, of peace more distant; he sought remedies within the law, but did not find them; his efforts were sterile. thereupon the two chambers combined as the sovereign power of spain and voted for a republic. the two years of the republic were the stormiest in spanish history, and it was then that the carlists made the greatest progress. they numbered probably one-third of the people of spain. a republic was not suited to the disposition of the spaniards, and castelar, who had the helm of the ship of state, gave up his task in disgust. then alfonso xii., son of the exiled isabella, was proclaimed heir to the throne. alfonso xiii., is his son. alfonso xii.'s first task was to suppress the carlists, and in this he succeeded. the people were tired of the continual strife. royalists and republicans alike welcomed the new monarch. the number of his followers gradually dwindling and finding that continued resistance would be unavailable, don carlos was finally convinced that it would be useless to continue the struggle. so early in his army disbanded. accompanied by his bodyguard he crossed the pyrenees. as he stepped his foot on french soil he turned as if to bid farewell to spain, but his last words, energetically pronounced, were: "volvere, volvere! i will return, i will return!" and it is the belief of his followers that his time is near at hand. his loyal followers. no man has more devoted followers. the army that fought for him during the carlist revolution was one of the most heroic that has ever been gathered together. to his standard came young men of good family from every nation. he was regarded as the representative of the old regime of monarchists, and in his ranks were those who hoped for the re-establishment of the now obsolete divine right of kings. he was the head of the house of bourbon in all europe. except for the existence of maria theresa, daughter of ferdinand of modena, married the prince louis of bavaria, don carlos would be the legitimate representative of the royal house of stuart, and, barring the english act of settlement, king of great britain and ireland. this fact may have had something to do with the cold shoulder that was turned to him by all of the powers of europe. don carlos was regarded as the representative of the half-dozen pretenders to the throne who live in exile amid little courts of their own and build air castles peopled with things they will do when they mount the thrones of which they believe themselves to have been defrauded. the carlists believe that with the support of one of the great governments they would have won. but they could obtain no recognition even of their belligerency, and that was in spite of the fact that, as early as , the president of the spanish republic has declared in the cortes: "we have a real civil war. ... it has a real administrative organization and collects taxes. you have presented to you one state in front of another. it is in fact a great war." yet in spite of this declaration and in spite of the fact that the five successive heads of the madrid government recognized the belligerency of the carlists by conventions; that treaties were made for the running of railroads and for other purposes, and that the carlists, had a mint, postoffice and all of the equipments of a regular government, recognition was withheld by the powers. everything depended upon england, and general kirkpatrick, a brigadier general in the civil war, who represented the carlists as charge d'affaires at london, was unable to secure that boon from gladstone, and none of the continental powers would act until england had led the way. after his retirement from spain, when the war had exhausted his resources, don carlos lived humbly and quietly at paris. he had ceased to love his wife and they led a miserable domestic life. he would sell his war horse and fling the money to her on the bare table, telling her to buy bread with it. then his friends would buy the horse back again. once he disposed of the badge of the order of golden fleece that had decorated the son of his illustrious ancestor, charles v. the discreditable part of this action was not so much in the actual act of pawning as that he put the blame for it on an old general who had served him with fidelity for twenty years. he claimed that the general had stolen it, imagining that the old soldier's devotion to his interests would induce him to remain silent. but the general at once told all of the facts in the case, and also told how don carlos had used the money to satisfy the demands of a notorious demi-mondaine. his financial difficulties came to an end with the death of the comte and comtesse de chambord, who bequeathed the larger part of their immense wealth to their favorite niece, wife of don carlos. the duchess kept the money in her own hands, but gave him all he needed. at her death she was quite as provident, leaving the money in trust for her children and giving only a small allowance to her husband, from whom she had lived apart for fifteen years. married a fortune. this threw the pretender again into financial straits, for he has expensive tastes which require a large fortune to support. so he looked around for a bride. his followers were startled to hear of his marriage to the wealthy princess marie berthe de rohan. the marriage took place april , , and, although she was handsome and exceedingly rich and a member of the illustrious rohan family, which alone of all the noble families of france and austria has the privilege of calling the monarch cousin--it was regarded as a mesalliance by all of the carlists in spain and legitimists everywhere. they believed that don carlos should have not married any but the scion of a royal house. by his first marriage don carlos had five children, among them don jaime, now in his twenty-eighth year, who is regarded as heir to the throne by the carlists. don jaime is said to possess to a high degree the strength of will and the determined character of his father. he was educated in england and austria, and is now serving in the russian army. military science is his hobby, and he will be able to fight for his throne, as his father has done, if it becomes necessary. don carlos is now in switzerland, that home of the exiled from other lands, and where he spends his summers. his winter residence is at the palais de loredane in venice. at the present date the carlist party is one of the strongest political parties in spain. this does not appear in the representation in the spanish cortes, for under the present system the right to exercise the franchise freely is a farce. there is no doubt that don carlos' popularity is greater than that of the little king. the queen is regarded as a foreigner and the king is too young to awaken any admiration in spite of the fact that every opportunity is taken to make him do so. to popularize the little king the queen regent promenades the poor child through the provinces. he makes childish speeches to the populace, touches the flags of the volunteers and in every way seeks to revive the enthusiasm for the house of austria. but without avail. the wretched peasants, ground down by taxes, find little to stir them in the sight. on the contrary, don carlos is a great military hero, whose actions have stirred the people to admiration in spite of his many bad qualities. that the present dynasty will endure when all of the evils from which spain suffers are considered, seems hard to believe. unless a miracle happens or the powers bolster up the throne of the little king, the people are likely to turn to don carlos for relief. there are those who believe that republicanism is also rampant and that the carlist agitation masks republican doctrines, and that weyler will be dictator. this may be. but don carlos seems nearer the throne than he has been at any time during his career. chapter xlvi. the philippines, puerto rico, and other colonies of spain. the philippines another example of the shocking misgovernment of spain's outlying possessions--interesting facts about the philippines--spanish oppression and cruelty--manila, the capital of the islands--manufactures and trade of the eastern archipelago--puerto rico and its history--the products and people --spirit of insurrection rife--the colonies off the coast of africa where spain exiles political and other offenders--the canaries, fernando po and ceuta. from the very beginning of our war with spain the peninsular kingdom had reason to fear that the loss of cuba would be but one of the disasters to befall it in the war with the united states. it was recognized in all quarters that the queen regent would have been willing to let the cuban insurrectionists have their island without further protest, had it not been for the fact that giving up probably would have incited an insurrection at home, resulting in a loss of the crown to her son before he should have a chance to wear it. it was quite well understood as a like probability that the philippine islands, that splendid colony of spain in the east indies, would be lost to spanish control at the same time, and that the island of puerto rico, the last remnant of spain's great colonial possessions in the western hemisphere, after cuba's loss, would gain its freedom too. the queen regent having spurned the only course in cuban affairs which the united states would permit, with american war-ships threatening manila, it became immediately apparent that the other horn of the dilemma which had been chosen was as fatal to spanish sovereignty as the first would have been. even cuba, with all its abominations, scarcely afforded so remarkable a picture of spanish oppression, miscalled government, as may be seen in the philippines. it is only the remoteness and isolation of these unhappy islands that has prevented the atrocities there perpetrated from arousing the indignation of the whole world. readers are familiar enough with the shocking barbarities practiced in times of disorder by the spanish authorities, and they do not need to be multiplied here, but in the philippines is demonstrated the utter incapacity of the spanish for the exercise of civilized government over a dependent province even in times of so-called peace. the philippines are extremely interesting in themselves, but are seldom visited by tourists, partly in consequence of their lying out of the ordinary lines of travel and partly because of the policy of chinese seclusion cultivated by the government. the climate, too, is unhealthy, even beyond what is usual in the tropics, and the unsettled state of the country, swarming with exasperated savages and bandits of the worst description, makes excursions beyond the limits of the principal cities very perilous. about islands are included in the group, and the total area is considerable--some , square miles, three or four times that of cuba, exact data, however, are difficult to obtain. there are a multitude of insignificant islets hardly known except upon the charts of navigators; but luzon almost equals cuba in extent. altogether the islands probably contain less than , , souls; so that spanish cruelty finds plenty of raw material to work upon. characteristics of the population. and most of it is raw to the last degree--a medley of diverse and hostile races, ranging from the puny and dying remnant of the negritos, who live like wild beasts in the highlands, subsisting upon the roots which they claw out of the ground, to the fierce and unsubdued mohammedan tribes that still keep up the bloody war of creeds which raged in spain itself for so many centuries. these latter are chiefly of malay origin and many of them are professional head-hunters, well qualified to retort spanish outrages in kind. there are also chinese in large numbers and half-castes of all varieties. the proportion of europeans is small, even in the cities. the resident spaniards are all soldiers or officials of some sort and are there simply for what they can make by extortion and corrupt practices. the philippine islands were discovered in by magellan, the circumnavigator, and were conquered by spain and made a colony in the reign of philip ii., for whom they were named, half a century later. spanish sway never has extended over more than half of the , islands of the archipelago, the others remaining under their native wild tribes and mohammedan rulers. the conjectural area is about , square miles, and the estimated population about , , . about half this area and three-quarters of this population are nominally under spanish rule, but the insurrection has left things in a good deal of doubt. the remainder of the people are governed according to their own customs, by independent native princes. education is exceedingly backward. the roman catholic clergy have been industrious, and probably , , natives are nominal converts to the christian religion; but education has advanced very little among them. there is a roman catholic archbishop of manila, besides three bishops. the history of the philippines has included a succession of revolutions against spanish authority, put down by ferocious warfare and cruelty on the part of the victors. the conversion and subjugation of the islands were not accompanied by quite the horrors that characterized the spanish conquest of south america, but the record is second only to that. manila was captured by the english in and was held by them for two years until ransomed by the spanish by a payment of , , pounds. contests with rebellious tribes, attacks by pirates, volcanic eruptions, earthquakes and tornadoes help to break the monotony of the history. manila, the capital of the colony. manila, the capital city of the colony and of luzon, the largest island, lies miles, or sixty hours' easy steaming, southeast of hongkong, and twice that distance northeast of singapore. the population of the city is about , , of whom only , -- including troops, government officials and clergy--are europeans, and not more than are english-speaking people. a few american houses have branches in manila, so that there is an american population of perhaps . the city faces a fine bay, into which flows the river pasig. most of the europeans live in binondo, a beautiful suburb on higher ground, across the river. there are many native dialects, but the social, official and business idiom is spanish. the army of spanish civil, religious, military and naval officials is a leech on the people in the same fashion as it was in cuba. all the places of profit are monopolized by them, appointments to choice offices in the philippines being given to those whom it is desired to reward for service to the government in spain. it is quite well understood that such an appointee is expected to gain a fortune as rapidly as he can, by any method possible, so that he may give way for some one else to be brought over from spain for a similar reward. the policy is the same as the colonial policy of spain in cuba was, and the same results have followed. but, indeed, pillage of the wretched natives is the almost open aim of the government--the sole end for which it is organized and maintained; so why should petty officials be scrupulous? it is the old roman provincial system, denounced by cicero , years ago, but in spain unforgotten and unimproved. what other use has she for dependencies, except as a source of revenue wrung by torture from the misery of slaves, and incidentally as a battening ground for her savage war dogs? here the detestable weyler is said to have accumulated a fortune of several millions of dollars in three years--more than twenty times the whole amount of his salary! the methods employed in this legalized system of robbery are medieval in character, but often highly ingenious. one of them is the "cedula personal," a sort of passport. every person in the islands and over eighteen years of age and accessible to the authorities is required to take out one of these documents; even the women are not exempt. the cedula must be renewed annually and the cost is from $ . to $ , according to circumstances--the chief circumstances being the victim's ability to pay. this in a country where wages sometimes fall as low as five cents a day! and any one who holds a cedula costing less than $ is further required to render the government fifteen days of unremunerated labor. instances of petty extortion. but the cedula is only one device out of many for extracting gold from the refractory ore of poverty. a hungry native cannot kill his own hog or buffalo for meat without a special permit--which, of course, must be paid for. he is not allowed to press out a pint of cocoanut oil from the fruit of his own orchard until he has obtained a license, and this also has its price. the orchard itself is taxed; everything is taxed in the philippines. the resident chinese are further subjected to a special tax-- whether for existing or for not being something else is not stated. they are not popular and are treated with the most shameless injustice. this the following incident will illustrate: fires are very frequent in manila and very destructive, most of the houses being of wood, while the poorer districts are a mere jumble of bamboo huts, thousands of which are sometimes consumed in a day without exciting much comment. a fire in the business portion, however, arouses more interest; it affords opportunities that are not to be neglected. on one such occasion, where the scene of conflagration was a quarter chiefly occupied by chinese shops, the street was soon thronged with an eager mob. the poor chinamen, acting much like crazed cattle, had fled into their upper chambers and locked the doors, apparently preferring death by fire to the treatment they were likely to receive outside. but there was no escape. the "rescuers"--spanish soldiers--quickly broke in with axes and after emptying the money boxes, hurled the wretched mongolians and all their goods into the street, to be dealt with at discretion. it was a mere pretext for robbery and outrage, as many of the shops were remote from the fire and in no danger. the next morning the middle of the street was piled high with soiled and broken goods; and any one who cared to bribe the sentries was allowed to carry away as much as he pleased. all day long the carts went to and fro, openly conveying away the plunder. the owners were not in evidence; what had become of them is not recorded. such is the "fire department" in manila. taxes are imposed for "improvements," but no improvements are permitted even when backed by foreign capital. the roads remain impassable canals of mud, education is a farce, the introduction of machinery is frowned upon and progress is obstructed. the natural resources of the philippines are very good, and under a civilized administration these islands would be rich and prosperous. but the mildew of spanish misgovernment is upon everything and its perennial blight is far more disastrous than the worst outbreaks of savagery in time of war. his total inability to maintain an endurable government in time of peace is what marks the spaniard as hopelessly unfit to rule. manila has cable connection with the rest of the world, and regular lines of passenger steamers. the european colony has its daily papers, which are, however, under strict censorship, religious and military, and keeps up with the news and the fashions of the day. until the insurrection of the last two years, the army, except two spanish brigades of artillery and a corps of engineers, was composed of natives and consisted of seven regiments of infantry and one of cavalry. there was also a body of spanish militia in manila, a volunteer corps similar to the one which was always maintained in havana under spanish rule, which could be called out by the captain-general in the event of need. spain's feeble control of the islands. when the latest insurrection began, spain shipped to its far-off colony all the men who could be spared from service in cuba, and after a few months of fighting it was announced that the rebellion was crushed. as a matter of fact, however, spain has control of but a comparatively small part of the islands, and the natives elsewhere are as free from obligation to pay spanish taxes as they were before the discovery. trade restrictions have hampered the commercial progress of the colony, but in spite of that fact their trade with the outside world is a large one. for many years after the conquest but one vessel a year was permitted to ply between manila and the spanish-american port of acapulco. then the number was increased to five. then a spanish chartered company was given a monopoly of the trade of the islands. when that monopoly expired, other houses began business, until finally many large english and german firms shared the trade, while american houses and american ships were by no means at the foot of the list. the total volume of the exports and imports is about $ , , annually. the manufactures of the philippines consist chiefly of textile fabrics of pineapple fiber, silk and cotton; hats, mats, baskets, rope, furniture, pottery and musical instruments. vegetable products of great value are indigo, cocoa, sugar, rice, bamboo, hemp and tobacco. coffee, pepper and cassia grow wild in sufficient quantity and quality to provide a living for those who wish to take advantage of what nature has provided. coal, gold, iron and copper are mined with profit. the soil is exceedingly fertile, and although the climate is tropical, with little change except between wet and dry seasons, it has not been difficult for europeans to accustom themselves to it. the largest island is nearly miles long and miles wide, while others are more than half as large. it must be remembered that the interior of these great islands, and the whole of hundreds of the smaller ones, are unexplored and almost unvisited by travelers from civilized lands, as spanish exploration has been of little practical value to the rest of the world or to science. puerto rico. puerto rico, the smaller of the two islands which spain held in the west indies, was discovered by columbus in and occupied by soldiers under ponce de leon early in the sixteenth century. it lies well outside the caribbean sea, in the open atlantic, and for this reason it is not at all affected climatically, as cuba is, by proximity to the continent. its climate is determined mostly by the ocean, whose breezes sweep constantly over the entire island, tempering deliciously the tropical heat, of the sun. the surface of the island is equally favorable to excellent climatic conditions. it has no mountains, but it has hills that extend from end to end of it and form a perfect watershed and afford drainage for plains and valleys. thirteen hundred rivers, forty-seven of them navigable, drain , square miles of territory, a territory as large as the state of delaware. all over its extent are, besides the principal range of hills that are by some called mountains, round-topped hills of finest soil, which are nearly every one cultivated. in summer the heat is not excessive in the valleys and in winter ice never forms oil the hills. it is a purely agricultural country and the great majority of the natives are farmers. in the population of , are , negroes, who are now free, and since their freedom have gone into the towns and cities and found work in the sugar mills and at similar employments. the native puerto ricans adhere to the soil. their labors are not severe where the soil is loose and rich, as it is every where except near the seashore, and for reasons already stated the climate is very favorable to a comfortable existence. the only drawback perhaps to this comfort for dwellers on the island is lack of substantial bridges over the many streams and the absence of good roads. there are a number of extensive forests on the island, and while they resemble in their main outlines those of the other west india islands, certain varieties of trees and shrubs exist there that are not seen elsewhere. baron eggers, who in had a coffee farm of , acres just coming into bearing, found leisure from his other employments to explore some of the forests and--he being an authority on the subject--the facts he discovered and reported have been regarded of interest by travelers and students. he found palms and a strange variety of orchid, but the palms were not so lofty, nor the orchids so rich as they both are on the caribbean islands. but he found trees of great beauty and great utility in manufactures that are not abundant on the other islands, if, indeed, they are ever found on any of them. the baron describes with rapture the sabino, so called by the natives, but by him called the talauma; it is from fifteen to twenty feet high, with spreading branches, having large silvery leaves and bearing immense white, odorous flowers. the hietella is another tree that has remarkable leaves and yields beautiful crimson flowers. he describes still another tree, without naming it, as having orangelike foliage, large purple flowers, and as having in its neighborhood other trees, different from it, but resembling it and evidently allied to it. this tree, he says, is not found elsewhere. still another tree, the ortegon, whose flowers are purple spikes a yard long, and whose wood is used for timber, is common on the high lands near the coast. and there are dye woods, mahogany and lignum vitae. hence it is seen that the forests of puerto rico are generally beautiful, and strange in some of their features. the words puerto rico are, when translated, rich port, and they are very applicable to this snug spot in the atlantic ocean, only a short distance off the united states coast. every variety of soil is adapted to the growth of a particular kind of crop. the highest hills, as the lowest valleys, are cultivated with reference to what they will best produce. on the hills, rice; in the valleys, coffee, cotton and sugar cane; on the rising grounds between the valleys and hills, tobacco. puerto rico rice, unlike that of the carolinas, grows on dry lands, even on the highest hills, without watering. it is the staple food of the laborers. the consular report to washington for says the product of coffee that year was , tons; of sugar, , tons, and of tobacco, , tons. the number of bales of cotton is not given, but the consul expatiates on its fine quality. the richness of the sugar lands may be judged from this item in the report: "three hogsheads of sugar is an average yield per acre, without using fertilizers of any kind." puerto rico is one of the finest grazing countries in the world. its herds of cattle are immense, and from them are supplied cattle of a superior quality to the other west india islands. great quantities of hides are shipped to various countries. though richly agricultural as the island is, and entitled as it is to be regarded as exclusively agricultural, in past times considerable mining was done there, in gold, copper and salt. indeed, copper is still mined to a small extent, and salt is still so plentiful that the government finds a profit in monopolizing the sale of it. puerto rico is only miles in length and from fifty to sixty miles in breadth, and as square as a dry-goods box. east and west and north and south its coast lines run almost as regularly as if projected by compass. it is the delight of the sailorman, as its fertile soil is the joy of the agriculturist. the harbor of san juan is the chief in puerto rico, and one of the best of its size in the caribbean sea. it is safe and sheltered, large and land-locked, and though the entrance is somewhat "foul," ships drawing three fathoms can enter and find anchorage within, good holding ground being had at any depth up to six fathoms. the bay is broad as well as beautiful, and opens toward the north, so that a vessel laying her course from new york could, if there were no obstructions en route, sail directly into the harbor. the fortifications which surround the city of san juan are, like the spanish pedigrees, ancient, flamboyant, beautiful to look at, but as worthless withal. this city of about , inhabitants is completely inclosed within imposing walls of stone and hardened mortar from to feet in height. they have picturesque gates and drawbridges, portcullises and demilunes, quaint old sentry boxes projecting into the sea, frowning battlements, and all that; but most of their cannon date back from the last century. in ancient times the chief fort or castle was called the "morro," or moorish tower, because it was generally round; and san juan, like havana, has its morro as the most prominent point of its fortifications. it stands on a bluff jutting out from the city walls and has a lighthouse immediately in the rear of it. against the seaward front of the massive walls the ocean pounds and thunders, but the landward harbor is quiet and safe for any craft. a broad parade ground is inclosed within the walls, westward from the citadel, and not far off is the oldest house in the city, no less a structure than the ancient castle of ponce de leon, one-time governor here and discoverer of florida. his ashes are also kept here, in a leaden case, for ponce the lion-hearted was a great man in his day and cleaned out the indians of this island with a thoroughness that earned him an exceeding great reward. just under the northern wall of the castle is the public cemetery, the gate to it overhung by an ornate sentry box, and the bones of evicted tenants of graves whose terms of rental have expired, are piled in the corners of the inclosure. the prevailing winds by day are from the sea landward; by night, from the inland mountains toward the coast. far inland rises the conical summit of the great luquillo, a mountain about , feet in height, and from whose sides descend streams that fertilize the island. it is about ninety miles from san juan to ponce, the southern port, by a fine road diagonally across the island. the spaniards generally are poor road-builders, but in this island they have done better than in cuba, and one may travel here with a fair amount of comfort to the mile. there are several lines of railroads building, a system being projected around the island miles in length. the city of ponce is the largest, with a population of about , and an export trade of vast extent. it is the chief sugar-shipping point, though it has no good harbor, and lies nearly three miles from the sea. it is a rather fine city, with a pretty plaza and a grand cathedral, and its houses, like those of san juan, are all built of stone. other harbors are: on the east coast, fajardo and humacao; on the north, besides san juan, arrecibo; on the west, aguadilla and mayaguez, at the former of which columbus watered his caravels in , and where the original spring still gushes forth. going with puerto rico are two small islands called culebra and vieque, mainly inhabited by fishermen, but with fine forests of dye and cabinet woods to be exploited. the commerce of the island is mainly with the united states. we gained $ , , a year in exports to this island for the last ten years, and nearly $ , , in imports. with a staple government and under wise control, puerto rico will more nearly attain to its full productiveness. the annual sugar yield is estimated at near , tons; that of coffee, , tons; bananas, nearly , , ; cocoanuts, , , , and tobacco, , , pounds. gold was originally abundant here, and copper, iron and lead have been found. with enterprise and protection to life and property they will be profitably exploited. colonial possessions of spain. the loss of cuba and puerto rico did not leave spain without colonial possessions, as the subjoined table will show: area--english possessions in asia square miles. population. philippine islands , , , sulu islands , caroline islands and palaos , marianne islands , ------- --------- total asiatic possessions , , , possessions in africa rio de oro and adrar , , ifni , fernando po, annabon, corsico, elobey, san juan , ------- ------- total african possessions , , the sulu archipelago lies southwest of the island of mindanao, and directly south of manila and the mindora sea. the chief island gives its name to the group, which extends to the three-mile limit of borneo. the area of the whole is estimated at square miles; the population at , melanesians. the caroline and marianne, or ladrone islands, are more numerous, but scarcely as important or as populous as the sulu group. they belong to what is sometimes known as micronesia, from the extreme diminutiveness of the land masses. the two groups are east and northeast of the philippines, and in easy sailing reach from manila. from east to west they are spread over -odd degrees of longitude, and from north to south over degrees of latitude. the inhabited islands are of coral formation, generally not over ten or twelve feet above high water mark. they are, in fact, heaps of sand and seaweed blown over the coral reefs. most of these islands are narrow bands of land from a few yards to a third of a mile across, with a lagoon partly or wholly inclosed by the reef. cocoanuts and fish are the chief reliance of the natives, who are an inferior species, even for polynesians. first and most attractive of the african dependencies, both by reason of natural resources and of their advantages as a naval base, are the canaries, which are regarded as a part of the spanish kingdom proper, so long and so secure has been the hold of spain upon them. more extensive in area, if not more attractive for residence purposes, is the sandy, partially desert stretch bearing the names of rio de oro (river of gold), and adrar. the imaginary line familiar to schoolboys under the name of the tropic of cancer has an especial fondness for this region, passing near the north and south center. the district is close to the canaries on its northern edge, and it is ruled by a sub-governor under the governor of the canaries. there are two small settlements on the coast the only glory spain gets from this possession is that of seeing its color mark on the maps of africa. of the other african possessions enumerated some are hardly big enough to be seen on an ordinary map without the aid of a microscope. corisco is a little stretch of coast around an inlet just south of cape st. john, near the equator. fernando po island will be found right in the inner crook of the big african elbow. annabon island is off cape lopez. another possession or claim of the decadent peninsula monarchy remains to be catalogued--the country on the banks of the muni and campo rivers, , square miles, and containing a population of , . the title to this section is also claimed by france. chapter xlvii. progress of hostilities. eagerness to fight--matanzas bombarded--weyler's brother-in-law a prisoner of war--the situation in havana--blanco makes a personal appeal to gomez--the reply of a patriot--"one race, mankind"--the momentum of war--our position among nations. the striking peculiarity at the commencement of the war was the general eagerness to fight. there have been wars in which there was much maneuvering and blustering, but no coming to blows. there have been campaigns on sea and land in which commanders exhausted the devices of strategy to keep out of each other's way, but in this war the americans strained strategy, evaded rules, and sought excuses to get at the spaniards. given a spanish fortified town and an american fleet, and there was a bombardment on short notice. given a spanish fort and a yankee gunboat, and there was a fight. there were no "all-quiet-on-the-potomac" or "nothing-new-before-paris" refrains. the americans knew they were right, and they went ahead. matanzas bombarded. the first actual bombardment of cuban forts took place on april th at matanzas, when three ships of admiral sampson's fleet, the flagship new york, the monitor puritan, and the cruiser cincinnati, opened fire upon the fortifications. the spaniards had been actively at work on the fortifications at punta gorda, and it was the knowledge of this fact that led admiral sampson to shell the place, the purpose being to prevent their completion. a small battery on the eastern side of the bay opened fire on the new york, and the flagship quickly responded with her heavy guns. probably twenty-five eight-inch shells were sent from the battery at our ships, but all of them fell short. a few blank shells were also fired from the incomplete battery. one or two of those whizzed over admiral sampson's flagship. after completing their work the ships put out to the open sea, the flagship returning to its post off havana, while the cincinnati and the puritan remained on guard off matanzas. while the flagship new york, her sister cruiser, the cincinnati, and the monitor puritan were locating the defenses of matanzas harbor the batteries guarding the entrance opened fire on the new york. their answer was a broadside from admiral sampson's flagship, the first fire being from the forward eight-inch gun on the port side. the monitor attacked the point maya fortification, the flagship went in close and shelled rubalcaya point, while the cincinnati was soon at work shelling the fortification on the west side of the bay. in less than twenty minutes admiral sampson's warships had silenced the spanish batteries. the explosive shells from the forts fell wide of the ships. the last one fired from the shore was from point rubalcaya. the monitor puritan let go with a shot from one of her twelve-inch guns, and its effect was seen when a part of the fortification went into the air. the battery at maya was the stronger of the two and its fire more constant, but all its shells failed to hit our ships. the target practice of the flagship was an inspiring sight. at every shot from her batteries, clouds of dust and big pieces of stone showed where the spanish forts were suffering. the new york, after reducing the range from over six thousand to three thousand yards, fired shells at the rate of three a minute into the enemy's forts, each one creating havoc. the puritan took equally good care of point maya. when she succeeded in getting the range, her gunners landed a shell inside the works at every shot. when permission was given to the cincinnati to take part in the first battle between yankee and spanish forces, the cruiser came up to within , yards of the shore, and almost immediately her guns were at work. cadet boone on the flagship fired the first gun in answer to the spanish batteries. the spanish mail steamer argonauta, captain lage, was convoyed into key west harbor by the united states cruiser marblehead on may . colonel vicente de cortijo of the third spanish cavalry, who, with nineteen other army officers, was taken on the prize, is a brother-in-law of lieutenant general valeriano weyler. colonel de cortijo and the other officers were transferred to the guido and the privates to the ambrosio bolivar, two other trophies of the first week of the war. the argonauta herself was no mean prize, being of , tons burden, but the value of the capture was mainly in the prisoners of war and the mail matter going to general blanco. her cargo was general merchandise, with a large quantity of ammunition and supplies for the spanish troops in cuba. the situation in havana. a correspondent wrote from havana, on the d of may, as follows: "the dispatch boat succeeded again to-day in opening communication with havana, and your correspondent brought away with him the morning papers of yesterday. "the city of havana is a sad sight. there are still a few of the reconcentrados about the streets now, but starvation has ended the misery of most of them, and their bones have been thrown into the trenches outside of the city. "starvation now faces the spanish citizens themselves. havana is a graveyard. two-thirds of the inhabitants have fled. the other third is beginning to feel the pangs of hunger. "the prices rival those of klondike. beefsteak is $ a pound. chickens are $ each. flour is $ a barrel. everything is being confiscated for blanco's army. sleek, well-fed persons are daily threatened with death to make them divulge the whereabouts of their hidden stores of provisions. "several provision stores in the side streets have been broken into and looted. general blanco is being strongly urged to sink artesian wells to provide water in the event of a siege, as a joint attack by the cuban and american forces would destroy the aqueduct. it is not thought that blanco will attempt this, as he will not have sufficient time. "a bulletin posted on the wall of the palace this morning announced that the mail steamship aviles from nuevitasa and the cosme herra from sagua arrived last night. it is also stated that the spanish brig vigilante arrived at matanzas from montevideo with food supplies for the government. "the palace of the captain general is practically deserted since the blockade began. blanco has personally taken command of mariena battery, and is directing the erection of new sand batteries all along the water front west of the entrance to havana bay. lieutenant general perrado is making guanabacoa his headquarters, and is planting new batteries and strengthening the fortifications as much as possible. over draymen are engaged in the hauling of sand from the mouth of almandres for use in the construction of the earthworks along the coast, and in the city suburbs all draymen have been ordered to report for volunteer duty with their drays. the streets are riotous with half-drunken spanish volunteers crying for american and cuban blood. "at night the city is wrapped in darkness, all gas and electric lights being shut off by order of blanco. spanish soldiers are taking advantage of this to commit shocking outrages upon unprotected cuban families. in spite of these direful circumstances blanco has ordered the decoration of the city, hoping to incite the patriotism of the populace." blanco makes a personal appeal to gomez. on may general blanco made a supreme effort to win over the cuban forces, writing a letter to general gomez. a copy of this letter and the answer of general gomez were found upon commander lima, who was picked up by the tecumseh fifteen miles from havana. the letter of general blanco was as follows: general maximo gomez, commander-in-chief of the revolutionary forces: sir--it cannot be concealed from you that the cuban problem has radically changed. we spaniards and cubans find ourselves facing a foreign people of different race, of a naturally absorbent tendency, and with intentions not only to deprive spain of her flag over the cuban soil, but also to exterminate the cuban people, due to its having spanish blood. the supreme moment has, therefore, arrived in which we should forget our past misunderstandings, and in which, united by the interests of our own defense, we, spaniards and cubans, must repel the invader. general, due to these reasons, i propose to make alliance of both armies in the city of santa clara. the cubans will receive the arms of the spanish army, and with the cry of "viva espana!" and "viva cuba!" we shall repel the invader and free from a foreign yoke the descendants of the same people. your obedient servant, ramon blanco. to this general gomez replied as follows: sir--i wonder how you dare to write me again about terms of peace when you know that cubans and spaniards can never be at peace on the soil of cuba. you represent on this continent an old and discredited monarchy. we are fighting for an american principle, the same as that of bolivar and washington. you say we belong to the same race and invite me to fight against a foreign invader, but you are mistaken again, for there are no differences of races and blood. i only believe in one race, mankind, and for me there are but good and bad nations, spain so far having been a bad one and the united states performing in these movements toward cuba a duty of humanity and civilization. from the wild, tawny indian to the refined, blond englishman, a man for me is worthy of respect according to his honesty and feelings, no matter to what country or race he belongs or what religion he professes. so are nations for me, and up to the present i have had only reasons for admiring the united states. i have written to president mckinley and general miles thanking them for american intervention in cuba. i don't see the danger of our extermination by the united states, to which you refer in your letter. if it be so, history will judge. for the present i have to repeat that it is too late for any understanding between my army and yours. your obedient servant, maximo gomez. one race--mankind. the reply of gomez to blanco will live in history. blanco's strange appeal to the cuban general was characteristic of a spaniard. it would seem that an intelligent man would not have made such an appeal, well knowing that it would be useless. for three years gomez had waged what to many seemed to be a hopeless fight. after these years of sacrifice he obtained the united states as an ally, an acquisition that assured him of final success. under these circumstances blanco, the representative of the forces against which gomez had been contending, appealed to gomez to join with him in an effort to repel the united states forces. such an appeal under the circumstances, in view of the fact that blanco was regarded as an intelligent man, showed the spaniard to be incapable of appreciating the sentiments which prompted a people to maintain a struggle for liberty. general blanco based his appeal upon the claim that the cuban and the spaniard belonged to the same race and worshiped at the same shrine. he sought to stir up within gomez' breast racial and religious prejudices, and went so far as to suggest that in the event gomez united his forces with those of blanco, spain would give liberty to cuba, and would "open her arms to another new daughter of the nations of the new world who speak her language, profess her religion and feel in their veins the noble spanish blood." gomez' letter was interesting for several reasons. to those who had pictured him as a coarse, illiterate man this letter was a revelation. it was not, however, a surprise to those who had carefully studied gomez' career and who understand that he was a scholarly man as well as a thorough soldier. "i only believe in one race, mankind," said gomez, and that sentence will occupy a conspicuous place in the history of this continent. "from the wild, tawny indian to the refined, blond englishman," said gomez, "a man for me is respectful according to his honesty and feelings, no matter to what country or race he belongs or what religion he professes. so are nations for me." such excellent sentiments were doubtless wasted on the spaniard, but men of all civilized nations, even we of the united states, may find great value in these splendid expressions by the cuban general. the man who believes that there is but one race to whom we owe allegiance, that that race is mankind, and that to that race he owes all allegiance, must have his heart in the right place. the man who discards the consideration of accident of birth and, apart from patriotic affairs, applies the term "comrade" to all of god's creatures, that man has not studied in vain the purposes of creation. the man who forms his estimate of individuals according to the manhood displayed by the individual, banishing from his mind all racial and religious prejudices, must certainly have studied the lesson of life to good advantage. "i only believe in one race, mankind." that is a sentiment that the religious instructors and the sages have endeavored to impress upon us. but the combined efforts of all the instructors and all the sages in teaching of the brotherhood of man have not been so impressive as was the simple statement of this splendid patriot wherein he repelled the temptation to racial and religious prejudice. mankind is the race, and the honest man's the man, no matter to what country he belongs or what religion he professes. that was a sentiment of maximo gomez, the cuban patriot, the clean-cut american, a sentiment to which the intelligence of the world will subscribe and in the light of which prejudice must finally fade away. the momentum of war. as far as the american people were concerned, the destruction of the maine was the beginning of hostilities. the nation dropped, on the instant, the slow-going habits of peace, and caught step to the intense and swift impulse of war. great events crowded one another to such an extent that we made more history in sixty days than in the preceding thirty years. the movement was not a wild drifting, but was as straight, swift, and resistless as that of a cannon ball. there was an object in view, and the government and the people went straight at it. when the maine was destroyed our navy was scattered, our army was at thirty different posts in as many states, there were no volunteers in the field, no purpose of war in the minds of the people. the spanish hold on cuba seemed secure; no one thought of spain's yielding puerto rico or the philippine islands. the people could not be brought to serious consideration of the cuban question, and they were indifferent to the fate of hawaii. they held back when any one talked of our rights in the pacific, and had little enthusiasm in the plans to strengthen our navy and our coast defenses. all these questions were urgent, but the people hesitated and congress hesitated with them. the explosion that destroyed our battleship and slaughtered our seamen cut every rope that bound us to inaction. in a week the navy was massed for offensive movement. in three weeks $ , , had been placed at the disposal of the president to forward the preparations for national defense. in a month new war vessels had been purchased, the old monitors had been repaired and put in commission, the american liners had been transferred to the navy. in two months war had been declared, the reorganized north atlantic squadron had blockaded cuban ports, and the regular army was moving hurriedly to rendezvous in the south. in another week , volunteers were crowding the state capitals. under the momentum of war we swept forward in a few weeks to the most commanding position we had ever occupied among nations. without bluster or boast we impressed the world with our strength, and made clear the righteousness of our cause. we proved that a republic wedded to peace can prepare quickly for war, and that a popular government is as quick and powerful as a monarchy to avenge insult or wrong. chapter xlviii. sea fight off manila, americans victorious. the eyes of the world fixed on the first great naval battle of our war with spain--asiatic waters the scene of the notable conflict--importance of the battle in its possible influence on the construction of all the european navies--bravery of admiral dewey and the american sailors of his fleet--a glorious victory for the star-spangled banner--capture of manila and destruction of the spanish fleet. seldom has the attention of all the world been so directed upon an expected event in a remote quarter of the globe, as during the few days at the end of april when the american fleet in asiatic waters was steaming toward an attack on manila, the capital of the philippine islands. the eyes of every civilized country were strained to see what would be the result of the encounter which was certain to come. it was recognized frankly by the authorities on warfare everywhere, that the outcome of this first great naval battle would go far toward deciding the fortunes of the entire war. but the importance of the event from this point of view was less than that from another which interested the governments of all europe. this first test of the modern fighting machine at sea was expected to furnish lessons by which the merits of such vessels could be definitely judged. it might be that they would prove far less efficient than had been calculated by the lords of the admiralty, and that the millions and millions invested in the fleets of europe would be found virtually wasted. it was this, quite as much as its bearing on the war, that made universal attention direct itself upon the meeting of the squadrons in the philippines. all america rejoiced at the news that came flashing over the cables on sunday, may , when the first word of the battle reached the united states. even spanish phrases could not conceal the fact that the encounter had been a brilliant victory for the valor of american sailors, and the strength of american ships. a spanish fleet of superior size virtually annihilated, a city in terror of capture, the insurgent armies at the gates of manila, the losses of spanish soldiers and sailors admittedly great, and finally the sullen roar of discontent that was rising against the government in madrid--all these things indicated that the victory had been an overwhelming one for the asiatic squadron under admiral george dewey. as the details of the engagement began to multiply, in spite of spanish censorate over the cables, which garbled the facts as generously as possible in favor of the spanish forces, the enthusiasm of the people throughout the cities and villages of america swelled in a rising tide of joy and gratitude for the victory that had been given to them. from eastport to san diego, and from key west to seattle, flags flashed forth and cheers of multitudes rose toward the sky. around the newspaper bulletins, throngs gathered to read the first brief reports, and then scattered to spread the news among their own neighbors. seldom has an event been known so widely throughout the country with as little delay as was this news of an american victory in the antipodes. there was a sense of elation and relief over the result, and an absolute assurance grew in every one's mind that no reverse to american arms could come in the threatened conflicts ashore or at sea. a nation in suspense. but after the first news of victory was received there came a period of delay. it was learned that the cable between manila and hongkong had been cut, and the only means of immediate communication was suspended. then came fretful days of waiting and not a word further as to the great battle. to add to the anxiety, from time to time came ugly rumors about admiral dewey being trapped, and when all the circumstances of the case were considered it is not strange that something like a chill of apprehension began to be felt as to the fate of the american fleet and its gallant commander. manila bay was known to be mined, and electric connections might again have been made. the guns of the forts on the land-locked bay might not have been silenced, and spanish treachery and guile might have accomplished what in open battle spain's fleet had been unable to do. but the morning of the th of may brought word from hongkong that sent a thrill of patriotic pride through all america. our yankee tars had won the fight, and won it without the loss of a man. even those who witnessed the overwhelming victory could scarcely understand how the ships and the men of admiral dewey's vessels came out of the battle unhurt and practically unmarked. soon after midnight on sunday morning, may , the american fleet, led by the flagship olympia, the largest vessel among them, passed unnoticed the batteries which were attempting to guard the wide entrance to the harbor. each vessel had orders to keep yards behind the preceding one, and as there were nine vessels, including the two transports and colliers nanshan and zafiro, in the american fleet, the line was nearly a mile and three-quarters long, and at the rate of steaming it was perhaps three-quarters of an hour from the time the olympia came within range of the shore batteries until the two transports were safely inside the harbor. the olympia, baltimore, raleigh, petrel and concord passed in safety and the land batteries might never have suspected the presence of the fleet but for a peculiar accident on the mcculloch. the soot in the funnel caught fire. flames spouted up from it, and the sparks fell all over the deck. the batteries must have been awake and watching. five minutes later, or just at : , signals were seen on the south shore, apparently on limbones point. the flying sparks from this boat made her the only target in the american line. she continued to steam ahead, and at : , may , just as she came between the fort at restingo and the batteries on the island of corregidor she was fired upon by the fort at the south. the boston, just ahead, had her guns manned and ready, and she responded to the shore fire with great promptness, sending an eight-inch shell toward the curl of smoke seen rising from the battery. this was the first shot fired by the americans. it was not possible to judge of its effect. there was another flash on shore and a shell went singing past, only a few yards ahead of her bow. if it had struck fairly it would have ripped up the unarmored cutter. this was the mcculloch's only chance to get into battle. she slowed down and stopped and sent a six-pound shot at the shore battery and followed immediately with another. the spaniards answered, but this time the shot went wild. the mcculloch then sent a third shell, and almost immediately, the boston repeated with one of her big guns. after that the shore battery ceased, and the last half of the fleet steamed into the bay without further interruption. at no time did the batteries on corregidor fire. all the firing by the spanish came from the south battery, which was much nearer. five or six shells were fired by the americans, and the spanish shot three times, doing absolutely no damage. there were conflicting reports among the naval officers as to the firing at the entrance to the bay, but it is certain that the mcculloch fired three shots. during this firing, the chief engineer of the mcculloch died of nervous shock. when spanish ships were sighted. after passing through the channel the american line moved very slowly. the men on the mcculloch were in a fighting fever after the brush at the entrance to the harbor, and were expecting every minute to hear cannonading from the heavy ships ahead. the fleet crept on and on, waiting under the cover of darkness, and not certain as to their location or at all sure that they would not run into a nest of mines at any moment. it was nearly o'clock when they were safely in the bay. between that hour and : the fleet, moving slowly in a northeasterly direction, headed for a point perhaps five miles to the north of manila. after covering about seventeen miles, and with the first light of day, the spanish ships were sighted off to the east under shelter of the strongly fortified naval station at cavite. the batteries and the town of cavite are about seven miles southwest of manila, and are on an arm of land reaching northward to inclose a smaller harbor, known as baker bay. from where the fleet first stopped, the shapes of the larger spanish cruisers could be made out dimly, and also the irregular outlines of the shore batteries behind. it was evident, even to a landsman, that the spanish fleet would not fight unless our vessels made the attack, coming within range of the cavite batteries. the signaling from the flagship and the hurried movement on every deck showed that the fleet was about to attack. in the meantime the mcculloch received her orders. she was to lie well outside, that is, to the west of the fighting line, and protect the two cargo ships, nanshan and zafiro. the position assigned to her permitted the american fleet to carry on their fighting maneuvers and at the same time to keep between the spanish fleet and the three american ships which were not qualified to go into the battle. governor-general's proclamation. shortly before o'clock sunday morning and when every vessel in the fleet had reported itself in readiness to move on cavite, the crews were drawn up and the remarkable proclamation issued by the governor-general of the philippine islands, on april , was read to the men. every american sailor went into battle determined to resent the insults contained in the message, which was as follows: spaniards! hostilities have broken out between spain and the united states. the moment has arrived for us to prove to the world that we possess the spirit to conquer those who, pretending to be loyal friends, have taken advantage of our misfortune and abused our hospitalities, using means which civilized nations count unworthy and disreputable. the north american people, constituted of all the social excrescences, have exhausted our patience and provoked war with their perfidious machinations, with their acts of treachery, with their outrages against laws of nations and international conventions. the struggle will be short and decisive, the god of victories will give us one as brilliant and complete as the righteousness and justice of our cause demand. spain, which counts on the sympathies of all the nations, will emerge triumphantly from the new test, humiliating and blasting the adventurers from those states that, with out cohesion and without history, offer to humanity only infamous tradition and the ungrateful spectacle of chambers in which appear united insolence, cowardice and cynicism. a squadron, manned by foreigners possessing neither instructions nor discipline, is preparing to come to this archipelago with the ruffianly intention of robbing us of all that means life, honor and liberty. pretending to be inspired by a courage of which they are incapable, the north american seamen undertake as an enterprise capable of realization the substitution of protestantism for the catholic religion you profess, to treat you as tribes refractory to civilization, to take possession of your riches as if they were unacquainted with the rights of property, and kidnap those persons whom they consider useful to man their ships or to be exploited in agricultural or individual labor. vain design! ridiculous boasting! your indomitable bravery will suffice to frustrate the attempt to carry them into realization. you will not allow the faith you profess to be made a mockery, impious hands to be placed on the temple of the true god, the images you adore to be thrown down by unbelief. the aggressors shall not profane the tombs of your fathers. they shall not gratify their lustful passions at the cost of your wives' and daughters' honor or appropriate the property that your industry has accumulated as a provision for your old age. no! they shall not perpetrate the crimes inspired by their wickedness and covetousness, because your valor and patriotism will suffice to punish and abase the people that, claiming to be civilized and cultivated, have exterminated the natives of north america instead of bringing to them the life of civilization and progress. men of the philippines, prepare for the struggle, and united under the glorious spanish flag, which is ever covered with laurels, let us fight with the conviction that victory will crown our efforts, and to the calls of our enemies let us oppose with the decision of the christian and patriotic cry of "viva espana." your governor, basilio augustin divilio. exploding the mines. if the cry of "remember the maine" were not enough to put the american sailors in a fighting mood as the warships moved forward in battle line, the memory of this insulting proclamation helped to put them on their mettle. the olympia headed straight for the spanish position a few minutes before o'clock. she was moving at moderate speed. the other vessels followed in the same order which had been observed in entering the bay. the spaniards were impatient and showed bad judgment. at : o'clock there was a puff of smoke from one of the cavite batteries and a shell dropped into the water far inshore from the flagship. several shots followed, but the range was too long. while the american ships continued to crowd on, two uplifts of the water far in the wake of the olympia, and off at one side, were seen. two mines had been exploded from their land connections. they did not even splash one of our boats, but those who were watching and following behind, held their breath in dread, for they did not know at what moment they might see one of the ships lifted into the air. but there were no more mines. the spaniards, in exploding them, had bungled, as they did afterward at every stage of their desperate fighting. already there was a film of smoke over the land batteries and along the line of spanish ships inshore. the roar of their guns came across the water. our fleet paid no attention. the olympia, in the lead, counted ten spanish warships, formed in a semi-circle in front of the rounding peninsula of cavite, so that they were both backed and flanked by the land batteries. the ten vessels which made the fighting line were the flagships reina christina, the castilla, the antonio de ulloa, the isla de cuba, the isla de luzon, the el correo, the marquis del duero, the velasco, the gen. lezo and the mindanao, the latter being a mail steamer which the spaniards had hastily fitted with guns. the castilla was moored head and stern, evidently to give the fleet a fixed spot from which to maneuver, but the other boats were under steam and prepared to move. the olympia opened fire for the american fleet when two miles away from the enemy. she began blazing away with her four eight-inch turret guns. the thunders of sound came rolling across the water and the flagships were almost hidden in smoke. now our ships circled to the north and east in the general direction of the city of manila. that is, the american fleet circling toward the northeast and further in toward shore all the time, turned and came back in a southwesterly direction, passing in parade line directly in front of the spanish fleet and batteries, so that the first general broadside was from the port side, or the left of the ships as one stands on the stern and faces the bow. the mcculloch had taken its position so that the fleet, in delivering this first broadside, passed between it and the enemy. the mcculloch and the nanshan and zafiro played in behind the heavy line like the backs of a football team. having delivered the port broadside, the american fleet turned, heading toward the shore, and moved back toward the northeast, delivering the starboard broadside. as our ships passed to and fro, the stars and stripes could be seen whirling out from the clouds of smoke, and as the line passed the second and third times without a sign of any ship being injured, the sailors began to feel that the spaniards were not so formidable after all. their shots went tearing away over our ships or splashed the water farther in shore. some of the men who fought at the guns said that after the first general broadside, the sailors laughed at the wild shots, and exposed themselves recklessly, feeling that they were in no particular danger. the story of the first general engagement is that the americans moved in front of the spanish line five times, pouring in broadsides with all the available guns. each time the fleet drew nearer to shore, and each time the firing became more terribly effective, while the spaniards failed to improve in marksmanship. our gunners fired first the port broadsides, then the starboard, then the port again, then the starboard and then the port guns for a third time, and at this last, or fifth, return for an engagement along the line they were within , yards of the spanish position. our whole line was choked with smoke, but still unhurt. the spanish fleet was already wounded beyond recovery. duel of the flagships. it was during the delivery of this last attack that the reina christina made a valiant attack. up to that time not a spanish ship had left the line of battle. as the olympia approached, admiral montejo gave orders, and the reina christina moved out from the line to engage the big flagship of the american fleet. admiral dewey's boat welcomed the battle. every battery on the olympia was turned on the reina christina. in the face of this awful fire she still advanced. the american sailors had ridiculed the gunnery of the spaniards, but they had to admire this act of bravery. she came forward and attempted to swing into action against the olympia, but was, struck fore and aft by a perfect storm of projectiles. with the olympia still pounding at her, she swung around and started back for the protection of the navy yard. just after she had turned a well-aimed shell from one of the olympia's eight-inch guns struck her, fairly wrecking the engine-room and exploding a magazine. she was seen to be on fire, but she painfully continued her way toward the shelter of cavite and continued firing until she was a mass of flames. it was during this retreat that captain cadarso was killed. the bridge was shot from under admiral montejo. the spanish sailors could be seen swarming out of the burning ship and into the small boats. admiral montejo escaped and transferred his pennant to the castilla. he had been on the castilla less than five minutes when it was set on fire by an exploding shell. toward the close of the decisive engagement, and just after the reina christina had been sent back, hammered to pieces and set on fire, two small torpedo boats made a daring attempt to slip up on the olympia. a pall of smoke was hanging over the water. taking advantage of this, they darted out from the spanish lines and headed straight for the american flagship. they were fully yards in advance of the spanish line (or more than half of the way toward the olympia) when they were discovered. admiral dewey signaled his men to concentrate all batteries on them. every gun on the port side of the olympia was leveled on the two little craft which came flying across the water. a fierce fire was opened, but they escaped the first volley and came on at full speed. the flagship stopped. a second broadside was delivered. the torpedo boats were either injured or else alarmed, for they turned hastily and started for the shore. an eight-inch shell struck one. it exploded and sunk immediately, with all on board. the other, which had been hit, ran all the way to shore and was beached. these were the only two attempts the spanish made to offer offensive battle. it would be difficult to describe in detail these first two hours of terrific fighting. the sounds were deafening, and at times the smoke obscured almost the whole picture of battle. the american commander himself could not estimate the injury to the enemy until after he had withdrawn from the first general engagement and allowed the smoke to clear away. unfortunately, our fleet had no supply of smokeless powder. all during the fighting of sunday morning, admiral dewey stood with captain lambertson on the forward bridge of the olympia. he was absolutely exposed to the heaviest firing, because the spanish fleet and the land batteries as well continually made a target of our big flagship. captain wildes, on the boston, carried a fan as he stood on the bridge, and at one time drank a cup of coffee while continuing to give orders to his gunners. it was : when the american fleet withdrew out of range, not because it had suffered any reverses, but merely to ascertain the damages and hold a consultation. not until the commanders had reported to admiral dewey did he learn of the insignificant loss which his fleet had sustained. not one man had been killed and not one vessel was so badly injured but that it was ready to put to sea at once. through the glasses it could be seen that the reina christina and the castilla were burning. the smaller vessels had taken refuge behind the arsenal at cavite. the mindanao had been driven ashore. already the victory was almost complete. the american sailors were wild with enthusiasm. although hardly one of them had slept the night before, and they had been fighting in a burning temperature, they were more than anxious to return to the engagement and finish the good work. it was thought best, however, to take a rest for at least three hours. the decks were cleaned and the guns readjusted, and after food had been served to the men, the fleet formed and headed straight for cavite again. the remnant of the spanish squadron offered very little resistance, but the forts at cavite continued their wild efforts to strike an american warship. making the second attack. this time the baltimore was sent in advance. she headed boldly to within range of the cavite batteries. by this time the americans had a contempt for spanish marksmanship. the baltimore opened fire and pounded away for thirty minutes. at the end of that time every gun of the batteries had been silenced. of the spanish war-ships the antonio de ulloa was the only one which came out of refuge to offer battle with the baltimore and she met with horrible punishment. her decks were literally swept with shell, but even after she was apparently wrecked her lower guns were used with wonderful persistence. the baltimore, having silenced the forts, turned all her guns on the spanish cruiser and actually riddled her. she sank and all her crew went down with her. that was the end of spanish resistance. admiral dewey ordered his light-draught vessels to enter the navy yard and destroy everything that might give future trouble. the boston, the concord and the petrel were detailed for this duty, but the boston, drawing twenty feet, ran aground twice, not knowing the shoals, and had to leave the work to the petrel and concord. by the time these two vessels reached the navy yard they found the vessels there abandoned and most of them on fire. they destroyed the fag end of the spanish fleet, and when sunday afternoon came there was nothing left above water to represent the spanish naval force in asiatic waters except the transport manila. the arsenal had been shelled to pieces. at : o'clock the signal was given that the spanish had surrendered. the word was passed rapidly from ship to ship. the american sailors were crazy with delight. there was tremendous cheering on every ship. the enthusiasm became even greater when the word was passed that not one of our men had been killed and not one american vessel had been injured. the eight men who were hurt by the explosion on the baltimore continued to fight until the end of the battle. the boston was struck once and the officers' quarters set on fire. for some reason the spanish gunners seemed to think that the baltimore was especially dangerous, having the general build of a battleship, and, next to the flagship, she had to withstand the greatest amount of firing, and was struck several times, with no great damage. except for the torn rigging and a few dents here and there few signs could be discovered that the vessels had engaged in one of the most decisive naval battles of modern times. the concord and the petrel were not hit at all, although the latter went deeper into the enemy's position than any other vessel in our fleet the olympia made a glorious record. she was struck thirteen times, counting the shells which tore through her rigging, but she came out as good as she went in. loss of the spanish. compared with these trivial losses the damage done to the spanish was fearful. five hundred and fifty of them were killed and wounded. eleven of their ships were totally demolished, and the americans captured one transport and several smaller vessels. their money loss by reason of the battle was not less than $ , , . during the naval action a battery of -inch guns at manila opened an ineffectual fire on our fleet as it was moving into action north of cavite. the admiral did not return' the fire out of mercy for the people of manila, as any shots passing over the shore batteries would have landed in a populous portion of the city. on monday, may , the raleigh and baltimore were sent to demand the surrender of the forts at the mouth of the bay. these forts were taken without resistance. the troops had fled and only the commandant remained to surrender himself. in regard to the cutting of the cable, admiral dewey regarded the action as necessary. he sent word to the governor by the british consul that if he was permitted to send his dispatches to the united states government the cable would not be cut. the governor refused to promise and admiral dewey decided to stop all communication between manila and madrid. on monday, when the cable was cut, the commander established a marine guard at cavite to protect the hospitals and the spanish wounded. surgeons and the hospital corps of the american fleet were detailed to care for the wounded spaniards, and they cared for them as tenderly as if they were brothers in arms instead of enemies. on wednesday, may , several hundred of the wounded spaniards were conveyed under the red cross flag to manila and were cared for in the hospitals there. the spaniards in manila no longer feared the americans, but they were in dread of capture by the insurgents. the rebels were over-running cavite and pillaging houses. the country back of manila was full of burning buildings and wrecked plantations. the reckless insurgents were applying the torch right and left. admiral montejo's private papers. the most interesting capture made by the americans was a bundle of private papers belonging to admiral montejo. one of these communications, bearing his signature, showed that it was his intention to have a general review and inspection of the fleet at o'clock on sunday morning. this proves that he was not expecting the american fleet so soon. other papers showed that it had been his intention at one time to intrust the defense of manila to the land batteries and take the fleet to subig bay, north of manila, believing that he could there take up a strong position and have an advantage over an attacking fleet. according to the reports from manila the admiral first went ashore at cavite and had his wounds dressed. he succeeded in evading the insurgents, who wished to capture him, and arrived in manila twelve hours after the fight. there are some very interesting figures as to the amount of firing done by our ships during the battle. the olympia fired , shells, aggregating twenty-five tons in weight. the baltimore did even heavier firing, being called upon to reduce the forts after the first engagement, and sent no less than thirty-five tons of metal into the spanish ships and the land batteries. the remainder of the fleet shot a total of eighty tons of metal, making a grand total of tons. the spanish officers attributed the american victory to the rapidity and the accuracy of our fire rather than to the weight of projectiles used. also, the fact that the american ships were painted a lead color and did not stand out boldly against the water made them very unsatisfactory targets and kept the spanish gunners guessing as to the correct range. in spite of his overwhelming defeat admiral montejo did not forget the courtesies of the occasion. on monday he sent word by the british consul to admiral dewey that he wished to compliment the americans on their marksmanship. he said that never before had he witnessed such rapid and accurate firing. admiral dewey, not to be outdone in the amenities of war, sent his compliments to the spanish admiral and praised the spaniards very highly for their courage and resistance. he said that the spanish force was stronger than he had believed it would be before his arrival at the harbor, and he had really expected a shorter and less stubborn battle. it is said that this message, although complimentary to the spanish, did not give admiral montejo any real comfort. the spanish ships destroyed were: the reina christina, flagship of admiral montejo; cruiser castilla (wooden); cruiser don antonio de ulloa; protected cruiser isla de luzon; protected cruiser isla de cuba; gunboat general lezo; gunboat marquis del duero; gunboat el cano; gunboat el velasco; the steamer mindanao, with supplies, burned. these were captured: transport manila, with supplies; gunboat isabella i; cruiser don juan de austria; gunboat rapido; gunboat hercules; two whaleboats; three steam launches. secretary long sent this dispatch immediately to acting admiral dewey: the president, in the name of the american people, thanks you and your officers and men for your splendid achievement and overwhelming victory. in recognition he has appointed you acting admiral, and will recommend a vote of thanks to you by congress as a foundation for further promotion. dewey's new rank. the senate unanimously confirmed the president's nomination making george dewey a rear admiral in the united states navy. congress made the place for him, and the president promoted him. he bears on his shoulders two stars and an anchor instead of two anchors and a star. his pay has been increased from $ , a year to $ , a year, while at sea and until he retires. he was presented with a sword, and medals were struck for his men. his elevation in rank, his increase in pay, are gratifying tributes to his greatness. but there is a rank to which the president could not elevate him, a position that congress could not create, for he created it himself. in the hearts of the people admiral dewey is the hero of manila, holding a place prouder than a king's, a place in the love and admiration and gratitude of a great nation. greater than farragut, greater than hull, greater than hawke or blake or nelson, dewey is the greatest of fleet commanders, the grandest of the heroes of the sea. it will be recorded of him that he was faithful to duty, true to his flag, magnanimous to his enemies and modest in the hour of triumph. chapter xlix. hawaii, and our annexation policy. location of the islands--their population--honolulu, the capital and the metropolis--political history--the traditional policy of the united states--former propositions for annexation-- congressional discussion--the vote in the house of representatives--the hawaiian commission. a work of this character would be incomplete without mention of the hawaiian islands, and their intimate political and commercial connection with our own country. for many years prior to the commencement of the war with spain there had been a growing sentiment in favor of their annexation to the united states, and events in washington during the first month of that conflict showed conclusively that a large majority of the members of both houses of congress were strongly in favor of the measure. the hawaiians are a group of eight inhabited and four uninhabited islands lying in the north pacific ocean, distant from san francisco about , miles, from sidney , miles, and from hongkong , miles. they are the most important in the polynesian group, and were discovered by captain cook in . their combined area is , square miles, and their population is about , . the islands are to a great extent mountainous and volcanic, but the soil is highly productive. sugar, rice, and tropical fruits grow in abundance, and over ninety per cent of the trade is with the united states. fortunes easily made. the world knows comparatively nothing about the great fortunes that have been amassed in hawaii in the last thirty years. the children of the yankee missionaries who sailed from boston and gloucester around the horn to carry the gospel to the sandwich islands in the ' s and ' s are the richest and most aristocratic people in honolulu. for mere songs the sons of missionaries obtained great tracts of marvelously fertile soil for sugar planting in the valleys of the island, and with their natural enterprise and inventive spirit they developed the greatest sugar cane plantations in the world. when the united states gave a treaty to the hawaiian kingdom putting hawaiian raw sugar on the free tariff list, the profits of the sugar planters went up with a bound. for twenty-five years the dividends of several of the yankee companies operating sugar plantations and mills on the islands ranged from to per cent a year. the hawaiian commercial sugar company paid per cent dividends annually from to . the world has never known productiveness so rich as that of the valleys of maui and hawaii for sugar cane. the seed had only to be planted and the rains fell and nature did the rest. one tract of , acres of land on maui was given to a young american, who married a bewitching kanaka girl, by her father, who was delighted to have a pale-faced son-in-law. it was worth about $ at the time. the tract subsequently became a part of a great sugar plantation. it was bought by claus spreckels for $ , and is worth much more than that now. the spreckles, alexander, bishop, smith and akers accumulated millions in one generation of sugar cultivation in the hawaiian islands. hundreds of volcanoes. the volcanoes of hawaii are a class by themselves. they are not only the tallest, but the biggest and strangest in the whole world. considering that they reach from the bottom of the pacific ocean ( , feet deep here) to over , feet above sea level, they really stand , feet high from their suboceanic base to their peaks. the active craters on the islands number , but the dead craters, the ancient chimneys of subterranean lava beds, are numbered by the thousands. the islands are of lavic formation. evidences of extinct volcanoes are so common that one seldom notices them after a few weeks on the islands. ancient lava is present everywhere. the natives know all its virtues, and, while some ancient deposits of lava are used as a fertilizer for soils, other lava beds are blasted for building material and for macadamizing roads. titanic volcanic action is apparent on every side. every headland is an extinct volcano. every island has its special eruption, which, beginning at the unfathomable bottom of the sea, has slowly built up a foundation and then a superstructure of lava. on the island of hawaii and on molokai are huge cracks several thousands of feet deep and many yards wide which were formed by the bursting upward of lava beds ages and ages ago. the marks of the titanic force are plainly visible. mark twain is authority for saying that the two great active volcanoes, mauna loa and kilauea, on the island of hawaii, are the most interesting in the world. certainly they are the most unique. mauna loa is , feet above sea level. every six or seven years there is an eruption from its sides and several times the flow of lava has threatened the ruin of the town of hilo, thirty miles away. the crater on mauna loa is three miles in diameter and feet deep. over the crater hangs an illuminated vapor which may be seen at night over miles distant. when mauna loa is in violent eruption a fountain of molten lava spouts every minute over feet in the air, bursting into , brilliantly colored balls, like a monstrous roman candle pyrotechnic. then there is kilauea--a shorter and flatter volcanic mountain sixteen miles distant. it has the greatest crater known--one nine miles across and from to feet deep. and such a crater! in it is a literal lake of molten lava all the time. at times the lava is over feet deep and at other times it is feet, according to the pressure on it deep in the bowels of the earth. signs of volcanic activity are present all the time throughout the depth of the molten mass in the form of steam, cracks, jets of sulphurous smoke and blowing cones. the crater itself is constantly rent and shaken by earthquakes. nearly all tourists go to see the marvelous eruptions on mauna loa and kilauea. hotels have been built on the mountain sides for the accommodation of sightseers, and there are plenty of guides about the craters. oahu has many places of interest outside of honolulu. one may visit the sugar plantations, rice farms, and may go to pearl harbor or the punchbowl. the latter is an extinct volcano rising a few hundred feet above the town. another resort is the pali, the highest point in the pass through the range of mountains that divides oahu. it is the fashion, and a very good fashion it is, to see the pali and praise its charms. it is the yosemite of hawaii. the view from this height sweeps the whole island from north to south. in the direction of the capital the land slopes to a level two miles from the sea and then spreads flatly to the shore. the hillsides are not, as a rule, in a state of cultivation, although the soil is fertile. the land is now cumbered with wild guava, which bears fruit as big as the lemon, and with the lantana, the seeds of which are scattered broadcast by an imported bird called the minah. on the lower ground small farmers, mostly orientals, make their homes, and there are several cane plantations. honolulu, the capital and chief city, has a population of about , , and presents more of the appearance of a civilized place than any other town in polynesia. although consisting largely of one-story wooden houses, mingled with grass huts half smothered by foliage, its streets are laid out in the american style, and are straight, neat and tidy. water-works supply the town from a neighboring valley, and electric lights, telephones, street car lines, and other modern improvements are not lacking. the arrangement of the streets in honolulu reminds many americans of those in boston or the older part of new york. all the streets are narrow, but well kept, and, with a few exceptions, they meander here and there at will. a dozen thoroughfares are crescent shaped and twist and turn when one least expects. all the streets are smooth and hard under a dressing of thousands of wagon loads of shells and lava pounded down and crushed by an immense steam roller brought from san francisco. the independence of the islands declared. in the independence of the hawaiian islands was formally guaranteed by the english and french governments, and for a number of years they were under a constitutional monarchy. on the death of king kalakaua in , his sister, the princess liliuokalani, succeeded to the throne, and soon proved herself to be an erratic and self-willed ruler. she remained constantly at variance with her legislature and advisers, and in january, , attempted to promulgate a new constitution, depriving foreigners of the right of franchise, and abrogating the existing house of nobles, at the same time giving herself power of appointing a new house. this was resisted by the foreign element of the community, who at once appointed a committee of safety, consisting of thirteen members, who called a mass meeting of their class, at which about , persons were present. the meeting unanimously adopted resolutions condemning the action of the queen, and authorizing a committee to take into further consideration whatever was necessary to protect the public safety. the committee issued a proclamation to the hawaiian people, formed itself into a provisional government, took possession of the national property, and sent commissioners to the united states inviting this republic to annex the islands. the united states did not respond, but continued the old relation of friendly guarantor. a constitutional convention held session from may to july , , and on july the constitution was proclaimed, the new government calling itself the "republic of hawaii." in refusing to grant this appeal for annexation, the officials at the head of the united states government at that time were of the opinion that such action would be in direct opposition to our traditional policy, and the same argument has since been advanced by the opponents of the plan. we were thus brought face to face with the question, "what is american policy?" many statesmen of recent years have declared that our great growth and increasing importance among nations imposed obligations which should force us to take greater part in the affairs of the world. following the lead of european statecraft, they also asserted that we should adopt this policy to encourage and protect our expanding commercial interests. not only were we facing problems the war directly presented, but other nations seemed to think that we were about to cast aside the advice of washington concerning entangling alliances, and establish the relation of an ally with great britain. edward everett foresaw the extension of the republican idea, and declared that "in the discharge of the duty devolved upon us by providence, we have to carry the republican independence, which our fathers achieved, with all the organized institutions of an enlightened community--institutions of religion, law, education, charity, art and all the thousand graces of the highest culture-- beyond the missouri, beyond the sierra nevada; perhaps in time around the circuit of the antilles, perhaps to the archipelagoes of the central pacific." the treaty of with great britain defined the western boundary of the united states as the mississippi river, down to the florida line on the st parallel of north latitude. the original colonies comprised less than half of this area, the rest being organized several years later as the northwest territory. in the united states purchased from napoleon for $ , , the province of louisiana, over , , square miles in area, including louisiana, missouri, arkansas, the indian territory, most of kansas, nebraska, iowa, minnesota, the two dakotas, montana, colorado, idaho, oregon, washington and most of wyoming. with this cession came absolute ownership and control of the mississippi. by the treaty of february , , with spain, florida was next acquired, and spain abandoned all claims upon the territory between the rocky mountains and the pacific, embraced in the louisiana purchase. texas was annexed in . under the treaty of guadaloupe hidalgo, in , which ended the mexican war, california, nevada, parts of colorado and wyoming, utah, new mexico and arizona became a part of the united states. the gadsden purchase of acquired the portion of this territory south of the gila river. fourteen years later the territory of alaska was purchased from russia. territorial acquisition has been the policy of successive periods of american politics. hitherto annexation has been confined to contiguous territory, except in the case of alaska, separated only by narrow stretches of sea and land. but in the case of the hawaiian islands an entirely different problem confronted us. hawaiian annexation in history. the question of annexation of the hawaiian islands has been before the american people in some form for nearly fifty years. in a deed of provisional cession of the islands to the united states was executed by king kamehameha ill., and delivered to the united states minister at honolulu--the act being subsequently ratified by joint resolution of the two houses of the hawaiian legislature. in a formal treaty of annexation was negotiated between king kamehameha and the hon. david l. gregg, in the capacity of commissioner, and acting under special instructions of secretary marcy, then secretary of state under president pierce. the king died, however, before the engrossed copy of the treaty had been signed, which prevented the completion of the act. but for this there is every reason to believe that annexation would have been an accomplished fact at that time, as the administration of president pierce was thoroughly committed to it. the policy then distinctly enunciated was not to have the islands come in as a state but as a territory. president grant was a zealous advocate of annexation, and in a reciprocity treaty with the islands was entered into by secretary fish, under which the hawaiian government bound itself not to "lease or otherwise dispose of or create any lien upon any port, harbor, or other territory ... or grant any special privilege or right of use therein to any other government," nor enter into any reciprocity treaty with any other government. thirteen years later ( ), under the administration of president cleveland, there was a renewal of this treaty, to which was added a clause giving to the united states authority for the exclusive use of pearl river (or harbor) as a coaling and repair station for its vessels, with permission to improve the same. article iv of this treaty bound the respective governments to admit certain specified articles free of duty and contained the following provision: "it is agreed, on the part of his hawaiian majesty, that so long as this treaty shall remain in force he will not lease or otherwise dispose of or create any lien upon any port, harbor, or other territory in his dominions, or grant any special privilege or rights of use therein, to any other power, state, or government, nor make any treaty by which any other nation shall obtain the same privileges, relative to the admission of any articles free of duty, hereby secured to the united states." this treaty was to remain in force seven years (until ), but, after that date, was declared to be terminable by either party after twelve months' notice to that effect. there have been two treaties relating to annexation before congress within the last five years, the first negotiated by secretary of state john w. foster during the administration of president harrison in , the other by secretary sherman under the mckinley administration on the th day of june, . the first was withdrawn by president cleveland after his accession to the presidency. both were ratified by the hawaiian legislature in accordance with a provision of the constitution of the republic, and that body, by unanimous vote of both houses, on may , , declared: "that the legislature of the republic of hawaii continues to be, as heretofore, firmly and steadfastly in favor of the annexation of the hawaiian islands to the united states of america, and in advocating such policy it feels assured that it is expressing not only its own sentiments but those of the voters of this republic." the necessity for a closer relation of the two republics than that provided for by a commercial treaty, terminable at the pleasure of either, has been recognized by nearly every president and secretary of state from john tyler down to president mckinley, by none more strongly than by daniel webster in and by secretary marcy in , while like views have been favored by secretaries seward, fish, bayard, foster, and sherman since. the strategic value of the islands in case of war and their commercial value at all times are so bound up together that it is impossible to separate them. the former has been testified to by such eminent military and naval authorities as general j. m. schofield and general alexander of the united states army and captain a. t. mahan, admiral belknap, admiral dupont, and george w. mellville, engineer in chief of the united states navy, and many others. their commercial value is demonstrated by the fact that their trade with the united states for the fiscal year, ending june, (amounting to $ , , ), exceeded that with either of the following states and confederations: argentina, central america, spain, switzerland, venezuela, russia, or denmark; was more than twice that with colombia or sweden and norway; nearly three times that with chile; four times that with uruguay; nearly four times that with portugal; nearly seven times that with turkey; ten times greater than that with peru, and greater than that of greece, peru, turkey, portugal, and sweden and norway combined. vote for annexation. by a vote of to the house of representatives on the afternoon of june adopted the newlands resolutions, providing for the annexation of hawaii. the debate, which was continued without interruption for three days, was one of the most notable of congress, the proposed annexation being considered of great commercial and strategic importance by its advocates, and being looked upon by its opponents as involving a radical departure from the long-established policy of the country and likely to be followed by the inauguration of a pronounced policy of colonization, the abandonment of the monroe doctrine and participation in international wrangles. more than half a hundred members participated in the debate. notable speeches were made by messrs, berry, smith and hepburn for, and by messrs. johnson and williams against the pending measure. few members were upon the floor until late in the afternoon and the galleries had few occupants. as the hour of voting drew near, however, members began taking their places and there were few more than a score of absentees when the first roll call was taken. the announcement of the vote upon the passage of the resolutions was cheered upon the floor and applauded generally by the spectators. the resolutions adopted in a preamble relate the offer of the hawaiian republic to cede all of its sovereignty and absolute title to the government and crown lands, and then by resolution accept the cession and declare the islands annexed. the resolutions provide for a commission of five, at least two of whom shall be resident hawaiians, to recommend to congress such legislation as they may deem advisable. the public debt of hawaii, not to exceed $ , , , is assumed, chinese immigration is prohibited, all treaties with other powers are declared null, and it is provided that until congress shall provide for the government of the islands all civil, judicial and military powers now exercised by the officers of the existing government shall be exercised in such manner as the president shall direct, and he is given power to appoint persons to put in effect a provisional government for the islands. mr. fitzgerald spoke against the newlands resolutions. in the course of his speech he emphasized the failure of the majority of hawaiians to express their desire relative to annexation. he insisted that every people had the right to the government of their choice. speaking further, mr. fitzgerald opposed annexation on the ground that an injurious labor element would be brought into competition with american laborers. supporting the resolution mr. berry devoted much of his time to showing that annexation was in line with democratic policy. he reviewed the territorial additions to the original states to show that practically all had been made by democrats. mr. berry digressed to speak of the philippine situation, and while not advocating the retention of the islands he declared the united states should brook no interference upon the part of germany. he said america should resent any intervention with all her arms and warships. mr. berry's remarks in this connection were applauded generously. william alden smith, member of the committee on foreign affairs, advocating annexation, said: "annexation is not new to us. in my humble opinion the whole north american continent and every island in the gulf and the caribbean sea and such islands in the pacific as may be deemed desirable are worthy of our ambition. not that we are earth hungry, but, as a measure of national protection and advantage, it is the duty of the american people to lay peaceful conquest wherever opportunity may be offered. "it has been argued that our constitution makes no provision for a colonial system, but if president monroe had been merely a lawyer, if he had contented himself by looking for precedent which he was unable to find, if he had consulted the jurisprudence of his time and planned his action along academic lines the greatest doctrine ever announced to the civilized world, which now bears his name, though in unwritten law, but in the inspiration, the hope, the security of every american heart, would have found no voice potent enough and courageous enough to have encircled the western hemisphere with his peaceful edict. "precedent, sir, may do for a rule of law upon which a fixed and definite superstructure must be built, but it is the duty of statesmanship to cease looking at great public questions with a microscope and sweep the world's horizon with a telescope from a commanding height." mr. johnson then was recognized for a speech in opposition. he laid down the three propositions that annexation was unnecessary as a war measure in the present conflict with spain; that annexation was unnecessary to prevent the islands from falling into the hands of some other power to be used against us, and that the proposition to annex was inherently wrong and was the opening wedge upon an undesirable and disastrous policy of colonization. advancing to the danger of annexation being the first step in colonization, he said gentlemen could not deny that the holding of the philippines was contemplated already. what was more deplorable and significant, he said, was the expressed fear of the president lest spain should sue for peace before we could secure puerto rico. mr. johnson said men were already speaking disparagingly of the cubans and their capacity for government, and it was useless to attempt to hide the truth that american eyes of avarice were already turned to cuba, although but two months since action was taken to free and establish that island as independent. reply by mr. dolliver. mr. dolliver, speaking in support of the resolutions, complimented the speech of the indiana member, but suggested its success as an applause-getter would be greater than as a maker of votes. "i cannot understand," declared mr. dolliver, "how a man who distrusts everything of his own country can fail utterly to suspect anything upon the part of other great powers of the world." concluding, mr. dolliver refuted the charge that annexationists had any hidden motives looking to colonial expansion. as to the future of the philippines, cuba and puerto rico, he declared that he knew nothing, but he had faith that in the providence of god the american people would be guided aright and these questions would be met and disposed of properly when occasion should arise. mr. cummings, in a ten-minute speech, supported annexation and indulged in severe denunciation of former president cleveland for his effort to re-establish the monarchy in hawaii and the hauling down of the american flag by commissioner blount. mr. hepburn was recognized to conclude in support of the resolutions. he believed the people of the country were familiar with the issue involved, and the time was opportune for a vote and final action. answering the claim that annexation would mean launching upon colonization, he disavowed any such understanding. he said he hoped to see every spanish possession fall into the possession of this country in order to contribute to the enemy's injury, and that being accomplished the question of their disposition would arise and be met when the war should end. the house resolution extending the sovereignty of the united states over hawaii was adopted in the senate by a vote of forty-two to twenty-one, and president mckinley's signature added that country to our possessions. the president appointed as commissioners to visit the islands and draw up for the guidance of congress a system of laws for their government, the following gentlemen: senator shelby m. cullom, of illinois; senator john t. morgan, of alabama; representative robert r. hitt, of illinois; president sanford b. dole, of hawaii; justice w. f. frear, of hawaii. chapter l. continued success for american soldiers and sailors. the bombardment of san juan--the engagement at cardenas--the voyage of the oregon--the battle at guantanamo--santiago under fire--landing the troops in cuba--the charge of the rough riders --the sinking of the merrimac--the destruction of cervera's fleet-- the fall of santiago. on the morning of may , a portion of the fleet, commanded by admiral sampson, made an attack on the forts of san juan de puerto rico. the engagement began at : a. m. and ended at : a. m. the enemy's batteries were not silenced, but great damage was done to them, and the town in the rear of the fortifications suffered great losses. the ships taking part in the action were the iowa, indiana, new york, terror, amphitrite, detroit, montgomery, wampatuck, and porter. at o'clock in the morning all hands were called on the iowa, a few final touches in clearing ship were made, and at "general quarters" sounded. the men were eager for the fight. the tug wampatuck went ahead and anchored its small boat to the westward, showing ten fathoms, but there was not a sign of life from the fort, which stood boldly against the sky on the eastern hills hiding the town. the detroit steamed far to the eastward, opposite valtern. the iowa headed straight for the shore. suddenly its helm flew over, bringing the starboard battery to bear on the fortifications. at : a.m. the iowa's forward twelve-inch guns thundered out at the sleeping hills, and for fourteen minutes they poured starboard broadsides on the coast. meanwhile the indiana, the new york, and other ships repeated the dose from the rear. the iowa turned and came back to the wampatuck's boat and again led the column, the forts replying fiercely, concentrating on the detroit, which was about yards away, all the batteries on the eastward arm of the harbor. thrice the column passed from the entrance of the harbor to the extreme eastward battery. utter indifference was shown for the enemy's fire. the wounded were quickly attended, the blood was washed away, and everything proceeded like target practice. morro battery, on the eastward arm of the harbor, was the principal point of attack. rear admiral sampson and captain evans were on the lower bridge of the iowa and had a narrow escape from flying splinters, which injured three men. the iowa was hit eight times, but the shells made no impression on its armor. the weather was fine, but the heavy swells made accurate aim difficult. the broadsides from the iowa and indiana rumbled in the hills ashore for five minutes after they were delivered. clouds of dust showed where the shells struck, but the smoke hung over everything. the shells screeching overhead and dropping around showed that the spaniards still stuck to their guns. the enemy's firing was heavy, but wild, and the iowa and new york were the only ships hit. they went right up under the guns in column, delivering broadsides, and then returned. the after-turret of the amphitrite got out of order temporarily during the engagement, but it banged away with its forward guns. after the first passage before the forts, the detroit and the montgomery retired, their guns being too small to do much damage. the porter and wampatuck also stayed out of range. the smoke hung over everything, spoiling the aim of the gunners and making it impossible to tell where our shots struck. the officers and men of all the ships behaved with coolness and bravery. the shots flew thick and fast over all our ships. the men of the iowa who were hurt during the action were injured by splinters thrown by an eight-inch shell, which came through a boat into the superstructure, and scattered fragments in all directions. the shot's course was finally ended on an iron plate an inch thick. at : a. m. admiral sampson signaled "cease firing." "retire" was sounded on the iowa, and it headed from the shore. after the battle was over admiral sampson said: "i am satisfied with the morning's work. i could have taken san juan, but had no force to hold it. i merely wished to punish the spaniards, and render the port unavailable as a refuge for the spanish fleet. i came to destroy that fleet and not to take san juan." the man killed by the fire from the forts was frank widemark, a seaman on the flagship new york. a gunner's mate on the amphitrite died during the action from prostration caused by the extreme heat and excitement. the iowa, indiana, new york, terror, and amphitrite went close under the fortifications after the armed tug wampatuck had piloted the way and made soundings. the detroit and montgomery soon drew out of the line of battle, their guns being too small for effective work against fortifications. three times the great fighting ships swung past morro and the batteries, roaring out a continuous fire. whenever the dense smoke would lift, great gaps could be seen in the gray walls of morro, while from the batteries men could be seen scurrying in haste. the spanish fire was quick enough, but ludicrously uncertain. this was shown after admiral sampson had given the order to cease firing and retire. the monitor terror evidently misunderstood the order, for it remained well in range of the spanish guns and continued the bombardment alone. the few guns still served by the spaniards kept banging away at the terror, and some of the shots missed it at least a mile. it remained at its work for half an hour before retiring, and in all this time was not once hit. the first americans killed. america's first dead fell on the th of may in a fierce and bloody combat off cardenas, on the north coast of cuba. five men were blown to pieces and five were wounded on the torpedo boat winslow. the battle was between the torpedo boat winslow, the auxiliary tug hudson, and the gunboat wilmington on one side, and the cardenas batteries and four spanish gunboats on the other. the battle lasted but thirty-five minutes, but was remarkable for terrific fighting. the winslow was the main target of the enemy, and was put out of service. the other american vessels were not damaged, except that the hudson's two ventilators were slightly scratched by flying shrapnel. the winslow was within , yards of the shore when the shells struck. how it came to be so close was told by its commander, lieutenant john bernadou. he said: "we were making observations when the enemy opened fire on us. the wilmington ordered us to go in and attack the gunboats. we went in under full steam and there's the result." he was on the hudson when he said this, and with the final words he pointed to the huddle of american flags on the deck near by. under the stars and stripes were outlined five rigid forms. list of the killed: worth bagley, ensign; john daniels, first-class fireman; john tunnel, cabin cook; john varveres, oiler. the wounded: j. b. bernadou, lieutenant, commanding the winslow; r. e. cox, gunner's mate; d. mckeowan, quartermaster; j. patterson, fireman; f. gray. story of the fight. the story of the fight, as told by the hudson's men, is as follows: the winslow, the hudson, the machias, and the wilmington were among the ships off cardenas on the blockade, the wilmington acting as flagship. the machias lay about twelve miles out. the others were stationed close in, on what is called the inside line. at a quarter to o'clock the hudson, under captain f. h. newton, was taking soundings in diana cay bars and romero cay, just outside cardenas, so close to shore that it grounded, but it floated off easily into the shallow water. at half past the wilmington spoke the hudson and the winslow and assigned them to duty, the winslow to start to the eastern shore of, cardenas bay and the hudson to the western shore, while the wilmington took its station in mid-channel. this work occupied two hours. nothing was discovered on either shore, and the boats were approaching each other on their return when a puff of smoke was observed on shore at cardenas, and a shell whistled over them. the winslow was on the inside, nearer the shore. the hudson and the winslow reported to the wilmington, and orders came promptly to go in and open fire; but the spaniards had not waited for a reply to their first shot. the cardenas harbor shore had already become one dense cloud of smoke, shot with flashes of fire and an avalanche of shells was bursting toward the little winslow: this was at five minutes past o'clock, and for twenty minutes the firing continued from the shore without cessation, but none of the shots had at that time found their mark, though they were striking dangerously near. meanwhile the hudson's two six-pounders were banging away at a terrific rate. how many of the torpedo boat's shots took effect is not known. the first two of the hudson's shells fell short, but after these two every one floated straight into the smoke-clouded shore. the spaniard's aim in the meantime was improving and it was presently seen that two empty barks had been anchored off shore. it was twenty-five minutes before o'clock when a four-inch shell struck the winslow on the starboard beam, knocking out its forward boiler and starboard engine and crippling the steering gear, but no one was injured. lieutenant bernadou was standing forward watching the battle with calm interest and directing his men as coolly as if they were at target practice. by the one-pounder amidships stood ensign bagley, the oiler, the two firemen, and the cook. the little boat gasped and throbbed and rolled helplessly from side to side. lieutenant bernadou did not stop for an examination. he knew his boat was uncontrollable. the hudson was a short distance off still pounding away with her guns. it was hailed and asked to take the winslow in tow. it was a vital moment. guns roared from shore and sea. lieutenant scott, in charge of the hudson's aft gun, sat on a box and smoked a cigarette as he directed the fire. captain newton stood near lieutenant meed at the forward gun and watched its workings with interest. chief engineer gutchin never missed his bell. a group of sailors was making ready to heave a line to the winslow, and ensign bagley and his four men stood on the port side of the latter vessel, waiting to receive it. a vicious fire was singing about them. the spaniards seemed to have found the exact range. killed by a bursting shell. there was a momentary delay in heaving the towline, and ensign bagley suggested that the hudson's men hurry. "heave her," he called. "let her come; it's getting pretty warm here." the line was thrown and grabbed by the winslow's men. grimy with sweat and powder, they tugged at it and drew nearer foot by foot to the hudson. almost at the same instant another four-inch shell shrieked through the smoke and burst directly under them. five bodies went whirling through the air. two of the group were dead when they fell--ensign bagley and fireman daniels. the young ensign was literally disemboweled, and the entire lower portion of the fireman's body was torn away. the other three died within a few minutes. a flying piece of shrapnel struck lieutenant bernadou in the thigh and cut an ugly gash, but the lieutenant did not know it then. with the explosion of the shell the hawser parted and the winslow's helm went hard to starboard, and, with its steering gear smashed, the torpedo boat floundered about in the water at the mercy of the enemy's fire, which never relaxed. the fire of the americans was of the usual persistent character, and the nerve of the men was marvelous. even after the winslow's starboard engine and steering gear were wrecked the little boat continued pouring shot into the spaniards on shore until it was totally disabled. meanwhile the wilmington from its outlying station was busy with its bigger guns and sent shell after shell from its four-inch guns crashing into the works on shore, and their execution must have been deadly. not a fragment of shot or shell from the enemy reached the wilmington. the hudson quickly threw another line to the winslow, and the helpless torpedo boat was made fast and pulled out of the spaniards' exact range. the tug then towed it to piedras cay, a little island twelve miles off, near which the machias lay. there it was anchored for temporary repairs, while the hudson brought the ghastly cargo into key west, with dr. richards of the machias attending to the wounded. not until this mournful journey was begun was it learned that lieutenant bernadou had been injured. he scoffed at the wound as a trifle, but submitted to treatment and is doing well. when the hudson drew up to the government dock at key west the flags at half mast told the few loiterers on shore that death had come to some one, and the bunting spread on the deck, with here and there a foot protruding from beneath, confirmed the news. ambulances were called and the wounded were carried quickly to the army barracks hospital. the dead were taken to the local undertaker's shop, where they lay all day on slabs, the mutilated forms draped with flags. the public were permitted to view the remains, and all day a steady stream of people flowed through the shop. the american boats made furious havoc with cardenas harbor and town. the captain of the hudson said: "i know we destroyed a large part of their town near the wharves, burned one of their gunboats, and i think destroyed two other torpedo destroyers. we were in a vortex of shot, shell and smoke, and could not tell accurately, but we saw one of their boats on fire and sinking soon after the action began. then a large building near the wharf, i think the barracks, took fire, and many other buildings were soon burning. the spanish had masked batteries on all sides of us, hidden in bushes and behind houses. they set a trap for us. as soon as we got within range of their batteries they would move them. i think their guns were field pieces. our large boats could not get into the harbor to help us on account of the shallow water." amid a perfect storm of shot from spanish rifles and batteries the american forces made an attempt to cut the cables at cienfuegos, on the th of may. four determined boat crews, under command of lieutenant winslow and ensign magruder, from the cruiser marblehead and gunboat nashville, put out from the ships, the coast having previously been shelled, and began their perilous work. the cruiser marblehead, the gunboat nashville and the auxiliary cruiser windom drew up a thousand yards from shore with their guns manned for desperate duty. one cable was quickly severed and the work was in progress on the other when the spaniards in rifle pits and a battery in an old lighthouse standing out in the bay opened fire. the warships poured in a thunderous volley, their great guns belching forth massive shells into the swarms of the enemy. the crews of the boats proceeded with their desperate work, notwithstanding the fact that a number of men had fallen, and, after finishing their task, returned to the ships through a blinding smoke and a heavy fire. two men were killed, and seven wounded by the fire of the enemy. captain maynard had a narrow escape from death. a rifle shot hit his side close to the heart, but caused only a flesh wound and he kept at his post to the end. the officers of the windom were enthusiastic over the work of the men in the launches. they fired in regular order and shot well. the windom demolished the lighthouse, which was in reality a fort, and not one stone was left standing upon another. on may admiral sampson ordered captain goodrich to cut the french cable running from mole st. nicholas, hayti, to guantanamo, cuba, about thirty miles to the eastward of santiago. in compliance with this order the st. louis and the wampatuck appeared off guantanamo about daylight, and the wampatuck, with lieutenant jungen in command and chief officer seagrave, ensign payne, lieutenant catlin and eight marines and four seamen on board, steamed into the mouth of the harbor, and, dropping a grapnel in eight fathoms of water, proceeded to drag across the mouth of the harbor for the cable. about fathoms of line were run out when the cable was hooked in fifty fathoms of water. this time the lookout reported a spanish gun-boat coming down the harbor and a signal was sent to the st. louis, lying half a mile outside. she had already discovered it, and immediately opened fire with her two port six-pounders. the wampatuck then commenced firing with her one three-pounder. the gunboat, however, was out of range of these small guns and, the shells fell short. the spaniards opened fire with a four-inch gun, and every shot went whistling over the little wampatuck and struck in the water between her and the st. louis. being well out of range of the six-pounders the gunboat was perfectly safe, and she steamed back and forth firing her larger guns. for about forty minutes the tug worked on the cable, while the shells were striking all around her, but she seemed to bear a charmed life. captain goodrich, seeing that he could not get the gunboat within range of his small guns, while that vessel could easily reach the st. louis and wanipatuck with her heavier battery, signaled the tug to withdraw. the grappling line was cut and both vessels steamed out to sea, leaving the cable uncut. as the tug turned and started out it was noticed that riflemen on shore were firing at her. lieutenant catlin opened up with the gatling gun mounted aft and the spaniards on shore could be seen scattering and running for shelter. the french cable was cut the next morning off mole st. nicholas, well outside of the three-mile limit. lieutenant catlin was formerly on the battleship maine, and perhaps he took more than ordinary interest in firing his guns. "you could tell by the grim smile on his face as he fired each shot," one of his brother officers said, "that he was trying to 'get even,' as far as lay in his power, for the awful work in havana harbor." second call for volunteers. the president issued a proclamation calling for , more volunteers on may . this made the total army strength, regular and volunteer, , . the official call issued by the president in the form of a proclamation was as follows: whereas, an act of congress was approved on the th day of april, , entitled "an act declaring that war exists between the united states of america and the kingdom of spain," and, whereas, by an act of congress, entitled "an act to provide for temporarily increasing the military establishment of the united states in time of war and for other purposes," approved april , , the president is authorized, in order to raise a volunteer army, to issue his proclamation calling for volunteers to serve in the army of the united states, now, therefore, i, william mckinley, president of the united states, by virtue of the power vested in me by the constitution and the laws and deeming sufficient occasion to exist, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, volunteers to the aggregate number of , in addition to the volunteers called forth by my proclamation of the d day of april, in the present year; the same to be apportioned, as far as practicable, among the several states and territories and the district of columbia, according to population, and to serve for two years unless sooner discharged. the proportion of each arm and the details of enlistment and organization will be made known through the war department. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. done at the city of washington, this th day of may, in the year of our lord, , and of the independence of the united states, the d. william mckinley. by the president, william k. day, secretary of state. running down his prey. four weeks after the victory of rear-admiral dewey at manila, commodore schley, in command of the flying squadron, had his shrewdness and pertinacity rewarded by finding the spanish fleet in the harbor of santiago de cuba. for ten days he had, in the face of conflicting rumors, insisted that the ships of spain were trying to make a landing on the southern coast of cuba. this was evidently not in consonance with certain official information and his opinion was not given much weight. the captain of the british steamer adula, who was interviewed at cienfuegos, told of seeing the spanish fleet in the vicinity of santiago de cuba, evidently awaiting an opportunity to get in. captain sigsbee of the st. paul related how he had captured a spanish coal vessel going into the harbor of santiago, and commodore schley argued from these two incidents that the fleet of spain was waiting in some haven near by until such time as a visit, fruitless in its results, should be made there by the americans when, upon their departure, the spanish fleet would run in. consequently, commodore schley determined to find it. himself in the lead with the flagship, he started toward the harbor. the spanish troops at the works and batteries could be seen, through glasses, preparing in haste to give the american ships as warm a reception as possible. when about five miles from the batteries the lookouts reported the masts of two ships, and flag lieutenant sears and ensign mccauley made out the first to be the cristobal colon. two torpedo boats were also made out and a second vessel of the vizcaya class was seen. all this time commodore schley was upon the afterbridge of the brooklyn making good use of his binoculars. arrived at the harbor entrance, when the ships were sighted from the deck, he turned his eyes from the glasses long enough to wink and say: "i told you i would find them. they will be a long time getting home." the voyage of the oregon. the voyage of the oregon from san francisco to florida is a matter of historic interest, for it was the first craft of the kind to weather the famous cape. when it anchored off sand key, fla., it had completed the longest trip ever made by a battleship. altogether she sailed , miles in eighty-one days, and this includes the days she spent in coaling. prior to this trip the record for long voyages had been held by a british flagship, which steamed from england to china. the distance from puget sound to sand key is more than two-thirds the circumference of the earth. the big trip was a record of itself, and it included within it several minor records for battleship steaming. for example, the oregon ran , miles without a stop of any kind for any purpose. such a run is longer than the voyage from new york to queenstown or to bremen or to havre. it is comparable with the great runs of the magnificent merchant ships of the peninsular and oriental steamship navigation company from london to calcutta, bombay and madras. it was a triumph for any kind of a ship, but it was a wonder for a battleship. the oregon left puget sound march , left san francisco on march and drew up at sand key, fla., on may . everything on board of her was shipshape. her engines, of , horse power, were bright and fresh and ready for another voyage of , miles. not a bolt was loose; not a screw was out of order. hobson wins fame. on thursday, june , admiral sampson decided to send the collier merrimac into the bay of santiago and sink it in the channel's narrowest part, for the purpose of holding cervera and his fleet in the harbor, until the time when their capture or destruction seemed advisable. he called for volunteers, explaining that it was a desperate mission, death being almost certain for all those who ventured in. then the navy showed the stuff of which it is made. admiral sampson wanted eight men. he could have had every officer and man in the fleet, for all were more than ready. lieutenant richmond p. hobson was selected to command the expedition, and daniel montague, george charette, j. c. murphy, osborn deignan, george f. phillips, francis kelly and b. clausen were detailed to accompany him. just before o'clock on the morning of the d the collier, deeply laden with, ballast material and some coal, was headed without preliminary maneuver straight for the entrance, over which the remaining batteries from morro frowned from one side, and those from socapa from the other. in the darkness of the early morning the merrimac, without a light showing anywhere, dashed within the line of the forts before it was discovered, sampson's ships thundering at the enemy's batteries to divert their attention from the collier. the spaniards soon detected it, however, and brought every possible gun to bear. in the face of a terrific fire of shot and shell from spanish guns the merrimac ran into the narrow channel, where it was swung across and anchored. then lieutenant hobson blew a hole in the ship's bottom and with his seven men took to a boat. they first made an effort to row out of the harbor and regain the american fleet, but soon realizing that, to attempt to pass the aroused batteries would mean certain death to all, they turned and rowed straight towards the spanish squadron, and surrendered to admiral cervera, who held them as prisoners of war. the spanish commander sent his chief of staff, captain oviedo, under a flag of truce to admiral sampson, bearing the information of the safety of the heroes. the spanish officers were enthusiastic in their praise of the bravery shown by hobson and his men, and looked upon them with amazement as heroes whose gallantry far exceeded any spanish conception of what men might do for their country, and it was with great chagrin that admiral cervera was prevented by the madrid authorities from returning the heroic young officer and his brave men to admiral sampson, but was compelled to deliver them to the military authorities ashore as prisoners of war. thrown into a dungeon by linares. general linares, with the brutal instinct that had marked his conduct of cuban affairs already intrusted to him, deliberately placed hobson and his men in morro castle as a shield against the fire of sampson's squadron. here hobson was locked up for five days in solitary confinement in a filthy dungeon under conditions which must have soon resulted in his serious illness and perhaps in death. the treatment he received and the scanty food given him were no better than that accorded to a common criminal condemned to execution. this punishment, however, was of short duration on account of the vigorous protest which was made through a neutral power to spain, coupled with admiral sampson's notice to the spanish admiral that he would be held personally responsible for hobson's welfare. under these circumstances admiral cervera interposed his influence with general linares; and hobson, with his men, was transferred to the barracks in the city. here his solitary confinement continued, but he could look out of a window to the hills on the east and see the smoke from the american rifles of general shatter's men firing from their intrenchments with the consolation that his captivity would be of short duration. after the assault on santiago arrangements were made by the commanders of the two armies for the exchange of lieutenant hobson and his men for spanish prisoners held by the americans, and a truce was established for that purpose. the place selected for the exchange was under a tree between the american and spanish lines, two-thirds of a mile beyond the intrenchments occupied by colonel wood's rough riders, near general wheeler's headquarters, and in the center of the american line. the american prisoners left the reina mercedes hospital on the outskirts of santiago de cuba, where they had been confined, in charge of major irles, a spanish staff officer, who speaks english perfectly. the prisoners were conducted to the meeting place on foot, but were not blindfolded. colonel john jacob astor and lieutenant miloy, accompanied by interpreter maestro, were in charge of the spanish prisoners. these consisted of lieutenants amelio volez and aurelius, a german, who were captured at el caney, and lieutenant adolfo aries and fourteen non-commissioned officers and privates. lieutenant aries and a number of the men were wounded in the fight at el caney. the spanish prisoners were taken through the american lines mounted and blindfolded. the meeting between colonel astor and major irles was extremely courteous, but very formal, and no attempt was made by either of them to discuss anything but the matter in hand. major irles was given his choice of three spanish lieutenants in exchange for hobson, and was also informed that he could have all of the fourteen men in exchange for the american sailors. the spanish officers selected lieutenant aries, and the other two spanish officers were conducted back to juragua. it was then not later than o'clock, and just as everything was finished and the two parties were separating irles turned and said, courteously enough, but in a tone which indicated considerable defiance and gave his hearers the impression that he desired hostilities to be renewed at once: "our understanding is, gentlemen, that this truce comes to an end at o'clock." colonel astor looked at his watch, bowed to the spanish officer, without making a reply, and then started back slowly to the american lines, with hobson and his companions following. the meeting of the two parties and the exchange of prisoners had taken place in full view of both the american and spanish soldiers who were intrenched near the meeting place, and the keenest interest was taken in the episode. santiago under fire. on the morning of june the american fleet engaged the spanish batteries defending the entrance of the harbor of santiago de cuba, and, after three hours' bombardment, silenced nearly all the forts, destroyed several earthworks, and rendered the estrella and cayo batteries, two of the principal fortifications, useless. the fleet formed in double column, six miles off morro castle, at o'clock in the morning, and steamed slowly , yards off shore, the brooklyn leading, followed by the marblehead, texas and massachusetts, and turned westward. the second line, the new york leading, with the new orleans, yankee, iowa and oregon following, turned eastward. the vixen and suwanee were far out on the left flank, watching the riflemen on shore. the dolphin and porter did similar duty on the right flank. the line headed by the new york attacked the new earthworks near morro castle. the brooklyn column took up a station opposite the estrella and catalina batteries and the new earthworks along the shore. the spanish batteries remained silent. it is doubtful whether the spaniards were able to determine the character of the movement, owing to the dense fog and heavy rain which were the weather features this morning. suddenly the iowa fired a twelve-inch shell, which struck the base of estrella battery and tore up the works. instantly firing began from both rear-admiral sampson's and commodore schley's column, and a torrent of shells from the ships fell upon the spanish works. the spaniards replied promptly, but their artillery work was of a poor quality and most of their shots went wild. smoke settled around the ships in dense clouds, rendering accurate aiming difficult. there was no maneuvering of the fleet, the ships remaining at their original stations, firing steadily. the squadrons were so close in shore that it was difficult for the american gunners to reach the batteries on the hilltops, but their firing was excellent. previous to the bombardment, orders were issued to prevent firing on morro castle, as the american admiral had been informed that lieutenant hobson and the other prisoners of the merrimac were confined there. in spite of this, however, several stray shots damaged morro castle somewhat. commodore schley's line moved closer in shore, firing at shorter range. the brooklyn and texas caused wild havoc among the spanish shore batteries, quickly silencing them. while the larger ships were engaging the heavy batteries, the suwanee and vixen closed with the small in-shore battery opposite them, raining rapid-fire shots upon it and quickly placing the battery out of the fight. the brooklyn closed to yards and then the destruction caused by its guns and those of the marblehead and texas was really awful. in a few minutes the woodwork of estrella fort was burning and the battery was silenced, firing no more during the engagement. eastward the new york and new orleans silenced the cayo battery in quick order and then shelled the earthworks located higher up. the practice here was not so accurate, owing to the elevation of the guns. many of the shells, however, landed, and the spanish gunners retired. shortly after o'clock the firing ceased, the warships turning in order to permit the use of the port batteries. the firing then became a long reverberating crash of thunder, and the shells raked the spanish batteries with terrific effect. fire broke out in catalina fort and silenced the spanish guns. the firing of the fleet continued until o'clock, when the spanish ceased entirely, and admiral sampson hoisted the "cease firing" signal. after the fleet retired the spaniards returned to their guns and sent twelve shots after the american ships, but no damage was done. in fact, throughout the entire engagement none of our ships was hit and no american was injured. one purpose of admiral sampson, it appears, was to land troops and siege guns at aguadores, after reducing the defenses of the place, and then make a close assault upon santiago, which, in view of the present condition of its fortifications, may be expected to yield soon. a landing of american troops was effected near baiquiri, some distance east of aguadores, and near the railroad station connecting with santiago de cuba. later an engagement took place between the american force and a column of spanish troops which had been sent against the landing party. the spaniards were driven back. the marines at guantanamo. lieutenant-colonel r. w. huntington's battalion of marines landed from the transport panther on friday, june , and encamped on the hill guarding the abandoned cable station at the entrance to the outer harbor of guantanamo. on saturday afternoon a rush attack was made on them by a detachment of spanish regulars and guerrillas, and for thirteen hours the fighting was almost continuous, until re-enforcements were landed from the marblehead. the engagement began with desultory firing at the pickets, a thousand yards inland from the camp. captain spicer's company was doing guard duty and was driven in, finally rallying on the camp and repulsing the enemy at o'clock. the sky was blanketed with clouds, and when the sun set a gale was blowing out seaward. night fell thick and impenetrable. the spanish squads concealed in the chaparral cover had the advantage, the americans on the ridge furnishing fine targets against the sky and the white tents. the spaniards fought from cover until midnight, discoverable only at flashes, at which the marines fired volleys. shortly after midnight came the main attack. the spaniards made a gallant charge up the southwest slope, but were met by repeated volleys from the main body and broke before they were one-third of the way up the hill; but they came so close at points that there was almost a hand-to-hand struggle. the officers used their revolvers. three spaniards got through the open formation to the edge of the camp. colonel jose campina, the cuban guide, discharged his revolver, and they, finding themselves without support, beat a hasty retreat down the reverse side of the hill. during this assault assistant surgeon john blair gibbs was killed. he was shot in the head in front of his own tent, the farthest point of attack. he fell into the arms of private sullivan and both dropped. a second bullet threw the dust in their faces. surgeon gibbs lived ten minutes, but he did not again regain consciousness. four americans were killed and one wounded in this engagement. sunday brought no rest. every little while the p-a-t of a mauser would be heard, and a spatter of dust on the camp hillside would show where the bullet struck. during the day the enemy kept well back, scattering a few riflemen through the trees to keep up a desultory fire on the camp. there was no massing of forces, evidently for fear of shells from the marblehead, which lay in the harbor close by. but when night came on again the spanish forces were greatly augmented and in the dark were bolder in their attacks. lieutenant neville was sent with a small squad of men to dislodge the advance pickets of the enemy, and his men followed him with a will. the spaniards, who had been potting at every shadow in the camp, fled when the american pickets came swinging down their way. as the americans pressed along the edge of the steep hill, following a blind trail, they nearly fell into an ambush. there was a sudden firing from all directions, and an attack came from all sides. sergeant-major henry good was shot through the right breast and soon died. the americans were forced back upon the edge of the precipice and an effort was made to rush them over, but without success. as soon as they recovered from the first shock and got shelter in the breaks of the cliff their fire was deadly. spaniard after spaniard went down before american bullets and the rush was checked almost as suddenly as it was begun, causing the enemy to fall back. the americans swarmed after the fleeing spaniards, shooting and cheering as they charged, and won a complete victory. the spanish forces left fifteen dead upon the field. the american loss was two killed and four wounded. the night attack was picturesque, and a striking spectacle--the crack of the mausers, tongues of fire from every bush encircling the camp, the twitter of the long steel bullets overhead, while the machine guns down on the water were ripping open the pickets, and the crash of the field guns could be heard as they were driving in canister where the fire of the spaniards was the thickest. then there was the screech of the marblehead's shells as she took a hand in the fight, and the sharp, quick flashing of the rapid-firing one-pounder guns from the ships' launches. on tuesday the brave marines, who had been exposed for three days and nights to the fire of a foe they could but blindly see, weary of a kind of warfare for which they were not trained, went into the enemy's hiding place and inflicted disastrous punishment. the primary object of the expedition was to destroy the tank which provided the enemy with water. there are three ridges over the hills between the camp from which the americans and their cuban allies started and the sea. in the valley between the second and third was the water tank. the spanish headquarters were located at cross-roads between the first and second ridges, and it was against this place that a detachment of fifty marines and ten cubans under lieutenants mahoney and magill was sent. their instructions were to capture and hold this position. captain elliot with ninety marines and fifteen cubans went east over the last range of hills, and captain spicer with the same number of men went to the west. a fourth party of fifty marines and a cuban guide under command of lieutenant ingate made a detour and secured a position back of lieutenant mahoney. the first fighting was done by the men under lieutenant magill with the second platoon of company e. these parted from the others, going over the first hill to the second one. they had advanced but a short distance when they came to a heliograph station guarded by a company of spaniards. shooting began on both sides, the mausers of the spanish and the guns of the americans snapping in unison. our men had toiled up the hillside in the boiling sun, but they settled down to shooting as steadily and as sturdily as veterans could have done. the skirmish lasted fifteen minutes. at the end of this time the spaniards could no longer stand the methodical, accurate shooting of magill's men, and they ran helter-skelter, leaving several dead upon the field. lieutenant magill took possession of the heliograph outfit without the loss or injury of a man. but this was in truth only a skirmish, and the real fighting was at hand. captains spicer and elliot and lieutenant mahoney led their men up the second range of hills. a spattering of bullets gave note that the news of their coming was abroad, but they toiled up to the top of the hill. here they found the spanish camp situated on a little ridge below them. there was one large house, the officers' quarters, and around this was a cluster of huts, in the center of which was the water tank which they had come to destroy. quickly they moved into line of battle, and advanced down the mountain, the enemy's bullets singing viciously, but going wildly about them. gradually the americans and cubans descended the slope, shooting as they went, and closing in upon the enemy in hiding about the huts and in the brush. then the order came to make ready for a bayonet charge, but it had scarcely been given when the spaniards broke from cover and ran, panic-stricken, for a clump of brush about one hundred yards further on. then there was shooting quick and fast. there were dozens of spanish soldiers who did not reach the thicket, for the american fire was deadly, and man after man was seen to fall. the fighting blood of the americans was up. elliot's command made straight for the thicket to which the spanish had fled, routed them out, and drove them on before. up the ridge they forced them, shooting and receiving an answering fire all the way. pursuers and pursued moved on over the crest of the hill, and there the spaniards received a new surprise. lieutenant magill and his men had made a detour and were waiting for them. as the enemy came within rifle shot over the hill and started to descend lieutenant magill's men emptied their rifles. the spanish turned back dismayed, and wavered for a time between the two fires of our troops, uncertain which way to turn. then they assembled at the top of the hill. this was a fatal mistake, for the dolphin had taken up a position to the sea side of the hills in the morning, and the moment her commander espied the spaniards on the summit of the ridge he opened fire upon them. the slaughter was terrific, but it is but just to record the fact that the enemy made a brave fight. they would not surrender, and made an attempt to fight their way along the summit of the ridge, but they were routed and ran in all directions to escape. while the americans were destroying the blockhouse, tank and windmill the cubans rounded up a spanish lieutenant and seventeen privates. these were spared and compelled to surrender. the lieutenant gave the spanish loss in the battle at sixty-eight killed and nearly wounded. not an american was killed, and no one seriously wounded. transports filled with troops. after weeks of waiting and preparation the first army of invasion to start from the eastern shores of the united states departed under the command of general shatter on the morning of june at o'clock. the fleet of transports consisted of thirty-five vessels, four tenders and fourteen convoys. the actual embarkation of the troops began on monday, june . the work proceeded diligently until late on wednesday afternoon, when, after the departure of several vessels, an important order came, calling a halt in the proceedings. the alleged cause of the delay was the report that the hornet while out scouting had sighted several spanish war vessels. like a wet blanket came the order to halt. cheerfulness was displaced by keen disappointment. two questions were on every tongue--"has spain surrendered?" "has our fleet met with a reverse?" the former met with the readiest belief, many believing the words in the order "indefinitely postponed" meant peace. general miles and his staff went to port tampa sunday morning at : ' to deliver parting instructions. during a heavy rain squall on saturday night at o'clock while the transports were straining at their cables the little tug captain sam steamed from ship to ship megaphoning the order: "stand ready to sail at daylight." above the roar of the storm wild cheers were heard and a bright flash of lightning revealed the soldiers standing in the rain waving their wet hats and hurrahing. when the morning broke, piers were lined with transports, the docks were crowded with box cars, flat cars, stock cars, baggage and express cars. most of these were crowded with soldiers who were cheered until their ears ached, and who cheered in return until hoarse. bright-colored dresses and fragile parasols in the crowds of blue-coats indicated the presence of the fair sex. horses and mules were kicking up clouds of dust and the sun poured down its hot rays on the sweltering mass of humanity. thus sunday passed, the transports at the docks and those in midstream receiving their quotas of men and the necessaries to sustain them. stirring scenes continued. general miles again went to the port on monday on the early train. the stirring scenes continued; the mad rush had not abated. general miles from the observation end of his car watched the crowd as it passed near him. the transports swinging at their moorings were plainly in view, as were also many of those at the docks. the embarkation of animals was progressing satisfactorily. shortly after o'clock the funnels of the transports began to pour forth volumes of black smoke. the olivette, margaret, mateo and laura were visiting the fleet, giving water to one, troops to another, animals and equipments to another. along the pier could be heard the voices of the transport commanders as they gave their orders to cut loose. the gangplanks were pulled in, the hatchways closed, lines cast off and the engines were put in motion. the vessels backed into the bay and anchored to await the order to sail. the matteawan hove her cable short at o'clock. all eyes were riveted on the seguranca, the flagship, and when the final signal came a mighty cheer arose. from the lower row of portholes to her tops hats waved in wild delight. the anchor was quickly weighed and the great vessel pointed her prow down the bay. in a few minutes the city of washington, rio grande, cherokee, iroquois and whitney followed. as these boats picked their way through the anchored fleet men shouted and bands played. every vessel elicited a wild display of enthusiasm. these were the only vessels to depart in the forenoon, some of them going over to st. petersburg to procure water. general miles, evidently becoming impatient, embarked on the tarpon at : and went out among the fleet, going as far down the bay as st. petersburg and not returning until o'clock. in the meantime other transports were steaming down the bay. in the afternoon the morgan cut a path of white foam down the channel, and her lead was followed by the vigilance, san marcos, clinton, yucatan, stillwater, berkshire, olivette, santiago, arkansas, seneca, saratoga, miami, leona, breakwater and comal. by the time these vessels had moved away darkness had enveloped the remaining ships, from whose sides glimmered long rows of lights. the knickerbocker, numbered thirteen, and the orizaba had much to take on during the night. the last to load were eager to complete the task for fear they might be left. by daylight all the ships except the seguranca had moved down the bay. at o'clock the seguranca, amid cheers and the blowing of whistles, followed. general shatter and his staff were the last to leave. the last orders were handed to lieutenant miley, an aid to general shafter, and immediately the flagship started. sampson again shells santiago. rear-admiral sampson's fleet bombarded the batteries at santiago de cuba for the third time at daylight on the morning of june . for hours the ships pounded the batteries at the right and left of the entrance, only sparing el morro, where lieutenant hobson and his companions of the merrimac were in prison. as a preliminary to the hammering given the batteries the dynamite cruiser vesuvius at midnight was given another chance. three -pound charges of gun cotton were sent over the fortifications at the entrance. the design was to drop them in the bay around the angle back of the eminence on which el morro is situated, where it was known that the spanish torpedo-boat destroyers were lying. two charges went true, as no reports were heard--a peculiarity of the explosion of gun cotton in water. the third charge exploded with terrific violence on cayo smith. from where the fleet lay the entrance to the harbor looked, in the black night, like a door opening into the livid fire of a titanic furnace. a crater big enough to hold a church was blown out of the side of the cayo smith and was clearly seen from the ships. coffee was served to the men at : in the morning, and with the first blush of dawn the men were called quietly to quarters. the ship steamed in five-knot speed to a , -yard range, when they closed up, broadside on, until a distance of three cable-lengths separated them. they were strung out in the form of a crescent, the heavy fighting ships in the center, the flagship on the right flank and the massachusetts on the left flank. the line remained stationary throughout the bombardment. the vixen and scorpion took up positions on opposite flanks, close in shore, for the purpose of enfilading any infantry that might fire upon the ships. when the ships got into position it was still too dark for any firing. the admiral signaled the ships not to fire until the muzzles of the enemy's guns in the embrasures could be seen by the gun captains. fifteen minutes later, at : am, the new york opened with a broadside from her main battery at the works on the east of the entrance to the harbor. all the ships followed in red streaks of flame. the fleet, enveloped in smoke, pelted the hills and kicked up dirt and masonry. though the gun captains had been cautioned not to waste ammunition, but to fire with deliberation, the fire was so rapid that there was an almost continuous report. the measured crash of the big thirteen-inch guns of the battleships sounded above the rattle of the guns of the secondary batteries like thunder-claps above the din of a hurricane. a strong land breeze off the shore carried the smoke of the ships seaward, while it let down a thick curtain in front of the spanish gunners. the dons responded spiritedly at first, but their frenzied, half-crazed fire could not match the cool nerve, trained eyes and skilled gunnery of the american sailors. our fire was much more effective than in preceding bombardments. the admiral's ordnance expert had given explicit directions to reduce the powder charges and to elevate the guns, so as to shorten the trajectory and thus to secure a plunging fire. the effect of the reduced charges was marvelous. in fifteen minutes one western battery was completely wrecked. the massachusetts tore a gaping hole in the emplacement with a , -pound projectile, and the texas dropped a shell into the powder magazine. the explosion wrought terrible havoc. the frame was lifted, the sides were blown out and a shower of debris flew in every direction. one timber, carried out of the side of the battery, went tumbling down the hill. the batteries on the east of morro were harder to get at, but the new orleans crossed the bows of the new york to within yards of shore and played a tattoo with her long eight-inch rifles, hitting them repeatedly, striking a gun squarely muzzle-on, lifting it off its trunnions and sending it sweeping somersaults high in the air. when the order came, at : , to cease firing, every gun of the enemy had been silenced for ten minutes, but as the ships drew off some of the spanish courage returned and a half-dozen shots were fired spitefully at the massachusetts and oregon, falling in their wakes. went ashore with a rush. sea and weather were propitious when, on june , the great army of invasion under general shatter left their transports in baiquiri harbor, and landed on cuban soil. the navy and the army co-operated splendidly and as the big warships closed in on the shore to pave the way for the approach of the transports and then went back again, three cheers for the navy went up from many thousand throats on the troop-ships and three cheers for the army rose from ship after ship. the cuban insurgents, too, bore their share in the enterprise honorably and well. five thousand of them in mountain fastness and dark thickets of ravines, lay all the previous night on their guns watching every road and mountain path leading from santiago to guantanamo. a thousand of them were within sight of baiquiri, making the approach of the spaniards under cover of darkness an impossibility. there is a steep, rocky hill, known as punta baiquiri, rising almost perpendicularly at the place indicated. it is a veritable gibraltar in possibilities of defense. from the staff at its summit the spanish flag was defiantly floating at sunset; but in the morning it was gone, and with it the small spanish guard which had maintained the signal station. between nightfall and dawn the spaniards had taken the alarm and fled from the place, firing the town as they left. the flames were watched with interest from the ships. two sharp explosions were heard. at first they were thought to be the report of guns from spanish masked batteries, but they proved to be explosions of ammunition in a burning building. three hours' waiting made the men on the transports impatient to get ashore and in action, and every move of the warships was closely watched by the soldiers. a little before o'clock the bombardment of the batteries of juragua was begun. this was evidently a feint to cover the real point of attack, juragua being about half-way between baiquiri and santiago. the bombardment lasted about twenty minutes. the scene then quickly shifted back again to the great semi-circle of transports before baiquiri. at : o'clock the new orleans opened fire with a gun that sent a shell rumbling and crashing against the hillside. the detroit, wasp, machias and suwanee followed suit. in five minutes the sea was alive with flotillas of small boats, headed by launches, speeding for the baiquiri dock. some of the boats were manned by crews of sailors, while others were rowed by the soldiers themselves. each boat contained sixteen men, every one in fighting trim and carrying three days' rations, a shelter tent, a gun and cartridges. all were ready to take the field on touching the shore should they be called upon. the firing of the warships proved to be a needless precaution, as their shots were not returned and no spaniards were visible. general shafter, on board the seguranca, closely watched the landing of the troops. brigadier-general lawton, who had been detailed to command the landing party, led the way in a launch, accompanied by his staff, and directed the formation of the line of operation. a detachment of eighty regulars was the first to land, followed by general shafter's old regiment, the first infantry. then came the twenty-fifth, twenty-second, tenth, seventh and twelfth infantry in the order named, and the second massachusetts and a detachment of the ninth cavalry. the boats rushed forward simultaneously from every quarter, in good-natured rivalry to be first, and their occupants scrambled over one another to leap ashore. as the boats tossed about in the surf getting ashore was no easy matter, and the soldiers had to throw their rifles on the dock before they could climb up. some hard tumbles resulted, but nobody was hurt. at the end of the pier the companies and regiments quickly lined up and marched away. general lawton threw a strong detachment for the night about six miles west, on the road to santiago, and another detachment was posted to the north of the town among the hills. the rest of the troops were quartered in the town, some of them being housed in the buildings of the iron company. some of the troops were quartered in deserted houses, while others preferred the shelter of their tents in the adjoining fields. the morning's fire, it was seen, had destroyed the roundhouse, the repair shops and several small dwellings. the town was deserted when the troops landed, but women and children soon appeared from the surrounding thickets and returned to their homes. part of the sun-bronzed troops quickly searched the buildings and beat up the thickets in search of lurking foes and then at nightfall marched into the unknown country beyond, with long, swinging strides and the alert bearing of the old frontier army men, ready to fight the spaniards sioux-fashion or in the open, wherever they could be found. the landing was accomplished without loss of life, the only accident being the wounding of an insurgent on the hills by a shell from one of the warships. victory is dearly bought. on friday morning, june , four troops of the first cavalry, four troops of the tenth cavalry and eight troops of roosevelt's rough riders--less than , men in all--dismounted and attacked , spanish soldiers in the thickets within five miles of santiago de cuba. a bloody conflict ensued, and the americans lost sixteen men, including captain allyn m. capron and hamilton fish, jr., of the rough riders. practically two battles were fought at the same time, one by the rough riders under the immediate command of colonel wood, on the top of the plateau, and the other on the hillsides, several miles away, by the regulars, with whom was general young. the expedition started from juragua--marked on some cuban maps as altares--a small town on the coast nine miles east of morro castle, which was the first place occupied by the troops after their landing at baiquiri. information was brought to the american army headquarters by cubans that forces of spanish soldiers had assembled at the place where the battle occurred to block the march on santiago. general young went there to dislodge them, the understanding being that the cubans under general castillo would co-operate with him, but the latter failed to appear until the fight was nearly finished. then they asked permission to chase the fleeing spaniards, but as the victory was already won general young refused to allow them to take part in the fight. general young's plans contemplated the movement of half of his command along the trail at the base of the range of hills leading back from the coast, so that he could attack the spaniards on the flank while the rough riders went off to follow the trail leading over the hill to attack them in front. this plan was carried out completely. the troops left juragua at daybreak. the route of general young and the regulars was comparatively level and easy of travel. three hotch-kiss guns were taken with this command. the first part of the journey of the rough riders was over steep hills several hundred feet high. the men carried rounds of ammunition and heavy camp equipment. although this was done easily in the early morning, the weather became intensely hot, and the sun beat down upon the cowboys and eastern athletes as they toiled up the grade with their heavy packs, and frequent rests were necessary. the trail was so narrow that for the greater part of the way the men had to proceed single file. prickly cactus bushes lined both sides of the trail, and the underbrush was so thick that it was impossible to see ten feet on either side. all the conditions were favorable for a murderous ambuscade, but the troopers kept a close watch, and made as little noise as possible. the rough riders entered into the spirit of the occasion with the greatest enthusiasm. it was their first opportunity for a fight, and every man was eager for it. the weather grew swelteringly hot, and one by one the men threw away blankets and tent rolls, and emptied their canteens. the first intimation had by colonel wood's command that there were spaniards in the vicinity was when they reached a point three or four miles back from the coast, when the low cuckoo calls of the spanish soldiers were heard in the bush. it was difficult to locate the exact point from which these sounds came, and the men were ordered to speak in low tones. charge the enemy as soon as the enemy could be located a charge was ordered, and the americans rushed into the dense thicket regardless of danger. the spaniards fell back, but fired as they ran, and the battle lasted about an hour. the spaniards left many dead on the field, their loss in killed being not less than fifty. the spanish had carefully planned an ambush and intended to hold the americans in check. they became panic-stricken at the boldness of the rush made by the invading force. the position gained was of great advantage. where the battle took place a path opens into a space covered with high grass on the right-hand side of the trail and the thickets. a barbed wire fence runs along the left side. the dead body of a cuban was found on the side of the road, and at the same time captain capron's troops covered the outposts the heads of several spaniards were seen in the bushes for a moment. it was not until then that the men were permitted to load their carbines. when the order to load was given they acted on it with a will and displayed the greatest eagerness to make an attack. at this time the sound of firing was heard a mile or two to the right, apparently coming from the hills beyond the thicket. it was the regulars replying to the spaniards who had opened on them from the thicket. in addition to rapid rifle fire the boom of hotchkiss guns could be heard. hardly two minutes elapsed before mauser rifles commenced to crack in the thicket and a hundred bullets whistled over the heads of the rough riders, cutting leaves from the trees and sending chips flying from the fence posts by the side of the men. the spaniards had opened and they poured in a heavy fire, which soon had a most disastrous effect. the troops stood their ground with the bullets singing all around them. private colby caught sight of the spaniards and fired the opening shot at them before the order to charge was given. sergeant hamilton fish, jr., was the first man to fall. he was shot through the heart and died instantly. the spaniards were not more than yards off, but only occasional glimpses of them could be seen. the men continued to pour volley after volley into the brush in the direction of the sound of the spanish shots, but the latter became more frequent and seemed to be getting nearer. colonel wood walked along his lines, displaying the utmost coolness. he ordered troops to deploy into the thicket, and sent another detachment into the open space on the left of the trail. lieutenant colonel roosevelt led the former detachment and tore through the brush, urging his men on. the shots came thicker and faster every moment, and the air seemed filled with the singing and shrieking sound of the mauser bullets, while the short pop of the spanish rifles could be distinguished easily from the heavier reports of the american weapons. sometimes the fire would come in volleys and again shots would follow each other in rapid succession for several minutes. captain capron stood behind his men, revolver in hand, using it whenever a spaniard exposed himself. his aim was sure and two of the enemy were seen to fall under his fire. just as he was preparing to take another shot and shouting orders to his men at the same time, his revolver dropped from his grasp and he fell to the ground with a ball through his body. his troop was badly disconcerted for a moment, but with all the strength he could muster he cried, "don't mind me, boys, go on and fight." he was carried from the field as soon as possible and lived only a few hours. lieutenant thomas of the same troop received a wound through the leg soon afterward and became delirious from pain. roosevelt's narrow escape. the troops that were in the thicket were not long in getting into the midst of the fight. the spaniards located them and pressed them hard, but they sent a deadly fire in return, even though most of the time they could not see the enemy. after ten or fifteen minutes of hot work the firing fell off some, and lieutenant colonel roosevelt ordered his men back from the thicket into the trail, narrowly escaping a bullet himself, which struck a tree alongside his head. it was evident the spaniards were falling back and changing their positions, but the fire continued at intervals. then the troops tore to the front and into more open country than where the enemy's fire was coming from. about this time small squads commenced to carry the wounded from the thicket and lay them in a more protected spot on the trail until they could be removed to the field hospital. it was not long before the enemy gave way and ran down the steep hill and up another hill to the blockhouse, with the evident intent of making a final stand there. colonel wood was at the front directing the movement and it was here that major brodie was shot. colonel wood and lieutenant colonel roosevelt both led the troops in pursuit of the fleeing spaniards and a hail of bullets was poured into the blockhouse. by the time the american advance got within yards of the blockhouse the spaniards abandoned it and scattered among the brush up another hill in the direction of santiago, and the battle was at an end. during all this time just as hot a fire had been progressing at general young's station. the battle began in much the same manner as the other one, and when the machine guns opened fire the spaniards sent volleys at the gunners from the brush on the opposite hillside. two troops of cavalry charged up the hill and other troops sent a storm of bullets at every point from which the spanish shots came. the enemy was gradually forced back, though firing all the time until they, as well as those confronting the rough riders, ran for the blockhouse only to be dislodged by colonel wood's men. general young stated afterwards that the battle was one of the sharpest he had ever experienced. it was only the quick and constant fire of the troopers, whether they could see the enemy or not, that caused the spaniards to retreat so soon. general young spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of the men in his command, and both colonel wood and lieutenant colonel roosevelt were extremely gratified with the work done by the rough riders on the first occasion of their being under fire. when it became evident that the spaniards were giving up the fight, searching parties went through the thicket and tall grass, picking up the dead and wounded. the latter were carried to a field hospital half a mile to the rear and all possible attention was given them, while preparation was made to remove them to juragua. army in a baptism of fire. after a period of comparative idleness the campaign was opened in earnest friday, july , when general shafter's army began an attack at dawn upon the spanish fortifications. shatter had come from cuero to el caney with his army, making headquarters at siboney. from these points the spanish troops under general linares had retreated a short distance and taken san juan hill, from which they had accurate range of the american batteries. shafter's forces were without sufficient guns, while the spaniards had more and of a heavier caliber than was anticipated. the american army slept thursday night within sight of its battlefield of the morrow. at daylight friday morning the forward movement began. hard fighting was expected at el caney, guarding the northeastern approach to santiago, and against this position were massed the commands of generals lawton and wheeler, supported by capron's battery of light artillery. both general wheeler and general young were sick, so general sumner was assigned to the command of the former and colonel wood of the rough riders was placed in command of general young's cavalry brigade. colonel carroll of the sixth cavalry took general sumner's place at the head of the first brigade of cavalry. under general lawton were three brigades--colonel van horn's, consisting of the eighth and twenty-second infantry and the second massachusetts volunteers; colonel miles', consisting of the first, fourth and twenty-fifth infantry, and general chaffee's, consisting of the seventh, twelfth and seventeenth infantry. on the eve of battle colonel van horn was replaced by general ludlow. under general sumner were four troops of the second cavalry and eight troops of the first volunteer cavalry; under colonel wood the rough riders, the tenth cavalry and four troops of the first cavalry. these two cavalry commands occupied the left of the san juan plain for the attack on the blockhouse at that point. they were supported by colonel carroll's brigade, consisting of the third, sixth and ninth cavalry, and by captain grimes' battery of the second artillery. the southeastern approaches to the city were commanded by general kent's division. his first brigade was commanded by general hawkins and consisted of the sixth and sixteenth regular infantry and the seventy-first new york volunteers. colonel pearson commanded the second brigade, composed of the second, tenth and twenty-first regular infantry, while the third brigade, commanded by colonel worth, consisted of the ninth, thirteenth and twenty-fourth regular infantry. aguadores was their objective point. grimes' battery of artillery and the rough riders were to support general kent in his attack on aguadores, while general duffield, with the thirty-third and a battalion of the thirty-fourth michigan volunteers, was in advance of kent's left. captain capron opens the fight. the first shot of the engagement came at : o'clock friday morning. it was fired by captain allyn m. capron's battery e of the first artillery. the privilege of opening the engagement was granted this officer because of the killing of his son among the rough riders who fell near sevilla. the spanish answered the challenge from their forts and trenches about caney, and immediately the battle was on. the spaniards for a time fought desperately to prevent the town from falling into the hands of our forces, but before the fighting had been long under way the americans and cubans under garcia gained advanced ground. foot by foot the enemy was driven back into the village. the enthusiasm of the american forces was intense and their spirit quickly spread to the cuban troops. at one time during this fight one of the big military balloons used by the signal corps for reconnoissance hung over san juan, not over yards from the enemy, and for five minutes the spaniards below tried to puncture it, but they were unable to get the range. this balloon proved of inestimable service in the engagement. it floated just over the tree tops, and was easily guided along three miles of the road toward the lines of the enemy. whenever it halted for the purpose of taking a photograph of the fortifications below, the spaniards seized the occasion for taking pot shots. in the fighting at san juan a spanish shell two and a half inches in diameter burst in the midst of captain puritier's battery k of the first artillery, wounding several. among those injured was. private samuel barr. roosevelt's rough riders were also in this fight and bore themselves with as much credit as in the battle of last friday in the bush. several of the rough riders were wounded. the fight before caney. meanwhile the battle was raging fiercely at caney and aguadores. in general lawton's division the second massachusetts up to the middle of the day sustained the heaviest loss, although other regiments were more actively engaged. during the afternoon the fight for the possession of caney was most obstinate, and the ultimate victory reflects great credit upon the american troops. it was a glory, too, for spain, though she never had a chance to win at any time during the day. her men fought in intrenchments, covered ways and blockhouses, while the american forces were in the open from first to last. the spanish soldiers stuck to their work like men, and this, the first land fight of the war, may well cause spain to feel proud of her men. the american soldiers attacked the intrenchments through open ground, and, from the firing of the first shot until they were on the hills above caney, they fought their way forward and the spanish were driven backward. general chaffee's brigade held the right of the line with the town of caney. general ludlow's division was in the center and colonel miles held the left. the firing at times was very heavy during the morning, but the spaniards in the covered way made a most obstinate defense and refused to yield an inch. time and again the shells from captain capron's battery drove them to cover, but as soon as his fire ceased they were up and at it again. despite the heavy firing of the american troops they were able to make but little apparent progress during the morning, although eventually they steadily drew in and inclosed the town on all sides. at noon it became evident that the fire from the covered way could not be stopped by the artillery alone and that no permanent advance could be made until the place was taken, and general lawton decided to capture it by assault. accordingly he sent a messenger to general chaffee, with instructions to take the position by a charge. general chaffee thereupon closed in with his men rapidly from the north, while captain capron maintained a heavy fire on the fort, keeping the spaniards in the covered way and putting hole after hole into the stone walls of the fort. shortly afterward he threw a shot from the battery, which tore away the flagstaff, bringing the spanish flag to the ground. from that time no banner waved above it. no finer work has ever been done by soldiers than was done by the brigades of general ludlow and colonel miles as they closed in on the town. the spanish blazed at them with mausers and machine guns but without effect. nothing could stop them and they pushed in closer during the afternoon, and by the time general chaffee's men were in form miles and ludlow were in the streets of the town, holding with tenacity the spaniards from retreating toward santiago, while chaffee closed in on the right. the fighting for hours in front of colonel miles' line at a hacienda known as "duero" was very fierce. the spanish defense was exceedingly obstinate. the house was guarded by rifle pits, and as fast as the spaniards were driven from one they retreated into another and continued firing. when the final closing-in movement was begun at p.m. the town of caney was taken and a large number of prisoners was captured. the spanish loss was , in all. attack on aguadores. the only movement of the day which did not meet with success was general duffield's attempt to occupy the sea village of aguadores. the new york, the suwanee and the gloucester shelled the old fort and the rifle pits during the forenoon, drove all the spaniards from the vicinity and bowled over the parapet from which flew the spanish flag; but, owing to the broken railway bridge, general duffield's troops were unable to get across the river which separated them from the little town, and were compelled to go back to juragua. saturday at dawn the spaniards, encouraged by linares at their head, attempted to retake san juan hill. hotchkiss guns mowed them down in platoons. they were driven back into the third line of their intrenchments, and there their sharpshooters, reported to be among the finest in the world, checked the americans. the batteries of grimes, parkhurst and burt were compelled to retire to el paso hill. lawton came with the ninth massachusetts and the thirty-third and thirty-fourth michigan and the spaniards began to retreat. sampson then began bombardment of the outer forts of santiago. the oregon shot down morro's flag and battered the old castle into dust. the batteries at punta gorda were blown up by the oregon and the indiana. not one of the american ships was hit by the spanish fire. at guantanamo the cuban forces under garcia and castillo killed spanish soldiers and routed the enemy's army there. castillo's forces forced their way to within five miles of santiago. shatter's reports of the fight. the nation was thrown into a fever of excitement friday when the following bulletin was posted at the war department, in washington: camp, near sevilla, cuba --action now going on. the firing only light and desultory. began on the right near caney, lawton's division. he will move on the northeast part of the town of santiago. will keep you continually advised of progress. shafter. for several hours this was the only information from the seat of war, but later a dispatch came from colonel alien, in charge of the signal station at playa del este. he said that the fight was growing furious in all directions. at the time he sent the telegram eight americans and nine cubans had been wounded. all through saturday rumors of american reverses were rife, and to make public information definite, so far as it went, the war department thought it wise to post a dispatch which it had received early that morning. this was as follows: siboney, via playa del este, july l.--i fear i have underestimated to-day's casualties. a large and thoroughly equipped hospital ship should be sent here at once to care for the wounded. the chief surgeon says he has use for forty more medical officers. the ship must bring a launch and boats for conveying the wounded. shafter, major-general. the next message made public sent a wave of apprehension over the country. the text was as follows: camp near sevilla, cuba, via playa del este, july .--we have the town well invested in the north and east, but with a very thin line. upon approaching it we find it of such a character and the defense so strong it will be impossible to carry it by storm with my present forces. our losses up to date will aggregate , , but list has not yet been made. but little sickness outside of exhaustion from intense heat and exertion of the battle of day before yesterday and the almost constant fire which is kept up on the trenches. wagon road to the rear is kept open with difficulty on account of rains, but i will be able to use it for the present. general wheeler is seriously ill and will probably have to go to the rear to-day. general young is also very ill, confined to his bed. general hawkins slightly wounded in the foot during sortie enemy made last night, which was handsomely repulsed. the behavior of the troops was magnificent. general garcia reported he holds the railroad from santiago to san luis and has burned a bridge and removed some rails; also that general pando has arrived at palma and that the french consul, with about french citizens, came into his line yesterday from santiago. i have directed him to treat them with every courtesy possible. shafter, major-general. general miles sent the following dispatch to general shafter: headquarters of the army, washington, d. c., july .--accept my hearty congratulations on the record made of magnificent fortitude, gallantry, and sacrifice displayed in the desperate fighting of the troops before santiago. i realize the hardships, difficulties, and sufferings, and am proud that amid those terrible scenes the troops illustrated such fearless and patriotic devotion to the welfare of our common country and flag. whatever the results to follow their unsurpassed deeds of valor, the past is already a gratifying chapter of history. i expect to be with you within one week, with strong reinforcements. miles, major-general commanding. general shafter's reply was as follows: playa, july , headquarters fifth army corps, near santiago, july --i thank you in the name of the gallant men i have the honor to command for splendid tribute of praise which you have accorded them. they bore themselves as american soldiers always have. your telegram will be published at the head of the regiments in the morning. i feel that i am master of the situation and can hold the enemy for any length of time. i am delighted to know that you are coming, that you may see for yourself the obstacles which this army had to overcome. my only regret is the great number of gallant souls who have given their lives for our country's cause. shafter. in the light of these sorrowful, if triumphant, facts it must not be forgotten that the enemy also suffered a terrible loss. in the fatuous sortie upon the american position on the night of july general linares, commanding in santiago, was wounded in the foot and shoulder and of his soldiers died upon the field. scarcely a man in our intrenchments was hurt. of the spanish th battalion defending el caney less than survived. general vara de rey, its commander, was buried with military honors, general ludlow taking possession of his sword and spurs. the spanish fought stubbornly throughout, and their retreat, though steady, was slowly and coolly conducted. they contested every inch of the way and fought with unexpected skill, their officers handling the troops with bravery and good judgment, and demonstrating that in them our boys in blue were fighting with foemen worthy of their steel. the gallantry of the american officers was conspicuous throughout the battle. major-general wheeler, who was seriously indisposed and suffering from an attack of fever, ordered an ambulance to convey him to the front, where the sound of fighting seemed to give him new life, and in a short time he called for his horse and personally directed his division in the attack. general hawkins, commanding the first brigade, ninth division, was conspicuous for the manner in which he exposed himself to spanish bullets. after taking the redoubt on the hill with his command he stood for a long time on the summit watching the fight. a heavy fire at times was concentrated on the spot, but he surveyed the field of battle while the bullets were whizzing past by hundreds. shafter demands the surrender of the city. on july general shafter sent the following communication to general toral, commanding the spanish army in the province of santiago: headquarters of united states forces, near san juan river, cuba, july , : a. m.--to the commanding general of the spanish forces, santiago de cuba--sir: i shall be obliged, unless you surrender, to shell santiago de cuba. please inform the citizens of foreign countries and all women and children that they should leave the city before o'clock to-morrow morning. very respectfully, your obedient servant, w. r. shafter, major-general, u. s. a. general toral made this reply: santiago de cuba, july , pm.--his excellency, the general commanding the forces of the united states, san juan river--sir: i have the honor to reply to your communication of to-day written at : a. m. and received at pm, demanding the surrender of this city; on the contrary case announcing to me that you will bombard the city, and asking that i advise the foreign women and children that they must leave the city before o'clock to-morrow morning. it is my duty to say to you that this city will not surrender and that i will inform the foreign consuls and inhabitants of the contents of your message. very respectfully, jose toral, commander in chief, fourth corps. the british, portuguese, chinese, and norwegian consuls requested that non-combatants be allowed to occupy the town of caney and railroad points, and asked until o'clock of the next day for them to leave santiago. they claimed that there were between , and , people, many of them old, whose lives would be endangered by the bombardment. on the receipt of this request general shafter sent the following communication: the commanding general, spanish general, spanish forces, santiago de cuba--sir: in consideration of the request of the consuls and officers in your city for delay in carrying out my intention to fire on the city, and in the interest of the poor women and children who will suffer greatly by their hasty and enforced departure from the city, i have the honor to announce that i will delay such action solely in their interest until noon of the th, providing during the interval your forces make no demonstration whatever upon those of my own. i am with great respect, your obedient servant, w. r. shafter, major-general, u. s. a. on july the flag of truce which had been flying over santiago for a day or two was still displayed, but a smaller flag was presently seen coming from the city in the hands of a man in uniform. a party was sent from general shafter's headquarters to receive the bearer of the flag. it was found that he was a commissioner from general toral. he announced to those who met him that he had an important communication to deliver to the commander of the american army, coming direct from general toral, and he desired to be taken to general shafter. ordinarily such a messenger going through the lines would be blindfolded. our position was so strong, however, and our offensive works so impressive, that it was decided to give the commissioner the free use of his eyes, so that he might see all the preparations that have been made to reduce the city. the siege guns and mortar batteries were pointed out to him, and he was entertained all the way to head-quarters with a detailed explanation of the number of our forces, our guns, and other matters that must have been of interest to him. in fact, he was very much impressed by what he heard and saw. arriving at general shafter's headquarters the communication from the spanish commander was delivered with some ceremony. it was quite long. general toral asked that the time of the truce be further extended, as he wanted to communicate with the madrid government concerning the surrender of the city. he also asked that cable operators be sent to operate the line between santiago and kingston. he promised on his word of honor as a soldier that the operators would, not be asked to transmit any matter except that bearing on the surrender, and that he would return them safe to el caney when a final reply was received from madrid. this request for operators was made necessary by the fact that the men who had been operating the santiago cable were british subjects, and they had all left the city under the protection of the british consul when the americans gave notice that the city would be bombarded unless it surrendered. the commissioner said that general toral wanted to consult with the authorities in madrid, for the reason that he had been unable to communicate with captain-general blanco in havana. it was finally arranged that the truce, which expired at four o'clock on the th, should be extended until the same hour on saturday, july th. the commissioner was escorted back through another part of the camp which was filled with bristling guns. the british consul having given his consent to the operators returning to the city, messengers were sent to el caney to learn if the men would go. they expressed their willingness, and were escorted to the avails of the city, where they were met by a spanish escort and taken to the office of the cable company. destruction of cervera's fleet. on the morning of july , admiral cervera, commander of the spanish fleet in the harbor of santiago de cuba, made a bold dash for liberty by a desperate attempt to break through the american line, in the hope of reaching the open sea. in the face of overwhelming odds, with nothing before him but inevitable destruction or surrender if he remained any longer in the trap in which the american fleet held him, he made a dash from the harbor at the time the americans least expected him to do so, and fighting every inch of his way, even when his ship was ablaze and sinking, he tried to escape the doom which was written on the muzzle of every american gun trained upon his vessels. the spaniards made a daring venture, and with a less vigilant foe they might have succeeded. it was known in the fleet that general shatter was closing in on the city and that admiral cervera's position was desperate, but it was supposed that he would remain in the harbor and train his guns on the american land forces as long as possible, and that he would blow up his ships rather than allow them to fall into the hands of the enemy. it is certain that admiral sampson did not expect cervera to make a break for liberty, although the american commander has known for several days that the sinking of the merrimac did not completely block the channel entrance to santiago harbor. at : on sunday morning the flagship new york, with admiral sampson on board, was many miles to the eastward, bearing the admiral to a conference with general shafter. the fleet as a whole was much farther off shore than usual. any one looking seaward from morro castle and seeing the distant specks on the water would not have realized that the port was effectively blockaded. evidently the spaniards had been waiting for the american fleet to become thus scattered. they thought our fleet was napping, and that this was the time to make a quick exit and start homeward. very soon after the new york had started to siboney the shore batteries opened fire on the american fleet. as the vessels were practically out of range and not in the usual line formation this firing from the shore caused some surprise. in the first place, these batteries had been shelled the day before, and it was supposed that they had been silenced, and in the second place it seemed foolish of the spaniards to undertake haphazard firing. at that time the vessels of the blockading squadron were at varying distances of from three to ten miles from the harbor entrance. most of the american cruisers were at the usual sunday morning quarters, and not one ship was really prepared for immediate action. almost as soon as the batteries opened fire a spanish cruiser, the cristobal colon, was seen to emerge from the channel entrance and head toward sea, firing her forward battery as she came. then the signals hurried from one ship to another, and on every american vessel there was a rush of activity. in every engine room there was a signal for full speed. the entire fleet began to move in toward the shore, heading for the channel entrance. at : the oquendo slipped out of the channel. by this time the cristobal colon had turned to the west, and with a good headway was attempting to slip past the blockaders. the maria teresa, the vizcaya, the two torpedo-boat destroyers, the furor and the pluton, and a gunboat were all clear of the channel entrance and racing for liberty when the american vessels opened fire at long range. the brooklyn, massachusetts, texas, oregon and iowa bore down upon the spaniards and opened fire, but they were too far away to get a good range. as for the spaniards, they began to shoot as soon as they came out of the harbor and continued to blaze away until they were utterly defeated, but they showed poor judgment and bad marksmanship. the gloucester's good work. as the americans came in closer and closer the fighting became general. the gloucester had been lying off aguadores, three miles east of morro, when the spaniards came out. she hurried to join in the attack, and at first opened fire on one of the large cruisers. already they were being pounded with terrific effect by the battleships, however, so the little gloucester turned her attention to the two torpedo-boat destroyers which had slipped out of the harbor behind the cruisers. the gloucester was one of the swiftest boats in the navy, and although she was equipped with nothing heavier than six-pound guns she made a resolute attack on the two destroyers, and the chase began. they headed to the west at high speed, and she flew after them, pouring shot after shot with such wonderful accuracy, that by the time the destroyers were five miles to the west of morro both were on fire and plainly disabled. they had persistently returned the fire, and a shower of little shells fell around the yacht, but once more the american gunners showed their superiority, for the gloucester was comparatively unhurt. the furor turned at last and gave battle to the gloucester. here was another instance of american good luck and spanish inefficiency. the furor sent torpedoes against the gloucester, but they failed to explode. as soon as the spanish destroyer stopped the gloucester simply raked her fore and aft with rapid-fire guns, and the furor again headed west to escape the terrible punishment. the smoke was pouring out of her sides, and soon she turned in toward shore, evidently in a sinking condition. the members of the crew flocked to the small boats and abandoned their craft. later on most of them were taken prisoners on shore. the furor was floating about, a mass of flame. the pluton also was disabled, and headed for the shore. she was beached under a low bluff, where a heavy sea was running, and was soon pounded so that she broke in two in the middle. only about half of the crew reached the shore alive. having disposed of the two destroyers the gloucester lowered her small boats and sent them ashore to rescue the spanish sailors. the furor drifted about until the fire reached her magazines, and then there were two terrific explosions which shattered her hull. her stern sunk quickly, and as it went down her bow rose until it stood almost straight up in the air, and in this position she disappeared from sight. test of battleships. while the little yacht had been gaining this notable victory over the two famous destroyers the big battleships had been following the line of spanish cruisers and pounding them with great persistence. the four spanish cruisers were under the direct fire of the brooklyn, and the four battleships, the massachusetts, the texas, the iowa and the oregon. it was the first time that any first-class battleship had ever been put to the test in a naval battle. the huge fighting vessels kept close after the fast cruisers and fired their big guns with deadly certainty. the american fire was so rapid that the ships were surrounded by clouds of smoke. the spanish gunners seemed unable to get the proper range and many of their shots were very wild, though a number of them fell dangerously near to the mark. two guns of the battery just east of morro also took part in the game and their shells fell around the american ships. many of them struck the upper works of the fleeing spaniards and must have resulted in killing and wounding many of their men. the spanish ships had now reached a point about seven miles west of morro and a mile or two beyond the place where the furor was burning and the pluton broken in two against the cliff. the flagship and the oquendo were the first to show signals of distress. two thirteen-inch shells from one of the battleships had struck the maria teresa at the water line, tearing great holes in her side and causing her to fill rapidly. the oquendo suffered about the same fate and both ships headed for a small cove and went aground yards from the shore, flames shooting from them in every direction. the gloucester, after sending a boat ashore to the pluton, steamed along the coast to where the armored cruisers were stranded and went to their assistance. there was danger from the magazines, and many of those on board jumped into the water and swam to the shore, though a number were unable to reach the small strip of sandy beach in the cove and were thrown against the rocks and killed or drowned. many of the wounded were lowered into the ships' own boats and taken ashore, but this task was a most difficult one. the gloucester had all her boats out and one seaman swam through the surf with a line from the maria teresa, making it fast to a tree on the shore. by this means many on the flagship, including admiral cervera, lowered themselves into the gloucester's boats. the wounded were taken to the gloucester as rapidly as possible, and the lower deck of the yacht was soon covered with spanish sailors mangled in limb and body by the bursting of shells. chase of the cristobal colon. the brooklyn, oregon, massachusetts and texas and several smaller vessels continued the chase of the cristobal colon, and in less than an hour were lost to view of the burning ships on shore. the iowa and texas both gave assistance to the imperiled crew of the vizcaya. her captain surrendered his command and the prisoners were transferred to the battleship. the vizcaya probably lost about sixty men, as she carried a complement of and only were taken aboard the iowa. soon after admiral cervera reached the shore and surrendered he was taken to the gloucester, at his own request. there was no mistaking the heartbroken expression upon the old commander's face as he took the proffered hand of captain wainwright and was shown to the latter's cabin, but he made every effort to bear bravely the bitter defeat that had come to him. he thanked the captain of the gloucester for the words of congratulation offered on the gallant fight, and then spoke earnestly of his solicitude for the safety of his men on shore. he informed captain wainwright that cuban soldiers were on the hills preparing to attack his unarmed men and asked that they be protected. for hours after admiral cervera went aboard the gloucester the infanta maria teresa, almirante oquendo and vizcaya continued to burn and every now and then a deep roar, accompanied by a burst of flame and smoke from the sides of the ships, would announce the explosion of more ammunition or another magazine. it may be mentioned as a coincidence that lieutenant-commander wainwright, the commander of the gloucester, was executive officer of the maine at the time of the disaster, and, although he remained in havana harbor two months after the explosion, he lived on board the dispatch boat fern and steadfastly refused to set his foot within the city until the time should come when he could go ashore at the head of a landing party of american blue jackets. to-day it was his ship that sank two spanish torpedo-boat destroyers and afterward received the spanish admiral aboard as a prisoner of war. from his position on the bridge of the gloucester lieutenant-commander wainwright watched the flames and smoke as they enveloped the decks of the three greatest warships of the spanish navy, which were soon to be reduced to nothing but shattered masts and twisted smokestacks protruding above the water. the prisoners of war included the captains of both boats. none offered any resistance and all were glad to go to the gloucester, as they feared an attack from the cubans. when asked to make some statement in regard to the result of the battle admiral cervera said: "i would rather lose my ships at sea, like a sailor, than in a harbor. it was the only thing left for me to do." the work of the american battleships was as rapid as it was terrible. at : the first vessel headed out past morro castle. at o'clock the two destroyers were wrecked and deserted. at : the oquendo and maria teresa were encircled by the iowa, indiana and texas. at : both were on the rocks. a few minutes later the vizcaya was abandoned. the cristobal colon, having the lead, ran farther along the coast before the persistent firing by the brooklyn and massachusetts brought her to a stop. she fought for twenty minutes. at noon she was on the rocks, perforated and tattered. spain's greatest fleet was destroyed in about three hours. chief yoeman ellis of the brooklyn was the only american killed in three hours of incessant fighting, while the spanish loss reached killed, wounded and , taken prisoners. admiral sampson's official report. following is the official report sent by admiral sampson to the navy department at washington: united states flagship new york, first rate, off santiago de cuba, july , .--sir: i have the honor to make the following report upon the battle, with the destruction of the spanish squadron, commanded by admiral cervera, off santiago de cuba on sunday, july , : the enemy's vessels came out of the harbor between : and am, the head of the column appearing around cayo smith at : and emerging from the channel five or six minutes later. the positions of the vessels of my command off santiago at that moment were as follows: the flagship new york was four miles east of her blockading station and about seven miles from the harbor entrance. she had started for siboney, where i intended to land, accompanied by several of my staff, and go to the front to consult with general shafter. a discussion of the situation and a more definite understanding between us of the operations proposed had been rendered necessary by the unexpectedly strong resistance of the spanish garrison of santiago. i had sent my chief of staff on shore the day before to arrange an interview with general shafter, who had been suffering from heat prostration. i made arrangements to go to his headquarters, and my flagship was in the position mentioned above when the spanish squadron appeared in the channel. the remaining vessels were in or near their usual blockading positions, distributed in a semi-circle about the harbor entrance, counting from the eastward to the westward in the following order: the indiana, about a mile and a half from shore; the oregon--the new york's place between these two--the iowa, texas and brooklyn, the latter two miles from the shore west of santiago. the distance of the vessels from the harbor entrance was from two and one-half to four miles--the latter being the limit of day--blockading distance. the length of the arc formed by the ships was about eight miles. the massachusetts had left at a. m. for guantanamo for coal. her station was between the iowa and the texas. the auxiliaries gloucester and vixen lay close to the land and nearer the harbor entrance than the large vessels, the gloucester to the eastward and the vixen to the westward. the torpedo boat ericsson was in company with the flagship, and remained with her during the chase until ordered to discontinue, when she rendered very efficient service in rescuing prisoners from the burning vizcaya. the spanish vessels came rapidly out of the harbor at a speed estimated at from eight to ten knots and in the following order: infanta maria teresa (flagship), vizcaya, cristobal colon and the almirante oquendo. the distance between these ships was about yards, which means that from the time the first one became visible in the upper reach of the channel until the last one was out of the harbor an interval of only about twelve minutes elapsed. following the oquendo at a distance of about , yards came the torpedo-boat destroyer pluton, and after her the furor. the armored cruisers, as rapidly as they could bring their guns to bear, opened a vigorous fire upon the blockading vessels and emerged from the channel shrouded in the smoke from their guns. the men of our ships in front of the port were at sunday "quarters for inspection." the signal was made simultaneously from several vessels, "enemy ships escaping" and "general quarters" was sounded. the men cheered as they sprang to their guns, and fire was opened probably within eight minutes by the vessels whose guns commanded the entrance. the new york turned about and steamed for the escaping fleet, flying the signal "close in towards harbor entrance and attack vessels," and gradually increased her speed, until toward the end of the chase she was making sixteen and a half knots, and was rapidly closing on the cristobal colon. she was not at any time within the range of the heavy spanish ships, and her only part in the firing was to receive the undivided fire of the forts in passing the harbor entrance and to fire a few shots at one of the destroyers, thought at the moment to be attempting to escape from the gloucester. the spanish vessels, upon clearing the harbor, turned to the westward in column, increasing their speed to the full power of their engines. the heavy blockading vessels, which had closed in toward the morro at the instant of the enemy's appearance and at their best speed, delivered a rapid fire, well sustained and destructive, which speedily overwhelmed and silenced the spanish fire. the initial speed of the spaniards carried them rapidly past the blockading vessels and the battle developed into a chase, in which the brooklyn and texas had at the start the advantage of position. the brooklyn maintained this lead. the oregon, steaming with amazing speed from the commencement of the action, took first place. the iowa and indiana, having done good work and not having the speed of the other ships, were directed by me, in succession, at about the time the vizcaya was beached, to drop out of the chase and resume the blockading station. the vixen, finding that the rush of the spanish ships would put her between two fires, ran outside of our own column, and remained there during the battle and chase. the skillful handling and gallant fighting of the gloucester excited the admiration of every one who witnessed it and merits the commendation of the navy department. she is a fast and entirely unprotected auxiliary vessel--the yacht corsair--and has a good battery of light rapid-fire guns. she was lying about two miles from the harbor entrance, to the southward and eastward, and immediately steamed in, opening fire upon the large ships. anticipating the appearance of the pluton and furor, the gloucester was slowed, thereby gaining more rapidly a high pressure of steam, and when the destroyers came out she steamed for them at full speed and was able to close at short range, where her fire was accurate, deadly and of great volume. during this fight the gloucester was under the fire of the socapa battery. within twenty minutes from the time they emerged from santiago harbor the careers of the furor and the pluton were ended and two-thirds of their people killed. the furor was beached and sunk in the surf, the pluton sank in deep water a few minutes later. the destroyers probably suffered much injury from the fire of the secondary batteries of the battleships iowa, indiana and the texas, yet i think a very considerable factor in their speedy destruction was the fire at close range of the gloucester's battery. after rescuing the survivors of the destroyers the gloucester did excellent service in landing and securing the crew of the infanta maria teresa. the method of escape attempted by the spaniards--all steering in the same direction and in formation--removed all tactical doubts or difficulties and made plain the duty of every united states vessel to close in, immediately engage and pursue. this was promptly and effectively done. as already stated, the first rush of the spanish squadron carried it past a number of the blockading ships, which could not immediately work up to their best speed, but they suffered heavily in passing, and the infanta maria teresa and the oquendo were probably set on fire by shells fired during the first fifteen minutes of the engagement. it was afterwards learned that the infanta maria teresa's fire main had been cut by one of our first shots and that she was unable to extinguish the fire. with large volumes of smoke rising from their lower decks aft, these vessels gave up both fight and flight and ran in on the beach-the infanta maria teresa at about : a. m. at nima nima, six and one-half miles from santiago harbor entrance, and the almirante oquendo at about : a. m. at juan gonzales, seven miles from the port. the vizcaya was still under the fire of the leading vessels; the cristobal colon had drawn ahead, leading the chase, and soon passed beyond the range of the guns of the leading american ships. the vizcaya was soon set on fire, and at : a. m. she turned in shore and was beached at aserraderos, fifteen miles from santiago, burning fiercely, and with her reserves of ammunition on deck already beginning to explode. when about ten miles west of santiago the indiana had been signaled to go back to the harbor entrance, and at aserraderos the iowa was signaled to "resume blockading station." the iowa, assisted by the ericsson and the hist, took off the crew of the vizcaya, while the harvard and the gloucester rescued those of the infanta maria teresa and the almirante oquendo. this rescue of prisoners, including the wounded, from the burning spanish vessels was the occasion of some of the most daring and gallant conduct of the day. the ships were burning fore and aft, their guns and reserve ammunition were exploding, and it was not known at what moment the fire would reach the main magazines. in addition to this a heavy surf was running just inside of the spanish ships. but no risk deterred our officers and men until their work of humanity was complete. there remained now of the spanish ships only the cristobal colon, but she was their best and fastest vessel. forced by the situation to hug the cuban coast, her only chance of escape was by superior and sustained speed. when the vizcaya went ashore the colon was about six miles ahead of the brooklyn and the oregon, but her spurt was finished and the american ships were now gaining upon her. behind the brooklyn and the oregon came the texas, vixen and new york. it was evident from the bridge of the new york that all the american ships were gradually overhauling the colon, and that she had no chance of escape. at : the brooklyn and the oregon opened fire and got her range, the oregon's heavy shell striking beyond her, and at : she gave up without firing another shot, hauled down her colors and ran ashore at rio torquino, forty-eight miles from santiago. capt. cook of the brooklyn went on board to receive the surrender. while his boat was alongside i came up in the new york, received his report and placed the oregon in charge of the wreck to save her, if possible, and directed the prisoners to be transferred to the resolute, which had followed the chase. commodore schley, whose chief of staff had gone on board to receive the surrender, had directed that all their personal effects should be retained by the officers. this order i did not modify. the cristobal colon was not injured by our firing, and probably is not much injured by beaching, though she ran ashore at high speed. the beach was so steep that she came off by the working of the sea. but her sea valves were opened and broken, treacherously, i am sure, after her surrender, and despite all efforts she sank. when it became evident that she could not be kept afloat she was pushed by the new york bodily up on the beach, the new york's stem being placed against her for this purpose--the ship being handled by capt. chadwick with admirable judgment--and sank in shoal water and may be saved. had this not been done she would have gone down in deep water and would have been to a certainty a total loss. i regard this complete and important victory over the spanish forces as the successful finish of several weeks of arduous and close blockade, so stringent and effective during the night that the enemy was deterred from making the attempt to escape at night and deliberately elected to make the attempt in daylight. that this was the case i was informed by the commanding officer of the cristobal colon. it was ascertained with fair conclusiveness that the merrimac, so gallantly taken into the channel on june , did not obstruct it. i therefore maintained the blockade as follows: to the battleships was assigned the duty, in turn, of lighting the channel. moving up to the port at a distance of from one to two miles from the morro--dependent upon the condition of the atmosphere--they threw a searchlight beam directly up the channel, and held it steadily there. this lighted up the entire breadth of the channel for half a mile inside of the entrance so brilliantly that the movement of small boats could be detected. when all the work was done so well it is difficult to discriminate in praise. the object of the blockade of cervera's squadron was fully accomplished, and each individual bore well his part in it --the commodore in command on the second division, the captains of ships, their officers and men. the fire of the battleships was powerful and destructive and the resistance of the spanish squadron was in great part broken almost before they had got beyond the range of their own forts. the fine speed of the oregon, enabled her to take a front position in the chase, and the cristobal colon did not give up until the oregon had thrown a -inch shell beyond her. this performance adds to the already brilliant record of this fine battleship and speaks highly of the skill and care with which her admirable efficiency has been maintained during a service unprecedented in the history of vessels of her class. the brooklyn's westerly blockading position gave her an advantage in the chase, which she maintained to the end, and she employed her fine battery with telling effect. the texas and the new york were gaining on the chase during the last hour, and had any accident befallen the brooklyn or the oregon, would have speedily overhauled the cristobal colon. from the moment the spanish vessel exhausted her first burst of speed the result was never in doubt. she fell, in fact, far below what might reasonably have been expected of her. careful measurements of time and distance give her an average speed from the time she cleared the harbor mouth until the time she was run on shore at rio tarquino--of . knots. neither the new york nor the brooklyn stopped to couple up their forward engine, but ran out the chase with one pair, getting steam, of course, as rapidly as possible on all boilers. to stop to couple up the forward engines would have meant a delay of fifteen minutes--or four miles--in the chase. several of the ships were struck, the brooklyn more often than the others, but very slight material injury was done, the greatest being aboard the iowa. our loss was one man killed and one wounded, both on the brooklyn. it is difficult to explain this immunity from loss of life or injury to ships in a combat with modern vessels of the best type; but spanish gunnery is poor at the best, and the superior weight and accuracy of our fire speedily drove the men from their guns and silenced their fire. this is borne out by the statements of prisoners and by observation. the spanish vessels, as they dashed out of the harbor, were covered with the smoke from their own guns, but this speedily diminished in volume and soon almost disappeared. the fire from the rapid-fire batteries of the battleships appears to have been remarkably destructive. an examination of the stranded vessels shows that the almirante oquendo especially had suffered terribly from this fire. her sides are everywhere pierced and her decks were strewn with the charred remains of those who had fallen. w. t. sampson, rear admiral united states navy, commander in chief united states naval force, north atlantic station. the secretary of the navy, navy department, washington, d. c. burning of the alfonso xii. two batteries silenced; two gunboats put to flight; the alfonso xii., a transport of , tons, loaded with ammunition, beached and burned; those were the spanish losses in the second battle of mariel on wednesday, july . the hawk, prairie and castine fought it, destroying the most valuable ship and cargo that spanish daring employed to run into havana's relief after the blockading squadron stationed itself before morro. the hawk began the battle tuesday night off havana. lieutenant hood had taken his destroyer yacht far in under the guns to watch the western approach to the harbor. twenty minutes before midnight he reached the eastern limit of his patrol, six miles west of morro, and went about, swinging farther in shore as he turned. the hawk had not finished circling when the forward lookout sighted a huge four-masted steamer creeping along in the shade of the shore a quarter of a mile nearer the beach, a mile to the westward. his "sail ho" warned the master of the steamer that he was discovered and he put about at the cry and steamed furiously away toward mariel. lieutenant hood was after him in an instant. eastward within call lay six warships, but lieutenant hood wanted the steamer for his own prize, and started after her without calling for aid. mile after mile the two vessels reeled off, the hawk waiting to get its prey well away from the squadron before striking. twenty miles from morro the steamer began drawing away from the destroyer. the hawk's men were at their quarters, and when lieutenant hood saw his prize slipping from his grasp his forward six-pounders began to speak. some of the shells must have landed, for the spaniard ran for shoal water, apparently hoping to catch the hawk among the rocks. lieutenant hood was game, however, and the light-draught hawk kept hammering away with her rapid-fire guns and burning signals for help from the bridge. two miles east of mariel the hunted spaniard broke for the narrow harbor mouth, and lieutenant hood's jackies, pumping steel across the moonlit waters, groaned in the fear that she might escape. the raining six-pound shells upset the pilot, however, and the fleeing ship struck hard on the bar at the west side of the entrance and stuck fast. with wild cheers the hawk's crew tumbled into the boats and boarded the prize, but the steamer's rail was lined with riflemen and the popping mausers drove the hawk's tars back to their ship. the hawk guarded the prize till morning and then, seeing her fast aground, ran back to havana to report to the fleet and to ask help in taking her. the castine was sent down to aid in the work, but the shore batteries opened on the ships when they appeared. after two hours' fruitless fighting the hood went back to the fleet for re-enforcements. the prairie, manned by massachusetts reserves, was dispatched to engage the batteries, and at o'clock in the afternoon captain train took a position two miles from martello tower and began pitching six-inch shells into the tower and sand batteries. ten shells silenced the three guns in the tower and sent the artillerymen streaming back over the hill toward the city. two gunboats inside the harbor poured five-inch shells at the prairie, but nine shells from that ship routed them and drove them back to the city. the sand batteries were harder to silence, but fifteen shells did that work and wrecked the barracks besides. the infantry in the rifle pits supporting the batteries were driven out by five-inch shells from the castine, which fired during the morning and afternoon shots. the prairie used thirty-eight of her six-inch shells and about six-pounders. the castine and hawk had taken the steamer, and the hawk then reported to the fleet at havana. the spanish vessel was so badly riddled that the name could not be deciphered. general miles assumes command in cuba. on july general miles arrived at the front and assumed personal command of the army around santiago. negotiations for the peaceful surrender of the city had been going on for several days between general shafter, commander of the american forces, and general toral of the spanish army, but it was not until the th that a final agreement was reached. on this date conditions of surrender were offered, the principal articles of which were as follows: first, that all hostilities shall cease pending the agreement of final capitulation. second, that the capitulation includes all the spanish forces and the surrender of all war material within the prescribed limits. third, that the transportation of the troops to spain shall be furnished at the earliest possible moment, each force to be embarked at the nearest port. fourth, that the spanish officers shall retain their side arms and the enlisted men their personal property. fifth, that after the final capitulation the spanish forces shall assist in the removal of all obstructions to navigation in santiago harbor. sixth, that after the final capitulation the commanding officers shall furnish a complete inventory of all arms and munitions of war and a roster of all soldiers in the district. seventh, that the spanish general shall be permitted to take the military archives and records with him. eighth, that all guerrillas and spanish irregulars shall be permitted to remain in cuba, giving a parole that they will not again take up arms against the united states unless properly released from parole. ninth, that the spanish forces shall be permitted to march out with all the honors of war, depositing their arms to be disposed of by the united states in the future, the american commissioners to recommend to their government that the arms of the soldiers be returned to those "who so bravely defended them." by the terms of this agreement the southeastern end of cuba--an area of about , square miles--the capital of the province, the forts and their heavy guns, and toral's army, about , strong, passed into our possession. the ceremony which sealed the capitulation of santiago was simple and short. promptly at o'clock in the morning all division and brigade commanders and their staffs reported to general shafter at his headquarters. with major-general wheeler at his left, general lawton and general kent behind, and the other officers, according to rank, following, the little cavalcade, escorted by a detachment of rafferty's mounted squadron, rode around the base of san juan hill and west on the royal road toward santiago. just about midway between the american and spanish lines of rifle pits stands a lordly ceiba, feet high to the crown, nearly feet in diameter at the trunk and spreading feet each way from the polished tree shaft. under this tree general toral and a score of his officers awaited the americans. as general shafter came down the slope toward the tree general toral advanced a few feet and raised his hat. general shafter returned the salute, and then the quick notes of a spanish bugle, marking the cadence of a march, sounded on the other side of the hedge which bordered the road, and the king's guard, in column of twos, came into view. before they arrived on the scene the american cavalrymen had lined up with drawn sabers at a carry, each man and horse motionless. the spanish soldiers came through a gap in the hedge in quick time, the spanish flag leading the column and two trumpeters sounding the advance. the soldiers marched in excellent order, but as they passed general shafter their eyes moved to the left and they glanced curiously at the men who had served as their targets only a few days before. about soldiers and officers were in the king's guard, and the little command, after moving down the entire front of the detachment of cavalry, countermarched, and, swinging into line, halted facing the americans, about ten yards distant. for a few minutes americans and spaniards faced each other, silent and motionless. then the two trumpeters gave tongue to their horns again; a spanish officer shouted a command; the spanish colors dipped in a salute; the spanish soldiers presented arms and the spanish officers removed their hats. captain brett's quick, terse command, "present sabers," rang over the hillside, and american swords flashed as the sabers swept downward. general shafter removed his hat, and his officers followed his example. for half a minute--and it seemed longer--the two little groups of armed men, each representing an army, remained at "the salute." the spanish officer in command of the king's guard was the first to break the silence. his commands put the spaniards in motion, and they again passed before the americans, who remained at "present arms" until the last of the guard had marched by. the spaniards marched back toward santiago a few hundred feet, halted, stacked their mauser rifles and then, without arms or flags, filed back of the american lines and went into camp on the hill just west of san juan hill. the formal part of the proceedings came to an end with this little ceremony, then spanish and american officers mingled, shook hands and exchanged compliments. while the king's guard and the american cavalrymen were saluting each other the th army corps stood on the crest of the parapet of the rifle pits, forming a thin line nearly seven miles long. only a small part of the army could see the groups of spanish and american soldiers under the ceiba tree, but every one of the men who had been fighting and living in our trenches strained his eyes to catch a glimpse, if possible, of the proceedings which put an end to hostilities in this part of cuba. on the way to santiago. after a few minutes of informal talk general toral and his officers escorted general shafter and his military family to santiago. general shafter's entrance was hardly the triumphant march of a victor, for the procession of americans and spaniards ambled quietly and unostentatiously over the cobble and blue flag stones, around the little public circles and squares, past ancient churches and picturesque ruins of what once were the homes of wealthy spaniards, through narrow, alleylike streets to the plaza de armas, with the cathedral, the cafe de venus, the governor-general's palace and san carlos club facing the square. general toral was the first to spring from his horse, and he held out his hand and welcomed general shafter to the "palace." this was a few minutes after o'clock. here general shafter received the local council and other civic officials, and the governor, seeking to do the honors properly, gave a luncheon to the general and his principal officers. by this time the th infantry had marched into the square and formed two lines, facing the palace, and the band had taken its station in the center of the broad walk, with the american officers grouped in front. just five minutes before noon general shafter, general wheeler, general lawton and general kent came from the palace and joined the officers, and lieutenant miley, general shafter's chief aid-de-camp; captain mckittrick and lieutenant wheeler, general wheeler's son, swarmed over the red roof tiles to the flagstaff. then followed five long, expectant, silent minutes. some of the officers held watches in their hands, but most of them kept their eyes on the little ball of bunting which cuddled at the foot of the flagstaff. general mckibben, his long, slim figure erect, stood before the th regiment, and when the first stroke of the cathedral clock bell sounded from the tower he whirled around and gave the command "present arms." the final word was spoken just as the flag fluttered up toward the tip of the staff, and the crash of hands meeting rifle butts and the swish of sweeping sabers came with the opening notes of the "star-spangled banner," and every american there saluted our flag as the wind caught the folds and flung the red, white and blue bunting out under the cuban sun and over a conquered spanish city. and when the last notes of the national air died away and the rifle butts had come to an "order" on the pavement, and the sabers had been slipped into their sheaths, men whose faces and throats were deep brown, whose cheeks were thin, whose limbs trembled with fatigue and cuban fever, whose heads wore bandages covering wounds made by spanish bullets, but who stood straight, with heads erect, were not ashamed to wipe from their eyes the tears which came when "old glory" spread its protecting folds over santiago. yellow fever in shafter's army. yellow fever broke out in the army on july , spreading with frightful rapidity among the men, but it fortunately proved to be of a mild type, and in comparatively few instances was the dreaded disease attended with fatal results. when the landings at baiquiri and juragua were made there were many men to be handled, the facilities were limited and the landings were made in great haste. no building was burned, no well was filled, no sink was dug. several of the enthusiastic young aids seized pretty vineclad cottages as headquarters for their respective generals. cubans and americans filed into the empty houses of the town without inquiry as to their antecedents. major legarde, in charge of the beach hospital, recommended earnestly on landing that every building be burned. major wood and colonel pope indorsed this, but the recommendation went by default. the camp was established in the heart of the spanish town and the first yellow-fever case was that of burr mcintosh, the actor and newspaper man, who had been sleeping at general bates' headquarters in one of the pretty vine-covered cottages mentioned. dr. lesser and his wife, "sister bettina," the new york workers of the red cross, were among the first victims, and katherine white, another red cross nurse, was also sent to the yellow-fever camp. after the fever was discovered every effort was made to check it and stamp it out, but the camp had already been pitted with it. cases were taken out of the surgical wards of the hospital tents and out of the officers' tents, general duffield being one of the victims. owing to the unhealthful climate and the lack of proper food, medicines, clothing, and shelter, the army was soon threatened with an epidemic of disease, and it was evident that the detention of the troops in cuba would result in loss of life to thousands of brave men. in order that the authorities at washington might have a thorough understanding of the situation, the officers of the th army corps united in the following letter which was addressed to general shafter, and which was transmitted by him to the war department in washington: we, the undersigned officers commanding the various brigades, divisions, etc., of the army of occupation in cuba, are of the unanimous opinion that this army should be at once taken out of the island of cuba and sent to some point on the northern seacoast of the united states; that it can be done without danger to the people of the united states; that yellow fever in the army at present is not epidemic; that there are only a few sporadic cases; but that the army is disabled by malarial fever to the extent that its efficiency is destroyed, and that it is in a condition to be practically destroyed by an epidemic of yellow fever which is sure to come in the near future. we know from the reports of competent officers and from personal observation that the army is unable to move into the interior and that there are no facilities for such a move if attempted, and that it could not be attempted until too late. moreover, the best medical authorities of the island say that with our present equipment we could not live in the interior during the rainy season without losses from malarial fever, which is almost as deadly as yellow fever. this army must be moved at once or perish. as the army can be safely moved now the persons responsible for preventing such a move will be responsible for the unnecessary loss of many thousands of lives. our opinions are the result of careful personal observation, and they are also based on the unanimous opinion of our medical officers with the army, who understand the situation absolutely. j. ford kent, major-general volunteers, commanding first division fifth corps. j. c. bates, major-general volunteers, commanding provisional division. adna r. chaffee, major-general commanding third brigade, second division. samuel s. sumner, brigadier-general volunteers, commanding first brigade cavalry. will ludlow, brigadier-general volunteers, commanding first brigade, second division. adelbert ames, brigadier-general volunteers, commanding third brigade, first division. leonard wood, brigadier-general volunteers, commanding the city of santiago. theodore roosevelt, colonel, commanding second cavalry brigade. as a result arrangements were completed as quickly as possible for the transportation of the troops to the united states, and immunes were sent to santiago for garrison duty in their places. another naval engagement. on the morning of july the vessels on blockade duty in the vicinity of manzanillo approached the harbor of that city from the westward. the wilmington and helena entered the northern channel towards the town, the scorpion and osceola the mid-channel, and the hist, hornet and wampatuck the south channel, the movement of the vessels being so timed as to bring them within effective range of the shipping at about the same moment. an attack was made on the spanish vessels in the harbor, and after a deliberate fire lasting about two and a half hours, three transports, el gloria, jose garcia and la purrissima concepcion, were burned and destroyed. the pontoon, which was the harbor guard and storeship for ammunition, was burned and blown up. three gunboats were destroyed, one other was driven ashore and sunk, and another was entirely disabled. no casualties occurred on board any of the american vessels. the spanish loss was over in killed and wounded, and the delgado, guantanamo, ostralia, continola and guardian, gunboats of the spanish navy, were sent to join cervera's fleet. chapter li. the invasion of puerto rico. general miles' landing at ponce--the american army received with cheers and open arms by the native puerto ricans--news of peace stops a battle and brings hostilities to a close. the united states military expedition, under command of major-general nelson a. miles, commanding the army of the united states, left guantanamo bay on the evening of thursday, july , and was successfully landed at the port of guanica, island of puerto rico, on july . the ships left guantanamo bay suddenly thursday evening with the massachusetts, commanded by capt. f. j. higginson, leading. captain higginson was in charge of the naval expedition, which consisted of the columbia, dixie, gloucester and yale. general miles was on board the last-named vessel. the troops were on board the transports nueces, lampasas, comanche, rita, unionist, stillwater, city of macon and specialist. as soon as the expedition was well under way general miles called for a consultation, announcing that he was determined not to go by san juan cape, but by the mona passage instead, land there, surprise the spaniards and deceive their military authorities. the course was then changed, and the dixie was sent to warn general brooke, who was on his way with his army from the united states, with instructions to meet general miles at cape san juan. early on the morning of july the gloucester, in charge of lieutenant-commander wainwright, steamed into guanica harbor in order to reconnoiter the place. with the fleet waiting outside, the gallant little fighting yacht braved the mines which were supposed to be in the harbor, and found that there were five fathoms of water close in shore. the spaniards were taken completely by surprise. almost the first they knew of the approach of the army of invasion was in the announcement contained in the firing of a gun from the gloucester, demanding that the spaniards haul down their flag, which was floating from a flagstaff in front of a blockhouse standing to the east of the village. the first couple of three-pounders was fired into the hills right and left of the bay, purposely avoiding the town, lest the projectiles should hurt women and children. the gloucester then hove to within about yards of the shore, and lowered a launch having on board a colt rapid-fire gun and thirty men under the command of lieutenant huse, which was sent ashore without encountering opposition. quartermaster beck thereupon told yoeman lacy to haul down the spanish flag, which was done, and they then raised on the flagstaff the first united states flag to float over puerto rican soil. spaniards open fire. suddenly about thirty spaniards opened fire with mauser rifles on the american party. lieutenant huse and his men responded with great gallantry, the colt gun doing effective work. almost immediately after the spaniards fired on the americans the gloucester opened fire on the enemy with all her three and six pounders which could be brought to bear, shelling the town and also dropping shells into the hills to the west of guanica, where a number of spanish cavalry were to be seen hastening toward the spot where the americans had landed. lieutenant huse then threw up a little fort, which he named fort wainwright, and laid barbed wire in the street in front of it in order to repel the expected cavalry attack. the lieutenant also mounted the colt gun and signaled for re-enforcements, which were sent from the gloucester. presently a few of the spanish cavalry joined those who were fighting in the street of guanica, but the colt killed four of them. by that time the gloucester had the range of the town and of the blockhouse and all her guns were spitting fire, the doctor and the paymaster helping to serve the guns. soon afterward white-coated galloping cavalrymen were seen climbing the hills to the westward and the foot soldiers were scurrying along the fences from the town. by : , with the exception of a few guerrilla shots, the town was won and the enemy was driven out of its neighborhood. the red cross nurses on the lampasas and a detachment of regulars were the first to land from the transports. after lieutenant huse had captured the place he deployed his small force into the suburbs. but he was soon re-enforced by the regulars, who were followed by company c of the th illinois and then by other troops in quick succession. all the boats of the men-of-war and transports were used in the work of landing the troops, each steam launch towing four or five boats loaded with soldiers. but everything progressed in an orderly manner and according to the plans of general miles. the latter went ashore about noon, after stopping to board the gloucester and thank lieutenant-commander wainwright for his gallant action. on wednesday, july , the wasp, annapolis, and dixie steamed from the port of guanica to ponce, prepared, if necessary, to shell the town. the wasp was the first to arrive, and she found the people of the town waiting, as the news of her coming had preceded her. the spanish garrison, strong, was paralyzed with fear and wished to surrender or leave, but colonel san martin, who was in command, declared that he could not surrender. the wasp steamed up close to the shore, with all her guns bearing on the town, and found, instead of an enemy prepared to give battle, a great congregation of people awaiting their arrival. lieutenant ward and executive officer wells sent ensign rowland curtin with four men ashore, bearing a flag of truce. they suspected treachery on the part of the spaniards, and the gunners of the wasp stood ready to fire at a second's warning. ensign curtin put for the beach as though he had no suspicion of treachery, and as he stepped from the boat the people crowded around him, forcing presents upon him and his men, and welcoming them with rousing cheers. a message was sent to the spanish commander, demanding the immediate and unconditional surrender of the city, and ensign curtin returned to the wasp for instructions. in a short time a reply was received from colonel san martin, offering to surrender upon the conditions that the garrison should be permitted to retire; that the civil government remain in force; that the police and fire brigade be permitted to patrol without arms, and that the captain of the port should not be made a prisoner. he also imposed the condition that the american soldiers should not advance from the town within forty-eight hours. commander davis, who was anxious to complete the surrender, accepted these conditions and the armor-plated soldiers and policemen then fled to the hills. the spaniards left rifles and , rounds of ammunition behind them. lieutenant haines, commanding the marines of the dixie, went ashore and hoisted the american flag over the custom-house at port of ponce amid the cheers of the people. after this lieutenant murdoch and surgeon heiskell got into a carriage and drove to the city proper, two miles distant, where they received a tremendous ovation. the streets were lined with men, women and children, white and black. everybody was dancing up and down and yelling: "viva los americanos!" "viva puerto rico libre!" the storekeepers offered their whole stock to the officers, and declared that they would take no pay for anything. in the plaza of justice the people tore down the wooden-gilded crown and would have trampled upon it if the officers had not interfered and saved it as a souvenir. when general wilson landed, the firemen lined up to receive him, and the local band played "the star-spangled banner." everybody took off his hat and cheered. the custom-house was taken for the american headquarters. the troops landed during the day were the second and third wisconsin and the sixteenth pennsylvania regiments. when the ships arrived all the people who could get small boats rowed out to them and offered to pilot them in. general wilson at once started in to learn the condition of affairs. he sent men into the town immediately and put a sentry at each foreign consulate. he also detailed a detachment of soldiers to the work of guarding the roads. general wilson and general miles agreed that the conditions of the surrender relating to the movement of troops were not binding. despite the arrival of the troops the celebration in the town went on. all the spanish stores were closed, but the puerto ricans and the foreigners kept open house. women and men alike were all dressed in their finest attire. miles issues his proclamation. at o'clock general miles issued his proclamation to the inhabitants, which was as follows: in the prosecution of the war against the kingdom of spain by the people of the united states, in the cause of liberty, justice and humanity, its military forces have come to occupy the island of puerto rico. they come bearing the banners of freedom, inspired by a noble purpose, to seek the enemies of our government and of yours and to destroy or capture all in armed resistance. they bring you the fostering arms of a free people, whose greatest power is justice and humanity to all living within their fold. hence, they release you from your former political relations, and it is hoped this will be followed by your cheerful acceptance of the government of the united states. the chief object of the american military forces will be to overthrow the armed authorities of spain and give the people of your beautiful island the largest measure of liberty consistent with this military occupation. they have not come to make war on the people of the country, who for centuries have been oppressed, but, on the contrary, they bring protection not only to yourselves but to your property, promote your prosperity and bestow the immunities and blessings of our enlightenment and liberal institutions and government. it is not their purpose to interfere with the existing laws and customs which are wholesome and beneficial to the people so long as they conform to the rules of the military administration, order and justice. this is not a war of devastation and desolation, but one to give all within the control of the military and naval forces the advantages and blessings of enlightened civilization. in the afternoon general miles and his staff were invited to the city hall to see the city officials. the city hall was surrounded by a vast crowd of people, and a band was stationed in the park. when the carriages of general miles and his staff appeared the band played "lo, the conquering hero comes." general miles appeared upon the balcony of the city hall and took off his hat. the crowd cheered him wildly, and the band played "the star-spangled banner," "marching through georgia," and other patriotic airs. general miles talked to the officials and told them to remain in office. he said he wanted things to go on just as before, but there must be no oppression. he repeated the words of his proclamation, and said that spaniards who had arms must give them up; if not, they would be regarded as bandits, and not as soldiers, and treated accordingly. on august the city of guayama, the principal port on the southeastern coast, was captured after a sharp skirmish with spaniards. the th ohio, colonel coit, and the rd illinois, colonel bennitt, with two dynamite guns, all under command of general haynes, composed the expedition which marched against the town from headquarters at arroyo. when the americans had reached a point about three miles from the latter place they were viciously attacked on both their right and left flanks. colonel coit's ohio troops, who were leading the advance, were splendidly handled and did telling work against the enemy. the spaniards for a time managed to conceal themselves behind barricades, but the americans soon got at them and poured a terrific fire in their direction. it was impossible for the spaniards long to withstand this fire, and they soon retreated. as the american troops entered the town they found it practically deserted. all of the houses had been closed, and the ohio regiment raised its colors over the town hall. a crowd of citizens soon gathered about the invading troops and welcomed them with enthusiasm. while this demonstration was under way the spaniards returned, making a heavy attack on the town from the north. the fourth ohio was sent out to engage the enemy and a hot fight between the two bodies of troops took place during the next two hours. two dynamite guns finally were put in position by the americans and five shots were fired. these completely silenced the enemy and they withdrew, leaving the town in possession of our forces. coamo was captured on august , after a dashing fight, in which the th pennsylvania volunteers won honors, holding the lead in general wilson's advance on the town. the skirmishing with the enemy's outposts began at : o'clock in the morning. the american troops were armed with krag-jorgensen rifles and were supported by artillery. they went into the fight with spirit under the eye of general ernst, and routed the enemy, killing twelve of them, including the spanish commander, colonel illeroa, capturing the town, and taking prisoners. no americans lost their lives, but six were wounded, one seriously. general wilson's troops destroyed the spanish batteries on the heights facing aibonito, on friday, august , after a brilliant advance of the artillery. the first firing by the battery was at a range of , yards, which silenced the spanish guns. then a portion of the battery, under lieutenant john p. haines, of the th artillery, was moved forward within , yards of the enemy's rifle pits and there drove them out and captured a blockhouse. the firing of the spanish riflemen and artillerists was very wild, reaching the american infantry in the hills instead of the attacking battery. corporal swanson of the rd wisconsin volunteers was killed by a shell which fell in the midst of the wisconsin men, and the same missile wounded three others. news of peace stops a battle. the news that peace was at hand reached guayama on august just in time to interrupt a battle. general brooke's force, in three strong columns, had begun an advance toward cayey to form a junction there with general wilson's division, which had been making its way along the main road from ponce to san juan. three miles out general brooke's troops came upon a force of spanish occupying strong intrenchments on the top of a mountain. light battery b, pennsylvania artillery, unlimbered its guns, loaded them with shells and had just received the order to commence firing when a message from general miles announcing peace was received on the field over a military telegraph wire. the battery immediately was signaled to cease action, to the surprise of all the men, who were keyed up for battle. the news that the war was over spread rapidly among the soldiers, causing general disappointment, for the officers could do nothing but leave the battle unfought and withdraw their troops. all returned to their former camp at guayama. the signing of the treaty of peace by the united states and spain came too soon to suit the commanders of the invading army in puerto rico. their plans had been perfectly formed and were almost executed. the simultaneous advance of the four divisions toward san juan was interrupted in the very midst of the successful movement. if it could have been carried out as contemplated it would have been an invaluable lesson to the puerto ricans, quelling such pro-spanish sentiment as existed and rendering american occupation and government of the island a comparatively simple matter. general miles felt this and regretted that he was not permitted to complete the masterly military movement so carefully begun and so successfully carried forward. the occupation of puerto rico was made with a loss to the americans of two killed and thirty-seven wounded. chapter lii. the surrender of manila. landing of general merritt at manila--the german fleet warned by admiral dewey--the ladrone islands--fierce battle in darkness and storm--foreign warships notified of the attack--combined assault by dewey and merritt--the city surrenders. in the meantime, far away in the philippines, admiral dewey was sustaining the reputation he made at the outbreak of hostilities. after the battle of manila there remained but three spanish warships in pacific waters. one of them was in dry dock at hongkong and the two others were in hiding in the waters of the philippine group. the admiral dispatched the gunboat concord and a cruiser to locate and destroy the two spanish vessels. the concord soon discovered the argos, and after a lively battle lasting thirty minutes the spanish ship was sunk with all on board and her colors flying. not a man was lost or injured on the concord, nor did the ship sustain any damage. the first american army to sail for foreign shores left san francisco may . at o'clock in the afternoon brigadier-general anderson signaled from the australia for the city of pekin and the city of sydney to get under way. the signal was seen from the shore, and the waiting crowds cheered wildly. no time was lost on board the transports. the crews worked with a will and in a short time the anchors were up and the vessels were under way. then the , soldiers who had been impatiently awaiting the signal to start climbed to the rigging and swarmed all over the big ships, shouting and cheering like mad. the big transports steamed slowly along the water front, and the crowd on shore raced along to keep them in sight. the noise made by the patriotic citizens on sea and shore was something terrible. every steam whistle in the city appeared to be blowing, cannon were fired, and the din lasted fully an hour. the three transports carried close on to , men. the expedition, which was under the command of brigadier-general anderson, consisted of four companies of regulars, under command of major robe; the first regiment california volunteers, colonel smith; the first regiment oregon volunteers, colonel summers; a battalion of fifty heavy artillery, major gary; about sailors, and eleven naval officers. the fleet was loaded with supplies to last a year, and carried a big cargo of ammunition and naval stores for admiral dewey's fleet. four transports bearing about , men passed through the golden gate shortly after o'clock on the th of june, amid scenes of great enthusiasm and patriotism unequaled in the history of san francisco. the four vessels which carried the troops were the china, colon, zealandia and senator. the fleet was accompanied down the bay by a large number of tugboats and bay steamers. it was a few minutes past o'clock when the china hoisted the blue peter and warned the fleet to get under way. the senator had slipped into the stream and straightened out for the run to manila. when she reached the stream the china swung away from her anchorage and started down the bay, followed by the colon and zealandia and a long line of tugboats and steamers. at : p.m. the fleet was off lombard street and a few minutes later it was steaming past meiggs' wharf. thousands of people, attracted by the blowing of whistles, rushed to points of vantage on the city front and cheered the departing boats. soldiers crowded the fort at the point and shouted and waved their hats as the squadron passed out through the golden gate. a heavy fog lay outside the bar, and before o'clock the transports were lost in the mists. assigned to the china, general greene's flagship, and the largest, finest and fastest vessel of the fleet, was the first regiment colorado volunteer infantry, , men; half a battalion of the eighteenth united states infantry, men, and a detachment of united states engineers, men. the colon took four companies of the twenty-third infantry and two companies of the eighteenth infantry, both of the regular army, and battery a of the utah artillery. in the battery were twelve men and in each of the infantry companies seventy-five men, besides the officers, making less than military passengers. the control of the ship was given to lieutenant-colonel clarence w. bailey, of the eighteenth infantry. on the zealandia were the tenth pennsylvania volunteers and part of battery b of the utah volunteer artillery. with the gunners went two maxim fighting machines, which as a precautionary measure were placed ready for action in the bow of the vessel. in all there were privates and officers on board. on the steamer senator was the first regiment of nebraska volunteers, numbering , men and officers. took the ladrones. the united states cruiser charleston, with the troopships city of sydney, city of pekin and australia, arrived off cavite on the th of june. they left honolulu, june , with sealed orders from washington to capture the island of guam, chief of the ladrone islands, and the seat of spanish government. the american cruiser and the transports arrived at guam on the morning of june . they passed the unoccupied fort santiago and advanced opposite fort santa cruz. the charleston then fired twelve shots, but, receiving no response from the fort, it steamed on to port luis de appa, where agana, the capital of the ladrone islands, is situated. that afternoon the captain of the port and the health officer came aboard the charleston and were informed to their astonishment that they were prisoners of war. they had not heard that war existed between the united states and spain, and they had thought the firing by the charleston was a salute of courtesy. they said governor marina regretted that he had no powder for his cannon with which to return the salute. those surprised spaniards were thereupon sent ashore to request the governor of the islands to come on board the charleston. in reply the governor sent his official interpreter and secretary to say to the americans that the spanish laws forbade him to leave the shore during his term of office. however, he invited captain glass of the charleston to a conference on shore the next morning and guaranteed his safety. captain glass sent lieutenant braunersreuther to meet the governor and deliver an ultimatum demanding the surrender of the ladrones, giving the governor thirty minutes in which to consider the matter. lieutenant braunersreuther was accompanied by two companies of oregon volunteers. the governor surrendered gracefully within the allotted time. thereupon forty-six marines from the charleston landed and disarmed the spanish soldiers, confiscated their rifles and , rounds of ammunition. the natives were allowed to retain their weapons. they all showed delight in renouncing spanish authority, and tore off the spanish regalia from their uniforms with many expressions of satisfaction. general merritt arrived in manila bay on july , and after reporting to admiral dewey assumed command of the american troops in the philippines. he lost no time in making himself familiar with the situation, and established headquarters at the cavite arsenal. the german fleet at manila. as soon as the american blockade of manila was declared, germany began to enlarge her fleet in those waters until all but three of the german men-of-war on the asiatic station were either in manila bay or its vicinity. the german naval officers took pains to show particular friendliness towards the spaniards, as for example in saluting the spanish flag at manila on the arrival of every additional ship. the german officers visited the spanish fortifications and trenches, and the manila newspapers asserted that the presence before the city of so many german ships enabled the spanish authorities and the people of manila to regard the american fleet with complacency. on june the mcculloch met the irene, one of the german fleet, at corregidor island, preparing to enter the bay, and signaled to her: "we wish to communicate with you." the irene paid no attention to the signal, and proceeded on her way until a small boat was sent out to her from the mcculloch. the captain of the irene explained the matter by saying that he had misunderstood the signal. the action of the irene in interfering with the attack by the insurgent vessel, filipinas, on the spanish garrison at isla grande, in subig bay, was in line with the attitude adopted by the german naval officers. the filipinas, a steamer of about tons, loaded with a half cargo of tobacco, was in hiding in the coves around subig bay. she was owned and officered by spaniards, but her crew was a native one. the crew mutinied and killed the twelve officers. they then took charge of the ship and hoisted the insurgent flag. on the shore of subig bay, and chiefly in the town of subig, were spanish soldiers. as the insurgent forces on the land began to close in on them they fled in a body to the isla de grande, near the mouth of subig bay, taking with them sick and about women. they retained their small arms and had only one maxim gun. the insurgents hoped to starve them into submission. about this time the filipinas incident occurred, whereby she passed from the spanish to the insurgents. two hundred insurgent soldiers took the ship and approached the island and fired on the spaniards. their firing was ineffective, but after awhile the spaniards, probably realizing the ultimate hopelessness of their position, hoisted the white flag. at almost the same time the german cruiser approached from within the bay and the spaniards hauled down the white flag, for they evidently had reason to hope for interference by the germans. the german ship at once advanced to the filipinas and said that the flag she flew was not recognized, and if it were not at once hauled down and a white one substituted she would be taken with her crew to manila as prisoners. the filipinas at once hauled down the insurgent flag, hoisted the white one and started immediately south to manila bay. all this happened july . she arrived off the american flagship late in the evening and the insurgents at once reported the matter to the admiral. dewey protects the insurgents. admiral dewey sent the insurgent ship into a safe anchorage. at o'clock midnight the raleigh and concord quietly drew up their anchors and left the bay. they proceeded at once to subig bay, fired several times on the island, where the spaniards were, and the latter promptly surrendered. the irene had disappeared when they arrived, although she had been in subig bay for several days for the expressed purpose of protecting german interests. the concord then returned to report to admiral dewey and find out what should be done with the spaniards captured. the raleigh remained at subig on guard. during the th the insurgent leader, mr. seyba, came out to the flagship for permission to take the filipinas and go to subig for the purpose of capturing the island. the admiral told him that it had already been done. seyba went aboard the filipinas with a strong force of men and left the harbor. the concord, when she returned to report the matter to the admiral, bore a letter from captain coghlan of the raleigh begging that the spaniards captured be made american prisoners, and that they be not turned over to the insurgents, as admiral dewey's original orders demanded. the concord was sent back with instructions to turn the prisoners over to aguinaldo, but he exacted an ironclad promise that they should be well and carefully cared for. finally admiral dewey sent an officer to the german flagship with a request that admiral diederichs make a statement of the german attitude in the matter of the blockade of manila. the german admiral sent an immediate explanation. two days later, however, he sent a protest to admiral dewey against the action of american officers in boarding german ships coming to manila from marivles. he cited the incident of the mcculloch and the irene at corregidor. admiral dewey replied to this very courteously but very firmly. he pointed out to the german admiral that international law gave to the commander of a blockading fleet authority to communicate with all ships entering a blockaded port. as international law permitted warships to fly any flag they chose in order to deceive the enemy, the nationality of vessels entering the bay could not be absolutely determined without communicating with them. for the german admiral's further information admiral dewey told him that if germany was at peace with the united states the german naval officers would have to change their methods, and that if germany was at war with his nation he desired to know it at once in order that he might act accordingly. the philippine insurgents under aguinaldo continued their savage attacks, and gradually closed in on the city of manila. they were working independently of the american forces under general merritt, and it was apparent that they did not intend to recognize american authority. the spanish residents of manila, fearing that the capture of the city by aguinaldo would be followed by pillage and slaughter, appealed to the captain-general to surrender to the american forces, but that official was determined to resist, in the face of the fact that resistance could only delay defeat. battle in a storm. on the night of july the soil of the philippines was drenched with american blood. our troops were strengthening their position near the spanish fort guarding the southern approach to manila, in the suburbs of that city. the spanish, knowing their situation to be growing every day more hopeless, made a concerted sortie on the american right flank, held by the th pennsylvania troops. the scene of the battle was at a place called malate, which is located half way between cavite and the city of manila. here general greene was in command of , men. the arrival of the third expedition filled the spaniards with rage, and they determined to give battle before camp dewey could be re-enforced. in the midst of a raging typhoon, with a tremendous downpour of rain, , spanish soldiers attempted to surprise the camp. the american pickets were driven in and the trenches assaulted. the pennsylvania troops did not flinch, but stood their ground under a withering fire. the alarm spread and the st california regiment, with two companies of the rd artillery, who fought with rifles, were sent up to re-enforce the pennsylvanians. the enemy was on top of the trenches when these re-enforcements arrived, and never was the discipline of the regulars better demonstrated than by the work of the rd artillery under captain o'hara. nothing could be seen but the flash of mauser rifles. the utah battery, under captain young, covered itself with glory. the men pulled their guns through mud axle deep, and poured in a destructive enfilading fire. the enemy was repulsed and retreated in disorder. our infantry had exhausted its ammunition and did not follow. not an inch of ground was lost, but the scene in the trenches was one never to be forgotten. during the flashes of lightning the dead and wounded could be seen lying in blood-red water, but neither the elements of heaven nor the destructive power of man could wring a cry of protest from the wounded. they encouraged their comrades to fight and handed over their cartridge belts. the fighting was renewed on the night of august , and again the following evening, but the enemy had been taught a lesson, and made the attacks at long range with heavy artillery. the total american loss was fourteen killed and forty-four wounded. the spaniards had killed and over wounded. on august the spaniards again attacked the american outworks. the trenches were occupied by a battalion each of the th and rd regulars and nebraska volunteers, the latter holding the extreme right and a company of regulars the extreme left. they returned the spanish fire and the battle lasted for a half an hour. three americans were killed, and eleven wounded, four of them seriously. the city surrenders. admiral dewey and general merritt sent an ultimatum to the authorities in manila on monday, august , notifying them that at the expiration of forty-eight hours the land and naval forces of the american army would attack the city, unless they surrendered before that time. when this time had expired the spaniards asked an extension of one day more, in order that they might remove their sick and wounded and the women and children and non-combatants. this request was granted. the foreign warships in the bay were notified of the attack, all of them withdrawing out of range. the english and japanese warships joined the american fleet off cavite, and the french and german warships steamed to the north of the city, where they were out of range. the attack was arranged for the th inst, but at the last minute general merritt requested that the fleet postpone the bombardment until his lines could be extended farther around the city. then admiral dewey informed the spaniards that the attack would be made on saturday; that he would destroy fort malate and shell the trenches, thus destroying the opposition to the land forces entering the city; that he would not fire on manila unless their guns opened on his ships, in which case he would destroy the city. at o'clock on the morning of saturday the american fleet, with battle flags flying at every masthead, left cavite, the band on the british warship immortalite playing "el capitan" at the departure. the agreement between dewey and merritt was to get under way with the fleet standing toward the city at the same time the troops pressed forward ready to force an entrance when the ships had destroyed the forts. with the fleet the olympia led the way, attended by the raleigh and the petrel, while the calloa under lieutenant tappan and the launch barcolo crept close inshore in the heavy breakers. perfect quiet prevailed in the lines on both sides as the great ships, cleared for action, silently advanced, sometimes hidden by rain squalls. the monterey, with the baltimore, charleston and boston, formed the reserve. at : a sudden cloud of smoke, green and white against the stormy sky, completely hid the olympia, a shell screamed across two miles of turbulent water and burst near the spanish fort at milate san antonio de abad. then the petrel and raleigh and the active little calloa opened a rapid fire directed toward the shore end of the intrenchments. in the heavy rain it was difficult to judge the range, and the shots at first fell short, but the fire soon became accurate and shells rendered the fort untenable, while the four guns of the utah battery made excellent practice of the earthworks and swamp to the east of the fort. the spaniards replied with a few shells. less than half an hour after the bombardment began general greene decided that it was possible to advance, although the signals to cease firing were disregarded by the fleet, being invisible on account of the rain. thereupon six companies of the colorado regiment leaped over their breastworks, dashed into the swamp and began volley firing from the partial shelter of low hedges within yards of the spanish lines. a few moments later the remaining six companies moved along the seashore, somewhat covered by a sand ridge formed by an inlet under the outworks of the fort, and at o'clock occupied this formidable stronghold without loss. meanwhile the fleet, observing the movement of the troops along the beach, withheld its fire. the bombardment had lasted exactly an hour and a half. an hour later general greene and his staff proceeded along the beach, still under a hot infantry fire from the right, where the eighteenth regulars and the third regular artillery were engaging the enemy, and directed the movement for an advance into malate. the vicinity of the fort was uncomfortable on account of numbers of sharpshooters in the buildings on both sides, yards distant. the forward movement was therefore hastened, and in a few minutes the outskirts of the suburb were well occupied and the sharpshooters were driven away. as the californians under colonel smith came up the beach their band played the national air, accompanied by the whistling of mauser bullets, and during the sharpshooting continued to encourage the men with inspiring music. each regiment carried its colors into action. there was considerable street fighting in the suburbs of malate and ermita, but the battalion of californians pushed into the luneta, a popular promenade within two hundred yards of the moat of the citadel. then the white flag was hoisted at the southwest corner of the walled town. general greene, with a few members of his staff, galloped along the luneta, under a sharp scattering fire from the houses near the beach, and parleyed with an officer who directed him along to the gate, further east. at this moment the spanish forces, retreating from santa ana, came into view, fully , strong, followed by insurgents who had eluded general mcarthur's troops, and now opened fire for a brief period. the situation was awkward if not critical, both sides being slightly suspicious of treachery. the spanish troops lining the citadel ramparts, observing the insurgents' action, opened fire on the californians, killing one and wounding three. the confusion, however, soon ceased by the advance of the retreating spaniards to the esplanade, when general greene ordered them to enter the citadel. soon a letter was brought from the captain general requesting the commander of the troops to meet him for consultation. general greene immediately entered with adjutant general bates. meanwhile, according to arrangement, the moment the white flag was shown, general merritt, who occupied the steamer zafiro as temporary corps headquarters, sent general whittier, with flag lieutenant brumby, ashore to meet the captain general and discuss first a plan of capitulation. general whittier found the officials much startled by the news that the attack was still vigorously continuing along the whole line, the american troops even threatening the citadel. spanish troops massed. all available spanish troops were immediately massed in the vicinity of the palace, awaiting the succession of events, concerning which a certain degree of anxiety was evident. general merritt entered with his staff at o'clock. the situation was then better understood, and a conference with general jaudenes was held. the terms agreed on were as follows: an agreement for the capitulation of the philippines. a provision for disarming the men who remain organized under the command of their officers, no parole being exacted. necessary supplies to be furnished from the captured treasury funds, any possible deficiency being made good by the americans. the safety of life and property of the spanish soldiers and citizens to be guaranteed as far as possible. the question of transporting the troops to spain to be referred to the decision of the washington government, and that of returning their arms to the soldiers to be left to the discretion of general merritt. banks and similar institutions to continue operations under existing regulations, unless these are changed by the united states authorities. lieutenant brumby, immediately after the terms of capitulation had been signed, hurried off to lower the spanish flag--in reality to lower all spain's flags in the philippines by taking down one. he was accompanied by two signal men from the olympia. this little party found its way after great difficulty into fort santiago in the northern portion of the walled city. there a large spanish flag was flying. grouped about it were many spanish officers. brumby's presence there in the victorious uniform attracted a crowd from the streets. raises the stars and stripes. they hissed as he approached to haul down the flag. then the stars and stripes rose in place of the other. many of those present wept bitterly as the flag of the victorious stranger climbed into place above the fort. fearing that the crowd might lower "old glory," lieutenant brumby asked an american infantry officer to move up a detachment to guard it. fortunately, he met a company coming up with a band. the infantrymen presented arms and the band played "the star-spangled banner," accompanied by the cheers of the soldiers, in which many of the residents of the city joined. the total american loss in the day's battle was eight killed and thirty-four wounded. the spaniards had killed and over wounded. the americans took , prisoners, , being spanish regulars; , mauser rifles, , remingtons, eighteen modern cannon and many of the obsolete pattern. great credit was given to general merritt for his plan of attack, which was successfully carried out in every detail under unusually complicated conditions. nor was commendation withheld from chief of staff general babcock for his expert co-operation in the admirably conceived strategy. prompt action and strictly following fully detailed orders resulted in every case in the immediate settlement of every difficulty, however threatening. the conduct of the spanish was in a few cases reprehensible, such as their setting fire to the gunboat cebu and the destruction of several armed launches and boats after the capitulation had been agreed upon. it fell to the lot of admiral dewey to open and to close the active operations of the war. his destruction of the spanish fleet was the first engagement of the war. after fighting had ceased in the western hemisphere, under instructions from the president in accordance with the peace agreement, admiral dewey forced manila to surrender under fire of the guns of his fleet. chapter liii victorious close of the war spain sues for peace--president mckinley's ultimatum--french ambassador cambon acts on behalf of spain--the president's proclamation--the protocol--spanish losses in men, ships and territory--appointment of the evacuation committees and the peace commission. on tuesday, july , the spanish government took the first well defined step to bring about a cessation of hostilities. the french ambassador, accompanied by his secretary of embassy, called on president mckinley, and under instructions from his government and at the request of the spanish minister of foreign affairs, opened peace negotiations by declaring that spain was ready to consider terms. the proposition submitted by the ambassador acting for the spanish government was in general terms, and was confined to the one essential point of an earnest plea that negotiations be opened for the purpose of terminating the war. owing to the importance of the communication the ambassador adopted the usual diplomatic procedure of reading the communication from the original, in french, the translation being submitted by m. thiebaut. in the conversation which followed the reading of the proposition neither the president nor the ambassador entered upon the question of the terms of peace. the instructions of the ambassador had confined him to the opening of peace negotiations, and it was evident that the president desired to consider the proposition before giving any definite reply. it was finally determined that the president would consult the members of his cabinet, and after a decision had been arrived at m. cambon would then be invited to the white house for a further conference and for a final answer from the united states government. before the call closed a brief official memorandum was agreed upon in order to set at rest misleading conjecture and to give to the public information on a subject which had advanced beyond the point where diplomatic reserve was essential. after cabinet discussions on friday and saturday regarding the concessions which should be demanded from spain a definite agreement was reached, and the french ambassador was notified that the president was prepared to deliver his ultimatum. the demands made by the president were briefly as follows: . that spain will relinquish all claims of sovereignty over and title to cuba. . that puerto rico and other spanish islands in the west indies, and an island in the ladrones, to be selected by the united states, shall be ceded to the latter. . that the united states will occupy and hold the city, bay and harbor of manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace, which shall determine the control, disposition and government of the philippines. . that cuba, puerto rico and other spanish islands in the west indies shall be immediately evacuated, and that commissioners, to be appointed within ten days, shall within thirty days from the signing of the protocol meet at havana and san juan, respectively, to arrange and execute the details of the evacuation. . that the united states and spain will each appoint not more than five commissioners to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace. the commissioners to meet at paris not later than october . . on the signing of the protocol hostilities will be suspended, and notice to that effect will be given as soon as possible by each government to the commanders of its military and naval forces. spanish diplomacy was as usual in evidence, and attempts were made by the madrid administration to modify the terms, so as to relieve the spanish government of at least a portion of the cuban debt, but the authorities in washington were firm and insisted that no such suggestion could be considered, and that there could be no further discussion until the spanish flag had been withdrawn from the west indies. on august ambassador cambon received official notice from the administration at madrid that his action in agreeing to the terms of the protocol was approved, and he was authorized to sign it, as the representative of the spanish government. accordingly, at four o'clock on the afternoon of that day, he presented himself at the president's mansion, in company with his first secretary, m. thiebaut, where he was met by president mckinley, secretary of state day, and assistant secretaries of state moore, adee and cridler. two copies of the protocol had been prepared, one in english for preservation by this government, and the other in french for the spanish government. the signatures and seals were formally attached, secretary day signing one copy in advance of m. cambon, the order being reversed on the other. the president then congratulated the french ambassador upon the part he had taken in securing a suspension of hostilities and thanked him for the earnest efforts he had made to facilitate a speedy conclusion. m. cambon then bowed himself out of the room and left the white house with the copy of the protocol, which he will forward to spain. the seal used by the french ambassador was that of spain, which had been left with him when the spanish minister withdrew from washington. full text of the protocol. his excellency, m. cambon, ambassador extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the french republic at washington, and mr. william day, secretary of state of the united states, having received respectively to that effect plenary powers from the spanish government and the government of the united states, have established and signed the following articles which define the terms on which the two governments have agreed with regard to the questions enumerated below and of which the object is the establishment of peace between the two countries--namely: article . spain will renounce all claim to all sovereignty over and all her rights over the island of cuba. article . spain will cede to the united states the island of puerto rico and the other islands which are at present under the sovereignty of spain in the antilles, as well as an island in ladrona archipelago, to be chosen by the united states. article . the united states will occupy and retain the city and bay of san juan de puerto rico and the port of manila and bay of manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine the control and form of government of the philippines. article . spain will immediately evacuate cuba, puerto rico, and the other islands now under spanish sovereignty in the antilles. to this effect each of the two governments will appoint commissioners within ten days after the signing of this protocol, and these commissioners shall meet at havana within thirty days after the signing of this protocol with the object of coming to an agreement regarding the carrying out of the details of the aforesaid evacuation of cuba and other adjacent spanish islands; and each of the two governments shall likewise appoint within ten days after the signature of this protocol other commissioners, who shall meet at san juan de puerto rico within thirty days after the signature of this protocol, to agree upon the details of the evacuation of puerto rico and other islands now under spanish sovereignty in the antilles. article . spain and the united states shall appoint to treat for peace five commissioners at the most for either country. the commissioners shall meet in paris on oct. at the latest to proceed to negotiations and to the conclusion of a treaty of peace. this treaty shall be ratified in conformity with the constitutional laws of each of the two countries. article . once this protocol is concluded and signed hostilities shall be suspended, and to that effect in the two countries orders shall be given by either government to the commanders of its land and sea forces as speedily as possible. done in duplicate at washington, read in french and in english by the undersigned, who affix at the foot of the document their signatures and seals, aug. , jules cambon. william r. day. the president immediately issued the following proclamation: by the president of the united states of america--a proclamation. whereas, by a protocol concluded and signed aug. , , by william r. day, secretary of state of the united states, and his excellency jules cambon, ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the republic of france at washington, respectively representing for this purpose the government of the united states and the government of spain, the united states and spain have formally agreed upon the terms on which negotiations for the establishment of peace between the two countries shall be undertaken; and, whereas, it is in said protocol agreed that upon its conclusion and signature hostilities between the two countries shall be suspended, and that notice to that effect shall be given as soon as possible by each government to the commanders of its military and naval forces: now, therefore, i, william mckinley, president of the united states, do, in accordance with the stipulations of the protocol, declare and proclaim on the part of the united states a suspension of hostilities, and do hereby command that orders be immediately given through the proper channels to the commanders of the military and naval forces of the united states to abstain from all acts inconsistent with this proclamation. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. done at the city of washington, this th day of august, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight, and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-third. william mckinley. by the president: william r. day, secretary of state. in accordance with the proclamation issued by the president orders were issued to the naval commanders at the several stations in the united states, cuba and the philippines carrying into effect the directions of the proclamation. the navy department not only transmitted the president's proclamation in full to the several commanders in chief, but also directions as to the disposition of their vessels. navy department, washington, d. c., aug. .--sampson, santiago: suspend all hostilities. blockade of cuba and puerto rico is raised. howell ordered to assemble vessels at key west. proceed with new york, brooklyn, indiana, oregon, iowa and massachusetts to tompkinsville. place monitors in safe harbor in puerto rico. watson transfers his flag to newark and will remain at guantanamo. assemble all cruisers in safe harbors. order marines north in resolute. allen, acting secretary. navy department, washington, d. c., aug. .--remey, key west: in accordance with the president's proclamation telegraphed you, suspend immediately all hostilities. commence withdrawal of vessels from blockade. order blockading vessels in cuban waters to assemble at key west. allen, acting secretary. similar notification was sent to admiral dewey, with instructions to cease hostilities and raise the blockade at manila. the orders to general merritt to suspend were as follows: adjutant-general's office, washington, d. c., aug. , .-- merritt, manila: the president directs all military operations against the enemy be suspended. peace negotiations are nearing completion, a protocol having just been signed by representatives of the two countries. you will inform the commanders of the spanish forces in the philippines of these instructions. further orders will follow. acknowledge receipt. by order of the secretary of war. h. c. corbin, adjutant-general. the orders sent to general miles and general shafter were identical with the above save as to names. senor palma, the head of the cuban junta, sent the following cable by way of santiago: bartolome maso, president cuban republic, santiago, cuba; i have this th day of august, , accepted, in the name of the cuban provisional government, the armistice proclaimed by the united states. you should give immediate orders to the army throughout cuba suspending all hostilities. preliminary terms of peace, signed by representatives of spain and the united states, provide that spain will relinquish all claim over and title to cuba. t. estrada palma. on august the president appointed as military commissioners major-general james f. wade, rear-admiral william t. sampson, and major-general matthew c. butler for cuba, and major-general john e. brooke, rear-admiral winfield s. schley, and brigadier-general william w. gordon for puerto rico. as soon as general shafter received the president's proclamation for the cessation of hostilities he took steps for the immediate notification of the spanish commanders in the vicinity, and also the insurgent leaders. the proclamation was received in santiago with the greatest enthusiasm, the officers and men of the army being alike supremely satisfied with the definite declaration of peace. after the fall of santiago a period of uncertainty and inactivity had had its effect upon the soldiers stationed there. the weary waiting for new developments, weakened by the enervating climate, watching the insidious ravages of disease, sapped the spirits of all, and the news that brought to them a near prospect of home was like a bracing breeze that swept through the camp, giving new courage to all. the end of the war. thus came to a close our war with spain for cuba's freedom. commenced in a spirit of vengeance for the destruction of a battleship, the war was conducted with singular freedom, all the circumstances considered, from vindictiveness. we struck hard, but quickly. we compelled victories, destroyed fleets, but were merciful and considerate towards the captured. there was singularly little revilement of the spanish enemy and the bravery of the spanish soldier and sailor was freely admitted. but mere personal valor could not supply the place of skill and discipline. in all history there is not an instance of such unchecked successes as attended our military operations. for us the encounters were not bloody, the victories were not dearly purchased. at sea we destroyed squadrons without the loss of a man or a ship; on land we compelled the surrender of garrisons strongly intrenched. in puerto rico our march was a triumphal procession. spain, for the sake of false pride, bigotry, politics and a child king, buried in the depths of the sea thirty-five vessels of her navy, valued at $ , , . by their rusting hulks lie the bodies of more than a thousand gallant tars. she surrendered in territory to the united states directly cuba, with a population of , , and an area of , square miles, and puerto rico, with a population of , and an area of , square miles. her total direct loss of territory in square miles was , , and loss in population , , . she also jeopardized, probably beyond all future control by her, the philippine islands, with a population of , , and an area of , square miles. so that in the end it appears the spanish kingdom for the sake of the wrong gave up , square miles of territory and over , , of tax-paying population. this loss was the gain of the united states, which, to bring it about, placed in service a first-class navy, with , men and fifty effective vessels, and a volunteer and regular army of , men, of which new york gave the largest number, pennsylvania next and illinois the third. when the present century began spain was mistress over nearly all of the southern continent of america and over a good share of the northern continent. with the exception of brazil, to which the portuguese held title, practically all of south america was spanish. so was central america, the present mexico, and nearly a million square miles of the southwestern part of the united states. the revolutions of the early decades of the century stripped off much of that domain, and now the last shreds of it are also gone. the same policy of persistent greed and of deadly disregard to the interests of the governed that caused the early revolutions has also caused the later ones, for the sake of which the united states began its interference in the antilles. now nothing is left to the former queen of all the empires and kingdoms which once were subject to her and brought her glory and power among the nations. her own sons have read to her the lesson that exploitation cannot continue forever, and that unless the conqueror has regard for the interests of the conquered the seeds of disruption will surely be sown. chapter liv. personal reminiscences. telling how our soldiers lived--what they, saw--how they fought--hardships endured--bravery shown in the face of the deadly mauser bullets as well as fever-stricken camps, etc., etc. charles e. hands, writing from santiago to the london mail, says of the wounded after the battle of july and : there was one man on the road whose left foot was heavily bandaged and drawn up from the ground. he had provided himself with a sort of rough crutch made of the forked limb of a tree, which he had padded with a bundle of clothes. with the assistance of this and a short stick he was paddling briskly along when i overtook him. "where did they get you, neighbor?" i asked him. "oh, durn their skins," he said in the cheerfulest way, turning to me with a smile, "they got me twice--a splinter of a shell in the foot and a bullet through the calf of the same leg when i was being carried back from the firing line." "a sharpshooter?" "the son of a mongrel was up in a tree." "and you're walking back to siboney. wasn't there room for you to ride?" i expected an angry outburst of indignation in reply to this question. but i was mistaken. in a plain, matter-of-fact way he said: "guess not. they wanted all the riding room for worse cases 'n mine. thank god, my two wounds are both in the same leg, so i can walk quite good and spry. they told me i'd be better off down at the landing yonder, so i got these crutches and made a break." "and how are you getting along?" i asked. "good and well," he said, as cheerfully as might be, "just good and easy." and with his one sound leg and hist two sticks he went cheerfully paddling along. it was just the same with other walking wounded men. they were all beautifully cheerful. and not merely cheerful. they were all absolutely unconscious that they were undergoing any unnecessary hardships or sufferings. they knew now that war was no picnic, and they were not complaining at the absence of picnic fare. some of them had lain out all the night, with the dew falling on them where the bullets had dropped them, before their turn came with the overworked field surgeons. captain paddock tells of the fighting before santiago. on the battlefield, one mile east of santiago, sunday, july . my dear "jim": i have passed safely through the most horrible three days imaginable. we marched nearly all night thursday (june ), to a point about one and a half miles east from here, and then waited for morning. about o'clock we started again, and at a. m. our extreme right opened, the fight. the center (our front) and the left moved into position, and at o'clock the spanish artillery opened on us from the position we now hold. we deployed as skirmishers and advanced through woods and brush, a perfect thicket; our artillery was hard at work behind us, but we with our small arms could not do much, as the spanish were perfectly intrenched for a mile or more along our front. we kept pushing along, although their fire, both shrapnel and small arms, was murdering us; but on we came, through the tropical underbrush, and wading a stream up to our chests, firing when we could see the enemy. we reached the first line along a hillcrest and drove them out; then the next line, and they then started back to the city. the fighting was fast and fearful and never slackened until dark. the second day (saturday) was a continuous fight again till dark; but our loss was small, as we simply held our position, having driven them all in; at night, however, they made a furious attack and attempted to retake the place. we were not surprised, and drove them back, with small loss on our side. to-day was like the second day up to : o'clock, when a truce was made. up to now ( o'clock p. m.) there has been no firing since then, but i don't yet know what the result of the conference was. we offered the truce after the naval battle. i only give a brief outline, as the papers have told everything. i am unhurt and perfectly well. told from the trenches-council bluffs boy describes the fighting before santiago. the following letter was written in the trenches before santiago the morning after the attack: heights before santiago, july . dear father: i have not been hurt and am fully convinced that providential protection alone took me through it. contrary to all principles of tactics, but unavoidably, the twenty-fourth infantry was marched for three miles in a flanking fire from artillery, and when we were within about one and a half miles from the first spanish position we were hemmed in a narrow road and subjected to a hail of fire from two blockhouses and intrenchiments on the hills on our right. we waded about yards down a stream up to our shoulders under protection of its banks and charged across a field of bull grass as high as our heads for about yards, and then up the hill about feet and drove the spaniards out of their fort. the one we took is called san juan. we lost terribly. lieutenants gurney and augustine are dead. colonel liscum, captains ducat, brett and burton and lieutenants lyon and laws are wounded. we lost about men, but the fight is virtually won. during the engagement i threw away my sword. i saw the colonel fall and i gave him my canteen and he soon revived. we occupied the hill by the blockhouse. we are within about yards of the city and they have put up a flag of truce. they want until a. m. july to hear from havana. we have them sewed up tight. i have a piece of an eight-inch shell which tried to get me, but struck the parapet of my trench. will try to send it home. no one except those thoroughly acquainted with this country will ever know how dreadfully desperate the fight and charge were. it is a mistake that the spaniards won't fight. the spaniards have their barracks and other buildings covered with the red cross and abuse all the established principles of 'warfare. they put their men in trees hidden with leaves and bark and they pick off officers, surgeons and men of the hospital corps. finally it became necessary to systematically hunt these down, and this has been done with considerable success. the night of the th sampson began countermining, and the dynamite made such a racket that the spanish officers ran out under a flag of truce about : p. m. and wanted to know what we meant by firing under a flag of truce. it did not take us long to tell them that our flag of truce did not include the navy. now, about am, i hear the guns of the navy and morro castle exchanging compliments. of all the precautions advised before we started for cuba i could follow but few. i wear my woolen bandages, but in wading the stream i was unable to put on dry clothes again. in fact, for seventy-two hours we were under fire without sleep and thirty-six hours without water or food of any kind. bacon and hard bread are fine. i sleep on the side of san juan hill in a ditch, so i won't roll out. i have a raincoat, blanket and shelter half. this is the most beautiful country i have ever seen, and if we should have peace i know of no place i would rather live in. i have seen enough of the horrors of the war, but am proud of the gallant boys of the twenty fourth. the fighting is practically over, so have no fear. your son, will. colonel wood writes of his battle--rough riders' leader describes the american attack at la quasina. camp first united states volunteer cavalry, six miles out of santiago, june , . dear general: thinking that a line about our fight and general condition would interest you, i take this opportunity to drop you a line. we are all getting along very comfortably thus far and find the climate much better than we expected; also the country, which, aside from being awfully rough and full of undergrowth, is rather picturesque and attractive. we commenced our advance from our first landing place on the d, and that night general young and i, as second in command of the second cavalry brigade, had a long war talk about taking the very strong spanish position about five miles up the road to santiago. he decided that he would make a feint on their front and hold on hard, while i was to make a detour by trail under a couple of cuban guides and take them in flank and try to get them out of their strong position, which was in the wildest and roughest part of the trail toward the town. our little plan worked. i located the spanish outpost and deployed silently and when in position fired on them. shortly after i opened i could hear young on the right, down in the valley. fought two hours at close range. the fight lasted over two hours and was very hot and at rather close range. the spanish used the volley a great deal, while my men fired as individuals. we soon found that instead of , men we had struck a very heavy outpost of several thousand. however, to cut a long story short, we drove them steadily but slowly, and finally threw them into flight. their losses must have been heavy, for all reports coming out of santiago show a great many dead and wounded and that they, the spanish, had , men and two machine guns (these we saw) and were under two general officers, and that the spanish dead and wounded were being brought in for six hours; also that the garrison was expecting an assault that night; that the defeated troops reported they had fought the entire american army for four hours, but, compelled by greatly superior numbers, had retreated and that the army was coming. my men conducted themselves splendidly and behaved like veterans, going up against the heavy spanish lines as though they had the greatest contempt for them. yours sincerely, leonard wood. to general b. a. alger, secretary of war. wirt w. young of chicago tells of the destruction of cervera's fleet july . we have seen some hot times since the harvard left newport news with the ninth massachusetts and the thirty-fourth michigan on board. we landed them about six miles from santiago at a little town called siboney, or altares, and laid there four days unloading stores. on the morning of the d i was lucky enough to row in the boat that the officers took to the shore. the ship was lying about one and a half miles from shore, and you can bet it is no sunday-school picnic affair to pull a twenty-foot oar back and forth all day. when we landed the officers one of them said: "wait for me." we waited three hours. then we saw the new york come on the line. we made for the boat, so as to reach it before the lieutenant. just as he got in the harvard flew the recall signal. when we reached her we heard that the new york had said that the spanish ships had left the harbor and that the harvard was to join the iowa. we cleared for action and went up past morro castle. away up on the coast we could see great columns of smoke. the spaniards had come out and started to run, but the indiana, iowa, massachusetts, gloucester and the rest of the fleet were waiting, and in an hour the two spanish torpedo-boats were blown out of the water. the infanta maria theresa and oquendo were beached and on fire close together, and the vizcaya the same about a mile farther down. it was about o'clock when the iowa signaled the harvard to take the spanish sailors from the burning ships and from the shore. before the first boat was lowered it had grown quite dark and the sea was running high. the sight of a lifetime. the sight of those magnificent battleships burning and the magazines exploding one by one as the flames reached them, made an impression upon me i will never forget. they called for volunteers to man the boats, as it was dangerous work. we did not know whether the spanish sailors on shore would show fight or not. there is a cadet on board named hannigan, from chicago, who will always show his boat's crew any fun there is going on. arling hanson and i determined to get in his boat, and we did. we made for the vizcaya, and as we neared her we could see men hanging to ropes down the sides. the ship was on fire from stem to stern, and any moment the magazines were likely to explode. if they had while we were pulling the spaniards off, there would have been several chicago naval recruits missing. the surf was running high and made the work dangerous and difficult, but we made connections and brought off over men. they were all naked and almost dead. the only light we had was from the burning ships, and the scene was one of great confusion. officers shouted orders, spaniards running up and down the beach and the magazines exploding one by one as the fire reached them. and to crown all a party of cubans came down from the hills and announced their intention of "making angels" of all the helpless spaniards. whereupon the american naval officers said if they tried anything like that "there would be some strange cuban faces in hades." the cubans thought better of it and stood and watched us. i have got the dagger and sheath of the spanish officer francisco silvia. he was pretty near gone, and when he had almost reached the boat he let go of the line. i swam out, held to the line, and just as he swept by me, caught him by the belt and got him up to the boat. he got me around the neck in the struggle, and once i was so full of salt water i thought i should never see chicago again. he wanted to give me anything he had. he had only his belt and cap, so i chose his dagger. mutiny among the prisoners. i suppose you have by this time got the report of the mutiny on the harvard and the killing of eight and wounding of twenty-five of the spaniards. jones from auburn park, hanson and i were on guard with some marines and soldiers. we heard the signal, a long-drawn hiss, and in an instant the "push" was up and at us. they had about ten feet to come, however, and not one of them ever reached us. there was a hot time for a few minutes. it was shoot as fast as you could throw up your gun. we did not stop to pick our men, but fired at the crowd; and when a winchester or a springfield bullet hits a man at ten or twelve feet he is going to stop and go the other way. there has been a burial at sea for the last five days. when the bugle sounds "taps" over the place where the bodies are thrown into the sea it seems to make your blood come to your face with a rush. there is something solemn in it, and a man who dies and is buried with his country's flag around him and the bugle and guns to do him honor is lucky. town of santiago described by one of our boys. santiago, august . a peculiarity of the climate here is that it is the hottest in the morning. the sun rises hot; in fact, the heat is most severe from sunrise to am, when the sea breezes set in and make the situation more endurable. if it remained as hot all day as it is at a. m. our condition would be unbearable indeed. the ocean helps us out, however, and by noon we have a very refreshing and cooling air stirring. the sickness in the company is on the decrease. on some days only about half the men were fit for duty, but they are all doing nicely now. the same proportion obtained throughout the whole regiment. not all of the disabled were sick, but some were recovering, while others were sick and thus we had from to per cent. of the men under the weather, and it took those who were well to care for the sick. i was at santiago the other day with colonel dick. we called on general shafter and had a very nice chat with him. he showed us a message from the secretary of war directing that the eighth ohio be closely isolated for a period of ten days and if at the end of that time no yellow fever appears in our ranks we are to be put on transports and sent away from here. santiago is a queer place. we approached the city along the road that passes by our camp. the street was narrow--not more than twenty-five or thirty feet wide--not wider than the paved portion of the street in front of our house. many are much narrower--mere alleys in fact--but people living all along them. across the streets trenches had been dug by the spanish troops and barbed wire netting in front of the trenches. there were many trenches, showing what preparation they had made for a desperate resistance to our advance. the houses are nearly all one-story and have brick or stone floors. few have wood floors and all seem dirty. no glass is used in the windows, and very little window glass is seen in the city. the window openings are grated on the outside and have a sort of portiere or wooden shutters on the inside. the streets are not straight, but wind and turn until one loses the points of the compass. the houses are built out even with the streets, no front yards and no spaces between the houses. houses are mostly covered on the outside walls with plaster and roofs of red tile. the city is very old and the houses show it. we went into the cathedral, an old building. they rang the bells and rang them again, but so far as we could see no one came to worship. the janitors and priests lounged about--the latter saluted us. we strolled all about the interior of the structure with our spurs on our boots and wearing cartridge belts and revolvers. the american soldier goes about where he pleases in the city. of course we recognized the character of the building and removed our hats when we went in. the interior was adorned like most catholic churches, with pictures and altars and other regalia of the catholic service. quite a nice picture of the virgin appears in the ceiling, and a number of good pictures are found about the walls. we also went into the "palace," now used as general shafter's headquarters. it is one of the best buildings in the city, but doesn't compare with the more ordinary public buildings in our country. there are no street cars--few, if any electric lights, and the surface of many streets is so rough and uneven that you can have no conception of them. the few that are better than others are paved with cobblestones, but these are few. most streets are full of loose stones and not paved, and little, if any, pretense at grading. the dirt lies in the streets and side streets are filthy. in fact, it looked to me like the greater the stink the better the people like it. my sense of smell was too acute to relish it. our troops have gathered up large numbers of cubans and put them to work cleaning up the streets, and the prospects for cleanliness are better. i don't believe, however, that the cuban and spanish residents will profit by it unless they are absolutely compelled to avoid throwing rubbish in the streets. they have no cellars and no sewers. the people themselves have very little regard for the ordinary proprieties of civilized life and children run stark naked on the streets. the following letter has been received from claude neis of company g, first district of columbia volunteers: santiago de cuba, aug. , . you said that mr. balcke's son was killed in santiago. if so, i must say that i saw his ghost on the wayside in a cluster of woods. i remember seeing the name. his first name was charley, if i am not mistaken. i feel very sorry to have heard of his death, but i know that he perished for a noble cause and fought gallantly as any soldier could. lon white is all right, and this trip is doing him a great deal of good, only he has had an attack of malarial fever lately. it seems to affect all the boys, and if they do not take us out of this place, since peace is virtually declared, we all will have a harder fight to contend with the yellow fever than we had with the spaniards. it has already broken out among several regiments and we have lost two men already. last friday the first battalion was ordered to guard the spanish prisoners, , in number, and my four days' expedition with them has made me conceive very readily that they are superior to what i expected. i made friends with captain garcia, a very fine-looking man and a very gentle sort of a fellow. we were forbidden to talk, receive or give anything from or to them, but a soldier in these circumstances disobeys a minor order like that, i was invited to take dinner with the captain and his two lieutenants, menez and hernandez, two very nice sort of spaniards. though prisoners, they are more cordial than our own officers. the bill of fare and manner of eating was as follows: . bean soup with rice, well seasoned with pepper a la mexicano. . fish, with the best sauce ever tasted since i left home. . fried eggs and potatoes. (eggs in the market here are cents apiece.) after each intermission a glass of claret wine. . rice and roast meat a la francaise. . rice pudding. . coffee (francaise), bread and butter. . fruit. glass of good spanish rum a la rhum. i have quite a few souvenirs from them and some spanish buttons for sister. we are situated on top of a mountain while the spaniards are down in the valley. they bring quite a number of sick people out every morning. i have even become so acquainted with the men of the-- battalion, captain garcia commanding, that they call me senor neis. i have named one, who is the real picture of an irishman of the mick type, "mickey," and his comrades call him such. they carry my water for me and seem to be willing to do anything i ask them. the majority of them are very illiterate, very few intelligent privates, comparatively speaking. i have a young fellow about my age to teach english, and i am attempting spanish. both of us are getting along fairly well. i can make myself understood. while i was dining with captain garcia his orderly was fanning the flies away from me. the country is beautiful, nothing but mountains and valleys. with american people here it will be worthy to have the island called the gem of the antilles. i can thank god that i have had the best of health and only two of us in the company have not had the fever. i seem to have gained in weight and full flushed in the face. this letter was written just before the battle of santiago: ten miles north of baiquiri, june , . dear jim: i am writing this on picket. my troop was sent to the front and we are bivouacked in the woods. oranges, lemons and cocoanuts are plentiful, and every trooper has his canteen full of lemonade all the time. we were seventeen days on the transport, but did not suffer. every one is in good spirits and anxious to get at the dons. dick. the following breezy letter was written by a washington lad in the trenches around santiago: siboney, july . my dear general: have really been too busy to write. have been in a real nice, lively battle, and wasn't a bit scared and didn't run. the poor old twenty-fourth. markley commands the regiment now, and temporarily the brigade. he is a daisy. he really ought to get something. so ought every one. it was glorious. only so many were killed and wounded. poor old shafter. everybody is roasting him because he was lying on his back in the rear having his head rubbed, which isn't my idea of what a commander should do. about myself: i was upset by a shell back of grimes' battery july , which killed some people. very miraculous. only i didn't get a scratch to show for it, and, although i most conscientiously wished for a bullethole, didn't get one the rest of the fight. i overdid the business a little, rode to the rear twice that day and back, and then walked after they shot my mule. well, anyway, july i was with blank when he was forced back from san juan hill. he told me it was the hottest fire any artillery has had to stand in modern times. then he pulled out. well, the fever came on the d, and i have been sort of half crazy and delirious the last four days. it isn't yellow fever, though, although it probably will be. i'll cable if it gets serious. really, i have distinguished myself, and, if i pull out, may lead a fairly decent life and be rather a credit. if anything does happen to me i'll feel like such an ass for not being bowled over like a gentleman in the battle last week. love to all. charlie. p. s.--this is a little disconnected on account of forty grains of quinine to-day. member of the houston post rifles paints a roseate picture. santiago de cuba, august , . dear mother: i am now in cuba. i like santiago; it is much cooler here than at camp caffery. the cubans all talk spanish and i am learning to talk spanish fast. we are now camped at the city park on the harbor. i saw the smokestack of the merrimac when we came through the neck of the harbor. the merrimac was sunk right near morro castle. morro castle is almost at the top of a mountain and is made of white stone. santiago is surrounded by water and mountains. there is not a case of yellow fever here at all. the only kind of sickness here is malarial fever and wounded soldiers. the fever was caused by laying in trenches for seventeen days during battle on light rations. i like cuba better than texas. i can sit right here and see where all the fighting was done. the rough riders are here. general shafter is here also. there are enough rations in the city to feed the volunteer soldiers for one year, and our money is worth twice as much as spanish money. we do not want for anything. we get more to eat here than at camp caffery and have less sickness, and the weather is not as hot here as it was there. we have pretty brown duck and also blue flannel suits. it is fun to see us buy from the cubans and get the right change back. the sailors that were captured off of cervera's fleet are here. they can go anywhere they want to in the city, and the rest of the spanish prisoners are here also, and we have charge of them. there are about fifty or seventy-five men in the guardhouse at present for drinking rum and eating fruit. we can buy anything we want except liquors and fruit. i have seen a number of spanish war vessels that are half sunk, and there are lots more out of sight. on our trip to cuba we crossed the caribbean sea. tell ernest that there is a fellow here by the name of parsons that he knows. this man parsons was on guard duty at the warehouse and a fellow came prowling around and parsons told him to leave, but he would not and he charged bayonets on him and run him out. the next day he found out that this man was his brother that he had not seen for five years. the poor class of people are almost starved. they come around and beg scraps to eat. cuba has the richest land i have ever seen; pretty shade trees and everything that it takes to make a country look fine. the city of santiago is laid off like an old mexican town. it does not rain here as often as at camp caffery and not so hard. there are lots of cocoanut groves around here and no monkeys. there were only five or six houses that were hit by the bombshells during the war. i have a cuban sweetheart already. it is nothing to see the poor class half naked. cuban children sleep wherever night overtakes them and eat where they can find scraps. the red cross ladies that stay in the hospitals are so good and kind to us. we only have to drill one hour a day here. a few of the boys on the trip got seasick. colonel hood has water boiled every night and next morning we put ice in it to drink. we have fresh meat packed in ice shipped by the armour packing company. fried steak every morning, roast or stew for dinner and bacon for supper. we eat lightbread and not hardtack now. there are a good many transports laying in the harbor here. there is a basin here in the park like the one in the market house there at home, which we use to bathe our face and hands in. this letter might be a long time in coming, as the boat does not run regularly. well, i will close for this time. with much love for you and the rest, i remain your affectionate son, page ligon. by lieutenant colonel nicholas senn, u. s. v., chief of operating staff with the army in the field at santiago. headquarters fifth army corps, before santiago, july . as the hospital ship relief came in sight of the seat of war every one of its passengers watched with interest and anxiety the indications of the present status of the conflict. when we sailed from fortress monroe sunday, july , fighting was in progress, and, not having received information of any kind since that time, we were impatient for news. on reaching guantanamo we came in sight of a number of warships floating lazily on the placid ocean like silent sentinels some six to eight miles from the shore. the little bay was crowded with empty transports, all of which indicated that we were not as yet in possession of santiago. the pilot of a patrol boat finally, in a voice like that of a foghorn, communicated to us the news that the greater part of the spanish fleet had been destroyed and that the spanish loss in dead, wounded and prisoners was great. among the most important prizes of the naval battle was the heroic admiral of the spanish fleet, who was then a prisoner on board of one of the men-of-war. the land forces were near the city making preparations for the first attack. a partial if not a complete victory had been won, and we had the consolation of knowing that we had not come in vain. red cross flag flying. our captain was directed to bring his ship to anchor near siboney. when we came in sight of this little mining town we saw on shore rows of tents over which floated the red cross flag, showing us that we had reached the place for which we had been intended. the little engine of a narrow-gauge mining railroad was puffing and screeching up and down along the coast, conveying supplies from the landing to the camp. on the side of a hill were the shelter tents of a company of infantry on detail for guard duty. on the crest of a number of high hills which fringe the coast could be seen blockhouses recently vacated by the spaniards. a grove of palm trees in a near valley reminded us that we had reached the tropical climate. the steamer olivette, floating the red cross flag, anchored near the shore. major appel, surgeon in charge of this hospital ship, was the first person to board our vessel, and gave us the first reliable account of the recent battle. his appearance was enough to give us an insight into his experiences of the last few days. he was worn out by hard work and his anxiety for the many wounded under his charge. the camp is on the shore in a limited plateau at the base of the mountain rising behind the little mining village. the condition of the wounded men furnished satisfactory proof that good work had been done here, as well as at the front. on my arrival many of the wounded had already been placed on board a transport ship, but more than remained in the general hospital. on the whole the treatment to which the wounded were subjected was characterized by conservatism. only a very small number of primary amputations were performed. bullets that were found lodged in the body were allowed to remain unmolested unless they could be removed readily and without additional risk. a number of cases of penetrating wounds of the abdomen and chest were doing well without operative interference. penetrating gunshot wounds of the skull were treated by enlarging the wound of entrance, removal of detached fragments of bone and drainage. several cases in which a bullet passed through the skull, injuring only the surface of the brain, were doing well. with a few exceptions wounds of the large joints were on a fine way to recovery under the most conservative treatment. bullet wounds rapidly heal. a study of the immense material collected at the station convinced the surgeons that the explosive effect of the small-caliber bullet has been greatly overestimated. the subsequent employment of the x ray in many of these cases will undoubtedly confirm the results of these observations. the battle at santiago resulted in killed and over , wounded. nearly all wounds of the soft parts heal rapidly--suppuration in these cases was the exception, primary healing the rule. the day after my arrival i went to the front, about ten miles from siboney. a colored orderly was my only companion. he rode at a respectful distance to the rear. the whole distance the road was crowded with mule teams, soldiers and refugees. the latter made a seething mass of humanity from start to finish. at a low estimate i must have passed on that day , souls, including men, women and children and naked infants. the day was hot and the suffering of the fleeing inhabitants of santiago, the besieged city, and adjacent villages, can be better imagined than described. indian fashion, the women walked, while some of the men enjoyed the pleasure of a mule or donkey ride. most of them were barefoot and dressed in rags; children and infants naked; dudes with high collars, white neckties and straw hats were few and far between. an occasional old umbrella and a well-worn recently washed white dress marked the ladies of distinction. their earthly possessions usually consisted of a small bundle carried on the head of the women or a wornout basket loaded with mangoes or cocoanuts. the color of the skin of the passing crowd presented many tints from white to jet black. the women were noted for their ugliness, the men for their eagerness to get beyond the reach of guns. view on cuban soldiers. little squads of cuban soldiers were encountered from time to time, apparently anxious to get only as far as the rear of our advancing army. these men display an appearance of courage just now that is marvelous. before the bluecoats came here they infested the inaccessible jungles at a safe distance from the spanish guns, making an occasional midnight raid to keep the spaniards on the lookout. now they can be seen on the roads in small groups relating to each, other how they cut down the spanish marines with their national weapon on reaching the shore after their vessels were demolished by our navy. the ragged refugees, fleeing in all directions and mingling freely with our troops, as they do, carry with them the filth of many generations and a rich supply of yellow fever germs which will ultimately kill more of our men than will the spanish soldiers. on reaching general shafter's headquarters i reported to lieutenant colonel pope, chief surgeon of the fifth army corps, for duty. at head quarters is the principal field hospital, in charge of major wood, a graduate of rush medical college, ably assisted by major johnson and a corps of acting assisting surgeons. at the time of my arrival sixty-eight wounded officers and men were under treatment. lieutenant pope has worked night and day since the troops landed here. he has done all in his, power to make his limited supplies meet the enormous demands. performs an amputation. at this hospital major wood kindly invited me to perform an amputation of the thigh for gangrene caused by a gunshot injury which had fractured the lower portion of the femur, and cut the popliteal artery. here i found many interesting cases on the way to recovery in which the nature of the injury would have been ample excuse for rendering a very grave prognosis, among them a number of cases of penetrating wounds of the chest and abdomen. in the afternoon i was accompanied to canea by acting assistant surgeon goodfellow. the trip was made for the purpose of taking charge of sixteen wounded spaniards we were to transfer to the spanish army. on the way to canea we found many recent graves and numerous dead horses, covered only with a few inches of dirt. the stench from this source was almost unbearable. the little village of canea is located on the summit of a hill, with an old, dilapidated church as its center. the public square and the few streets are thronged with refugees--from , to , in number. crowds of refugees were also seen in the woods around the village gathering mangoes and cocoanuts, about the only food supply at the time. in the only room of the church we found a representative of the red cross association dealing out hardtack and flour to the hungry multitude. the wounded spaniards were lying in a row on the floor of the church--one of them in a dying condition. all that could be transported were conveyed in four ambulances under a small detachment of troops to our fighting line. here a flag of truce was secured, which was carried by an orderly. the detachment was left behind and we passed our line. in spanish lines. as soon as the spanish intrenchment came in sight the signal was given and was promptly answered by the enemy. two officers with a flag of truce advanced toward us, and we were halted at a little bridge very near santiago and below the first intrenchment. we were received very courteously by the officers and asked to a seat upon the grass in the shade of a clump of trees. rum, beer and cigarettes were furnished for the entertainment of the callers. the object of our visit was explained, whereupon a hospital corps of about thirty men with sixteen litters in charge of a captain of the line and a medical officer made their appearance. the wounded were unloaded from the ambulances and conveyed in litters to within the spanish line. the visit was such a cordial and pleasant one that we found it very difficult to part from our newly made friends. after bidding the officers a hearty adieu and mounting my horse i was urged to dismount and say another farewell--a request which was responded to with pleasure. the two little parties then separated and made their way in a slow and dignified manner in the direction of the respective breastworks. tells of bombardment. the first armistice expired at noon july . in the afternoon a heavy cannonading commenced and was kept up until late in the evening. next morning it was resumed, however, with less vigor. during this bombardment the spaniards renewed their recently gained reputation as effective marksmen. one of our best cannon was hit and literally lifted into the air. an officer was killed and a-- number of men injured. during the afternoon, while cannonading was still going on, i went to the front, but on reaching our line the bombardment was discontinued, and under a flag of truce the commanding generals met and held a conference. the result of this interview remains a secret at this hour. major-general miles and staff reached siboney yesterday on the steamer yale, and to-day he proceeded to headquarters. the appearance of yellow fever at different places occupied by our army has made our troops more anxious than ever to complete their task. the frequent drenching rains and inadequate equipments have also done much to render the men restless and anxious to fight. w. b. collier of the second united states cavalry, in a letter dated august , describes his part in the fight on san juan hill and the scene when the american flag was flung to the breeze in captured santiago. he says: we have our o'clock rains each day and then the sun comes out and just burns. this is a good climate for snakes, lizards, etc. many of the boys have died, but, thank god, i am still in the land of the living. words are inadequate to express the feeling of pain and sickness when one has the fever. for about a week every bone in my body ached and i did not care much whether i lived or not. the doctor shoved quinine into me by the spoonful until my head felt as if all the bells in chicago were ringing in it. i could hear them, even when delirious. the news that we are to go back to the united states in a few weeks has saved many a boy's life. fear yellow fever. i was scared at first when i was ordered to the yellow fever hospital i thought my time had come, but they examined me and pronounced my case some other than yellow fever. the boys fear yellow jack like a rattlesnake. when i return i will know how to appreciate my country. i am very weak and sick, but i think i will be well in a short time after i get home. with all i have suffered i am ready for more if uncle sam wants me. as to the fight, our four troops of the second united states cavalry were the only mounted troops in cuba. we were the staff escort. i tell you, it is worth all the trials, and hardships, and sickness which i underwent, when i contemplated the scene of the surrender of santiago. when old glory went up i cried and felt ashamed and looked around to see if any of my comrades had noticed me. i found they were all crying. then we began to laugh and yell again so we would not be babies. i tell you, it was the proudest moment of my life. picks off spaniards. i was in the san juan hill fight. we were used mostly as scouts. i know there are two or three poor spaniards killed or in hospitals. i took it coolly and just shot at every spaniard i could see, far or near. i aim sure i dropped three. it is quite ticklish at first to be under fire, but the novelty soon wears off. just before the battle at manila. a. j. luther, second lieutenant of the first colorado volunteers, writes as follows, dated camp dewey, july : you may talk about your cuban war and all other wars, but you may rest assured that the philippine war is no snap, either. all the land around us for miles and miles is nothing but deep jungles and swampy ground. on our west lies manila bay, yards from our camp. on the north, for four miles, to manila, in fact, a jungle and swamp, while on the east it is swamp and on the south more swamp. our camp is on a long strip of land between a heavy jungle on all sides. it is a good camp, considering the location which is made necessary by the position of the spaniards. i am reliably informed that the natives of these islands are no farther advanced in civilization than they were years ago. they live in old boats on the water, in palm trees, in bark huts, or wherever they can hold on long enough to live. their life is one of degradation and four-fifths of them have noxious diseases. you can imagine what a nasty mess we have got into. they wear for dress very thin cheesecloth and they keep that scanty raiment as clean as any class of people on earth, but their bodies do not seem to amount to that much trouble in their eyes. from the way they take care of themselves i imagine that they consider their clothes the only essential part of their exterior that ought to be kept clean. we have not gone into manila yet and i cannot say just when we will, but you will know through the papers when we do. i want you to send me all the papers you get hold of which contain anything relating to the manila troops. we have a lot of correspondents with us and between them you can glean all the news of importance. we have only been called out once since our arrival here and nothing happened then. i have been under the enemy's fire three times, shot landing all around me. major moses, captain taylor, captain grove and lieutenant lister, with an interpreter, were detailed to make a special reconnaissance of the country and the position of the enemy. they went within yards of the spanish intrenchments and were sighted by the enemy's patrol. captain taylor was standing on the top of a brick wall when they let fly at the party and one bullet hit about ten inches under his feet. the other day i was put in charge of the company to repair roads along behind the insurgents' line, and we were only yards from the enemy's line all the time, so you can see how near to the jaws of danger we work. our camp is under the range of their big guns, but they have never thrown any shells into us yet. while working on the road they kept up a fire at us, however, and one large cannonball plowed up the road not twenty-five feet away. it whistled through the air like a nail when thrown from the hand. at the same time you could hear mauser balls whistling around us. this is a warm country. one especially feels that way when the bullets come zipping around as they did when we were on the road. the insurgents and spaniards keep up continual volley firing all day and night. neither side knows as much about a gun as a baby. they fire into the air and expect the balls to light on the heads of the enemy. when the spaniards run up against us, i think they will find a different game. we won't play horse with them nor shoot up into the air, but will get right into direct aiming distance and make them dance. digging graves in cuba--walter zimmer of first illinois volunteers writes from siboney. siboney, cuba, aug. . dear sister and brother: received your kind and welcome letter last evening and was glad to hear from you. we are expecting to get back to the states any day, as they are shipping the army as fast as possible. i am now on a detail at the yellow fever hospital. this is tough work, digging graves and planting the dead. the men are dying at the rate of about ten a day. a lot of the boys in my company died of yellow jack. i am all right at present. we had a lot of fun chasing spaniards. some of them got after a crowd of cubans and killed them. we scoured the woods and located the spaniards and fired a few volleys at them, killing and wounding a number of them. jimmy edgar is dying. he has been out of his head for a week. i saw him last night and he did not know me. out of the regiment there are about in the hospital. we have a little graveyard on the hill they call the chicago cemetery. it is only three weeks old and there are about graves. santiago is a dirty place. all the sewers are on top of the ground. this is siboney, the town we burned about five weeks ago to keep out the fever. i have a few souvenirs i hope to take back to the states with me--two spanish gold pieces, one machete, a krag gun, a set of prayer beads, and a piece of shell that struck me in the hip. i was laid up only two days. the shell struck a tree and bounded off, hitting me. the tree broke the force. if i ever get out of cuba i do not want to see it again, even on the map. by the time you get this i expect to be on long island, new york. hinton went back to the states a few days ago. edgar was too weak to go. about convalescents went home, and there are about , of the boys here too weak to go. it is pretty tough to see the boys dying here. our detail has to dig graves. my back is nearly broke from digging and using the pick. if you do not dig fast the major orders your arrest and off to the guardhouse you go. your brother. james purcell, company g, eleventh infantry, writes the following interesting letter: camp ponce, between town of ponce and shipping port, august . dear ones and all: i hope you received my letter from samono bay and that you are all well. i am fine, as well as ever i have been. we arrived here last monday and landed on tuesday. we were on the water eleven days and it was a grand trip and all enjoyed it greatly, but if would have been much better if we had good food. what we ate consisted of canned beef, hardtack, canned beans and tomatoes with coffee twice a day. well, now to tell you something about this place. it is without exception the prettiest place i ever saw. we have about five hundred spanish prisoners here in this camp and leave to-night by train to cross the mountains and clear the road for the main body of troops, which will advance on san juan. you will probably know the outcome long before this letter reaches you. we are camped on the roadside. the thoroughfare is macadamized from one end of the island to the other, and as fine a road as one ever saw. it would be a grand place to have a bicycle. our camp is always crowded with hungry, starving cuban men, women and children, some of them naked and the rest only partially clothed. they will do almost anything for our hardtack, for some of them never had any flour, and when we purchase we have to pay two cents for a small roll, but while we are in camp we make our own bread and they go crazy for some of it. there is plenty of tobacco here and the way we get it is to give one hardtack for a cigar. the men and women are all cigarmakers, and, as our commissary is not yet open, we have to make native cigars. all the people here seem glad to have the americans take the island. wine and rum costs two cents a drink and an american dollar is worth $ . in spanish money. our regiment and the nineteenth are the only regiments of regular infantry on the island. all others are volunteers excepting one or two regiments of cavalry and artillery, so we are likely to get the brunt of all the battles. we had a little scrimmage yesterday, but it did not amount to much. now i will try to tell you a little about the island before i run out of paper. cocoanuts grow in abundance here, with all other kinds of tropical fruit. as yet we have not been near the banana or pineapple district. the roads are all shaded with trees, and if i could get at a desk for a short time i would write a better letter. this one is only to let you know i am alive and well and as soon as the affair is over i think i'll buy a farm here,--etc. letters from joe bohon. ponce, porto rico, aug. , . i suppose you know by this time where we are. i have written several times to the folks and different ones, but have received no mail for twenty days. we landed at guanica july and were the first troops on the island. we had considerable music from our gunboat escorts there. you could see them going over the hills in droves. we stayed there three days, then company h and one company from massachusetts regiment marched to yauco. we looked for trouble there but were disappointed. we stayed there three days, then started to march for ponce. it took us two days to come a distance of thirty-five miles. we were in heavy marching order with an extra rounds of ammunition. its weight was between and pounds. this is a town of , ; they have banks, electric lights, telephones and an ice plant. there are some english-speaking people here. i was down town yesterday. the hotels and restaurants are all run by french people. it's a wonderful sight how the natives respect us. they take off their hats and say viva americana (long live america). if one of them can get hold of a blue shirt or pants or a small flag they are the envy of every one of their people. our company have four with us since we landed. they wash our dishes, carry water and make themselves useful. there are all kinds of reptiles and varmints. hamilton and i have killed three centipedes in our tent. the natives say their bite will kill, but our doctors say not; several of our boys have been bitten; none died so far. a soldier of the third wisconsin shot and killed one of the regulars. the wealthy class of people here dress like us; have fine carriages, but their horses are all small and pace. they raise hogs and their cattle are jerseys. they do all their work with oxen and large two-wheeled carts. the oxen pull with their horns and you would wonder at the load they pull. the poorer class of people are nothing better than slaves. from ten to thirty will live in one small house. i have not seen a window glass or chimney on a house since being on the island. they build their fires in small stoves and cook their grub in kettles. they raise bananas, oranges, limes, the same as lemons, cocoanuts, pomegranates, mangoes, etc. they also raise melons, tomatoes, cucumbers and such vegetables. think of getting those things fresh the year round. they wear as few clothes as possible. you see children as old as four years without a stitch of clothes on. i mean the poor, and none of the older wear shoes; their endurance is wonderful, and they don't perspire like us. they all smoke either cigars or cigarettes. we see children four years old smoking cigars. you can buy as good a cigar here for cent in their money as we can buy at home for cents. one dollar in our money is equal to two dollars in theirs. so we get our smoking pretty cheap. fruits are sold accordingly. we are to turn our springfield guns in this morning and get the krag-jorgensen; they are much lighter and their bullets are not near so heavy. hope this will be of interest to you. don't forget to send the times as we have not seen a paper since leaving charleston. regards to all. in the course of an interesting letter written by james burns of the twenty-seventh battery, indiana volunteers, to his mother, and dated august , at guayama, puerto rico, he said that the news of the cessation of hostilities was received by courier only a short time before the battery expected to get actively into battle. most of the boys, he said, were anxious to return home. for himself, he expressed a desire to remain for the reason that the country there is very rich, the climate healthful and the possibilities to make money in the future, through american push and energy, the best in the world. speaking of the daily routine of the battery boys he said: every man cooks his own meals and we get plenty of good food, such as bacon, potatoes, beans, onions, hard-tack, canned corn beef, canned roast beef, canned tomatoes and the like. the climate is the finest i ever experienced. while the temperature is very high, still the strong trade winds render it always agreeable, the hottest day being far more pleasant than at home. water is pure and plentiful. the country is cut up every quarter mile or so by limpid mountain streams and the beach on this, the south side of the island, is as fine as any in the world. palms abound in profusion and the most beautiful flowers and ferns cluster and grow delightfully everywhere. the cocoanut, mango, bread-fruit, banana, lemon, lime, sago, prickly pear, mangrove and bay trees grow luxuriantly about our camp. the natives here are of small stature. they are black-haired and have bright, sparkling eyes. they are all of a mixture of either the french or spanish with the negro. there is a large population of french and portuguese, the pure spanish being but little more than one-sixth of the entire population. the natives are a bright, intelligent class. there are few public schools, education being given to children at their homes by traveling teachers and governesses. there are but few protestants or protestant churches, the catholic being the prevailing religion, and their churches being much more magnificent than any you have at home. the priests constitute the ruling force among the people. children run naked until they are six years old. every one wears white linen clothing and most, of the people go bare-footed. the men wear straw hats and the women go with their heads uncovered. there are not a few english and americans here, and they scrupulously maintain the anglo-american costumes. news does not reach us for ten days or more after you read it in the newspapers in the states. we are just reading the indianapolis papers of july and august , and the news is perfectly fresh to us. the marriage rite here is a very loose affair. a man may have one or two families, as he may elect. one of these may include the progeny of a wife of his own class and the other by a negro woman or half-breed. all he has to do is to pay the prescribed duty. there are no bad fevers here, but small-pox sometimes is prevalent in certain localities, although they have not had the scourge for three years. leprosy, elephantiasis and diseases arising from a bad condition of the blood prevail to some extent. ruins of sugar mills and plantations abound on every side, once great money-producing establishments, but destroyed by spanish avarice and the american tariff. cattle-raising, fruit-growing, coffee, and rice culture furnish the principal money-making vocations in porto rico. there are no railroads that amount to anything. the wagon roads are all military roads and the freighting is carried on with pack mules and bull-carts. the latter are of the clumsiest character, the yoke resting on the horns of the animals instead of upon their necks, as in the old farm districts in the united states. they carry from two to three tons or more at a load. the horses and mules are small, but willing and patient animals. the natives are sharp traders and boys of from six to ten years of age can drive close bargains. one of our american dollars will purchase exactly twice as much as a spanish dollar. the one particularly cheap product is the cigars. "smokes" of a good quality sell for one cent each. bananas and lemons are cheap, and of the latter fruit we partake plentifully. cocoanuts sell for five cents each; milk, five cents; bread, twenty cents, and sugar, four cents. these prices are on a basis of the spanish money. this letter was written by one of the soldiers of the sixteenth infantry, five captains of which led the particular charge in which this regiment participated: july , . we are in bivouac near our trenches, within half a mile of santiago. the fighting is all over and we are just waiting for something to happen. the latest newspaper we have seen was that of july , so you see i write like a person of the past generation. we have had a hot time. the spanish got drunk and put up a pretty good fight. at least i have heard they were all drunk in the battle of the st. i don't know whether it is true or not, but i do know that they did not run as quickly as we wished them to do. firing begun. we left camp on the st about daybreak, but we did not know we were going into battle. we got into the jungle, after marching for a while, and then heard firing, apparently all around us. then our men began to fall, and we realized we were in it. we kept struggling through the dense underbrush, first to the right, then to the left, and then to the front, as fast as we could find openings. everything was confusion. orders could not be given or obeyed. companies, battalions, regiments and brigades were all jumbled up. we did not fire, for we could not see ten feet in any direction on account of the dense thickets in the jungle. finally i found myself with my company and part of the regiment in a trail or road by a broad, open field, across which, about yards on a steep bluff, were the spaniards, strongly entrenched. we opened fire and kept it up for a while, but the road rapidly filled up with our soldiers, and it became too crowded to do anything. there was a six-strand barbed-wire fence along the hedge between the road and the open. all at once we began to try to tear it down and get at the enemy. captain leven c. alien, captain w. c. mcfarland, captain charles noble, captain george palmer and captain william lassiter were close together with their companies (all of the sixteenth infantry). i was in the front, just behind my captain. officers and men dashed savagely at the fence, tore it down and leaped into the open field, the captains calling to their companies to "come on!" "now we have a chance at them! come on!" a hail of bullets. the companies, or so much of them as heard the call, sprang into the field, the men following the five brave captains, and away we went in a terrible and most desperate charge. the bullets hailed upon us, but when the old sixteenth gets its "mad up" there is no use trying to stop it. we had about two hundred men with us, five captains in the front line. but soon others began to follow us, and the field was full of soldiers, all moving to the front, firing as they went. we saw the enemy jump and run just before we reached the foot of the steep slope leading up to the crest. then one of our batteries began firing over our heads, and when we got near the top the shells began striking the ground between us and the crest, but we did not stop. on we went, climbing on our hands and knees, when suddenly there arose a great shout down on the plain behind us, "come back! come back!" the trumpets sounded "recall," and our men, who had followed their captains so bravely, hesitated, stopped and began drifting back down the slope. in vain our brave leaders swore at the loud-mouthed skulkers below. they had suddenly become fearful for our safety--they were afraid we would be hit by our own shells. we settled reluctantly back near the foot of the slope. allen leads his men on. captain allen told his men to lie down and get their breath. then he called our attention to captain mcfarland, who was with some men about thirty yards to our right and up on the slope. he was waving his hat and the shells were bursting around him. captain allen called out to us: "look at captain mcfarland and e company! who of c company will go with me to the top of the hill in spite of danger?" we who were near him sprang to our feet and up we went. mcfarland wounded. but captain mcfarland had been wounded and his men were going down. our little group became too small for a further attack. "come back! come back!" was shouted from below. captain allen stood alone for a minute and then we went back to the foot of the slope and waited until our battery stopped firing. then we all went forward again, and the sixteenth infantry colors passed up to the works and were planted there. color-bearer shot. the color-bearer was shot, but corporal van horn took the flag and carried it forward. hundreds of officers and soldiers of other regiments came across the field while we were waiting, and they went up with us. and now they all claim that they were in that charge. we men and those five captains i have named know who were in it, and that our captains began it without orders, and we are entitled to all the credit. the fight was led by captains, and no one else of higher rank had anything to do with it. our colonel and major now say that they did not see the charge, and therefore can make no recommendations for distinguished gallantry. well, it is proposed to fight it out and to have our claims heard. a terrible fight. the position we took was san juan and was the key to the spanish position. we have heard that there were , spaniards in the works. i do not know what the loss was. i know that as i jumped over their trench i noticed that it was level full of dead and dying spanish soldiers. it was a terrible sight. we had more fighting that afternoon, and that night we moved forward, and the sixteenth entrenched yards from the main works. we held this under heavy infantry fire and a terrible enfilade artillery fire all day of the d and d, while our right wing was swinging around to envelop the city. moved to the right. on the th we were moved to the right wing and i think it was intended for us to make an assault on the city and wind up the business. we could have done it in fine shape, and all were anxious for a chance. our artillery got into place on the th at pm, and we opened up along the whole line and soon silenced every gun and rifle they had. the spanish weakened. next morning at daylight we resumed our work and the spanish weakened. they did not wait for the assault--the jig was up. nearly half the command is sick. we have only short rations of hard bread, bacon and coffee. we have no shelter except dog tents, and they are no good in such a climate as this. we have no vegetables, and of course we will all be sick. we are living miserably. there are thousands of supplies of all sorts in the harbor and on the landing, but they are not sent to us. the army is in a disabled condition for want of food and shelter. a box of hardtack and a piece of fat bacon thrown on the ground has been considered enough for the soldiers and officers who are in the trenches. somebody will hear from this. our government intends its soldiers to be well treated, but our supply department here in the field lack experience. day before yesterday clara barton sent each company twenty-five pounds of corn meal and seventeen pounds of rice. it was a blessing, i tell you. we all got a spoonful of mush, and it was the best thing i ever tasted in my life. if we could only get our rations, just the regular ration and our tents, we would be willing to take our chances with the climate. there will be enough go by the board, even if we get our supplies. the soldiers have fought bravely and won the victory. keep out of the war. whole armies will be lost by disease and mismanagement. if we stay here under the present layout not one in four will ever see the united states again. we could not go into another campaign now, and unless matters improve very much we may as well be counted out for the summer. how a war balloon came down after being pierced more than two hundred times. sergeant thomas c. boone of company k, second regiment, wrote a thrilling letter. mr. boone's letter in part says: i have not told you of my accidents before while in cuba, because i did not care to arouse the anxiety of my friends at home, and, although i have been unable to walk for some time, still i did not consider my condition as serious as the surgeons here claim it to be. i will tell you how i got hurt. it was a streak of continuous bad luck. on the st of july i went up in the balloon on the battlefield at am, and the balloon was being moved all over the field when shot to pieces eighty yards from the spanish line at p.m. we thought our height, together with their bad marksmanship, afforded us protection. we were badly mistaken. at least bullets and four shrapnel shots went through the inflated bag, allowing the gas to escape, and we came down with a rush, striking the top of a tree alongside of a creek, throwing us out. in falling i was caught in the abdomen by a point of the anchor of the balloon, was suspended for a moment--it seemed a lifetime--then dropped into the creek, with the water up to my shoulders. i was badly bruised and shaken up, but, owing to the excitement of the time, i did not notice the pain. three of our detachment were killed and four wounded out of twenty-one men, which shows that we were in a pretty warm place. well, i did not go to the hospital about my injury until july , and i was then so weak i could scarcely walk. the surgeons at the field hospital placed me in an old army wagon without springs at o'clock one night to be taken to another hospital seven miles away, over the worst road in the world, without doubt. we had gone about half a mile when the wagon turned completely over, the wagon body catching my neck under its side and the corner of a box striking me in the abdomen. i was unconscious for two hours. my neck is still very sore. when i regained consciousness i was placed in the wagon, but the bumping over ruts and rocks fairly drove me mad, and i said i could not stand it. i was told that i could walk, which i did. the wagon went on. i reached the hospital at o'clock the next morning after a night of agony. at this hospital i was told that i was injured internally and that they could do nothing for me, that i would have to go to the united states for an operation, and here i am. i hope to be in springfield soon, but i am as weak as a child and cannot walk fifty yards. on top of my accidents i had a case of bilious fever and was shoved into the yellow fever hospital for several days. bilious fever is a nasty thing, although not dangerous. there are thousands of cases of it in our cuban army. it arises, i believe, from sleeping on the rain-soaked ground and in wet clothing night after night. there was not a day while i was in cuba, with the exception of time spent in the hospital, that i was not soaked through from rain. mosquitoes at night and flies during day make life unbearable here. they are a thousand times worse than any i ever saw. i am bitten from head to foot. they bite clear through the clothing. when captain capron was killed at the battle of la quasima lieutenant thomas became the commander of the troop. he was on the point of leading the fierce charge against the spaniards when shot down by a mauser bullet passing through his right leg below the knee. he gives the following interesting account of his personal experience and observations: our trip from the point of landing to siboney, a distance of about eleven miles, took about three hours, and was over a trail that was very muddy in parts and crossed a number of streams. lieutenant colonel roosevelt on this trip had his mount, but as we were not mounted he walked over the trail with us, leading his horse along. that was a simple act, but it indicated a feeling of comradeship he had for the members of the regiment and it touched a tender place in the men's hearts. no glimpse of spaniards. lawton's command had gone over this trail before us and the spaniards had retreated so that we did not get a glimpse of the spaniards on that march. a few men who had been ill on shipboard with measles, and had recovered only a short time before, were still weak and had to drop out of the line, but they reached siboney a little while after the main body of our regiment got there. we got to siboney on the evening of june , and with our shelter tents were very comfortable until the next morning, although it rained. we were up at o'clock, had breakfast at , and then, on the morning of june th started from siboney across a high hill leading to la quasina, where the regiment had its first fight. the battle lasted two hours and forty minutes, though to those who took part in it it appeared a very much shorter time. as we were advancing we were constantly expecting a fire from the spaniards. we were not ambushed at all. after we had gone about two miles on that trail we came across the body of a cuban, and after that we kept an especially sharp lookout. troop l formed the advance guard, and we had skirmishers out ahead of us and to both the right and left. the skirmishers ahead of us were about yards from the main body of our men, and it was one of these advanced skirmishers who discovered the spaniards. thomas e. isbell, a cherokee from vinita, i. t., was the one to make the discovery of the spanish force. he fired the first shot in that battle and dropped a spaniard. isbell was wounded seven times and then managed to walk back to the field hospital, two and a half or three miles away, to get his wounds dressed. hard fighting ahead. as soon as we learned that the spanish were in advance of us we deployed the men six feet apart, advancing into the firing line. the spaniards had some machine guns ahead of us, and our men received the full force of this fire. there was also firing from the right and the left. we were at this time upon the knoll of a hill, the spaniards being about us at lower elevations. before isbell discovered the spaniards a blockhouse had been seen, and we knew what was ahead of us. it was probably half or three-quarters of an hour after the firing began that captain capron was killed, and perhaps twenty minutes after that i was struck as we were about to make a charge. our men had been instructed to save their ammunition and not shoot unless they saw something to shoot at. our men and the tenth infantry afterwards buried about spaniards, and great numbers of their killed and wounded among them were carried to the rear, so that the fire on our side must have been pretty accurate. when asked to relate some of the scenes taking place about him before he was struck, he replied: one of the worst things i saw was a man shot while loading his gun. the spanish mauser bullet struck the magazine of his carbine, and going through the magazine the bullet was split, a part of it going through his scalp and a part through his neck. this was private whitney, and from his neck down he was a mass of blood. he was taken back of the firing line, and had recovered before we left siboney and was again back in the ranks. captain capron showed great pluck on the field of battle, and refused to leave even when he was mortally wounded. we were at that moment deploying and lying down. he was struck in the left shoulder, the ball coming out of his abdomen. he lived one hour and fifteen minutes after being shot. he was taken back to the field hospital by some of our men. about twenty minutes after that a mauser ball struck me in the leg. sensation of being wounded. when asked what the sensation was at the time of being wounded he replied: my leg felt as if it had been struck by some heavy body. it felt paralyzed, and then i fell to the ground. there was no great pain experienced at the time, but fifteen minutes later the pain was very great. a very touching incident happened during the fight. captain mcclintock was struck in the left leg, two mauser bullets entering his leg just above the ankle. a private who had been sick for some days, seeing captain mcclintock lying on the field, crawled up to him, and lying beside the captain between the latter and the firing line, said: "never mind, captain, i am between you and the firing line. they can't hurt you now." ed culver, a cherokee indian, showed himself particularly brave during the fight. he was alongside of hamilton fish when the latter was shot. when fish was hit he said: "i am wounded." culver called back: "and i am killed." culver was shot through the left lung, the ball coming out of the muscles of the back. he believed he was dying, but said if he was to die he would do the spaniards as much damage as possible before leaving this world. he continued to fire, and sent forty-five bullets at the enemy before being taken away. at first, after receiving his wound, he was in a dazed condition, but after he recovered somewhat he shot straight. hamilton fish died a few minutes after receiving his wound. i passed him just after he was shot, and directed some of the skirmishers where to move. he thought i was speaking to him, and, raising himself on his elbow, said: "i am wounded; i am wounded!" and died a few minutes after that. we thought at first that the spaniards were using explosive bullets, but we found they were merely brass-covered bullets. a detailed description of the santiago fight is told by the gloucester crew, which was first to sight cervera's fleet as it steamed out of the harbor on the morning of sunday, july . ensign sawyer's letter reads: last evening we went into guantanamo and saw the camp where our marines had so gallantly held their own. the marblehead, with mccalla, was there, also the new york, the iowa and that hero of the battle, the oregon. the gloucester also was there. the greatest desire naturally possessed us to hear the details of the wonderful battle in which the cape verde fleet was destroyed. the gloucester's story, though we had but a few moments, was most interesting so far as we have heard. she was lying closest to the entrance, and had just finished sunday morning inspection when the lookout hailed: "they're coming out!" order of the exit. instantly all eyes were directed on the familiar harbor mouth, and they could hardly believe their eyes to see those magnificent ships standing out in broad daylight. the maria teresa, vizcaya, oquendo and colon swung to the windward, and not a shot was fired at the gloucester. evidently she was too small to waste shell on, or else all eyes were on the larger vessels. following those grand ships came the destroyers pluton and furor, which have been so much dreaded. the gloucester immediately stood for them full speed and opened fire, the pluton and furor firing rapidly, but not striking. the gloucester finally got in between them and rained shell upon them from her rapid-fire guns. the iowa also let go her battery, and one of her large shells literally tore the stern out of the furor. the gloucester simply overwhelmed the pluton with her shells, and a white flag was shown, whereupon lieutenant wood went over as quickly as possible to save the lives of the crew. she was a perfect hell on board. on fire below, one engine was still going, and there were only eight men not killed. he put these in the boat, tried to go below to save the vessel if possible, but could not on account of the fire. the boat shoved off to transfer the men to his vessel, when the pluton blew up with a terrible explosion and sank. the boat was just a few feet clear when the magazine or boilers exploded. meantime the armored cruisers of the enemy stood to the west and were engaged by the brooklyn, oregon, texas, indiana and iowa. the maria teresa and oquendo were run ashore, burning fiercely, five and one-half or six miles west of the harbor. the vizcaya and colon engaged in a running fight with the oregon, texas and brooklyn, but the first was practically destroyed and run ashore thirty-four miles west, and the latter surrendered sixty miles west of santiago. it was a terrible battle, and our escape from terrible loss is nothing short of miraculous. the spaniards were really fighting four ships against five, and the superiority of the americans was due more to their skill than material. if the americans had manned cervera's fleet the victory would have been ours just the same. the massachusetts and newark were at guantanamo coaling. the new york had gone five miles farther to the east than her usual station to allow the admiral to communicate with shafter. the oregon distinguished herself by overhauling and passing the brooklyn and forced the colon's surrender. we have not yet seen any of the fellows on the vessels that took part in the pursuit. our heavy work now commences in landing troops. the first illinois, under colonel turner, is among our convoy, and if the boys fight the way they cheer there will be no question of the result. the peace commission president mckinley appointed william k. day, secretary of state; george gray, united states senator from delaware; cushman k. davis, united states senator from minnesota; william p. frye, united states senator from maine, and whitelaw reid, formerly united states minister to france, to represent the united states at the paris conference. the spanish commissioners being senor montero rios, president; leon castillo, representing the political side; senor villarrutia, diplomacy; senor montero the judicial, and general cerero the military. the united states commissioners do not have to be confirmed by the senate, as is usually the case with presidential appointments. peace reigns. nearly a quarter of a million soldiers again resume civil life--a nation of fighters when called upon to protect the stars and stripes, yet as kind and considerate as a brother when strife ceases. many of our brave soldiers left our shores never to return--some were killed in battle; some were stricken down with fever; others who were at the front and saw old glory proudly afloat over the once helpless and downtrodden subjects of spain started homeward but failed to reach their loved ones through disease contracted while performing their duties on the field of battle. such is war. the whole nation will cherish the memory of the dead and ever extend gratitude to those who safely returned. produced from scanned images of public domain material from the google print project.) campaigning in cuba by george kennan author of "siberia and the exile system" new york the century co. contents chapter page i. starting for the field ii. under the red cross iii. on the edge of war iv. war correspondents and despatch-boats v. off for santiago vi. the cuban coast vii. the fight at guantanamo viii. the landing and advance of the army ix. a walk to the front x. siboney on the eve of battle xi. the battles of caney and san juan xii. the field-hospital xiii. siboney during the armistice xiv. entering santiago harbor xv. the captured city xvi. the feeding of the hungry xvii. morro castle xviii. fever in the army xix. the santiago campaign xx. the santiago campaign (_continued_) xxi. the santiago campaign (_concluded_) campaigning in cuba chapter i starting for the field war broke out between the united states and spain on april , . a week or ten days later i was asked by the editors of the "outlook" of new york to go to cuba with miss clara barton, on the red cross steamer _state of texas_, and report the war and the work of the red cross for that periodical. after a hasty conference with the editorial and business staffs of the paper i was to represent, i accepted the proposition, and on may left washington for key west, where the _state of texas_ was awaiting orders from the navy department. the army of invasion, under command of general shafter, was then assembling at tampa, and it was expected that a hostile movement to some point on the cuban coast would be made before the end of the month. i reached tampa on the evening of friday, may . the pullman cars of the florida express, at that time, ran through the city of tampa and across the river into the spacious grounds of the beautiful tampa bay hotel, which, after closing for the regular winter season, had been compelled to reopen its doors--partly to accommodate the large number of officers and war correspondents who had assembled there with their wives and friends, and partly to serve as headquarters for the army of cuban invasion. it was a warm, clear southern night when we arrived, and the scene presented by the hotel and its environment, as we stepped out of the train, was one of unexpected brilliancy and beauty. a nearly full moon was just rising over the trees on the eastern side of the hotel park, touching with silver the drifts of white blossoms on dark masses of oleander-trees in the foreground, and flooding with soft yellow light the domes, moorish arches, and long façade of the whole immense building. two regimental bands were playing waltzes and patriotic airs under a long row of incandescent lights on the broad veranda; fine-looking, sunbrowned men, in all the varied uniforms of army and navy, were gathered in groups here and there, smoking, talking, or listening to the music; the rotunda was crowded with officers, war correspondents, and gaily attired ladies, and the impression made upon a newcomer, as he alighted from the train, was that of a brilliant military ball at a fashionable seaside summer resort. of the serious and tragic side of war there was hardly a suggestion. on the morning after our arrival i took a carriage and drove around the city and out to the camp, which was situated about a mile and a half from the hotel on the other side of the river. in the city itself i was unpleasantly disappointed. the showy architecture, beautiful grounds, semi-tropical foliage, and brilliant flowers of the tampa bay hotel raise expectations which the town across the river does not fulfil. it is a huddled collection of generally insignificant buildings standing in an arid desert of sand, and to me it suggested the city of semipalatinsk--a wretched, verdure-less town in southern siberia, colloquially known to russian army officers as "the devil's sand-box." thriving and prosperous tampa may be, but attractive or pleasing it certainly is not. as soon as i got away, however, from the hotel and into the streets of the town, i saw at almost every step suggestions of the serious and practical side, if not the tragic side, of war. long trains of four-mule wagons loaded with provisions, camp equipage, and lumber moved slowly through the soft, deep sand of the unpaved streets in the direction of the encampment; the sidewalks were thronged with picturesquely dressed cuban volunteers from the town, sailors from the troop-ships, soldiers from the camp, and war correspondents from everywhere; mounted orderlies went tearing back and forth with despatches to or from the army headquarters in the tampa bay hotel; cuban and american flags were displayed in front of every restaurant, hotel, and cuban cigar-shop, and floated from the roofs or windows of many private houses; and now and then i met, coming out of a drug-store, an army surgeon or hospital steward whose left arm bore the red cross of the geneva convention. the army that was destined to begin the invasion of cuba consisted, at that time, of ten or twelve thousand men, all regulars, and included an adequate force of cavalry and ten fine batteries of field-artillery. it was encamped in an extensive forest of large but scattered pine-trees, about a mile from the town, and seemed already to have made itself very much at home in its new environment. the first thing that struck me in going through the camp was its businesslike aspect. it did not suggest a big picnic, nor an encampment of militia for annual summer drill. it was manifestly a camp of veterans; and although its dirty, weather-beaten tents were pitched here and there without any attempt at regularity of arrangement, and its camp equipage, cooking-utensils, and weapons were piled or stacked between the tents in a somewhat disorderly fashion, as if thrown about at random, i could see that the irregularity and disorder were only apparent, and were really the irregularity and disorder of knowledge and experience gained by long and varied service in the field. i did not need the inscriptions--"fort reno" and "fort sill"--on the army wagons to assure me that these were veteran troops from the plains, to whom campaigning was not a new thing. as we drove up to the camp, smoke was rising lazily into the warm summer air from a dozen fires in different parts of the grounds; company cooks were putting the knives, forks, and dishes that they had just washed into improvised cup-boards made by nailing boxes and tomato-crates against the trees; officers in fatigue-uniform were sitting in camp-chairs, here and there, reading the latest new york papers; and thousands of soldiers, both inside and outside the sentry-lines, were standing in groups discussing the naval fight off manila, lounging and smoking on the ground in the shade of the army wagons, playing hand-ball to pass away the time, or swarming around a big board shanty, just outside the lines, which called itself "noah's ark" and announced in big letters its readiness to dispense cooling drinks to all comers at a reasonable price. the troops in all branches of the army at tampa impressed me very favorably. the soldiers were generally stalwart, sunburnt, resolute-looking men, twenty-five to thirty-five years of age, who seemed to be in perfect physical condition, and who looked as if they had already seen hard service and were ready and anxious for more. in field-artillery the force was particularly strong, and our officers in tampa based their confident expectation of victory largely upon the anticipated work of the ten batteries of fine, modern field-guns which general shafter then intended to take with him. owing to lack of transportation facilities, however, or for some other reason to me unknown, six of these batteries were left in tampa when the army sailed for santiago, and the need of them was severely felt, a few weeks later, at caney and san juan. upon my return from the camp i called upon general shafter, presented my letter of introduction from the president, and said i wished to consult him briefly with regard to the future work of the american national red cross. he received me cordially, said that our organization would soon have a great and important work to do in cuba in caring for the destitute and starving reconcentrados, and that he would gladly afford us all possible facilities and protection. the red cross corps of the army medical department, he said, would be fully competent to take care of all the sick and wounded soldiers in the field; but there would be ample room for our supplementary work in relieving the distress of the starving cuban peasants, who would undoubtedly seek refuge within our lines as soon as we should establish ourselves on the island. he deprecated and disapproved of any attempt on the part of the red cross to land supplies for the reconcentrados under a flag of truce in advance of the army of invasion and without its protection. "the spanish authorities," he said, "under stress of starvation, would simply seize your stores and use them for the maintenance of their own army. the best thing for you to do is to go in with us and under our protection, and relieve the distress of the reconcentrados as fast as we uncover it." i said that i thought this was miss barton's intention, and that we had fourteen hundred tons of food-stuffs and medical supplies on the steamer _state of texas_ at key west, and were ready to move at an hour's notice. with an understanding that miss barton should be notified as soon as the army of invasion embarked, i bade the general good-by and returned to the hotel. in an interview that i had on the following day with colonel babcock, general shafter's adjutant-general, i was informed, confidentially, that the army was destined for "eastern cuba." small parties, colonel babcock said, would be landed at various points on the coast east and west of havana, for the purpose of communicating with the insurgents and supplying them with arms and ammunition; but the main attack would be made at the eastern end of the island. he did not specifically mention santiago by name, because cervera's fleet, at that time, had not taken refuge there; but inasmuch as santiago was the most important place in eastern cuba, and had a deep and sheltered harbor, i inferred that it would be made the objective point of the contemplated attack. the secretary of war, in his reply to the questions of the investigating commission, says that the movement against santiago, as then planned, was to be a mere "reconnaissance in force, to ascertain the strength of the enemy in different locations in eastern cuba"; but colonel babcock certainly gave me to understand that the attack was to be a serious one, and that it would be made with the whole strength of general shafter's command. the matter is of no particular importance now, except in so far as the information given me by colonel babcock indicates the views and intentions of the war department two weeks before admiral cervera's fleet took refuge in santiago harbor. i left port tampa for key west on the plant-line steamer _mascotte_ at half-past ten o'clock saturday evening, may . the long, narrow, and rather sinuous channel out of tampa bay was marked by a line of buoys and skeleton wooden frames resting on driven spiles; but there were no lights for the guidance of the mariner, except one at the outer entrance, ten or twelve miles from the port; and if the _mascotte_ had not been provided with a powerful search-light of her own she would hardly have been able to find her way to sea, as the night was cloudy and the buoys were invisible. with the long, slender shaft of her search-light, however, she probed the darkness ahead, as with a radiant exploring finger, and picked up the buoys, one after another, with unfailing certainty and precision. every two or three minutes a floating iron balloon, or a skeleton frame covered with sleeping aquatic birds, would flash into the field of vision ahead, like one of professor pepper's patent ghosts, stand out for a moment in brilliant white relief against a background of impenetrable darkness, and then vanish with the swiftness of summer lightning, as the electric beam left it to search for another buoy farther away. when i awoke the next morning we were out on the blue, tumbling, foam-crested water of the gulf, forty or fifty miles from the florida coast. all day sunday we steamed slowly southward, seeing no vessels except a jamaica "fruiter," whose captain shouted to us, as he crossed our bow, that he had been blown off his course in a recent gale, and would like to know his position and distance. we should have reached key west at half-past two sunday afternoon; but an accident which disabled one of the _mascotte's_ boilers greatly reduced her normal speed, so that when i went to my state-room at eleven o'clock sunday evening we were still twenty or thirty miles from our destination. three hours later i was awakened by shouted orders, the tramping of feet, and the rattling of heavy chain-cable on the forward deck, and, dressing myself hastily, i went out to ascertain our situation. the moon was hidden behind a dense bank of clouds, the breeze had fallen to a nearly perfect calm, and the steamer was rolling and pitching gently on a sea that appeared to have the color and consistency of greenish-gray oil. two hundred yards away, on the port bow, floated a white pyramidal frame in the fierce glare of the ship's search-light, and from it, at irregular intervals, came the warning toll of a heavy bell. it was the bell-buoy at the entrance to key west harbor, and far away on the southeastern horizon appeared a faintly luminous nebula which marked the position of key west city. under the war regulations then in force, no vessels other than those belonging to the united states navy were permitted to enter or leave the port of key west between late evening twilight and early dawn, and we were, therefore, forced to anchor off the bell-buoy until a. m. just as day was breaking we got our anchor on board and steamed in toward the town. the comparatively shallow water of the bay, in the first gray light of dawn, had the peculiar opaque, bluish-green color of a stream fed by an alpine glacier; but as the light increased it assumed a brilliant but delicate translucent green of purer quality, contrasting finely with the scarlet flush in the east which heralded the rising, but still hidden, sun. on our right, as we entered the wide, spacious harbor, were two or three flat-topped, table-like islands, or "keys," which, in general outline and appearance, suggested dark mesas of foliage floating in a tropical ocean of pale chrysolite-green. directly ahead was the city of key west--a long, low, curving silhouette of roofs, spires, masts, lighthouses, cocoanut-palms, and australian pines, delicately outlined in black against the scarlet arch of the dawn, "like a ragged line of arabic etched on the blade of a turkish simitar." at the extreme western end of this long, ragged silhouette rose the massive walls of fort taylor, with its double tier of antiquated embrasures; and on the left of it, as the distance lessened and the light increased, i could distinguish the cream-colored front of the marine hospital, the slender white shaft of the lighthouse, the red pyramidal roof of the government building, and the pale-yellow walls and cupola of the key west hotel--all interspersed with graceful leaning palms, or thrown into effective relief against dark masses of feathery australian pine. along the water-front, for a distance of half a mile, extended an almost unbroken line of steamers, barks, schooners, and brigantines, discharging or receiving cargo, while out on the pale-green, translucent surface of the harbor were scattered a dozen or more war-ships of the north atlantic squadron, ranging in size from the huge, double-turreted monitor _puritan_ to the diminutive but dangerous-looking torpedo-boat _dupont_. all were in their war-paint of dirty leaden gray, which, although it might add to their effectiveness, certainly did not seem to me to improve their appearance as component parts of an otherwise beautiful marine picture. beyond the war-ships and nearer to the eastern end of the island lay the captured spanish prizes, including the big black liners _pedro_ and _miguel jover_, the snow-white _argonauta_, the brigantine _frascito_, and a dozen or more fishing-schooners intercepted by the blockading fleet while on their way back to havana from the yucatan banks. but none of these war-ships or prizes had, for me, the interest that attached to a large black two-masted steamer of eighteen hundred tons, which was lying at anchor off the government wharf, flying from her mainmast-head a white flag emblazoned with the red greek cross of the geneva convention. it was the steamship _state of texas_, of the mallory line, chartered by the american national red cross to carry to cuba supplies for the starving reconcentrados, and to serve as headquarters for its president, miss clara barton, and her staff of trained surgeons, nurses, and field-officers. chapter ii under the red cross when miss barton joined the _state of texas_ at key west on april there seemed to be no immediate prospect of an invasion of cuba by the united states army, and, consequently, no prospect of an opportunity to relieve the distress of the starving cuban people. knowing that such distress must necessarily have been greatly intensified by the blockade, and anxious to do something to mitigate it,--or, at least, to show the readiness of the red cross to undertake its mitigation,--miss barton wrote and sent to admiral sampson, commander of the naval forces on the north atlantic station, the following letter: s. s. "state of texas," may , . _admiral w. t. sampson, u. s. n., commanding fleet before havana._ admiral: but for the introduction kindly proffered by our mutual acquaintance captain harrington, i should scarcely presume to address you. he will have made known to you the subject which i desire to bring to your gracious consideration. papers forwarded by direction of our government will have shown the charge intrusted to me, viz., to get food to the starving people of cuba. i have with me a cargo of fourteen hundred tons, under the flag of the red cross, the one international emblem of neutrality and humanity known to civilization. spain knows and regards it. fourteen months ago the entire spanish government at madrid cabled me permission to take and distribute food to the suffering people in cuba. this official permission was broadly published. if read by our people, no response was made and no action taken until two months ago, when, under the humane and gracious call of our honored president, i did go and distribute food, unmolested anywhere on the island, until arrangements were made by our government for all american citizens to leave cuba. persons must now be dying there by hundreds, if not thousands, daily, for want of the food we are shutting out. will not the world hold us accountable? will history write us blameless? will it not be said of us that we completed the scheme of extermination commenced by weyler? fortunately, i know the spanish authorities in cuba, captain-general blanco and his assistants. we parted with perfect friendliness. they do not regard me as an american merely, but as the national representative of an international treaty to which they themselves are signatory and under which they act. i believe they would receive and confer with me if such a thing were made possible. i should like to ask spanish permission and protection to land and distribute food now on the _state of texas_. could i be permitted to ask to see them under flag of truce? if we make the effort and are refused, the blame rests with them; if we fail to make it, it rests with us. i hold it good statesmanship at least to divide the responsibility. i am told that some days must elapse before our troops can be in position to reach and feed these starving people. our food and our forces are here, ready to commence at once. with assurances of highest regard, i am, admiral, very respectfully yours, [signed] clara barton. at the time when the above letter was written, the american national red cross was acting under the advice and direction of the state and navy departments, the war department having no force in the field. admiral sampson replied as follows: u. s. flagship "new york," first-rate, key west, florida, may , . _miss clara barton, president american national red cross:_ . i have received through the senior naval officer present a copy of a letter from the state department to the secretary of the navy; a copy of a letter from the secretary of the navy to the commander-in-chief of the naval force on this station; and also a copy of a letter from the secretary of the navy to the commandant of the naval station at key west. . from these communications it appears that the destination of the steamship _state of texas_, loaded with supplies for the starving reconcentrados in cuba, is left, in a measure, to my judgment. . at present i am acting under instructions from the navy department to blockade the coast of cuba for the purpose of preventing, among other things, any food-supply from reaching the spanish forces in cuba. under these circumstances it seems to me unwise to let a ship-load of such supplies be sent to the reconcentrados, for, in my opinion, they would be distributed to the spanish army. until some point be occupied in cuba by our forces, from which such distribution can be made to those for whom the supplies are intended, i am unwilling that they should be landed on cuban soil. yours very respectfully, [signed] w. t. sampson, rear-admiral u. s. n., commander-in-chief u. s. naval force, north atlantic station. after this exchange of letters miss barton had a conference with admiral sampson, in the course of which the latter explained more fully his reasons for declining to allow the _state of texas_ to enter any cuban port until such port had been occupied by american troops. on may miss barton sent the following telegram to stephen e. barton, chairman of the central cuban relief committee in new york: key west, may , . _stephen e. barton, chairman, etc._: herewith i transmit copies of letters passed between admiral sampson and myself. i think it important that you should present immediately this correspondence personally to the government, as it will place before them the exact situation here. the utmost cordiality exists between admiral sampson and myself. the admiral feels it his duty, as chief of the blockading squadron, to keep food out of cuba, but recognizes that, from my standpoint, my duty is to try to get food into cuba. if i insist, admiral sampson will try to open communication under a flag of truce; but his letter expresses his opinion regarding the best method. advices from the government would enable us to reach a decision. unless there is objection at washington, you are at liberty to publish this correspondence if you wish. [signed] clara barton. on may the chairman of the central cuban relief committee replied as follows: washington, d. c., may , . _clara barton, key west, florida_: submitted your message to president and cabinet, and it was read with moistened eyes. considered serious and pathetic. admiral sampson's views regarded as wisest at present. hope to land you soon. president, long, and moore send highest regards. [signed] barton. under these circumstances, of course, there was nothing for the red cross steamer to do but wait patiently in key west until the army of invasion should leave tampa for the cuban coast. meanwhile, however, miss barton had discovered a field of beneficent activity for the red cross nearer home. in tampa, on her way south, she learned that in that city, and at various other points on the coast of southern florida, there were large numbers of destitute cuban refugees and escaped reconcentrados, who were in urgent need of help. a local committee in tampa, composed of representatives from the various churches, had been doing everything in its power to relieve the distress of these unfortunate people, but the burden was getting to be beyond its strength, and it asked the red cross for assistance. the desired aid was promptly given, and the committee was supplied with provisions enough to support the cuban refugees in tampa until the middle of june. upon her arrival at key west miss barton found a similar, but even worse, state of affairs, inasmuch as the number of destitute refugees and reconcentrados there exceeded fifteen hundred. a local cuban relief society had established a soup-kitchen in which they were feeding about three hundred, and mr. g. w. hyatt, chairman of the key west red cross committee, was trying to take care of the rest; but both organizations were nearly at the end of their resources, and the local committee had nothing left in the shape of food-stuffs except corn-meal. miss barton at once telegraphed the central red cross committee in new york to forward thirty tons of assorted stores by first steamer, and pending the arrival of these stores she fed the key west refugees from the _state of texas_ and from such local sources of food-supply as were available. but cuban refugees and reconcentrados were not the only hungry and destitute victims of the war to be found in key west. on may miss barton received the following letter from the united states marshal for the southern district of florida: department of justice, office of u. s. marshal, southern district of florida, key west, florida, may , . _miss clara barton, president american national red cross._ dear miss barton: on board the captured vessels we find quite a number of aliens among the crews, mostly cubans, and some american citizens, and their detention here and inability to get away for want of funds has exhausted their supply of food, and some of them will soon be entirely out. as there is no appropriation available from which food could be purchased, would you kindly provide for them until i can get definite instructions from the department at washington? very respectfully yours, [signed] john f. horr, u. s. marshal. appended to the above letter was a list of fifteen spanish vessels whose crews were believed by the marshal to be in need of food. in less than three hours after the receipt of this communication two large ships' boats, loaded with provisions for the sailors on the spanish prizes, left the _state of texas_ in tow of the steam-launch of the troop-ship _panther_. before dark that night, mr. cobb and dr. egan, of miss barton's staff, who were in charge of the relief-boats, had visited every captured spanish vessel in the harbor. two or three of them, including the great liners _miguel jover_ and _argonauta_, had provisions enough, and were not in need of relief, but most of the others--particularly the fishing-smacks--were in even worse straits than the marshal supposed. the large transatlantic steamer _pedro_, of bilbao, had no flour, bread, coffee, tea, sugar, beans, rice, vegetables, or lard for cooking, and her crew had lived for fifteen days exclusively upon fish. the schooner _severito_ had wholly exhausted her supplies, and had on board nothing to eat of any kind. of the others, some had no matches or oil for lights, some were nearly out of water, and all were reduced to an unrelieved fish diet, of which the men were beginning to sicken. the red cross relief-boats made a complete and accurate list of the spanish prizes in the harbor,--twenty-two in all,--with the numerical strength of every crew, the amount of provisions, if any, on every vessel, and the quantity and kind of food that each would require. finding that one of the prizes had a cargo of plantains and bananas, and that most of the fishing-smacks were provided with salt-water tanks in which they had thousands of pounds of living fish, miss barton and her staff determined to purchase from them such quantities of these perishable commodities as they were willing to sell at a low nominal price, and use such food to increase and diversify the rations furnished to the fifteen hundred cuban refugees and reconcentrados on shore. this would give the latter a change of diet, and at the same time lessen the amount of more expensive food-stuffs to be taken from the cargo of the red cross steamer or brought from new york. with the approval of the united states marshal, this plan was immediately carried into effect, and it worked admirably. the captains of the spanish prizes were glad to give to the red cross perishable commodities for which they had no accessible market, and ten thousand pounds of fish and large quantities of plantains and bananas were soon obtained for distribution among the cuban refugees and reconcentrados in key west. i refer to this incident of the relief-work, not because it has, intrinsically, any particular importance, but because it shows that the means adopted by the red cross to relieve distress in key west were intelligent and businesslike. on the day after our arrival mr. cobb, of miss barton's staff, called at the hotel to tell us that the red cross relief-boats were about to make another visit to the spanish prizes in the harbor, and to ask us if we would like to go with them and see the work. in half an hour miss barton and her staff, mrs. kennan and i, started in the steam-launch of the monitor _puritan_ to make the round of the captured spanish ships, towing behind us two large boats loaded with assorted stores for the destitute crews. the first vessel we visited was a small black brigantine from barcelona, named _frascito_, which had been captured eight miles off havana by the united states cruiser _montgomery_. the swarthy, scantily clad spanish sailors crowded to the bulwarks with beaming faces as we approached, and the hurried, almost frenzied eagerness with which they threw us a line, hung a ladder over the side, and helped us on board, showed that although we were incidentally americans, and therefore enemies, we were primarily red cross people, and consequently friends to be greeted and welcomed with every possible manifestation of respect, gratitude, and affection. the interior of the little brigantine presented an appearance of slovenly but picturesque dirt, confusion, and disorder, as if the crew, overwhelmed by the misfortune that had come upon them, had abandoned the routine of daily duty and given themselves up to apathy and despair. the main-deck, between the low after-cabin and the high forecastle, had not been washed down, apparently, in a week; piles of dirty dishes and cooking-utensils of strange, unfamiliar shapes lay here and there around the little galley forward; coils of running rigging were kicking about under-foot instead of hanging on the belaying-pins; a pig-pen, which had apparently gone adrift in a gale, blocked up the gangway to the forecastle on the port side between the high bulwark and a big boat which had been lashed in v-shaped supports amidships; and a large part of the space between the cabin and the forecastle on the starboard side was a chaos of chain-cable, lumber, spare spars, pots, pans, earthen water-jars, and chicken-coops. the captain of the little vessel was a round-faced, boyish-looking man, of an english rather than a spanish type, with clear gray honest eyes and a winning expression of friendliness and rustic bonhomie, like that of an amiable, intelligent young peasant. he greeted us cordially, but with a slight trace of shy awkwardness, and invited us into the small, dark cabin, where we drank one another's health in a bottle of sweet, strong liqueur, and he told us the rather pathetic story of his misfortune. the brigantine _frascito_ ("little flask"), he said, belonged in part to him and in part to a company in barcelona. the cargo, consisting chiefly of south american jerked beef, was owned by his father and himself, and ship and cargo represented all that he and his family had in the world. he left montevideo for havana about the middle of march, and had no intimation whatever that spain and the united states were at war, until a round shot was fired across his bow by the cruiser _montgomery_, about eight miles off morro castle. the officers of the cruiser treated him very kindly--"i couldn't; and below] have done it better," he said, with simple sincerity, "if i had done it myself; but it was very hard to lose everything just because i didn't know. of course i shouldn't have tried to get into havana if i had known there was war; but i left montevideo in march, and had no thought of such a thing." we tried to cheer him up by telling him that the prize-court would hardly condemn and confiscate his vessel under such circumstances, but he was still sad and troubled. he thanked us with simple, unaffected earnestness for the provisions we had put on board his ship, and said that the unexpected kindness of the red cross to him and his crew had cheered and encouraged them all. he seemed anxious to do something to show us his gratitude and appreciation, and when a member of our party manifested interest in a large cage of red-crested tropical birds which hung beside the cabin door, he promptly took it down and presented it "to the señorita for the red cross steamer, with the compliments and thanks of the _frascito_." after putting on board the little brigantine such supplies, in the shape of bread, beans, rice, canned meats, etc., as the crew required, we bade the captain and mate good-by, and left them apparently somewhat cheered up by our visit. from the _frascito_ we went successively to the _oriente_, the _españa_, the _santiago apostol_, the _poder de dios_, and fifteen or sixteen other vessels of the prize-fleet, ascertaining their wants, furnishing them with such food-supplies as they needed, and listening to the stories of their captains. among the sailors on the fishing-smacks were many unfamiliar and wild-looking cuban and spanish types--men with hard, dark faces, lighted up by fierce, brilliant black eyes, who looked as if they would have been in their proper sphere fighting under a black flag, on the spanish main, in the good old days of the bucaneers. but hard and fierce as many of them looked, they were not wholly insensible to kindness. on the schooner _power of god_, where there seemed to be more wild, cruel, piratical types than on any other vessel except, perhaps, _st. james the apostle_, i noticed a sailor with a stern, hard, almost black face and fierce, dark eyes, who--had such a thing been possible--might have stepped, just as he stood, out of the pages of "amyas leigh." he was regarding me with an expression in which, if there was no actual malevolence, there was at least not the slightest indication of friendliness or good will. taking from my haversack a box of the cigarettes with which i had provided myself in anticipation of a tobacco famine among the spanish sailors, i sprang over the bulwark, and, with as cordial a smile of comradeship as i could give him, i placed it in his hand. for an instant he stared at it as if stupefied with amazement. then his hard, set face relaxed a little, and, throwing his head forward and raising his fierce black eyes to mine, he gave me a long look of surprise and intense, passionate gratitude, which seemed to say, "i don't know your language, and i can't _tell_ you how grateful i am, but i can _look_ it"--and he did. he had evidently been out of tobacco many days, and in a moment he went below where he could light a match out of the wind, and presently reappeared, breathing smoke and exhaling it through his nostrils with infinite satisfaction and pleasure. nearly all the sailors on the fishing-smacks were barefooted, many were bareheaded, and all had been tanned a dark mahogany color by weeks of exposure to the rays of a tropical sun. their dress consisted, generally, of a shirt and a pair of loose trousers of coarse gray cotton, like the dress worn in summer by siberian convicts. dr. egan prescribed and furnished medicines for the sick wherever they were found, and on one vessel performed a rather difficult and delicate surgical operation for the relief of a man who was suffering from a badly swollen neck, with necrosis of the lower jawbone. at half-past six o'clock we returned to the _state of texas_, having attended to all the sick that were found, relieved all the distress that was brought to our attention, and furnished food enough for a week's consumption to the crews of nineteen vessels. two days later, at the suggestion of miss barton, mr. cobb purchased a quantity of smoking-and chewing-tobacco for the spanish sailors, and we made another double round of the prize-ships, in the steam-launch of the new york "sun," which was courteously placed at the disposal of the red cross for the whole afternoon. on our outward trip we left on every vessel tobacco and matches enough to last the crew for a week, and mr. cobb notified all the captains that if they or their crews wished to write open letters to their relatives and friends in cuba or spain, the red cross would collect them, submit them to the united states prize-court for approval, and undertake to forward them. the tobacco and the offer to forward letters seemed to excite more enthusiastic gratitude in the hearts of the spanish prisoners than even the distribution of food. on one schooner my attention was attracted to a ragged sailor who was saying something very earnestly in spanish, and pointing, in a rather dramatic manner, to the sky. "what is he saying?" i inquired of mr. cobb. "he says," replied the latter, with a smile, "that if they were prisoners up in heaven, they couldn't be better treated than they have been here." i was touched and gratified to see the interest and sympathy excited by the work of the red cross in all who came in contact with it, from the commodore of the fleet to the poorest fisherman. the captains of the monitor _puritan_ and the auxiliary cruiser _panther_ offered us the use of their swift steam-launches in the work of distributing food; the representative of the new york "sun" followed their example; the marines on the _panther_ doffed their caps to our boats as we passed, and even a poor key west fisherman pulled over to us in his skiff, as we lay alongside a spanish vessel, and gave us two large, lobster-like crawfish, merely to show us, in the only way he could, his affectionate sympathy and good will. mr. cobb offered him some of the tobacco that we were distributing among the spanish sailors, but he refused to take it, saying: "i didn't bring the fish to you to beg tobacco, or for money, but just because i wanted to help a little. i hoped to get more, but these were all i could catch." one touch of kindness makes all the world kin. even the engineer of the new york "sun's" naphtha-launch gave his cherished pipe to a sailor on a spanish vessel who had none, and when one of his mates remonstrated with him, saying, "you're not going to give him your own brier-wood pipe!" he replied, with a shamefaced smile: "yes, poor devil! he can't get one away out here. i can buy another ashore." late in the afternoon we made a second round of all the spanish ships to collect their letters, and then returned to the _state of texas_. mr. cobb that same evening submitted the open letters to the united states prize-court for approval, and i made an arrangement with mr. e. f. knight, war correspondent of the london "times," who was just starting for havana, to take the cuban letters with him and mail them there. the letters for spain were sent to the national red cross of portugal. chapter iii on the edge of war until the illuminating search-light of war was turned upon the island of key west, it was, to the people of the north generally, little more than a name attached to a small, arid coral reef lying on the verge of the gulf stream off the southern extremity of florida. few people knew anything definitely about it, and to nine readers out of ten its name suggested nothing more interesting or attractive than cuban filibusters, sponges, and cigars. in less than a month, however, after the outbreak of hostilities, it had become the headquarters, as well as the chief coaling-station, of two powerful fleets; the news-distributing center for the whole cuban coast; the supply-depot to which perhaps a hundred vessels resorted for water, food, and ammunition; the home station of all the newspaper despatch-boats cruising in west indian waters; the temporary headquarters of more than a hundred newspaper correspondents and reporters, and the most advanced outpost of the united states on the edge of war. in view of the importance which the place had at that time, as well as the importance which it must continue to have, as our naval base in cuban waters, a description of it may not be wholly without interest. the island on which the city of key west stands forms one of the links in a long, curving chain of shoals, reefs, and keys extending in a southwesterly direction about a hundred miles from the extreme end of the peninsula of florida. it is approximately six miles long, has an average width of one mile, and resembles a little in shape a huge comma, with the city of key west for its head and a diminishing curve of low, swampy chaparral and mangrove-bushes for a tail. the shallow bay of pale-green water between the head and the tail on the concave side of the comma is known as "the bight." it is the anchorage of the sponging-fleet, and is the eastern limit of settlement on that side of the island. beyond it are sandy flats and shallow, salt-water lagoons, shut in by a dense growth of leather-leaved bushes and low, scrubby china-berry, sea-grape, and jamaica-apple trees. the highest part of the key is occupied by the city, and the highest part of the city is the low bluff on its western side, where the slender shaft of the lighthouse stands at a height of fifteen or eighteen feet above the level of tide-water. owing to its geographical position in a semi-tropical sea, just north of the gulf stream and within the zone of the northeast trade-winds, key west has a climate of remarkable mildness and equability. twenty years' observations show that its lowest monthly mean of temperature is ° f. in january, and its highest ° in august--an annual range of only °. between the years and the highest temperature recorded was °, and the lowest °--a range of only ° between maximum and minimum in a period of ten years. new york and chicago often have a greater variation of temperature than this in the course of ten days. equability, however, is not the only noteworthy characteristic of the key west climate. it is also remarkable for its sunniness in winter and its breeziness at all seasons of the year. the average number of cloudy days there is only sixty-four per annum, and between october and april the sun often shines, day after day, in a cloudless sky, for weeks at a time. but even more constant and continuous than the sunshine are the cool breezes from the foam-crested waters of the atlantic, which temper the heat of the almost perpetual summer. from the reports of the weather bureau it appears that the average number of calm days at key west is only ten per annum. in only three days were calm, and in there were only twenty-seven hours, of day or night, in which there was not breeze enough to ripple, at least, the pale-green water of the harbor. for all practical purposes, therefore, the sea-breeze at key west may be regarded as perennial and incessant. it varies in strength, of course, from day to day and from hour to hour; but in the two weeks that i spent there it was never strong enough to be unpleasant in the city, nor to necessitate the reefing of small sail-boats in the comparatively open and unsheltered bay. the average annual rainfall on the island is about thirty-nine inches, and nearly the whole of this precipitation is confined to the so-called "rainy season," between may and november, when showers fall, now and then, at irregular intervals of from three to ten days. for their fresh water the inhabitants depend entirely upon this rainfall, which is carefully collected and saved in large roof-covered cisterns. there are a few wells on the island, but the water in them is generally brackish, or is so impregnated with lime and earthy salts as to be unfit either for drinking or for irrigation. to sum up briefly, the climate of key west may be roughly described as mild and dry in winter, warm but showery in summer, and breezy and sunny at all seasons. in this geographical and climatic environment there has grown up on the island an interesting but rather sleepy and unprogressive city of twenty-two thousand inhabitants. the most important of the elements that go to make up its population are, first, whites from the united states, who are chiefly engaged in shipping or commerce; second, cubans of mixed blood, employed, for the most part, in the cigar factories; third, immigrants from the bahamas, known as "conchs," who devote themselves mainly to fishing, sponging, and wrecking; and, fourth, negroes from america and the west indian islands, who turn their hands to anything they can find to do, from shoveling coal to diving into the clear water of the bay after the pennies or nickels thrown by northern tourists from the deck of the _mascotte_ or the _olivette_. nothing in the shape of fruit, grain, or vegetables is raised on the island for export, and the greater part of the city's food-supply comes either from florida or from the islands of the west indies. the first thing that strikes a newcomer in key west is the distinctly and unmistakably foreign aspect of the city. in spite of the english names on many of the sign-boards over the shops, the american faces on the streets, and the crowd of american officers and war correspondents smoking or talking on the spacious piazzas of the key west hotel, one cannot get rid of the impression that he has left the united states and has landed in some such town as san juan de guatemala or punta arenas, on the pacific coast of central america. everything that meets the eye seems new, unfamiliar, and, in some subtle, indefinable way, un-american. the vivid but pale and delicate green of the ocean water; the slender, fern-headed cocoanut-palms which stand in clumps here and there along the streets; the feathery australian pines and dark-green indian laurels which shade the naval storehouse and the marine hospital; the masses of tamarind, almond, sapodilla, wild-fig, banana, and cork-tree foliage in the yards of the white, veranda-belted houses; the spanish and cuban types on the piers and in front of the hotels; the unfamiliar language which strikes the ear at almost every step--all suggest a tropical environment and spanish, rather than american, influences and characteristics. the two features of key west scenery that appear, at first glance, to be most salient, and that contribute most to the impression of strangeness and remoteness made by the island as a whole, are, unquestionably, the color of the water and the character of the vegetation. the ocean in which the little coral key is set has a vividness and a delicacy of color that i have never seen equaled elsewhere, and that is not even so much as suggested by the turbid, semi-opaque water of the atlantic off the coast of massachusetts or new jersey. it is a clear, brilliant, translucent green, pale rather than deep in tone, and ranging through all possible gradations, from the color of a rain-wet lawn to the pure, delicate, ethereal green of an auroral streamer. sometimes, in heavy cloud-shadow, it is almost as dark as the green of a siberian alexandrite; but just beyond the shadow, in the full sunshine, it brightens to the color of a greenish turquoise. in the shallow bay known as "the bight," the yellowish brown of the marine vegetation on the bottom blends with the pale green of the overlying water so as to reproduce on a large scale the tints of a ural mountain chrysolite, while two miles away, over a bank of sand or a white coral reef, the water has the almost opaque but vivid color of a pea-green satin ribbon. even in the gloom and obscurity of midnight, the narrow slit cut through the darkness by the sharp blade of the fort taylor search-light reveals a long line of green, foam-flecked water. owing to the very limited extent of the island, the ocean may be seen at the end of every street and from almost every point of view, and its constantly changing but always unfamiliar color says to you at every hour of the day: "you are no longer looking out upon the dull, muddy green water of the atlantic coast; you are on a tropical, palm-fringed coral reef in the remote solitude of the great south sea." next to the color of the ocean, in its power to suggest remoteness and unfamiliarity, is the character of the vegetation. the flora of key west is wholly tropical, and in my first ramble through the city i did not discover a single plant, shrub, tree, or flower that i had ever seen in the north except the oleander. even that had wholly changed its habits and appearance, and resembled the pot-grown plant of northern households only as the gigantic sequoia of california resembles the stunted lilliputian pine of the siberian tundra. the key west oleander is not a plant, nor a shrub; it is a tree. in the yard of a private house on carolina street i saw an oleander nearly thirty feet in height, whose branches shaded an area twenty feet or more in diameter, and whose mammoth clusters of rosy flowers might have been counted by the hundred. such an oleander as this, even though its leaves and blossoms may be familiar, seems like a stranger and an exotic, and, instead of modifying the impression of remoteness and alienation made by the other features of the tropical environment, it deepens and intensifies it. among the vines, plants, shrubs, and trees that i noticed and identified in the streets and private grounds of key west were jasmine, bergamot, poinsettia, hibiscus, almond, banana, sapodilla, tamarind, jamaica apple, mango, spanish lime, cotton-tree, royal poinciana, "geiger flower" (a local name), alligator-pear, tree-cactus, sand-box, cork-tree, banian-tree, sea-grape, cocoanut-palm, date-palm, indian laurel, australian pine, and wild fig. most of these trees and shrubs do not grow even in southern florida, and are to be found, within the limits of the united states, only in southern california and on the island of key west. a mere perusal of this long list of unfamiliar names will enable the reader to understand why the vegetation of the island reinforces the impression of strangeness and remoteness already made by the color of the sea. key west, after the outbreak of war, had two chief centers of interest and excitement: first, the harbor, between fort taylor and the government wharf, where lay all the monitors, cruisers, and gunboats of the north atlantic squadron that were not actually engaged in sea service; and, second, the key west hotel, which was the headquarters of the war correspondents, as well as of naval officers assigned to shore duty, and visitors on all sorts of business from the north. i found it hard to decide which of these two centers would offer better opportunities and facilities for observation and the acquirement of knowledge. if i stayed on board a vessel in the harbor, i should miss the life and activity of the city, the quick delivery of daily papers from the north, the news bulletins posted every few hours in the hotel, and all the stories of fight, peril, or adventure told on shady piazzas by officers and correspondents just back from the cuban coast; while, on the other hand, if i established myself at the hotel, i could not see the bringing in of spanish prizes from the florida strait, the arrival and departure of despatch-boats with news and orders, the play of the search-lights, the gun practice of the big war-ships, the signaling, the saluting, and the movements generally of the fleet. after having spent a week at the hotel, i decided to go on board the red cross steamer _state of texas_, which was lying off the government wharf, nearly opposite the custom-house, and within one hundred yards of the two big monitors _puritan_ and _miantonomoh_. i made the change just in time to see, from the best possible point of vantage, the great event of the week--the arrival of the two powerful fleets commanded respectively by admiral sampson and commodore schley. early wednesday morning the graceful, black, schooner-rigged despatch-boat of the new york "sun" came racing into the harbor under full head of steam, followed closely by the ocean-going tug of the associated press and two or three fast yachts in the service of new york papers, all blowing their whistles vigorously to attract attention from the shore. something, evidently, had happened, and, looking seaward with a powerful glass, i had no difficulty in making out on the horizon, at a distance of eight or ten miles, the cruiser _brooklyn_, the battle-ships _texas_ and _massachusetts_, and two or three smaller cruisers and gunboats of the united states navy. the flying squadron from hampton roads had arrived. the harbor at once became a scene of rapid movement and intense activity. steam-launches darted out from the piers carrying war correspondents to their respective despatch-boats, and naval officers to the monitors and the huge four-masted colliers; a long line of party-colored flags was displayed from the signal-halyards of the _miantonomoh_; two or three fast sea-going tugs carrying the naval commandant and other harbor officers started seaward at full speed, with long plumes of black smoke trailing to leeward from their lead-colored stacks; and the eight hundred marines on the auxiliary cruiser _panther_ swarmed on deck and crowded eagerly aft to gaze at the dim, distant outlines of the newly arrived vessels. about the middle of the forenoon the swift, heavily armed gunboat _scorpion_ entered the harbor flying the commodore's pennant, and was received with a salute of eleven guns from the monitor _miantonomoh_. the remainder of the day passed without any other unusual or noteworthy incident, but sometime in the night the fleet of admiral sampson joined the flying squadron in the offing, and thursday morning the people of key west saw, in their harbor and at sea off fort taylor, the largest and most powerful fleet of war-vessels that had ever assembled, perhaps, under the american flag. all day thursday the harbor was the center of incessant movement, activity, and excitement. the lighter vessels of the flying squadron, which had come in to coal, rejoined the heavier cruisers and battle-ships in the offing, and their places were taken by the big monitors _amphitrite_ and _terror_, the cruisers _detroit_ and _marblehead_, and the gunboats _wilmington_, _helena_, _castine_, and _machias_, which steamed in one after another from the fleet of admiral sampson. when all these vessels had anchored off fort taylor and the government wharf, there were in the harbor more than twenty ships of war, including three torpedo-boats and four monitors; six or eight armed yachts of the mosquito fleet; twelve or fifteen big transports, troop-ships, and colliers awaiting orders; twenty-two spanish prizes of all sorts, from the big liner _argonauta_ to the little brigantine _frascito_; and, finally, a fleet of newspaper tugs, launches, and despatch-boats almost equal, numerically, to the fleets of commodore schley and admiral sampson taken together. the marine picture presented by the harbor with all these monitors, cruisers, gunboats, yachts, transports, troop-ships, torpedo-boats, colliers, despatch-boats, and spanish prizes lying at anchor, with flags and signals flying in the clear sunshine and on the translucent green water of the tropics, was a picture of more than ordinary interest and beauty, and one that key west, perhaps, may never see again. about two o'clock in the afternoon i was able, through the courtesy of mr. trumbull white in offering me the use of the chicago "record's" despatch-boat, to go off to the flagship _new york_ and present my letter of introduction from the president to admiral sampson. i was received most cordially and hospitably, and, after conferring with him for half an hour with regard to the plans and work of the red cross, so far as they depended upon or related to the navy, i returned to the _state of texas_. the fleet sailed again at half-past ten o'clock that night for the coast of cuba. after the departure of the blockading fleet and the flying squadron on may and , the small army of war correspondents at key west had little to do except watch for the arrival of vessels with news from the cuban coast. most of them regarded this work--or rather absence of work--as tedious and irksome in the extreme; but if they had been living on board ship instead of at the hotel they would have found a never-failing source of interest and entertainment in the constantly changing picture presented by the harbor. six or eight war-ships, ranging in size and fighting power from monitors to torpedo-boats, were still lying at anchor off the custom-house and the marine hospital; transports with stores and munitions of war were discharging their cargoes at the piers; big four-masted schooners, laden with coal for the blockading fleet, swung back and forth with the ebbing and flowing tides as they awaited orders from the naval commandant; graceful steam-yachts, flying the flag of the associated press, were constantly coming in with news or going out in search of it; swift naphtha-launches carrying naval officers in white uniforms darted hither and thither from one cruiser to another, whistling shrill warnings to the slower boats pulled by sailors from the transports; officers on the monitors were exchanging "wigwag" flag-signals with other officers on the gunboats or the troop-ships; and from every direction came shouts, bugle-calls, the shrieks of steam-whistles, the peculiar jarring rattle of machine-guns at target practice, and the measured beats of twenty or thirty ships' bells, striking, at different distances, but almost synchronously, the half-hours. interesting, however, as key west harbor might seem in the daytime, it was far more beautiful and impressive at night. one clear, still evening late in may, when the rosy flush of the short tropical twilight had faded, and the sand key beacon began to glow faintly, like a setting planet, on the darkening horizon in the west, i went up on the hurricane-deck alone and looked about the harbor. the city, the war-ships, and the massive square outlines of fort taylor had all vanished in the gathering darkness and gloom, but in their places were rows, clusters, and constellations innumerable of steadily burning lights. a long, slender shaft of bluish radiance streamed out from the corner of fort taylor, widening as it extended seaward, until it struck and illuminated with a sort of ghostly phosphorescence the whitish hull of a gunboat stealing noiselessly into the harbor from the direction of the cuban coast. the strange craft hung out a perpendicular string of red and white lights, which winked solemnly once or twice, changed color two or three times, and then vanished. a second search-light from the monitor _miantonomoh_ sent another slender electric ray of inquiry in the direction of the intruder, as if still doubtful of its character; but when the straight blue sword of the fort taylor search-light rose to the clouds and fell to the water three times, as if striking a whole league of ocean three successive and measured blows, the _miantonomoh_ understood that all was well, and her own search-light left the gunboat and swept across the starry sky overhead like the tail of a huge blue comet swinging at its perigee around a darkened sun. in a moment the monitor itself hung out a string of lights which winked, changed color, vanished, reappeared, and again vanished, leaving only a red light at the masthead. in a moment an answering signal-rocket was thrown up by an invisible war-ship in the direction of fort taylor, and instantly two powerful search-lights were focused upon a pale, whitish object, far out at sea, which looked in the bluish, ghostly glare like the mainsail of the _flying dutchman_. before i had time to form a conjecture as to the significance of these mysterious signals and apparitions, i was startled by a sudden flash and the thunder of a heavy gun from the darkness ahead; and away out at sea, in the strip of green water illuminated by the search-lights, a heavy projectile plunged into the ocean, near the sail of the _flying dutchman_, and sent a column of white spray thirty feet into the air. then i understood what it all meant. the _wilmington_, was engaged in night gun practice. for half an hour or more the war-ship threw solid shot and explosive shells into that illuminated strip of green water, and the thunder of her cannon, which could be heard all over the island, suggested to the startled negro and cuban population that the spanish fleet had arrived and was bombarding the city. then the _miantonomoh_ hung out another string of colored lanterns, the uproar ceased, and the pallid, ghostly canvas of the _flying dutchman_ suddenly vanished as the search-lights left it and resumed their slow, sweeping exploration of the harbor, the channel, and the open sea. chapter iv war correspondents and despatch-boats few things impressed me more forcibly, in the course of my two weeks' stay at key west, than the costly, far-sighted, and far-reaching preparations made by the great newspapers of the country to report the war. there were in the city of tampa, at the time of my arrival, nearly one hundred war correspondents, who represented papers in all parts of the united states, from new england to the pacific coast, and who were all expecting to go to cuba with the army of invasion. nearly every one of the leading metropolitan journals had in tampa and key west a staff of six or eight of its best men under the direction of a war-correspondent-in-chief, while the associated press was represented by a dozen or more reporters in cuban waters, as well as by correspondents in havana, key west, tampa, kingston, st. thomas, port-au-prince, and on the flagships of admiral sampson and commodore schley. every invention and device of applied science was brought into requisition to facilitate the work of the reporters and to enable them to get their work quickly to their home offices. the new york "herald," for example, paid fifty dollars an hour for a special leased wire between new york and key west, and set up, in the latter place and in tampa, newly invented, long-distance phototelegraph instruments, by means of which its artist in the field could transmit a finished picture to the home office every twenty minutes. in their efforts to get full and accurate news of every event at the earliest possible moment, the war correspondents shrank from neither hardship nor danger. a week or two before my arrival in key west, for example, mr. scovel, one of the most daring and enterprising of the war correspondents, landed from a despatch-boat on the coast of cuba in the night, with the intention of making his way to the camp of general gomez. as he had not had a previous understanding with the latter, no arrangements had been made to meet him, he could get no horses, and, with only two or three companions, he walked eighty miles through tropical forests and swamps, dodging spanish sentinels and guerrillas, living wholly upon plantains and roots, and sleeping most of the time out of doors in a hammock slung between two trees. he finally succeeded in obtaining horses, reached the insurgent camp, had an interview with general gomez, rode back to the coast at a point previously agreed upon, signaled to his despatch-boat, was taken on board, and returned safely to key west after an absence of two weeks, in the course of which he had not once tasted bread nor slept in a bed. upon the record of such an achievement as this most men would have been satisfied, for a time, to rest; but mr. scovel, with untiring energy, went from key west to the coast of cuba and back three times in the next seven days. on the last of these expeditions he joined a landing force carrying arms and ammunition to the insurgents, participated in a hot skirmish with the spanish troops, wrote an account of the adventure that same night while at sea in a small, tossing boat on his way back to key west, and filed six thousand words in the key west cable-station at two o'clock in the morning. i speak of this particular case of journalistic enterprise, not because it is especially noteworthy or exceptional, but because it illustrates the endurance and the capacity for sustained toil in unfavorable circumstances, which are quite as characteristic of the modern war correspondent as are his courage and his alert readiness for any emergency or any opportunity. owing to the distance of the seat of war from the american coast and the absence of telegraphic communication between cuba and the mainland, newspapers that made any serious attempt to get quick and exclusive information from the front had not only to send correspondents into the field, but to furnish them with means of moving rapidly from place to place and of forwarding their despatches promptly to an american telegraph office or a west indian cable-station. every prominent new york paper, therefore, had at least one despatch-boat for the use of its correspondents, several of them had two or three, and the associated press employed four. these boats were either powerful sea-going tugs like the _hercules_ and the _premier_, or swift steam-yachts of the class represented by the _wanda_, the _kanapaha_, and the _bucaneer_. exactly how many of them there were in west indian waters i have been unable to ascertain; but i should say not less than fifteen or twenty, with almost an equal number of naphtha-and steam-launches for harbor and smooth-water work. in these despatch-boats the war correspondents went back and forth between key west and cuba; watched the operations of the blockading fleet off havana, matanzas, or cardenas; cruised along a coast-line nearly a thousand miles in extent, and, if necessary, went with admiral sampson's squadron to a point of attack as remote as santiago de cuba or san juan de porto rico. whenever anything of importance happened in any part of this wide area, they were expected to be on the spot to observe it, and then to get the earliest news of it to the nearest cable-station--whether that station were kingston, cape haitien, st. thomas, port-au-prince, or key west. all of the newspaper despatch-boats were small, many of them had very limited coal-carrying capacity, and some were nothing but sea-going tugs, with hardly any comforts or conveniences, and with no suitable accommodations for passengers. the correspondents who used these boats were, therefore, compelled to live a rough-and-tumble life, sometimes sleeping in their clothes on benches or on the floor in a small, stuffy cabin, and always suffering the hardships and privations necessarily involved in a long cruise on a small vessel in a tropical climate and on a turbulent sea. the florida strait between key west and the north cuban coast is as uncomfortable a piece of water to cruise on as can be found in the tropics. it is the place where the swiftly running gulf stream meets the fresh northeast trade-winds; and in the conflict between these opposing terrestrial forces there is raised a high and at the same time short, choppy, and irregular sea, on which small vessels toss, roll, and pitch about like corks in a boiling caldron. i was told by some of the correspondents who had cruised in these waters that often, for days at a time, it was almost impossible to get any really refreshing rest or sleep. the large and heavy war-ships of the blockading fleet rode this sea, of course, with comparatively little motion; but it is reported that even captain sigsbee was threatened with seasickness while crossing the strait between havana and key west in a small boat. discomfort, however, was perhaps the least of the war correspondent's troubles. he expected discomfort, and accepted it philosophically; but to it was added constant and harassing anxiety. as he could not predict or anticipate the movements of the war-ships, and had no clue to the plans and intentions of their commanding officer, he was compelled to stay constantly with the fleet, night and day, in order to be on the scene of action when action should come. this part of his duty was not only difficult, but often extremely hazardous. as soon as night fell, every light on the war-ships was extinguished, and they cruised or drifted about until daybreak in silence and in darkness. owing to their color, it was almost impossible to follow them, or even to see them at a distance of a mile, and the correspondent on the despatch-boat was liable either to lose them altogether if he kept too far away, or be fired upon if he came too near. on my visit to the flagship _new york_ i was accompanied by mr. chamberlain, one of the war correspondents of the chicago "record." just before we went over the side of the ship on our return to the "record's" despatch-boat, mr. chamberlain said to admiral sampson: "can you give me any directions or instructions, admiral, with regard to approaching your fleet in hostile waters? i don't want to be in your way or to do anything that would imperil my own vessel or inconvenience yours." "where do you propose to go?" inquired the admiral. "anywhere," replied the war correspondent, "or rather everywhere, that you do." the admiral smiled dryly and said: "i can't give you any definite instructions except, generally, to keep away from the fleet--especially at night. you may approach and hail us in the daytime if you have occasion to do so, but if you come within five miles of the fleet at night there is likely to be trouble." this was all that mr. chamberlain could get from the admiral; but the officer of the deck, whose name i did not learn, had no hesitation in explaining fully to us the nature of the "trouble" that would ensue if, through design or inadvertence, a newspaper despatch-boat should get within five miles of the fleet at night. "we can't afford to take any chances," he said, "of torpedo-boats. if you show up at night in the neighborhood of this ship, we shall fire on you first and ask questions afterward." "but how are we to know where you are?" inquired the correspondent. "that's your business," replied the officer; "but if you approach us at night, you do it at your own peril." when we had returned to the despatch-boat, mr. chamberlain said to me: "of course that's all right from their point of view. i appreciate their situation, and if i were in their places i should doubtless act precisely as they do; but it's my business to watch that fleet, and i can't do it if i keep five miles away at night. i think i'll go within two miles and take the chances. some of us will probably lose the numbers of our mess down here," he added coolly, "if this thing lasts, but i don't see how it can be helped." the difficulty of keeping five miles away, or any specified distance away, from a blockading fleet of war-ships at night can be fully realized only by those who have experienced it. except on morro castle at havana there were no lights on the northern coast of cuba; if it was cloudy and there happened to be no moon, the darkness was impenetrable; the war-ships did not allow even so much as the glimmer of a binnacle lamp to escape from their lead-colored, almost invisible hulls, as they cruised noiselessly back and forth; and the correspondent on the despatch-boat not only did not know where they were, but had no means whatever of ascertaining where he himself was. meanwhile, at any moment, there might come out of the impenetrable darkness ahead the thunder of a six-pounder gun, followed by the blinding glare of a search-light. unquestionably the correspondents were to be believed when they said privately to one another that it was nervous, harassing work. but the list of difficulties and embarrassments which confronted the correspondent in his quest of news is not yet at an end. if he escaped the danger of being sunk or disabled by a shell or a solid projectile at night, and succeeded in following a fleet like that of admiral sampson, he had to take into serious consideration the question of coal. fuel is quite as essential to a despatch-boat as to a battle-ship. the commander of the battle-ship, however, had a great advantage over the correspondent on the despatch-boat, for the reason that he always knew exactly where he was going and where he could recoal; while the unfortunate newspaper man was ignorant of his own destination, was compelled to follow the fleet blindly, and did not know whether his limited supply of coal would last to the end of the cruise or not. when mr. chamberlain sailed from key west at night with the fleet of admiral sampson, he believed that the latter was bound for santiago, on the southeastern coast of cuba. the _hercules_ could not possibly carry coal enough for a voyage there and back; in fact, she would reach that port with only one day's supply of fuel in her bunkers. what should be done then? the nearest available source of coal-supply would be kingston, jamaica, and whether he could get there from santiago before his fuel should be wholly exhausted mr. chamberlain did not know. however, he was ready, like ladislaw in "middlemarch," to "place himself in an attitude of receptivity toward all sublime chances," and away he went. nothing can be more exasperating to a war correspondent than to have a fight take place while he is absent from the scene of action looking for coal; but many newspaper men in cuban waters had that unpleasant and humiliating experience. the life of the war correspondent who landed, or attempted to land, on the island of cuba, in the early weeks of the war, was not so wearing and harassing, perhaps, as the life of the men on the despatch-boats, but it was quite as full of risk. after the st of may the patrol of the cuban coast by the spanish troops between havana and cardenas became so careful and thorough that a safe landing could hardly be made there even at night. jones and thrall were both captured before they could open communications with the insurgents; and the english correspondents, whigham and robinson, who followed their example, met the same fate. even mr. knight, the war correspondent of the london "times," who landed from a small boat in the harbor of havana with the express permission of the government at madrid and under a guaranty of protection, was seized and thrown into cabanas fortress. if a war correspondent succeeded in making a safe landing and in joining the insurgents, he had still to suffer many hardships and run many risks. mr. archibald, the correspondent of a san francisco paper, was wounded on the cuban coast early in may, in a fight resulting from an attempt to land arms and ammunition for the insurgents; and a correspondent of the chicago "record" was killed after he had actually succeeded in reaching general gomez's camp. he was sitting on his horse, at the summit of a little hill, with gomez and the latter's chief of staff, watching a skirmish which was taking place at a distance of a quarter of a mile or more, between a detachment of insurgents and a column of spanish troops. one of the few sharp-shooters in the enemy's army got the range of the little group on the hill, and almost the first ball which he sent in that direction struck the "record" correspondent in the forehead between and just above the eyes. as he reeled in the saddle gomez's chief of staff sprang to catch him and break his fall. the next mauser bullet from the hidden marksman pierced the pommel of the saddle that the staff-officer had just vacated; and the third shot killed gomez's horse. the general and his aide then hastily escaped from the dangerous position, carrying the "record" correspondent with them; but he was dead. in the first two months of the war the corps of field correspondents, in proportion to its numerical strength, lost almost as many men from death and casualty as did the army and navy of the united states. the letters and telegrams which they wrote on their knees, in the saddle, and on the rocking, swaying cabin tables of despatch-boats while hurrying to west indian cable-stations were not always models of english composition, nor were they always precisely accurate; but if the patrons of their respective papers had been placed in the field and compelled to write under similar conditions, they would be surprised, perhaps, not at the occasional imperfection of the correspondents' work, but at the fact that in so unfavorable and discouraging an environment good work could be done at all. chapter v off for santiago the most important event in the early history of the war, and the event that controlled the movements of the red cross steamer _state of texas_, as well as the movements of general shafter's army, was the arrival of the spanish fleet of cruisers and torpedo-boats at santiago de cuba on may . there had been skirmishes and bombardments before that time, at matanzas, cardenas, and various other points on the cuban coast; but none of them had any strategic importance, or any particular bearing upon the course or the conduct of the war. it was the appearance of admiral cervera at santiago which determined the field of action, and, to some extent, the plan of campaign. the invasion of eastern cuba had already been under consideration, and when the spanish fleet took refuge in santiago harbor the president and his counselors decided, definitely and finally, to begin operations at that end of the island, and to leave the western provinces unmolested until fall. the regular army, it was thought, would be strong enough, with the aid and coöperation of admiral sampson's fleet, to reduce the defenses of santiago, and the volunteers might be left in camp at chickamauga, tampa, and jacksonville, to get in training for an attack upon havana at the end of the rainy season. the preparations for the invasion of cuba seemed, at that time, to be nearly, if not quite, complete. the whole regular army, consisting of seven regiments of cavalry, twenty-two regiments of infantry, and fourteen batteries of artillery, had been mobilized and transported to the gulf coast; the quartermaster's department had, under charter, twenty-seven steamers, with a carrying capacity of about twenty thousand men; immense quantities of food and munitions of war had been bought and sent to tampa, and there seemed to be no good reason why general shafter's command should not embark for cuba, if necessary, at twenty-four hours' notice. on may , just a week after the appearance of admiral cervera and his fleet at santiago, the president held a consultation at the executive mansion with the secretary of war, the secretary of the navy, and the members of the board of strategy, and decided to begin the invasion of cuba at once. orders were presumably sent to general shafter to prepare for an immediate movement, and secretary long telegraphed admiral sampson as follows: washington, may , . _sampson, care naval base, key west:_ if spanish division is proved to be at santiago, it is the intention of the department to make a descent immediately upon that port with ten thousand united states troops, landing about eight nautical miles east of the port. you will be expected to convoy transports.... [signed] long. three days later general shafter was directed, in the following order, to embark his command and proceed at once to santiago: war department, washington, may , . _major-general william r. shafter, tampa, florida:_ with the approval of the secretary of war you are directed to take your command on transports, proceed under convoy of the navy to the vicinity of santiago de cuba, land your force at such place east or west of that point as your judgment may dictate, under the protection of the navy, and move it on to the high ground and bluffs overlooking the harbor, or into the interior, as shall best enable you to capture or destroy the garrison there and cover the navy as it sends its men in small boats to remove torpedoes, or, with the aid of the navy, capture or destroy the spanish fleet now reported to be in santiago harbor. you will use the utmost energy to accomplish this enterprise, and the government relies upon your good judgment as to the most judicious use of your command, but desires to impress upon you the importance of accomplishing this object with the least possible delay.... [signed] h. c. corbin, adjutant-general. in view of the fact that general shafter had been nearly a month at tampa, and of the further fact that his command was composed wholly, or almost wholly, of regular troops, who were completely equipped for service when they left their stations, he should have been able, it seems to me, to comply with this order at once; but, apparently, he was not ready. day after day passed without any noticeable change in the situation, and on june the army at tampa was apparently no nearer an advance than it had been when cervera's fleet entered santiago harbor on may . admiral sampson, who was anxious to strike a decisive blow before the enemy should have time to concentrate and intrench, then telegraphed secretary long as follows: mole, haiti, june , . _secretary of navy, washington_: bombarded forts at santiago : a. m. to a. m. to-day, june . have silenced works quickly without injury of any kind, though stationary within two thousand yards. if ten thousand men were here[ ] city and fleet would be ours within forty-eight hours. every consideration demands immediate army movement. if delayed city will be defended more strongly by guns taken from fleet. [signed] sampson. when this despatch reached washington, the secretary of war sent general shafter two peremptory telegrams, as follows: war department, june . _major-general shafter, port tampa, florida:_ you will sail immediately, as you are needed at destination at once. answer. [signed] r. a. alger, secretary of war. executive mansion, washington, june , , : p.m. _major-general shafter, port tampa, florida:_ since telegraphing you an hour since, the president directs you to sail at once with what force you have ready. [signed] r. a. alger, secretary of war. upon receipt of these "rush" orders, general shafter hastily embarked his army, amid great confusion and disorder, and telegraphed the secretary of war that he would be ready to sail, with about seventeen thousand officers and men, on the morning of june . before the expedition could get away, however, commodore remey cabled the secretary of the navy from key west that two spanish war-ships--an armored cruiser and a torpedo-boat destroyer--had been seen in nicholas channel, off the northern coast of cuba, on the night of june , by lieutenant w. h. h. southerland of the united states gunboat _eagle_. fearing that these spanish vessels would intercept the fleet of transports and perhaps destroy some of them, secretary alger telegraphed general shafter not to leave tampa bay until he should receive further orders. scouting-vessels of the navy, which were promptly sent to nicholas channel in search of the enemy, failed to locate or discover the two war-ships reported by the commander of the _eagle_, and on june general shafter's army, after having been held a week on board the transports in tampa bay, sailed for santiago by way of cape maysi and the windward passage. the spanish fleet under command of admiral cervera had then been in santiago harbor almost four weeks. it is hard to say exactly where the responsibility should lie for the long delay in the embarkation and despatch of general shafter's expedition. when i passed through tampa on my way south in june, the two railroad companies there were blaming each other, as well as the quartermaster's department, for the existing blockade of unloaded cars, while army officers declared that the railroad companies were unable to handle promptly and satisfactorily the large quantity of supplies brought there for the expedition. naval authorities said that they had to wait for the army, while army officers maintained that they were all ready to start, but were stopped and delayed by reports of spanish war-ships brought in by scouting-vessels of the navy. that there was unnecessary delay, as well as great confusion and disorder, there seems to be no doubt. as one competent army officer said to me, in terse but slangy english, "the fact of the matter is, they simply got all balled up, and although they worked hard, they worked without any definite, well-understood plan of operations." the principal trouble seemed to be in the commissary and quartermaster's departments. many of the officers in these departments were young and inexperienced; army supplies from the north came down in immense quantities on two lines of railway and without proper invoices or bills of lading; it was often utterly impossible to ascertain in which, out of a hundred cars, certain articles of equipment or subsistence were to be found; and there was a lack everywhere of cool, trained, experienced supervision and direction. it was the business of some one somewhere to see that every car-load of supplies shipped to tampa was accompanied by an invoice or bill of lading, so that the chief commissary at the point of destination might know the exact nature, quantity, and car-location of supplies brought by every train. then, if he wanted twenty-five thousand rations of hard bread or fifty thousand pounds of rice before the cars had been unloaded, he would know exactly where and in what cars to look for it. as it was, he could not tell, often, what car contained it without making or ordering personal examination, and it was almost impossible to know how much of any given commodity he had on hand in trains that had not yet been unloaded or inspected. as the result of this he had to telegraph to jacksonville at the last moment before the departure of the expedition for three or four hundred cases of baked beans and forty or fifty thousand pounds of rice to be bought there in open market and to be sent him in "rush shipment." it is more than probable that there were beans and rice enough to meet all his wants in unloaded trains at tampa, but he had no clue to their car-location and could not find them. such a state of things, of course, is wholly unnecessary, and it should not occur a second time. to take another example: when our army embarked at port tampa it was the business of some officer somewhere to know the exact capacity of every transport and the numerical strength of every regiment. then it was some one's business to prearrange the distribution of troops by assigning one or more designated regiments to one or more designated steamers and giving necessary orders to the colonels. as it was, however, according to the testimony of every witness, a train-load of troops would come to the docks at port tampa, apparently without orders or assignment to any particular steamer, and while they were waiting to learn what they should do, and while their train was still blocking the way, another train-load of soldiers would arrive in a similar state of ignorance and add to the disorder and confusion. as a natural consequence, men got on wrong steamers and had to be unloaded, and often, after transports had moved out into the bay, parts of companies and regiments had to be transferred in small boats from one vessel to another. these are examples of what seems to have been bad management. in another class of cases the trouble was apparently due to mistaken judgment. to the latter class belongs the loading and treatment of horses and mules. it would have been much better and safer, i think, to load these animals on vessels especially prepared for and exclusively devoted to them than to put them into stifling and unventilated holds of steamers that also carried troops. if, however, this was impracticable, it was manifestly best to load the animals last, so as to expose them for as short a time as possible to such murderous conditions. the mules, however, were loaded first, and held in the holds of the transports while troops were embarking. they began to die from heat and suffocation, and then they were unloaded and reshipped after the troops were on board. this caused unnecessary delay, as well as the loss of many valuable animals. eighteen perished, i am told, on one transport while the troops were embarking. these cases of disorder and bad judgment are only a few out of many which were the subject of common talk among officers and civilians in tampa. i could specify many others, but criticism is at best unpleasant duty, and the only justification for it is the hope that, if mistakes and disorders are pointed out and frankly recognized, they may be guarded against in future. the army of invasion, when it finally left tampa bay for the cuban coast, consisted of officers and , enlisted men.[ ] with its animals and equipment it filled thirty-five transports. it comprised (in addition to regular infantry) four batteries of light field-artillery, two batteries of heavy siege-guns, a battalion of engineers, a detachment of the signal corps, twelve squadrons of dismounted cavalry, and one squadron of cavalry with horses. all of the troops were regulars with the exception of three regiments, namely, the first cavalry (rough riders, dismounted), the seventy-first new york, and the second massachusetts. the command was well supplied with food and ammunition, but its facilities for land transportation were inadequate; its equipment, in the shape of clothing and tentage, was not adapted to a tropical climate in the rainy season; it carried no reserve medical stores, and it had no small boats suitable for use in disembarkation or in landing supplies on an unsheltered coast. some of these deficiencies in equipment were due, apparently, to lack of prevision, others to lack of experience in tropical campaigning, and the rest to lack of water transportation from tampa to the cuban coast; but all were as unnecessary as they afterward proved to be unfortunate. when the army of invasion sailed, the red cross steamer _state of texas_, laden with fourteen hundred tons of food and medical supplies, lay at anchor in tampa bay, awaiting the return of miss barton and a part of her staff from washington. as soon as they arrived, the steamer proceeded to key west, and on the morning of monday, june , after a brief consultation with commodore remey, we sailed from that port for santiago de cuba. in the group assembled on the pier to bid us good-by were united states marshal horr; mr. hyatt, chairman of the local red cross committee; mr. white, correspondent of the chicago "record," whose wife was going with us as a red cross worker; and mrs. porter, wife of the president's secretary, who had come with miss barton from washington to key west in order to show her interest in and sympathy with the work in which the red cross is engaged. about ten o'clock the steamer's lines were cast off, the gang-plank was drawn ashore, the screw began to churn the green water into boiling foam astern, and, amid shouted good-bys and the waving of handkerchiefs from the pier, we moved slowly out into the stream, dipped our ensign to the _lancaster_, commodore remey's flagship, and proceeded down the bay in the direction of sand key light. chapter vi the cuban coast the course usually taken by steamers from key west to santiago lies along the northern coast of cuba, through the nicholas and old bahama channels, to cape maysi, and thence around the eastern end of the island by the windward passage. inasmuch, however, as we were going without a convoy, and commodore remey had advised us to keep out of sight of land, in order to avoid possible interception by a spanish gunboat from some unblockaded port on the coast, we decided to go around the western end of the island, doubling cape san antonio, and then proceeding eastward past the isle of pines to cape cruz and santiago. tuesday afternoon we saw the high mountains in the province of pinar del rio looming up faintly through the haze at a distance of twenty-five or thirty miles, and late that same evening we passed the flash-light at the extremity of cape san antonio and turned eastward toward cape cruz and santiago. after rounding the western end of the island we had a succession of thunder-storms and rain-squalls, with a strong easterly breeze and a heavy head sea; but thursday night the weather moderated, and at half-past six o'clock friday morning we sighted cape cruz rising out of the dark water ahead in a long, transverse stretch of flat table-land, backed by mountains and terminating on the sea in a high, steep bluff. the coast of cuba between cape cruz and santiago is formed by a striking and beautiful range of mountains, known to the spaniards as the "sierra maestra," or "master range," which extends eastward and westward for more than a hundred miles and contains some of the highest peaks to be found on the island. as seen from the water its furrowed slopes and flanks are deceptively foreshortened, so that they appear to fall with extraordinary steepness and abruptness to the sea; its rocky, wave-worn base is whitened by a long line of snowy breakers; its deep, wild ravines are filled with soft blue summer haze; and down from the clouds which shroud its higher peaks tumble in white, tortuous streaks the foaming waters of unnamed and almost unknown mountain torrents. as one sails, at a distance of two or three miles, along this wild, beautiful coast, the picture presented by the fringe of feathery palms over the white line of surf, the steep slopes of the foot-hills, shaggy with dark-green tropical vegetation, and the higher peaks broken in places by cliffs or rocky escarpments and rising into the region of summer clouds, is one hardly to be surpassed, i think, in the tropics. the average height of this range is three or four thousand feet; but in many places it is much greater than this, and the summit of the peak of turquino, about midway between cape cruz and santiago, is eighty-four hundred feet above the level of the sea. our captain thought that we should be off the entrance to santiago harbor about three o'clock saturday morning, and at half-past three i was on the bridge. there was not a sign, as yet, of dawn, and although i could make out faintly the loom of high land to the northward, it was so dark on the water that nothing could be distinguished at a distance of five hundred yards, and in the absence of all lights on the coast it was almost impossible to determine our exact position. somewhere ahead of us,--or perhaps around us,--in the impenetrable gloom, were twelve or fifteen ships of war; but they were cruising about in silence and darkness, and the first evidence that we should probably have of their proximity would be the glare of a search-light and the thunder of a gun. about four o'clock the lookout forward shouted to the captain, "vessel on the port bow, sir," and a large, dark object stole silently out toward us from under the shadow of the land. i took it, at first, for a gunboat; but it proved to be the transport _santiago_, which had not yet disembarked her troops and was cruising aimlessly back and forth, as we were, waiting for daylight. at a quarter past four the sky in the east began to grow lighter, and as the hidden sun climbed swiftly to the horizon the world about us began to assume form and color. almost directly in front of us were two fine groups of high, forest-clad mountains, separated by an interval of perhaps ten or fifteen miles. in this gap and nearer the sea was a long stretch of lower, but still high, table-land, which extended from one group of mountains to the other and seemed to form the outer rampart of the coast. about the middle of this rocky, flat-topped rampart there was a deep, narrow notch, on the eastern side of which i could see with a glass a huge grayish-stone building, elevated a little above the level of the table-land on one side and extending down the steep declivity of the notch in a series of titanic steps on the other. i hardly needed to be informed that the notch was the entrance to the harbor of santiago, and that the grayish-stone building was morro castle. between us and the land, in a huge, bow-shaped curve, lay the war-ships of the blockading fleet, with commodore schley's flagship, the _brooklyn_, at one end, admiral sampson's flagship, the _new york_, at the other, and the battle-ships _texas_, _indiana_, _iowa_, _massachusetts_, and half a dozen gunboats and cruisers lying at intervals between. the convex side of the crescent was nearest to morro castle, and in this part of the curve were the battle-ships _texas_, _indiana_, and _iowa_, with the small gunboat _suwanee_ thrown out as scout or skirmisher in the position that the head of the arrow would occupy if the line of the blockading vessels were a bent bow eight miles long. we steamed directly in toward the entrance to the harbor, without being stopped or questioned, and took a position in front of morro castle, about one thousand yards south of the battle-ship _indiana_. from this point of view, with the aid of a good glass, we could make out quite distinctly the outlines of the castle, and were a little disappointed to see still floating over it the red-and-yellow banner of spain. we had had no news for more than a week, and thought it possible that both the castle and the city were in the possession of general shafter's army. the entrance to the bay of santiago appears, from a distance of three or four miles, to be a narrow cleft or notch in the high, flat-topped rampart which forms the coast-line. on account of an eastward curve in the channel just beyond morro castle, one cannot look through the notch into the upper harbor. at a distance of a quarter of a mile from the entrance, the line of vision strikes against a steep hill, which forms one side of the curving, fiord-like passage leading to the city. owing to the great depth of water off the entrance to the bay, it is impossible for vessels to anchor there, and the ships of the blockading fleet simply drifted back and forth with the winds and tides, getting under way occasionally, when it became necessary to change position. after breakfast i went off in a boat to the flagship _new york_, called upon admiral sampson, and obtained from him a brief account of all that had happened off that coast since the st of may. admiral cervera, with a fleet of seven spanish war-ships, left the cape verde islands for west indian waters on the th of april. on the th of may he was reported at the french port of st. pierre, martinique, and from there he sailed to curaçao, an island off the coast of venezuela, nearly due south of haiti. from curaçao it was thought he would be likely to go either to cienfuegos or havana; and on the th of may commodore schley, with the flying squadron, was sent to watch the former port, while admiral sampson, who had just returned from porto rico, resumed the blockade of havana. cervera, however, did not go to either place. leaving curaçao on the th, he crossed the caribbean sea, and at daybreak on the morning of thursday, may , he entered the harbor of santiago de cuba for the purpose of obtaining a fresh supply of coal. his fleet then consisted of the second-class battle-ship _cristobal colon_, the armored cruisers _vizcaya_, _almirante oquendo_, and _maria teresa_, and the torpedo-boat destroyers _furor_ and _pluton_. what he expected to do, after coaling his vessels, does not clearly appear; but certain of his spanish friends in the united states have recently published what seems to be an authorized statement, in which they set forth his views as follows: admiral cervera did not enter santiago harbor with any intention of remaining there, or of seeking refuge from the pursuit of the american fleets. his object was merely to make some slight repairs to his vessels, obtain a fresh supply of coal, and then run out to sea. as a result of interference from havana, however, he was prevented from carrying out his plans. no sooner had he reported his arrival in santiago than "captain-general blanco communicated with spain and asked the minister of marine to place admiral cervera and his fleet under his (blanco's) orders. blanco then ordered cervera to remain in santiago and assist in the defense of the shore batteries. admiral cervera protested strongly against this, and appealed to spain; but it is doubtful whether his appeal ever reached the government. he asked to be allowed to coal up and then leave santiago, where he might be free to meet the american fleet, rather than to be bottled up in a blockaded harbor. he contended that he could not possibly be useful to spain by remaining in santiago harbor, with the certainty of american ships coming to keep him there, whereas, outside and free, his strong fleet could be of great value to the spanish cause. the answer of general blanco was that admiral cervera was now subject to his orders; that he, and not admiral cervera, was in command of affairs in cuba, and that the admiral must obey his command. cervera could then do nothing." if this semi-official statement of admiral cervera's case is an accurate one, the santiago campaign, which ended in the destruction of cervera's fleet and the capture of the city, was the direct result of general blanco's interference. the spanish admiral had plenty of time to coal his vessels and make his escape before either of our fleets reached the mouth of the harbor, and if he had done so there might have been no santiago campaign, and the whole course of the war might have been changed. but the opportunity soon passed. on the th of may the news of cervera's appearance at santiago was reported to the navy department in washington, and secretary long immediately cabled it to admiral sampson by way of key west. on the following day, may , sampson sent the _marblehead_ to the southern coast of cuba with an order directing commodore schley to proceed at once to santiago unless he had good reason to believe that the spanish fleet was really in cienfuegos. when this order reached schley, on the d of may, he felt sure that he had cervera "bottled up" in cienfuegos harbor, and he did not become aware of his error until the th. he then proceeded with his fleet to santiago, but did not reach there until the th. cervera had then had a whole week in which to coal his vessels and make his escape. that he fully intended to do this seems to be evident from the statement of mr. frederick w. ramsden, british consul at santiago, whose recently published diary contains the following entry, under date of may : "the spanish fleet is taking in coal, water, and provisions in a hurry, and it is evident that it is preparing to go to sea, probably to-night or in the morning, as i hear the pilots have been ordered for this evening." if cervera had gone to sea on the evening of may , or the morning of the th, as was plainly his intention, he would have made his escape without the slightest difficulty, because admiral sampson was then cruising off havana, while schley was still blockading cienfuegos. what would have been the course of the war in that event, it is impossible to say; but general shafter would certainly have been held at tampa until the spanish fleet had been overtaken and destroyed, and then, very likely, the army of invasion would have landed at some point nearer to havana. admiral cervera, however, for some reason not yet positively known, remained in santiago a whole week, and at the expiration of that time it is doubtful whether he could have made his escape, even had he wished to do so, because commodore schley, with the flying squadron, was off the entrance to the harbor. six days later, when schley's squadron was reinforced by the powerful fleet of admiral sampson, cervera's last chance of escape vanished, and there was nothing left for him to do but assist the forts and the garrison to defend the city to the last, or make a desperate and almost hopeless attempt to break through the line of the blockading fleet. late in may, while admiral sampson was still cruising off havana, he sent an order, by the captain of the _new orleans_, to commodore schley, directing the latter to "use the collier _sterling_ to obstruct the [santiago] channel at its narrowest part leading into the harbor," so as to make the escape of the spanish fleet absolutely impossible. "i believe," he said, "that it would be perfectly practicable to steam this vessel into position, drop all her anchors, allow her to swing across the channel, and then sink her, either by opening the valves, or whatever means may be best." commodore schley, for some reason, did not obey this order; but as soon as admiral sampson reached the mouth of santiago harbor, he proceeded to carry out the plan himself. at three o'clock on the morning of june , lieutenant r. p. hobson, with a volunteer crew of seven men, ran the steam-collier _merrimac_ into the mouth of the harbor, under a heavy fire from the spanish batteries, dropped her anchors in mid-channel between churruca point and smith cay, opened her sea connections, exploded a number of torpedoes hung along her sides at the water-line, and when she sank, hung on to a raft attached by a rope to the sunken vessel. they were rescued from this position by the spaniards and thrown into morro castle, but were treated with the consideration and courtesy to which their gallantry entitled them. on the afternoon of the same day, admiral cervera, who with his own hand had dragged hobson from the water, sent his chief of staff out to the _new york_, under a flag of truce, with a letter to admiral sampson, in which he informed the latter that the lieutenant and his men were safe, and referred in terms of admiration and respect to their courage and devotion to duty. unfortunately,--or perhaps fortunately,--the object for which lieutenant hobson and his men risked their lives was not attained. the _merrimac_ failed to swing around so as to lie transversely across the channel, but sank in such a way as to place her hull parallel with the middle of it and near its eastern edge. this left plenty of water and plenty of room for vessels to pass on the western, or smith cay, side. egress, however, although still possible, was extremely difficult and dangerous, on account of the strictness and closeness of the blockade which was established when admiral sampson arrived and took command of the combined fleets. the battle-ships and larger vessels, which formed the outer line of the blockade, were disposed in a semicircle around the mouth of the harbor, at a distance of four or five miles, with the flagship _new york_ at one end of the line and the _brooklyn_ at the other. inside of this semicircle, and much nearer the entrance, were stationed two or three small cruisers or gunboats, whose duty it was to watch the mouth of the harbor incessantly and give instant warning of the appearance of any hostile vessel. at night, when the danger from the spanish torpedo-boats was greatest and when cervera's fleet was most likely to escape, a powerful and piercing search-light was held constantly on the mouth of the narrow cañon between morro and socapa; the battle-ships closed in so as to diminish the radius of their semicircle by nearly one half; the cruisers and gunboats, under cover of the blinding radiance of the search-light, moved a mile nearer to the mouth of the harbor; and three steam-launches patrolled the coast all night within pistol-shot of the enemy's batteries. in the face of such a blockade it was virtually impossible for cervera to escape, and almost equally impossible for his torpedo-boats to come out of the harbor unobserved, or to reach any of our larger vessels even if they should venture out. long before they could get across the mile and a half or two miles of water that separated the harbor entrance from the nearest battleship, they would be riddled with projectiles from perhaps a hundred rapid-fire guns. torpedo-boats, however, did not play an important part on either side. our own were prevented from entering the harbor by a strong log boom stretched across the channel just north of the estrella battery, and those of the spaniards never even attempted to make an aggressive movement in the period covered by the blockade. admiral cervera evidently thought that the chance of accomplishing anything by means of a torpedo-boat attack was too remote to justify the risk. on the th of june admiral sampson bombarded the shore batteries and the mouth of the harbor for two hours and a half, destroying a number of houses on smith cay, setting fire to the spanish cruiser _reina mercedes_, which was moored near the end of the socapa promontory, and killing or wounding twenty-five or thirty officers and men on the cruiser, in the batteries, and in morro castle. the earthwork batteries east and west of the entrance did not prove to be very formidable and were quickly silenced; but the submarine mines in the narrow channel leading to the upper harbor, which prevented our fleet from forcing an entrance, could not be removed without the coöperation of a land force. all that admiral sampson could do, therefore, was to bombard the harbor fortifications now and then, so as to prevent further work on them; occupy the lower part of guantanamo bay, forty miles east of santiago, as a coaling-station; and urge the government in washington, by telegraph, to send the army forward as speedily as possible. the fleet of transports which conveyed general shafter's command to the southern coast of cuba arrived off the entrance to santiago harbor at midday on the th of june, after a tedious and uneventful voyage of five days from the dry tortugas around the eastern end of the island. general shafter at once held a conference with admiral sampson and with the cuban general garcia, who had come to the coast to meet the fleet, and, after considering every possible line of attack, decided to land his force at two points, within supporting distance of each other, ten or fifteen miles east of the entrance to santiago harbor, and then march toward the city through the interior. the points selected for debarkation were siboney, a small village about ten miles east of morro castle, and daiquiri,[ ] another similar village five miles farther away, which, before the war, was the shipping-port of the spanish-american iron company. from daiquiri there was a rough wagon-road to siboney, and the latter place was connected with santiago by a narrow-gage railroad along the coast and up the aguadores ravine, as well as by a trail or wagon-road over the foot-hills and through the marshy, jungle-skirted valleys of the interior. when we reached the entrance to santiago harbor in the red cross steamer _state of texas_ on the th of june, the fifth army-corps--or most of it--had already landed, and was marching toward santiago along the interior road by way of guasimas and sevilla. the landing had been made, admiral sampson told me, without the least opposition from the spaniards, but there had been a fight, on the day before our arrival, between general wheeler's advance and a body of troops supposed to be the rear-guard of the retiring enemy, at a place called guasimas, three or four miles from siboney, on the santiago road. details of the fight, he said, had not been received, but it was thought to be nothing more than an unimportant skirmish. in reply to my question whether he had any orders for us, or any suggestions to make with regard to our movements, he said that, as there seemed to be nothing for the red cross to do in the vicinity of santiago, he should advise us to go to guantanamo bay, where captain mccalla had opened communications with the insurgents under general perez, and where we should probably find cuban refugees suffering for food. acting upon this suggestion, we got under way promptly, steamed into the little cove of siboney to take a look at the place and to land mr. louis kempner of the post-office department, whom we had brought from key west, and then proceeded eastward to guantanamo bay. chapter vii the fight at guantanamo as the southeastern coast of cuba is high and bold, with deep water extending close up to the line of surf, vessels going back and forth between santiago and guantanamo run very near to the land; and the ever-changing panorama of tropical forest and cloud-capped mountain which presents itself to the eye as the steamer glides swiftly past, within a mile of the rock-terraced bluffs and headlands, is a constant source of surprise and delight, even to the most experienced voyager. it is an extremely beautiful and varied coast. in the foreground, only a rifle-shot away across the blue undulating floor of the caribbean, rises a long terraced mesa, fronting on the sea, with its rocky base in a white smother of foaming surf, and its level summit half hidden by a drooping fringe of dark-green chaparral and vines. over the cyclopean wall of this mesa appear the rounded tops of higher and more distant foot-hills, densely clad in robes of perennial verdure, while beyond and above them all, at a distance of five or six miles, rise the aërial peaks of the splendid sierra del cobre, with a few summer clouds drifting across their higher slopes and casting soft violet shadows into the misty blue of their intervening valleys. here and there the terraced mesa, which forms the coast-line, is cut into picturesque castle-like bluffs by a series of wedge-shaped clefts, or notches, and through the openings thus made in the rocky wall one may catch brief glimpses of deep, wild ravines down which mountain torrents from the higher peaks tumble to the sea under the dense concealing shade of mango-and mimosa-trees, vines, flowering shrubs, and the feathery foliage of cocoanut and royal palms. wild, beautiful, and picturesque, however, as the coast appears to be, not a sign does it anywhere show of a bay, an inlet, or a safe sheltered harbor. for miles together the surf breaks almost directly against the base of the terraced rampart which forms the coast-line, and even where streams have cut deep v-shaped notches in the rocky wall, the strips of beach formed at their mouths are wholly unsheltered and afford safe places of landing only when the sea is smooth and the wind at rest. often, for days at a time, they are lashed by a heavy and dangerous surf, which makes landing upon them in small boats extremely difficult, if not absolutely impracticable. about thirty-five miles from santiago harbor, as one sails eastward, the wall-like mesa on the left sinks from a height of two or three hundred feet to a height of only twenty or thirty; the mountains of the sierra del cobre come to an end or recede from the coast, leaving only a few insignificant hills; and through a blue, tremulous heat-haze one looks far inland over the broad, shallow valley of the guantanamo river. we entered the beautiful bay of guantanamo about half-past five o'clock on saturday afternoon, and found it full of war-ships and transports. the white hospital steamer _solace_ lay at anchor over toward the western side of the harbor, and between her and the eastern shore were the _dolphin_, the _eagle_, the _resolute_, the _marblehead_, and three or four large black colliers from key west. as we rounded the long, low point on the western side of the entrance and steamed slowly into the spacious bay, a small steam-launch came puffing out to meet us, and, as soon as she was within hailing distance, an officer in the white uniform of the navy rose in the stern-sheets, put his hands to his mouth, and shouted: "captain mccalla presents his compliments to the captain of the _state of texas_, and requests that you follow me and anchor between the _marblehead_ and the haitian cable-steamer." "all right," replied captain young, from the bridge. "that sounds well," i said to one of the red cross men who was standing near me. "it shows that things are not allowed to go helter-skelter here." we followed the little launch into the harbor and dropped anchor in the place indicated, which was about one hundred yards from shore on the eastern side of the channel, and just opposite the intrenched camp of colonel huntington's marines. i was impatient to land and see the place where the american flag had first been raised on cuban soil; but darkness came on soon, and it did not seem worth while to leave the ship that night. after breakfast on the following morning, i took a small boat and went off to the _marblehead_ to call upon captain mccalla, who was in command of the station. i had made his acquaintance in washington, when he was one of the members of a board appointed to consider means of sending relief to the greely arctic expedition; but i had not seen him in many years, and it is not surprising, perhaps, that i almost failed to recognize him in his cuban costume. the morning was hot and oppressive, and i found him clad in what was, in the strictest sense of the words, an undress uniform, consisting of undershirt, canvas trousers, and an old pair of slippers. like the sensible man i knew him to be, he made no apology for his dress, but welcomed me heartily and introduced me to captain philip of the battle-ship _texas_, who had just come into the harbor after a fresh supply of coal. as i entered, captain mccalla was telling captain philip, with great glee, the story of his experience off the cuban coast between morro castle and aguadores, when his vessel, the _marblehead_, was suddenly attacked one night by the whole blockading fleet. "they saw a railroad-train," he said, "running along the water's edge toward siboney, and in the darkness mistook it for a spanish torpedo-boat. the train, of course, soon disappeared; but i happened to be cruising close inshore, just there, as it passed, and they all turned their search-lights on me and opened fire." "all except the _iowa_," corrected captain philip, with a smile. "yes, all except the iowa," assented captain mccalla, laughing heartily, as if it were the funniest of jokes. "even the _texas_ didn't show me any mercy; but bob evans knew the difference between a railroad-train and a torpedo-boat, and didn't shoot. i told him, the last time i saw him, that he was clearly entitled to take a crack at me. every other ship in the fleet had had the privilege, and it was his turn. i'm the only man in the navy," he said, with renewed laughter, "who has ever sustained the fire of a whole fleet of battle-ships and cruisers and got away alive." after captain philip had made his call and taken his leave, i explained to captain mccalla the object of our coming to guantanamo bay, and asked whether there were any cuban refugees in the vicinity who needed food and could be reached. he replied unhesitatingly that there were. he was in almost daily communication, he said, with general perez, an insurgent leader who was then besieging guantanamo city, and through that officer he thought he could send food to a large number of people who had taken refuge in the woods north of the bay and were in a destitute and starving condition. he had already sent to them all the food he himself could spare, but it was not half enough to meet their wants. with characteristic promptness and energy he called his stenographer and dictated a letter to general perez, in which he said that miss clara barton, president of the american national red cross, had just reached guantanamo bay in the steamer _state of texas_, with fourteen hundred tons of food intended for cuban reconcentrados, and asked whether he (perez) could furnish pack-animals and an escort for, say, five thousand rations, if they could be landed on the western side of the lower bay. this letter he sent to general perez by a special courier from the detachment of cubans then serving with the marines, and said that he should probably receive a reply in the course of two or three days. as nothing more could be done at that time, i returned to the _state of texas_, reported progress to miss barton, and then went on shore to send a telegram to washington by the haitian cable, which had just been recovered and repaired, and to take a look at the camp of the marines. when, on may , commodore schley, with the flying squadron, arrived off the entrance to santiago harbor, and began the blockade of that port, the great need of his vessels was a safe and sheltered coaling-station. the heavy swell raised along the southern coast of cuba by the prevailing easterly winds makes it often dangerous and always difficult to lay a collier alongside a battle-ship in the open sea and transfer coal from one to the other. understanding and appreciating this difficulty, secretary long telegraphed admiral sampson on may to consider the question whether it would not be possible to "seize guantanamo and occupy it as a coaling-station." sampson replied that he thought it might be done, and immediately cabled commodore schley off santiago as follows: "send a ship to examine guantanamo with a view to occupying it as a base, coaling one heavy ship at a time." the official correspondence thus far published does not show whether commodore schley received this order in time to act upon it before sampson arrived or not; but as soon as the latter came he caused a reconnaissance of guantanamo bay to be made, decided that the lower part of it might be seized by a comparatively small land force if protected by the guns of a few war-ships, and immediately sent to key west for the first battalion of marines, which was the only available landing force at his command. meanwhile the auxiliary cruiser _yankee_ bombarded and burned a spanish blockhouse situated on a hill near the entrance to the lower harbor of guantanamo, and on june captain mccalla, in the _marblehead_, seized and occupied--as far as he could do so without a landing force--all that part of the bay which lies between the entrance and the narrow strait leading to the fortified post of caimanera. the marines, under command of lieutenant-colonel huntington, arrived on the steamer _panther_, friday, june , and proceeded at once to disembark. the place selected for a landing was a low, rounded, bush-covered hill on the right, or eastern, side of the bay, about a quarter of a mile from the entrance. on the summit of this hill the spaniards had made a little clearing in the chaparral and erected a small square blockhouse; but inasmuch as this blockhouse had already been destroyed and its garrison driven to the woods by the fire of the _yankee_, all that the marines had to do was to occupy the abandoned position and again fortify the hill. in some respects this hill, which was about one hundred and fifty feet in height, made a strong and easily defended position; but, unfortunately, it was covered nearly to the summit with a dense growth of bushes and scrub, and was commanded by a range of higher hills a little farther to the eastward. the enemy, therefore, could not only creep close up to the camp under cover of the dense chaparral, but could fire down upon it from the higher slopes of the wooded range which runs parallel with the bay on its eastern side. the landing was made, without opposition, about two o'clock on the afternoon of friday, june . under cover of the guns of the war-ships, the marines disembarked on the strip of beach at the foot of the hill; burned all the houses and huts left by the spaniards, so as to guard against the danger of infection with yellow fever; and then deployed up the hill, pitched their shelter-tents on its eastern slope, and spent all the afternoon and a large part of the next day in landing ammunition and stores, establishing outposts, and making arrangements for a permanent camp. the spaniards, who must have been watching these operations from the concealment of the bushes and from the slopes of the adjacent hills, gave no sign, at first, of their presence; but seeing that the marines were comparatively few in number, they finally plucked up courage, and about five o'clock saturday afternoon began a desultory, skirmishing attack which lasted the greater part of that day and night, and, indeed, continued, with an occasional intermission, for three or four days and nights. major cochrane, who described the fight to me, said that he slept only an hour and a half in four days, and that many of his men became so exhausted that they fell asleep standing on their feet with their guns in their hands. the strength of the marine battalion at that time was between five and six hundred men. they were armed with rifles of the lee or lee-metford pattern, and had, in addition, two automatic colt machine-guns and three rapid-fire hotchkiss cannon of three-inch caliber. the greatest disadvantage under which they labored was that due to the tangled, almost impenetrable nature of the chaparral that surrounded the camp, and the facilities which it afforded the enemy for concealment and stealthy approach. the gunboats shelled the woods from time to time, drove the hidden spaniards back, and silenced their fire; but as soon as night fell they would creep silently up through the bushes until they were so near to the camp that the pickets of the marines could smell the smoke of their cigarettes, and yet could neither see them nor hear them. then the nocturnal skirmishing would begin again. there were six successive attacks from different directions on the night of the th, and a still greater number on the night of the th, with more or less desultory skirmishing during the day, so that for a period of forty-eight hours the gallant marines had no rest or sleep at all. there was some danger, at first, that the enemy, reinforced from caimanera or guantanamo city, would assemble in force on the slopes of the eastern hills, creep up through the scrub until they were within a short distance of the camp, and then overwhelm the marines in a sudden rush-assault. they were known to have six thousand regulars at guantanamo city, only about fifteen miles away, and it was quite within the bounds of possibility that they might detach a large part of this force for offensive operations on the eastern side of the lower bay. to provide for this contingency, and to strengthen his defensive position, lieutenant-colonel huntington withdrew his men from the eastern slope of the hill, where they had first been stationed, and posted them on the crest and upper part of the western slope, where they would be nearer the fleet and better protected by its guns. at the same time our small force, in the intervals of fighting, dug a trench and erected a barricade around the crest of the hill on the land side, so as to enlarge the clearing, give more play to the automatic and rapid-fire guns, and make it more difficult for the enemy to approach unseen. when this had been done, there was little probability that a rush-assault would succeed. the best troops in the world, unless they were in overwhelming force, could hardly hope to cross a clearing that was swept by the fire of six hundred rifles, two machine-guns, and three hotchkiss cannon hurling canister or shrapnel. in the course of the first three days' engagement the marines were joined by eighty or a hundred cuban insurgents; but opinions differ as to the value of the latter's coöperation. some officers with whom i talked spoke favorably of them, while others said that they became wildly excited, fired recklessly and at random, and were of little use except as guides and scouts. captain elliott, who saw them under fire, reported that they were brave enough, but that their efficiency as fighting men was on a par with that of the enemy; while captain mccalla called attention officially to their devotion to freedom, and said that one of them, who had been shot through the heart, died on the field, crying with his last breath: "viva cuba libre!" at the end of the third day's fighting, all attacks of the spaniards having been repulsed, lieutenant-colonel huntington determined to take the offensive himself. about six miles southeast of the camp, at a place called cuzco, there was a well from which the spanish troops were said to obtain all their drinking-water, and a heliograph signal-station by means of which they maintained communication with caimanera. on the morning of june captain elliott, with two companies of marines and about fifty cuban volunteers, was sent to attack this place, drive the spaniards away, and destroy the well and signal-station. the expeditionary force engaged the enemy, five hundred strong, about eleven o'clock in the morning, and fought with them until three in the afternoon, driving them from their position and inflicting upon them a loss of sixty men killed and one hundred and fifty wounded. then, after capturing the heliograph outfit, burning the station, and filling up the well, the heroic little detachment returned, exhausted but triumphant, to its camp, with a loss of only two men killed, six wounded, and twenty or thirty overcome by heat. on the fourth day of the long struggle for the possession of guantanamo bay, the spaniards virtually gave up the contest and abandoned the field. a few guerrillas still remained in the chaparral, firing occasionally at long range either into the camp or at the vessels of the fleet; but, finally, even this desultory, long-range target practice ceased, and the last of the enemy fled, either to the fort at caimanera or to guantanamo city, leaving the plucky marines in undisputed control of the whole eastern coast of the lower bay. our total loss in the series of engagements was only six men killed and twelve or fifteen wounded; but among the killed was the lamented dr. gibbs, acting assistant surgeon, united states navy, who was shot at one o'clock on the night of the th. after the four days of fighting were over, captain mccalla, with the _marblehead_, the auxiliary cruiser _st. louis_, and the battle-ship _texas_, steamed up the bay to the little village of caimanera, demolished the fort there with a few well-directed shots, and drove the garrison back into the woods. in the course of this expedition the _marblehead_ and the _texas_ ran into a number of submarine contact mines, or fouled them with their screws; but, fortunately, none of them exploded. the firing-pins had become so incrusted with barnacles and other marine growths during their long immersion that the force of the blow when the ships struck them did not drive them in far enough to explode the charges. when we reached guantanamo in the _state of texas_, captain mccalla's boats and launches had thoroughly explored and dragged the lower bay, and had taken out safely no less than thirteen contact mines, each containing about one hundred pounds of guncotton. the upper bay was still in the possession of the spaniards; but its control was not a matter of any particular importance. what admiral sampson wanted was a safe and sheltered coaling-and repairing-station for the vessels of his fleet, and this he obtained when his war-ships and marines, after four days of almost incessant fighting, drove the spanish troops from the whole eastern coast of the lower bay. chapter viii the landing and advance of the army early sunday morning, at the little zinc-walled telegraph office under the camp of the marines at guantanamo, i happened to meet two war correspondents--one of them, if i remember rightly, mr. howard of the new york "journal"--who had just come from the front with a detailed account of the fight at guasimas. this fight, they said, was not a mere insignificant skirmish, as admiral sampson supposed when i saw him on saturday, but a serious battle, in which a part of general wheeler's division was engaged, for several hours, with a force of spanish regulars estimated at two or three thousand men. more than one hundred officers and men on our side had been killed or wounded, among them captain capron and sergeant hamilton fish, both of whom were dead. the wounded, mr. howard said, had been brought back to siboney and put into one of the abandoned spanish houses on the beach, where, only the night before, he had seen them lying, in their blood-stained clothing, on the dirty floor, without blankets or pillows, and without anything that seemed to him like adequate attendance or care. at my request the two correspondents went on board the _state of texas_ and repeated their statement to miss barton, who, after consultation with the officers of her staff, decided to take the steamer back at once to siboney. we could do nothing more at guantanamo until general perez should furnish transportation and an escort for the food that we intended to send to the refugees north of the bay, and, meanwhile, we might, perhaps, render some service to the wounded soldiers of general wheeler's command whom mr. howard had seen lying, without blankets or pillows, on the floor. we had on board the _state of texas_, at that time, one hundred or more cots, with plenty of bedding, and if the medical officers of the army could not get hospital supplies ashore, we thought that we could. at any rate, we would try. calling again upon captain mccalla, i explained to him the reasons for our sudden change of plan, and told him that, although we had decided to go to siboney, we should try to get back in time to meet the pack-train and escort to be furnished by general perez. i then returned to the _state of texas_, and we sailed for siboney at two o'clock. in order to follow intelligently the course of the santiago campaign, and to understand and appreciate the difficulties with which the medical department of the army had to contend, one must know something of the coast upon which that army landed and the nature of the environment by which it was surrounded. the southeastern coast of cuba, between the entrance to santiago harbor and the bay of guantanamo, is formed by three parallel ranges of hills and mountains which may be roughly characterized as follows: first, what i shall call the rampart--a high, flat-topped ridge, or narrow table, very steep on the sea side, and broken into long terraces by outcropping ledges of limestone; second, the foot-hills, which rise out of a wooded valley or valleys behind the rampart; and, third, the high mountains of the coast, or sierra del cobre, range, which lie back of the foot-hills, at a distance of five or six miles from the sea. this is not a strictly accurate topographical description of the coast, but it is roughly and generally true and will answer my purpose. in the vicinity of santiago the rampart, or mesa-like elevation which borders the sea, has a height of two or three hundred feet, and stretches eastward and westward, like a stone wall, for a distance of nearly twenty miles. at three points it is cut down to the sea-level in narrow, v-shaped clefts, or notches, which have a width at the bottom of from seventy-five to two hundred yards, and which serve as outlets for three small streams. the first of these notches, as one goes eastward from morro castle, is that formed by the mouth of the aguadores ravine, where the juragua railroad, on its way from siboney to santiago, crosses the aguadores or guamo river, and where the iron railroad-bridge and the approach to the city are guarded by a wooden blockhouse and an old stone fort. in the second notch, about six miles from aguadores and ten from morro castle, are the hamlet and railroad-station of siboney; and in the third, five miles farther to the eastward, lies the somewhat larger and more important mining village of daiquiri, which, before the war, was the shipping-port of the spanish-american iron company. there is no harbor, shelter for vessels, or safe anchorage at any of these places; but as the rampart, everywhere else, presents an almost insurmountable barrier, an invading force must either disembark in these notches, or go eastward to the bay of guantanamo and march forty miles to santiago through the foot-hills. general shafter, after inspecting the coast, decided to land in the notches occupied by the villages of daiquiri and siboney. he could then advance on santiago either along the strip of beach under the rampart, by way of aguadores and morro castle, or over a rough wagon-road running through the valleys and across the foot-hills of the interior, three or four miles back of the rampart. the first difficulty which confronted him was that due to the lack of landing facilities. not anticipating, apparently, that he might be forced to disembark on an unsheltered coast, he had neglected to provide himself with suitable surf-boats, and was wholly dependent upon the small boats of the transports and a single scow, or lighter, which he had brought with him from tampa. seeing that it would be impossible to land sixteen thousand men safely and expeditiously with such facilities, he applied for help to admiral sampson, and was furnished by the latter with fifty-two small boats and a number of steam-launches, all manned by officers and sailors from the fleet. thus provided, he began the work of disembarkation on the morning of june at daiquiri, the vessels of the fleet, meanwhile, making feigned attacks at several other points along the coast, and shelling the notches and villages of both siboney and daiquiri, in order to drive the enemy back and cover the advance of the loaded boats. fortunately for general shafter and for his troops, the spaniards did not attempt to oppose the landing. if the sides of the notches and the foot-hills back of them had been fortified with earthworks and held by a daring enemy with a battery or two of light guns, it would have been extremely difficult, if not absolutely impossible, to get the troops ashore. even without artillery, ten or fifteen hundred men armed with mausers on the heights which command the notches and the approaches to them might have held off a landing force for days, if not weeks. the war-ships might have shelled them, or swept the heights with machine-guns, but it would have been easy for them to find shelter under the crest of the rampart on the land side, and i doubt whether a force so sheltered could have been dislodged or silenced by admiral sampson's whole fleet. in order to drive them out it would have been necessary to land in the surf under fire, and storm the heights by scaling the precipitous terraced front of the rampart on the sea side. this might, perhaps, have been done, but it would have involved a great sacrifice of life. the spanish officers in cuba, however, were not skilful tacticians. instead of anticipating general shafter's movements and occupying, with an adequate force, the only two places in the vicinity of santiago where he could possibly land, they overlooked or neglected the splendid defensive positions that nature herself had provided for them, and allowed the army of invasion to come ashore without firing a shot. it was great luck for us, but it was not war. before night on the d, general lawton's division, consisting of about six thousand men with a gatling-gun battery, had landed at daiquiri, and on the morning of the d it marched westward along the wagon-road to siboney. the spanish garrison at the latter place retreated in the direction of santiago as general lawton appeared, and the village fell into our hands without a struggle. disembarkation continued throughout the d and th, at both daiquiri and siboney, and before dark on the afternoon of the th nine tenths of the army of invasion had landed, with no other accident than the loss of two men drowned. in the meantime, general linares, the spanish commander at santiago, had marched out of the city, with a force of about three thousand men, to meet the invaders, and had occupied a strong defensive position on the crest of a wooded hill at guasimas, three or four miles northwest of siboney, where the two roads from the latter place--one up the valley of the stream and the other over the end of the mesa--come together. he did not know certainly which of these two roads the invading force would take, and therefore posted himself on the hill at their junction, where he could command both. on the afternoon of the d, cuban scouts reported the position of the enemy to general wheeler, who was then in command of our advance, and, after a council of war, it was decided to attack simultaneously by both roads. early on the morning of friday, june , therefore, general young, with the first and tenth dismounted cavalry, marched out of siboney on the main road to santiago, and proceeded up the valley of the little stream which empties into the sea through the siboney notch; while colonel wood, at the head of the rough riders, climbed the end of the rampart, on the western side of the notch, and advanced toward guasimas by the mesa trail, which is considerably higher than the main road and lies half a mile to a mile farther west. the two columns encountered the enemy at about the same time. the rough riders, under colonel wood, began the attack on the mesa trail, and a few moments later general young's command, on the siboney-santiago road, opened fire with three hotchkiss mountain guns and began the ascent of the hill from the valley. the whole country was so overgrown with trees, shrubs, and tropical vines that it was almost impossible to see an object fifty yards away, and as the spaniards used smokeless powder, it was extremely difficult to ascertain their position, or even to know exactly where our own troops were. colonel wood deployed his regiment to the right and left of the trail, and endeavored, as he advanced, to extend his line so as to form a junction with general young's command on the right, and at the same time outflank the enemy on the left; but the tropical undergrowth was so dense and luxuriant that neither of the attacking columns could see the other, and all that they could do, in the way of mutual support and coöperation, was to push ahead toward the junction of the two roads, firing, almost at random, into the bushes and vine-tangled thickets from which the mauser bullets seemed to come. colonel roosevelt told me that once he caught a glimpse of the spaniards, drawn up in line of battle; but during the greater part of the engagement they were concealed in the chaparral, and could be seen only when they broke from cover and fled, to escape the searching fire of our steadily advancing line. while colonel wood, on the left, was driving the enemy out of the jungles intersected by the mesa trail, general young, with a part of the tenth cavalry (colored) supported by four troops of the first, was engaged in storming the hill up which ran the valley road; and at the end of an hour and a half, after a stubborn defense, the spaniards were forced to abandon their chosen position and retreat in the direction of santiago, leaving the junction of the two roads in our possession. the battle of guasimas--the first fight of the santiago campaign--had been won. the number of men engaged in this affair, on our side, was nine hundred and sixty-four, and our loss in killed and wounded was sixty-six, including captain capron and hamilton fish, both of whom died on the field. the spaniards, according to the statement of mr. ramsden, british consul in santiago, had a force of nearly three thousand men and reported a loss of seven killed and fourteen wounded. it seems probable, however, that their loss was much greater than this. general linares would hardly have abandoned a strong position and fallen back on the city after a loss of only twenty-one men out of three thousand. two war correspondents, mr. richard harding davis and mr. edward marshall, took an active part in this engagement, and the latter was so severely wounded by a mauser bullet, which passed through his body near the spine, that when he was carried from the field he was supposed to be dying. he rallied, however, after being taken to siboney, and has since partially recovered. the effect of general wheeler's victory at guasimas was to open up the santiago road to a point within three or four miles of the city; and when we returned in the _state of texas_ from guantanamo, the rough riders were in camp beyond sevilla, and a dozen other regiments were hurrying to the front. we reached siboney after dark on sunday evening, and found the little cove and the neighboring roadstead filled with transport steamers, whose twinkling anchor-lights--or rather adrift lights, for there was no anchorage--swung slowly back and forth in long curves as the vessels rolled and wallowed in the trough of the sea. as soon as a boat could be lowered, the medical officers of miss barton's staff went on shore to investigate the state of affairs and to ascertain whether the red cross could render any assistance to the hospital corps of the army. they returned in the course of an hour and reported that in two of the abandoned spanish houses on the beach they had found two hastily extemporized and wholly unequipped hospitals, one of which was occupied by the cuban sick and wounded, and the other by our own. no attempt had been made to clean or disinfect either of the buildings, both were extremely dirty, and in both the patients were lying, without blankets or pillows, on the floor. the state of affairs, from a medical and sanitary point of view, was precisely as the correspondents had described it to us, except that some of the wounded of general wheeler's command had been taken on board the transports _saratoga_ and _olivette_ during the day, so that the american hospital was not so crowded as it had been when mr. howard saw it the night before. the army surgeons and attendants were doing, apparently, all that they could do to make the sick and wounded comfortable; but the high surf, the absence of landing facilities, the neglect or unwillingness of the quartermaster's department to furnish boats, and the confusion and disorder which everywhere prevailed, made it almost impossible to get hospital supplies ashore. all that the surgeons could do, therefore, was to make the best of the few medicines and appliances that they had taken in their hands and pockets when they disembarked. the things that seemed to be most needed were cots, blankets, pillows, brooms, soap, scrubbing-brushes, and disinfectants. all of these things we had on board the _state of texas_, and the officers of miss barton's staff spent a large part of the night in breaking out the cargo and getting the required articles on deck. early the next morning, dr. lesser, with four or five trained nurses, all women, and a boat-load of hospital supplies, landed at the little pier which had been hastily built by the engineer corps, and walking along the beach through the deep sand to the american hospital, offered their services to dr. winter, the surgeon in charge. to their great surprise they were informed that the assistance of the red cross--or at least their assistance--was not desired. what dr. winter's reasons were for declining aid and supplies when both were so urgently needed i do not know. possibly he is one of the military surgeons, like dr. appel of the _olivette_, who think that women, even if they are trained nurses, have no business with an army, and should be snubbed, if not browbeaten, until they learn to keep their place. i hope this suggestion does not do dr. winter an injustice; but i can think of no other reason that would lead him to decline the assistance of trained young women who, although capable of rendering the highest kind of professional service, were ready and willing to scrub floors, if necessary, and who asked nothing more than to help him make a clean, decent hospital out of an empty, dirty, abandoned spanish house. when told by dr. winter that they were not wanted, the nurses went to the cuban hospital, in a neighboring building, where their services were accepted not only with eagerness, but with grateful appreciation. before night they had swept, disinfected, and scrubbed out that hospital with soap and water, and had bathed the cuban patients, fed them, and put them into clean, fresh cot-beds. our own soldiers, at the same time, were lying, without blankets or pillows, on the floor, in a building which dr. winter and his assistants had neither cleaned nor attempted to clean. dr. appel of the hospital steamer _olivette_, in an official report to the surgeon-general of the army, published, in part, in the new york "herald" of november , , says: "there was, at that time [the time when we arrived off siboney], a number of surgeons on board the _state of texas_, and four trained nurses; but, although we were working night and day, taking care of our sick and wounded, no assistance was given by them until some days afterward, when our own men were ready to drop from fatigue." the idea conveyed by this ungenerous and misleading statement is that the surgeons and red cross nurses on the _state of texas_ neglected or evaded the very duty that they went to cuba to perform, and remained, idle and useless, on their steamer, while dr. appel and his associates worked themselves into a state of complete physical exhaustion. so far as the statement contains this implication, it is wholly and absolutely false. _the state of texas_ arrived off siboney at eight o'clock on the evening of sunday, june . in less than an hour the red cross surgeons had offered their services to major havard, chief surgeon of the cavalry division, and as early as possible on the following morning dr. lesser and four or five red cross nurses reported at the american hospital, offered the surgeon in charge the cots, blankets, and hospital supplies which they had brought, or were ready to bring, on shore, and asked to be set to work. when, on account of some prejudice or misapprehension, dr. winter declined to let them help him in taking care of our own sick and wounded soldiers, what more could they do than devote themselves to the cubans? two days later, fortunately, major lagarde, chief surgeon at siboney, over-ruled the judgment of his subordinate, accepted the services of the nurses, and set them at work in a branch of the military hospital, under the direction of dr. lesser. there they all worked, almost without rest or sleep, until dr. lesser, mrs. lesser, mrs. white (a volunteer), and three of the red cross nurses were stricken with fever, and four of them were carried on flat-cars to the yellow-fever camp in the hills two miles north of the village. the surgeon of the _olivette_ would have shown a more generous and more manly spirit if, in his report to the surgeon-general, he had mentioned these facts, instead of adroitly insinuating that the red cross surgeons and nurses were loafing on board the _state of texas_ when they should have been at work in the hospitals. but dr. appel further says, in the report from which i have quoted, that at the time when the _state of texas_ reached siboney--two days after the fight at guasimas--"there was no lack whatever of medical and surgical supplies." if major lagarde, dr. munson, dr. donaldson, and other army surgeons who worked so heroically to bring order out of the chaos at siboney, are to be believed, dr. appel's statement concerning hospital supplies is as false as his statement with regard to the red cross surgeons and nurses. in an official report to the surgeon-general, dated july and published in the new york papers of august , captain edward l. munson, assistant surgeon commanding the reserve ambulance company, says: "after the fight at las guasimas there were absolutely no dressings, hospital tentage, or supplies of any kind, on shore, within reach of the surgeons already landed." dr. munson was the adjutant of colonel pope, chief surgeon of the fifth army-corps, and he probably knew a good deal more about the state of affairs at siboney after the battle of guasimas than dr. appel did. be that, however, as it may; i know from my own observation and experience that there _was_ a lack of medical and hospital supplies at siboney, not only when we arrived there, but for weeks afterward. dr. frank donaldson, surgeon of the rough riders, in a letter from siboney, published in the philadelphia "medical journal" of july , says: "the condition of the wounded on shore here is beyond measure wretched, and excites the lively indignation of every one." the neglect of our soldiers, both at siboney and at the front, in the early days of the campaign, was discreditable to the army and to the country; and there is no reason why military surgeons should not frankly admit it, because it was not their fault, and they cannot justly be held accountable for it. the blame should rest, and eventually will rest, upon the officer or department that sent thirty-five loaded transports and sixteen thousand men to the cuban coast without suitable landing facilities in the shape of surf-boats, steam-launches, and lighters. in criticizing the condition of our hospitals, i cast no reflection upon the zeal, ability, and devotion to duty of such men as colonel pope, major lagarde, major wood, and the surgeons generally of the fifth army-corps. they made the best of a bad situation for which they were not primarily responsible; and if the hospitals were in unsatisfactory condition, it was simply because the supplies furnished in abundance by the medical department were either left in tampa for lack of water transportation, or held on board the transports because no adequate provision had been made by the commanding general or the quartermaster's department for landing them on a surf-beaten coast and transporting them to the places where they were needed. chapter ix a walk to the front when i went on deck, the morning after our return to siboney, i found that the _state of texas_ had drifted, during the night, half-way to the mouth of the aguadores ravine, and was lying two or three miles off the coast, within plain sight of the blockading fleet. the sun was just rising over the foot-hills beyond daiquiri, and on the higher slopes of the cobre range it was already day; but the deep notch at siboney was still in dark-blue shadow, and out of it a faint land-breeze was blowing a thin, hazy cloud of smoke from the recently kindled camp-fires of the troops on the beach. there was no wind where we lay, and the sea seemed to be perfectly smooth; but the languid rolling of the steamer, and a gleam of white surf here and there along the base of the rampart, showed that the swell raised by the fresh breeze of the previous afternoon had not wholly subsided. fifteen or twenty transport-steamers were lying off the coast, some close in under the shadow of the cliffs, where the smoke from the soldiers' camp-fires drifted through their rigging; some five or six miles out in the open roadstead; and a few hull down beyond the sharply drawn line of the eastern horizon. three miles away to the northwest the red-and-yellow flag of spain was blowing out fitfully in the land-breeze over the walls of the stone fort at aguadores, and four or five miles farther to the westward, at the end of the long, terraced rampart, i could make out, with a glass, the lighthouse, the tile-roofed barracks, and the gray battlements of the old castle at the entrance to santiago harbor. about seven o'clock the _state of texas_ got under way, steamed back to siboney, and succeeded in finding an anchorage, in what looked like a very dangerous position, close to the rocks, on the eastern side of the cove. from this point of view the picture presented by the village and its environment was novel and interesting, if not particularly beautiful. on the right and left of the slightly curved strip of sand which formed the landing-place rose two steep bluffs to a height of perhaps two hundred and fifty feet. the summit of the one on the right, which was the steeper of the two, seemed, at first glance, to be inaccessible; but there must have been a hidden path up to it through the trees, bushes, and vines which clothed its almost precipitous face, because it was crowned with one of the small, square, unpainted log blockhouses which are a characteristic feature of almost every east-cuban landscape. the western bluff, from which the trees had been cut away, sloped backward a little more than the other, and about half-way up it, in a network of yellow intersecting paths, stood another blockhouse, surrounded by a ditch and a circular "entanglement" of barbed-wire fencing. at the foot of this bluff, and extending westward under the precipitous declivity of the rampart, were two lines of unpainted, one-story wooden houses, which stood gable to gable at intervals of fifty or sixty feet, and looked, in their architectural uniformity, like buildings erected by a manufacturing company to shelter the families of its employees. the boundary of the village, at this end, was marked by still another small, square blockhouse, which was set, at a height of twenty feet, on a huge fragment of rock which had caved away and fallen from the cliff above. across the bottom of the ravine, between the two bluffs, extended a thickly planted strip of cocoanut-palms, whose gray trunks and drooping, feathery foliage served as a background for half a dozen leaf-thatched cuban huts, an iron railway-bridge painted red, and a great encampment of white shelter-tents through which roamed thousands of blue-shirted soldiers, cuban insurgents from the army of garcia, and dirty, tattered refugees from all parts of the country, attracted to the beach by the landing of the army and the prospect of getting food. on the eastern side of the cove, near the ruins of an old stone fort, the engineer corps had built a rude pier, thirty or forty feet in length, and on either side of it scores of naked soldiers, with metallic identification tags hanging around their necks, were plunging with yells, whoops, and halloos into the foaming surf, or swimming silently, like so many seals, in the smoother water outside. as the sun rose above the foot-hills and began to throw its scorching rays into the notch, the whooping and yelling ceased as the bathers came out of the water and put on their clothes; the soldiers of the second infantry struck and shouldered their shelter-tents, seized their rifles, and formed by companies in marching order; the cubans of garcia's command climbed the western bluff, in a long, ragged, disorderly line, on their way to the front by the mesa trail; small boats, laden with food and ammunition from the transports, appeared, one after another, and made their way slowly under oars to the little pier; and the serious work of the day began. in order to ascertain what progress our forces were making in their march on santiago, and to get an idea of the difficulties with which they were contending or would have to contend, i determined, about nine o'clock, to go to the front. it was impossible to get a horse or mule in siboney, for love or money; but if our soldiers could march to the front under the heavy burden of shelter-tent, blanket roll, rifle, rations, and ammunition, i thought i could do it with no load at all, even if the sunshine were hot. mr. elwell, who had lived some years in santiago and was thoroughly acquainted with the country, agreed to go with me in the capacity of guide and interpreter, and, just before we were ready to start, dr. lesser, who had returned to the ship after setting the nurses at work in the cuban hospital, said that he would like to go. "all right," i replied. "get on your togs." he went to his state-room, and in ten minutes returned dressed in a neat black morning suit, with long trousers, low shoes, a fresh white-linen shirt, and a high, stiffly starched, standing collar. "good heavens, doctor!" i exclaimed, as he made his appearance in this fifth avenue costume. "where do you think you are going? to church?" "no," replied the doctor, imperturbably; "to the front." "in that dress?" "certainly; what's the matter with it?" "oh, nothing in particular. as a dress it is a very good dress, and reflects credit on your tailor; but for a tramp of ten or fifteen miles over a muddy trail and through a tropical jungle, wouldn't a neat, simple undershirt, with canvas trousers and a pair of waterproof leggings, be better? your starched collar, in this heat, won't last ten minutes." the doctor demurred, and protested that the clothes he was wearing were the oldest he had; but i finally persuaded him to take off his waistcoat and collar, tie a handkerchief around his neck, and put on a pair of my leggings; and in this slightly modified costume he went ashore with us for a march to the camp of the rough riders. about fifteen hundred cubans, of general garcia's command, had been brought to siboney the day before on one of our transports; and although most of them had started for the front, several hundred were still roaming through the village, or standing here and there in groups on the beach. they did not, at first sight, impress me very favorably. fully four fifths of them were mulattoes or blacks; the number of half-grown boys was very large; there was hardly a suggestion of a uniform in the whole command; most of the men were barefooted, and their coarse, drooping straw hats, cotton shirts, and loose, flapping cotton trousers had been torn by thorny bushes and stained with cuban mud until they looked worse than the clothes that a new england farmer hangs on a couple of crossed sticks in his corn-field to scare away the crows. if their rifles and cartridge-belts had been taken away from them they would have looked like a horde of dirty cuban beggars and ragamuffins on the tramp. i do not mean to say, or even to suggest, that these ragamuffins were not brave men and good soldiers. they may have been both, in spite of their disreputable appearance. when, for months together, a man has lived the life of an outlaw in the woods, scrambling through tropical jungles, wading marshy rivers, and sleeping, without tent or blankets, on the ground, he cannot be expected to look like a veteran of the regular army on dress-parade in a garrison town. many of our own men, in the later weeks of the santiago campaign, were almost as ragged and dirty as the poorest of the soldiers who came with general garcia to siboney. the cubans disappointed me, i suppose, because i had pictured them to myself as a better dressed and better disciplined body of men, and had not made allowance enough for the hardships and privations of an insurgent's life. turning our backs on the cove, the pier, the white tents of the quartermasters, the tarpaulin-covered piles of provision-boxes, and the throng of soldiers, insurgents, and refugees on the beach, we climbed a steep bank, crossed the railroad-track just west of the red-iron bridge, and joined a company of the second infantry on its way to the front. the santiago road, after leaving the village of siboney, runs up a wide marshy valley, full of stagnant ponds and lagoons, and sparsely set with clumps of cocoanut and royal palm. although this valley heads in the mountains of the cobre range, and opens on the sea through the siboney notch, its atmosphere seems hot and close, and is pervaded by a foul, rank odor of decaying vegetation, which is unpleasantly suggestive of malaria and cuban fever, and makes one wish that one could carry air as one carries water, and breathe, as well as drink, out of a canteen. but one soon escapes from it. a mile or two from the village the road leaves the valley, turns to the left, and begins to ascend a series of densely wooded ridges, or foot-hills, which rise, one above another, to the crest of the watershed just beyond sevilla. from the point where we left the valley to the summit of the divide, we never had an unobstructed outlook in any direction. dense tropical forests, almost impenetrable to the eye, closed in upon the road, and when the sea-breeze was cut off and the sun stood vertically overhead, we lost all means of orientation and could hardly guess in what direction we were going. now and then, at the bottom of a valley or on a sloping hillside, we passed a small, grassy opening, which would be called, in west virginia, a glade or an interval; but during most of the time we plodded along in the fierce heat, between walls of dark-green foliage which rose out of an impenetrable jungle of vines, piñon-bushes, and spanish bayonet. i saw no flowers except the clustered heads of a scarlet-and-orange blossom which i heard some one call the "cuban rose," and i did not see a bird of any kind until we approached the battle-field of guasimas, where scores of vultures were soaring and circling above the tree-tops, as if aware of the fact that in the leafy depths of the jungle below were still lying the unburied and undiscovered bodies of spanish dead. nothing surprised me more, as i walked from siboney to the front, than the feebleness of the resistance offered by the spaniards to our advance. the road, after it enters the hills, abounds in strong defensive positions, and if general chaffee or general wood, with five thousand american regulars, had held it, as general linares attempted to hold it at guasimas, a spanish army would not have fought its way through to santiago in a month. there are at least half a dozen places, between the siboney valley and the crest of the divide beyond sevilla, where a few simple intrenchments in the shape of rifle-pits and barricades would have enabled even a small force, fighting as general vara del rey's command afterward fought at caney, to detain our army for days, if not to check its advance altogether. the almost impenetrable nature of the undergrowth on either side would have made flanking movements extremely difficult, and a direct attack along the narrow road, in the face of such a fire as might have been delivered from intrenched positions in front and at the sides, would almost certainly have been disastrous to the advancing column. even if the spaniards had been driven from their first line of defense, they could have fallen back a mile or two to a second position, equally strong, and then to a third, and by thus fighting, falling back, and then fighting again, they might have inflicted great loss upon the attacking force long before it got within sight of santiago. i can think of only two reasons for their failure to adopt this method of defense. the first is that they did not know certainly whether general shafter would make his main attack by way of guasimas and sevilla, or along the sea-coast by way of aguadores; and they feared that if they sent the greater part of their small army to check an advance by the former route, the city, which would be left almost undefended, might be attacked suddenly by a column moving rapidly along the sea-coast and up the aguadores ravine, or, possibly, by a force which should land at cabanas and march around the bay. this reason, however, seems to me to have little force, because from the signal-station at morro castle they could watch and report all our movements along the coast, and a march of three or four hours would bring the army on the siboney road back to the city, in ample time to meet an attacking column from either aguadores or cabanas. the second reason is that, for lack of adequate means of transportation, they were unable to keep a large force supplied with food and ammunition at a distance from its base. i doubt whether this reason has any greater force than the other. i saw a large number of native horses and mules in santiago after the surrender, and as the distance from the city to the strong positions on the siboney road is only six or eight miles, it would not have required extraordinary transportation facilities to carry thither food and ammunition for three or four thousand men. but even half that number, if they fought as the san luis brigade afterward fought at caney, might have held general shafter's advance in check for days, and made the capture of santiago a much more serious and costly business than it was. the truth probably is that general linares was intimidated by the great show made by our fleet and transports--sixty steam-vessels in all; that he credited us with a much larger army than we really had; and that it seemed to him better to make the decisive fight at once on the commanding hills just east of santiago than to lose perhaps one third of his small available force in the woods on the siboney road, and then be driven back to the city at last with wearied and discouraged troops. but it was a mistaken calculation. if he had delayed general shafter's column, by obstinately resisting its advance through the woods on the siboney road, he would have given colonel escarrio time enough to reach santiago with the reinforcements from manzanillo before the decisive battle, and would also have given the climate and the cuban fever more time to sap the strength and depress the spirits of our badly equipped and improperly fed troops. the final struggle on the hills east of the city might then have had a very different termination. the policy that general linares should have adopted was the fabian policy of obstruction, harassment, and delay. every hour that he could detain general shafter's advancing army on the siboney road increased his own chances of success and lessened those of his adversary; because the army of defense, already acclimated, could stand exposure to sun, rain, and miasma much better than the army of invasion could. besides that, a column of five thousand regulars from manzanillo was hurrying to his assistance, and it was of the utmost importance that these reinforcements should reach him before he should be forced into a decisive battle. instead of resisting general shafter's advance, however, with obstinate pertinacity on the siboney road, he abandoned his strong position at guasimas, after a single sharp but inconclusive engagement, and retreated almost to santiago without striking another blow. as i have already said with regard to the unopposed landing at daiquiri and siboney, it was great luck for general shafter, but it was not war. we passed the battle-field of guasimas about noon, without stopping to examine it, and pushed on toward sevilla with a straggling, disorderly column of soldiers belonging to the second and twenty-first infantry, who were following a battery of light artillery to the front. the men seemed to be suffering intensely from the heat, and every few hundred yards we would find one of them lying unconscious in the bushes by the roadside, where he had been carried by his comrades after he had fainted and fallen under the fierce, scorching rays of the tropical sun. in one place, where the road was narrow and sunken, we met a pack-train of mules returning from the front. frightened at something, just before they reached the artillery, they suddenly broke into a wild stampede, and as they could not escape on either side, owing to the height of the banks and the denseness of the undergrowth, they jumped in among the guns and caissons and floundered about until the whole battery was involved in an almost inextricable tangle, which blocked the road for more than an hour. i tried to get around the jam of mules, horses, and cannon by climbing the bank and forcing my way through the jungle; but i was so torn by thorns and pricked by the sharp spines of the spanish bayonet that i soon gave up the attempt, and, returning to the road, sat down, in the shadiest place i could find, to rest, take a drink from my canteen, and await developments. if general linares, when he retreated, had left behind a squad or two of sharp-shooters and bushwhackers to harass our advance at narrow and difficult places in the road, what a chance they would have had when the pack-mules jumped into that battery! with the help given by a detachment of engineers, who were working on the road a short distance ahead, the mules were finally extricated, and the procession moved on. six or eight miles from siboney we passed a solitary, and of course empty, house, standing back a little from the road, in a farm-like opening, or clearing. this house, mr. elwell informed me, was sevilla. i had supposed, before i left the ship, that guasimas and sevilla were villages--as, indeed, they are represented to be on all the spanish maps of the country. but i soon learned not to put my trust in spanish maps. most of them have not been revised or corrected in half a century, and they were full of errors in the first place. there is not a village, nor a hamlet, on this whole road from siboney to santiago; and the only two houses i saw had been abandoned for weeks, if not months. the road runs, almost everywhere, through a tangled, tropical wilderness; and if there ever were any villages on it, they have long since disappeared. the sevilla house seems to stand on or near the crest of the highest ridge that the road crosses; and a short distance beyond it, through an opening in the trees, we caught sight, suddenly and unexpectedly, of the city of santiago itself--a long, ragged line of pink barracks, thatched houses, church steeples, and wide-spreading trees, standing upon a low hill on the other side of what looked like a green, slightly rolling meadow, which was five or six hundred feet below the position that we occupied, and perhaps three miles away. this meadow, as i subsequently ascertained, was itself made up of hills, among them el pozo and the high, bare ridge of san juan; but from our elevated point of view the hills and valleys seemed to blend into a gently rolling and slightly inclined plain, which was diversified, here and there, by patches of chaparral or clumps of royal palm, but which presented, apparently, no obstacles at all to the advance of an attacking force. i could not discover anything that looked like a fort or an extensive earthwork; but i counted sixteen red cross flags flying over large buildings on the side of the city next to us, and with the aid of a good field-glass i could just see, in front of the long pink barrack, or hospital, two or three faint brown lines which might possibly be embankments or lines of rifle-pits. the houses on the el pozo and san juan heights ought to have been well within the limits of vision from that point of view, but, as i did not notice them, i presume they were hidden by the forest on one side or the other of the opening through which we looked. after studying the city for ten minutes, and wondering a little at its apparent defenselessness, we pushed on down the western slope of the ridge to the camp of the rough riders, which we found about half a mile from the sevilla house, in an open glade, or field, on the right-hand side of the road. the long grass had been beaten down into such trails as a bear would make in wandering hither and thither among the dirty shelter-tents; and following one of these devious paths across the encampment, we found lieutenant-colonel roosevelt standing with two or three other officers in front of a white-cotton rain-sheet, or tent-fly, stretched across a pole so as to protect from rain, or at least from vertical rain, a little pile of blankets and personal effects. there was a camp-chair under the tree, and near it, in the shade, had been slung a hammock; but, with these exceptions, lieutenant-colonel roosevelt's quarters were no more comfortable than those of his men. he was dressed in the costume which he wore throughout the santiago campaign--a coarse blue-flannel shirt, wide open at the throat; brown-canvas trousers and leggings; and a broad-brimmed felt hat put on over a blue polka-dot handkerchief in such a way that the kerchief hung down, like a havelock, over the nape of his neck. as he cordially shook hands with me there flashed into the field of my mental vision a picture of him as i had seen him last--in full evening dress, making a speech at the fellowcraft club in new york, and expressing, in a metaphor almost pictorially graphic, his extremely unfavorable opinion of the novels of edgar saltus. in outward appearance there was little resemblance between the santiago rough rider and the orator of the fellowcraft club; but the force, vigor, and strength of the personality were so much more striking than the dress in which it happened, for the moment, to be clothed, that there seemed to be really no difference between my latest recollection and my present impression of the man. we were presented to colonel (now general) wood, who seemed to me to be a man of quiet manner but great reserve power, and for twenty minutes we discussed the fight at guasimas,--which roosevelt said he would not have missed for the best year in his life,--the road, the campaign, and the latest news from the united states. then, as it was getting late in the afternoon and we had eight or nine miles to walk before dark, we refreshed ourselves with a hasty lunch of hard bread and water, took a number of letters from officers of the rough riders to post at the first opportunity, and started back for the ship. the siboney-santiago road, at that time and for several days thereafter, was comparatively dry and in fairly good condition. it had to be widened a little in some places, and a company or two of soldiers from the tenth cavalry were working on it just beyond the rough riders' camp; but, as far as we went, loaded army wagons could get over it without the least difficulty. supplies at the front, nevertheless, were very short. lieutenant-colonel roosevelt told me that his command had only enough hard bread and bacon for that night's supper, and that if more did not come before dark there would be no breakfast for them in the morning. i cannot now remember whether we met a supply-train on our way back to siboney, or not; but i think not. at the intersection of the road with the mesa trail, we stopped for a few moments to look over the battle-field of guasimas. evidences and traces of the fight, in the shape of cartridge-shells and clips, bullet-splintered trees, improvised stretchers, and blood-soaked clothes and bandages, were to be seen almost everywhere, and particularly on the trail along which the rough riders had advanced. at one spot, in a little hollow or depression of the trail, from which one could see out into an open field about one hundred yards distant, the ground was completely covered with cartridge-shells and-clips from both mauser and krag-jorgensen rifles. a squad of spaniards had apparently used the hollow as a place of shelter first, and had fired two or three hundred shots from it, strewing the ground with the clips and brass shells of their mauser cartridges. then the rough riders had evidently driven them out and occupied the hollow themselves, firing two or three hundred more shots, and covering the yellow cartridge-shells of the mauser rifles with a silvery layer of empty tubes from the krag-jorgensens. it looked as if one might pick up a bushel or two of these shells in an area ten or fifteen feet square. a short distance from the intersection of the trail with the road was a large grave-shaped mound of fresh earth, under which had been buried together eight of the men killed on our side during the fight. there had been no time, apparently, to prepare and put up an inscribed headboard to show who the dead men were, but some of their comrades had carefully collected two or three hundred stones and pebbles--things not easy to find in a tropical jungle--and had laid them close together on the burial-mound in the form of a long cross. near this mound, and on the trail leading to it from siboney, i saw, for the first time, cuban land-crabs, and formed the opinion, which subsequent experience only confirmed, that they, with the bloody-necked cuban vultures, are the most disgusting and repellent of all created things. tarantulas, rattlesnakes, and some lizards are repulsive to the eye and unpleasantly suggestive to the imagination; but the ugliest of them all is not half so uncanny, hideous, and loathsome to me as the cuban land-crab. it resembles the common marine crab in form, and varies in size from the diameter of a small saucer to that of a large dinner-plate. instead of being gray or brown, however, like its aquatic relative, it is highly colored in diversified shades of red, scarlet, light yellow, orange, and black. sometimes one tint prevails, sometimes another, and occasionally all of these colors are fantastically blended in a single specimen. the creature has two long fore claws, or pincers; small eyes, mounted like round berries on the ends of short stalks or pedicels; and a mouth that seems to be formed by two horny, beak-like mandibles. it walks or runs with considerable rapidity in any direction,--backward, sidewise, or straight ahead,--and is sure to go in the direction that you least expect. if you approach one, it throws itself into what seems to be a defensive attitude, raises aloft its long fore claws, looks at you intently for a moment, and then backs or sidles away on its posterior legs, gibbering noiselessly at you with the horny mandibles of its impish mouth, and waving its arms distractedly in the air like a frightened and hysterical woman trying to keep off some blood-chilling apparition. all of these crabs are scavengers by profession and night-prowlers by habit, and they do not emerge from their lurking-places in the jungle and make their appearance on the trails until the sun gets low in the west. then they come out by the hundred, if not by the thousand; and as it begins to grow dark, the still atmosphere of the deep, lonely forest is filled with the rustling, crackling noise that they make as they scramble through the bushes or climb over the stiff, dry blades of the spanish bayonet. i think it is not an exaggeration to say that at almost any point on the cuban trail between guasimas and siboney i could stand still for a moment and count from fifty to one hundred of them, crawling out of the forest and across the path. lieutenant-colonel roosevelt told me that nothing interfered so much at first with his sleep in the field as the noise made by these crabs in the bushes. it is so like the noise that would be made by a party of guerrillas or bushwhackers, stealing up to the camp under cover of darkness, that it might well keep awake even a man who was neither nervous nor imaginative. cuban land-crabs, like cuban vultures, are haunters of battle-fields; but they seek the dead at night, while the vultures drink the eyes and tear off the lips of an unburied corpse in the broad light of day. on the battle-field of guasimas, however, while the sun was still above the horizon, i saw, crawling over a little pile of bloody rags, or bandages, a huge crab whose pale, waxy-yellow body suggested the idea that he had been feeding on a yellow-fever corpse and had absorbed its color. at my approach he backed slowly off the rags, opening and shutting his mouth noiselessly, and waving his fore claws toward me in the air with what seemed like impish intelligence, as if he were saying: "go away! what business have you here? blood and the dead are mine." there may be something more repulsive and uncanny than such a performance by a huge corpse-colored land-crab; but, if so, i have never happened to see it. it made me feel as if i should like to do as the russian peasant does in similar cases--spit and cross myself. we reached siboney about half-past five, and happening to find a boat from the _state of texas_ waiting at the pier, we got on board in time for dinner, after a walk of sixteen or eighteen miles. chapter x siboney on the eve of battle during my absence at the front on monday, the auxiliary cruiser _yale_, with two or three regiments of michigan troops on board, arrived off siboney, and when i went on deck on tuesday morning these reinforcements were just beginning to go ashore in a long line of small boats, towed by a steam-launch from one of the war-ships of the blockading fleet. the landing of troops and supplies on the cuban coast was the first serious difficulty with which general shafter had to contend. the little cove at siboney was wholly unsheltered; there was no wharf or pier at which a steamer might lie; a gale, or even a fresh breeze, from the southeast raised a heavy surf on the strip of sand in front of the village; the water deepened so suddenly and abruptly, at a distance of fifty yards from the shore, that there was practically no anchorage; and all men and stores had to be landed by putting them into small boats and running them up on the beach through the breakers. at daiquiri, where general lawton's division disembarked, the situation was a little better, for the reason that the spanish-american iron company had built there a substantial pier, of which the army of invasion could make use. at that place, therefore, general shafter disembarked a large part of his command, and unloaded all his wagons, siege-guns, light artillery, etc. the mules and horses were put ashore--or rather pitched overboard with the expectation that they would swim ashore--at siboney; but, owing to unskilful management and lack of guidance, twelve per cent. of the mules--fifty out of four hundred and fifteen--perished. some, instead of making for the shore, swam directly out to sea until they became exhausted and sank; while others attempted to land on the eastern side of the cove, where there was no beach, and were drowned under the rocks. inasmuch as the total number of draft-and pack-animals loaded at tampa was wholly inadequate to meet the necessities of such an expedition, the drowning of twelve per cent. of them, after they had reached their destination, was a serious and, it seems to me, unnecessary loss. in the disembarkation of his troops, general shafter had the assistance of skilled officers and well-drilled sailors from the blockading fleet, to say nothing of half a dozen steam-launches and fifty-two good boats; but when it came to unloading and landing stores, he had to rely on his own men and his own facilities, and it soon became painfully evident that they were not equal to the requirements of the situation. i watched the landing of supplies all day tuesday, and formed the opinion that it was disorderly, unskilful, and unintelligent. in the first place, many of the steamers from which supplies were being taken lay too far from the beach; and there seemed to be no one who had authority or power enough to compel them to come nearer. as a result of this, the boats and lighters were unable to make as quick and frequent trips as they might have made if the transports had been within one hundred yards of the beach, instead of half a mile away. in the second place, most of the boats and lighters seemed to be directed and handled by men who had had little experience in boating and no experience whatever in landing through heavy surf. as a result of this, boats were often stove against the timbers of the little pier which the engineer corps had hastily built; while the lighters, instead of being held by an anchor and stern-line as they went into the breakers, were allowed to swing around into the trough of the sea, where they either filled and sank, or drifted ashore, broadside to the beach, in such a position that fifty men could hardly turn them around and get them off. finally, the soldiers and cubans who acted as stevedores, carrying the boxes from the boats and piling them on the pier, were not intelligently directed, and, consequently, labored without method or judgment--getting in one another's way; allowing the pier to become so blocked up with stuff that nobody could move on it, much less work; and wasting more energy in talking, shouting, and bossing one another than they utilized in doing the thing that was to be done. if i had ever had any doubt with regard to the expediency of giving to the navy full and absolute control of the army and its supplies while at sea, such doubt would have been removed by one day's observation at siboney. army officers, as a rule, know nothing of water transportation, and cannot reasonably be expected to know anything about it; and to put them in charge of transports, lighters, and surf-boats is almost as inconsiderate as to put a sailor in charge of a farm and expect him, without any previous training, to run reaping-, binding-, and threshing-machines, take proper care of his live stock, and get as much out of the soil as an agricultural expert would. every man to his trade; and the landing of supplies from thirty or forty transports, in small boats, on an unsheltered, surf-beaten coast, is not the trade of an army quartermaster. lieutenant-colonel humphrey and major jacobs undoubtedly did all that they could do, with their knowledge and experience, and with the limited facilities that general shafter had provided for them, to get supplies ashore; but the results were not gratifying, either to observers at siboney, or to soldiers at the front. if officers of the navy had directed the loading of stores on the transports at tampa, and the unloading and landing of them at daiquiri and siboney, there would have been a properly equipped hospital at the latter place five days sooner than there was; there would have been forty or fifty more mules in the army's pack-train; the beach would not have been strewn with the wrecks of mismanaged boats and lighters; and the transport-steamers _alamo_, _breakwater_, _iroquois_, _vigilancia_, and _la grande duchesse_ would not have brought back to the united states hundreds of tons of supplies intended for, and urgently needed by, our soldiers at the front. on the afternoon of tuesday, june , one of the small vessels of the mosquito fleet arrived from guantanamo bay with a letter from captain mccalla in which he said that general perez had furnished a pack-train and an escort for the food that the red cross had promised to send to the guantanamo refugees, and that he would like to have us return there as soon as possible and land five thousand rations. as our hospital work on shore was well under way, and dr. lesser and the nurses had been supplied with everything that they would need for a day or two, miss barton decided to fill captain mccalla's requisition at once. late tuesday evening, therefore, the _state of texas_ left siboney, and after a quiet and peaceful run down the coast entered guantanamo bay about six o'clock wednesday morning. at half-past six captain mccalla came on board to make arrangements for the landing, and in less than two hours there was a large lighter alongside, with a steam-launch to tow it to the place where an officer of general perez's command was waiting for it with a pack-train and an escort. before noon ten or fifteen thousand pounds of supplies, consisting principally of beans, rice, hard bread, and south american jerked beef, had been safely landed on the western side of the entrance to the lower harbor; and as we passed the point, on our return, we saw a large party of cubans carrying the boxes and barrels up the bank. we reached siboney early that evening, drifted and rolled all night on a heavy swell, a mile or two off the coast, and at daybreak on the following morning ran close in to the beach and began landing supplies for several thousand destitute cuban refugees who had assembled at the little village of firmeza, three miles back of siboney in the hills. in getting provisions ashore at siboney, we encountered precisely the same difficulties that the army had to meet; but we fortunately had with us, as chief of transportation, a man who was familiar with boats and who had had large experience in handling them in circumstances and under conditions similar to those that prevailed on the cuban coast. in proportion to our facilities, therefore, we got more stuff ashore in a given time than the army quartermasters did, and with fewer accidents. mr. warner, i think, was the first man to use, at siboney, an anchor and a stern-line to prevent a boat or a lighter from broaching to in the surf. it was a simple enough expedient, but nobody, apparently, had thought of it. by dropping an anchor astern, just before the lighter reached the outer edge of the breakers, and then slacking off the line until the boat was near enough so that thirty cubans could rush into the water, seize it, and run it up on the beach, a landing was effected without difficulty or risk. then, when the supplies had been unloaded, the stern-anchor line could be used again as a means of pulling the lighter off through the surf into smooth water and preventing it from swinging around broadside to the sea while being launched. the best time for this work was between five and ten o'clock in the morning. after ten o'clock there was almost always a fresh breeze from the southeast, which raised such a surf on the beach that unless the landing of supplies was a matter of extreme urgency it had to be temporarily suspended. we succeeded in getting ashore on wednesday food enough to satisfy the wants of the refugees at firmeza, and mr. elwell was sent there to superintend its distribution. wednesday evening, as there seemed to be no prospect of an immediate engagement at the front, i decided to go to port antonio, jamaica, with mr. trumbull white, on the chicago "record's" despatch-boat _hercules_, to post my letters and the letters that had been intrusted to me by colonel wood and lieutenant-colonel roosevelt, and to get some articles of camp equipment which i had ordered in new york, but which had failed to reach me before the _state of texas_ sailed from key west. we reached port antonio at eight o'clock on thursday, spent the day there, and returned the next night to siboney. early friday morning, as we were approaching the cuban coast, the captain of the _hercules_ came down into the cabin with the astounding news that the blockading fleet had disappeared. "the jig is up, boys!" he exclaimed excitedly. "they've taken the city, and the fleet is inside the harbor. i can't see a sign of a ship anywhere along the coast." we all rushed on deck and gazed with sinking hearts at the long black line of the rampart and the high blue mountains beyond it. if santiago had been taken in our absence, it would be the cruelest blow that fortune had ever dealt us! although the sun was still below the horizon, the atmosphere was crystal-clear, and we could see without a glass the step-like outline of morro castle, and even the hazy blue smoke rising from the camp-fires on-the beach at siboney; but of the war-ships--the _new york_, the _brooklyn_, the _indiana_, and the _texas_--there was not a sign. i do not know what mr. white thought,--he seemed to be as cool and imperturbable as ever,--but when i fully realized that the fleet was not there, and drew from that fact the inevitable conclusion that the city had been captured, i was ready to anathematize the british west indies, port antonio, the _hercules_, and the cruel ill luck which had taken me a hundred miles away at the decisive moment of the santiago campaign. as the sun rose over the level plain of the caribbean, and the swift ocean-going tug bore us nearer and nearer to the dark line of the still distant coast, the captain, who had been sweeping the base of the rampart with a long marine telescope, suddenly shouted: "aha! i think i can see the _brooklyn_, boys. it may be all right yet." i looked eagerly toward the position that commodore schley's flagship usually occupied on the western side of the harbor entrance, but could see nothing that even suggested the _brooklyn's_ familiar outline. if there were any vessels of the blockading fleet between us and the land, they certainly were off their stations and very close in under the shadow of the land. but the captain's eyesight was better than mine. in five minutes more he announced that he could see the _brooklyn_, the _new york_, and the _iowa_. "they're all there," he added after another look, "but some of them seem to be away out of position. the _new york_ is off aguadores, and the _brooklyn_ is half-way down to aserraderos." in fifteen minutes more it became apparent to us all that the height of the rampart and the mountains back of it, together with the crystalline clearness of the atmosphere, had led us to underestimate the distance, and that, when we first took alarm at the apparent absence of the blockading fleet, the war-ships were at least fifteen miles away, although the coast did not seem to be five. at such a distance the dull gray hulls of the vessels could hardly be seen, even if they were not below our horizon. with much lighter hearts, but with a feeling, nevertheless, that something of importance had occurred or was about to occur, we ran down alongside the _iowa_, hailed her through a megaphone, and asked if there was any news. "it's reported that they are fighting over there," replied the officer of the deck, waving his hand toward santiago, "but we haven't any particulars." there was no smoke rising above the rampart in the direction of the city, we could hear no sound of cannonading, and i was more than half inclined to believe that the report of fighting at the front was premature; but whether this were so or not, the _iowa_, the _texas_, the _new york_, and all the warships near us were cleared for action; their officers seemed to be eagerly awaiting orders; admiral sampson's flagship was exchanging wigwag flag-signals with a man on the beach beyond the mouth of the aguadores ravine, and it was perfectly evident that something was expected to happen. under such circumstances, the thing for us to do was to get back, as speedily as possible, to siboney. turning in a great circle around the _iowa_, we steamed swiftly eastward along the coast, passing the _new york_, the _suwanee_, and the _gloucester_, which were lying, cleared for action, close under the walls of the aguadores fort; exchanging greetings with the new york "sun's" graceful despatch-boat _kanapaha_, which came hurrying westward as if bound for some important field of expected activity; and finally rounding to alongside the _state of texas_ in the siboney cove. there was nothing in the appearance of the village to indicate that a battle was in progress, or even in anticipation. boats were going to and fro between the transports and the pier as usual; there was the usual crowd of cuban ragamuffins and tatterdemalions on the beach, with a sprinkling of soldiers in the streets; everything seemed to be quiet on board the _state of texas_, and i said to mr. white, as i bade him good-by, that i did not believe we had missed anything after all. we soon had evidence, however, that there was an engagement in progress off the coast, if not at the front. between nine and ten o'clock in the morning heavy cannonading could be heard in the direction of morro castle, and great clouds of white smoke began to rise over a projecting point of the rampart which hid, from our point of view, the mouth of the aguadores ravine. anxious to see what was going on, i persuaded miss barton to let the _state of texas_ run out of the cove and take some position from which we might witness the bombardment. getting under way at once, we steamed out four or five miles in a west-southwest direction to a point about three miles off aguadores, from which we could see the whole line of the coast. a column of infantry--the thirty-third michigan, i think, under command of general duffield--had moved westward along the railroad under the rampart to the mouth of the aguadores ravine, and was apparently engaged in attacking the enemy's position there under cover of admiral sampson's guns. we could not clearly follow the movements of the troops, for the reason that they were hidden, or partially hidden, by the bushes and trees, but we could see every movement made and every shot fired by the war-ships. the _gloucester_, on the western side of the notch, was knocking to pieces the old stone fort half-way up the hill; the _new york_, from a position directly in front of the railroad-bridge, was enfilading the ravine with four-and eight-inch shells; while the _suwanee_, completely hidden most of the time in a great cloud of smoke, was close in to the mouth of the river, sweeping the whole adjacent region with a storm of projectiles from her rapid-fire and machine guns. i do not know whether the old aguadores fort had any armament or not. its sea face had been reduced to a heap of crumbled masonry before we reached the scene of action, and i did not afterward see a shot fired from it, nor a single soldier in or about it. its offensive power--if it ever had any--was so completely destroyed, that i momentarily expected general duffield's troops to ford the river above the railroad-bridge and take undisputed possession of it. but the michigan men were apparently prevented from doing so by the fire from some rifle-pits up the ravine, which the guns of the war-ships could not, or did not, wholly silence. we were not in a position, perhaps, to form a trustworthy judgment with regard to the strength of the spaniards' defense; but it seemed to me that if the attack had been vigorously made and persistently followed up, the enemy might have been driven from the ravine. admiral sampson, in his report of the engagement, says that the spaniards had no artillery except one small field-piece, which they fired only four or five times, and that not more than fifteen or twenty of them could be seen, at any time, in or about the rifle-pits. general duffield, on the other hand, reports that they numbered five hundred, and that their artillery shelled the railroad track and the woods where his troops were until p.m.--about five hours. that their fire was not very destructive sufficiently appears from the fact that, in half a day of more or less continuous skirmishing, general duffield lost only two men killed and six wounded. between three and four o'clock in the afternoon the michigan troops returned by rail to siboney; the war-ships withdrew to their blockading stations; and the field, as well as the honors, remained in possession of the spaniards. after the engagement the _state of texas_ ran close in to the shore, and we saw perhaps a dozen spanish soldiers standing or walking on the hillside west of the ravine. there may have been more of them in the concealment of the woods; but my impression is that their force was very small, and that general duffield, with the aid and support of the war-ships, should have been able to clear the ravine and take possession not only of the abandoned fort but of the commanding heights above it. when we got back to siboney, late in the afternoon, the village was full of rumors of heavy fighting in front of santiago; and, an hour or two after dark, wounded men, some on foot and some in army wagons, began to arrive at the siboney hospital from the distant field of battle. as they had all been disabled and sent to the rear in the early part of the day, they could give us no information with regard to the result of the engagement. many of them had been wounded before they had seen a spanish intrenchment, or even a spanish soldier; and all they knew about the fight was that the army had moved forward at daybreak and they themselves had been shot in the woods by an enemy whom they could neither locate nor see. the siboney hospital, thanks to the devotion and unwearied energy of major lagarde and his assistants, was by this time in fairly good working order. there was a lack of blankets, pillows, and tentage, and the operating facilities, perhaps, were not as ample as they might have been; but in view of the extraordinary difficulties with which the surgeons had had to contend, the results were highly creditable to them, even if not wholly satisfactory to an observer. as fast as the wounded arrived, they walked, or were carried on stretchers, to two or three large tents, pitched end to end and opening into one another, where hospital stewards and nurses placed them on the tables, and the surgeons, some of them stripped naked to the waist, examined their injuries by candle-light, and performed such operations as were necessary to give them relief. they were then taken or led away, and, as far as possible, furnished with blankets and shelter; but as the supply of blankets was very short, and all the available houses and tents were soon filled, the wounded who came in after midnight were laid in a row on the ground and covered with a long strip of canvas. fortunately, the night was clear, still, and warm, and a nearly full moon made it almost as light as day, so that it was not so cheerless and uncomfortable to lie out on the ground without a blanket as it would have been if the night had been dark and cold, or rainy; but it was bad enough. most of our red cross surgeons and nurses were assisting in the operating-tents, and i remained on shore until after three o'clock in the morning. there was little that i could do beyond looking up the wounded, who frequently came into the village on foot, after a painful march of ten or twelve miles, and were so weak, hungry, and exhausted that, instead of coming to the hospital, they lay down anywhere in the street or under the wall of a house. some of these men i found, with the assistance of a friendly and sympathetic cuban, and had them carried on litters to the operating-tents. all of the wounded who came back from the front that night ought to have had hot tea or coffee, and some such easily digested food as malted milk, as most of them had eaten nothing since the early morning and were worn out with pain and fatigue. but of course no provision had been made for supplying them even with hard bread and water, and when taken from the operating-tables they were simply laid on the ground, to get through the night as best they could without nourishment or drink. we all understand, of course, that, in the oft-quoted words of general sherman, "war is hell"; but it might be made a little less hellish by adequate preparation for the reception and care of the wounded. i went off to the _state of texas_ between three and four o'clock, and threw myself into my berth just as day was beginning to break over the hills east of the cove. chapter xi the battles of caney and san juan general shafter went to the front to take personal command of the army on wednesday, june . at that time the divisions of generals kent, wheeler, and lawton were encamped on the siboney-santiago road, between the high ridge of sevilla, from which i had seen the city two days before, and a half-ruined house and plantation, two or three miles farther on, known as el pozo. most of the troops were in the valley of a small stream which rises on the western slope of the sevilla watershed, runs for a short distance in the direction of santiago, and then, after receiving a number of tributaries, turns southward, just beyond the pozo farm-house, and falls into the sea through the notch in the rampart at aguadores. although the bottom of this valley, in general, was densely wooded, there was a series of grassy openings, or glades, on the northern side of the stream just east of el pozo, and in one of these openings general lawton, who led the advance, had established his headquarters. about three miles due north from el pozo, and between three and four miles in a northeasterly direction from santiago, there was a small village called caney,[ ] which, on account of its geographical position, was regarded as a place of considerable strategic importance. it was connected by roads or practicable trails with santiago on the west, guantanamo on the east, and el pozo on the south; and an enemy holding it would not only outflank us on that side as soon as we should pass the pozo farm-house, but, by means of a rapid cross-march in our rear, might cut or seriously imperil our only line of communication with our base of supplies at siboney. the fact was well known, furthermore, that there was a strong division of spanish regulars (about six thousand men) at guantanamo; and if this division should undertake to reinforce the garrison at santiago, caney would be directly on its line of march. in view of these considerations, general shafter, after a survey of the country from the summit of the hill at el pozo, determined to seize caney, and, having thus cut off reinforcements from guantanamo and protected himself from a flanking movement on the right, advance directly upon the city. the plan was good enough, as far as it went; but general shafter had made no reconnaissance on the siboney-santiago road beyond el pozo, and was wholly ignorant not only of the strength of the enemy's position there, but of the nature of the country to be traversed. it is true that he had superficially looked over the ground, once, from the top of the pozo hill; but he could get, in that way, very little accurate knowledge of the topography of the region, and still less of the spaniards' defensive strength. our only possible line of advance, in the center, was the siboney-santiago road, which ran, through a dense jungle, down the valley of the aguadores river, crossed a small stream flowing into that river from the north, then crossed the san juan river, another tributary of the aguadores, and finally emerged from the forest directly in front of the san juan heights. the enemy, of course, knew exactly where this road lay, and where it came out of the woods into the open country; and they had so disposed their batteries and rifle-pits that they could not only concentrate their fire upon the lower stretches and the mouth of the road, but sweep with a hail-storm of projectiles the whole margin of the forest where we should have to deploy and form our attacking line. general shafter had not ascertained these facts by means of a reconnaissance, nor had he, apparently, considered such a state of affairs as a contingency to be guarded against; but mr. richard harding davis asserts that general chaffee, commander of a brigade in general lawton's division, anticipated precisely this situation, and predicted, five days before the battle, that if our men marched down this trail into the open country they would be "piled up so high that they would block the road." he thought that it would be much better to keep away from the road altogether; cut trails parallel with the entire front of the forest and hidden by it, with innumerable little trails leading into the open; and then march the whole army out upon the hills through these trails at the same moment. whether this suggestion was ever made to the commanding general or not, i do not know; but if it was, it failed to commend itself to his judgment. i refer now--perhaps prematurely--to a state of affairs in our immediate front which was not fully disclosed until much later; but i do so because knowledge of it is absolutely essential to a clear understanding of the way in which the battle of san juan was fought. general shafter's plan of operations, as outlined by captain lee, british military attaché, was substantially as follows: general lawton's division was to attack caney at daylight, july , and was expected to drive the enemy quickly out of that post, which then menaced our right flank. meanwhile the remainder of the fifth corps was to advance along the main trail toward santiago, pushing back the spanish outposts, and occupy the line of the san juan river. there it was to deploy and await lawton, who, having taken caney, was to wheel to his left and form up on the right of the main line. all these movements were to be completed by the evening of the st, and then the whole army would combine for the assault of san juan on the d. the advance began on the afternoon of thursday, june . general lawton's division, accompanied by capron's battery of four field-guns, marched out on the caney road, without meeting any opposition, and bivouacked for the night behind a ridge, or hill, about a mile southeast of the village. at the same time the remainder of the corps, consisting of general wheeler's cavalry division, the division of general kent, and three batteries of light artillery, moved down the siboney-santiago road, and went into camp near the pozo farm-house. at daybreak on friday, july , both columns were in position, within striking distance of the enemy's intrenched line. as the fighting at caney was wholly independent of the fighting at san juan, it will be more convenient to regard the two engagements as separate battles, although they were carried on simultaneously. i shall not attempt, however, to do more than describe the tactics on the two widely separated fields, and briefly state the results. the defenses of caney consisted of a strong stone fort on a steep conical hill at the southeastern corner of the village, and four or five substantial log blockhouses, so placed as to command every possible, or at least every practicable, avenue of approach. the blockhouses were connected one with another by deep, narrow trenches; the stone fort was surrounded by a network of outlying rifle-pits; there was a barbed-wire entanglement along the whole eastern front of the enemy's position; and the large trees in the village, as well as the houses and the old stone church, were full of sharp-shooters. the garrison of the place, not including the inhabitants, who, of course, participated to a greater or less extent in the fighting, consisted of three companies of infantry belonging to the san luis brigade and forty-seven guerrillas--a total force of five hundred and fourteen men. the regulars were armed with the mauser magazine-rifle, while the guerrillas used a . -caliber remington, carrying a large and very destructive brass-jacketed ball. they had neither artillery nor machine-guns, and relied wholly upon their small arms, their rifle-pits, and the great natural strength of their position. the officer in command was brigadier-general joaquin vara del rey. the attacking force, under direction of general lawton, consisted of four brigades, numbering about forty-five hundred men, and was made up wholly of regulars with the exception of the second massachusetts. the battle began at half-past six o'clock in the morning. general chaffee's brigade took up a position six or eight hundred yards from the fort on the eastern side of the village; ludlow's brigade marched around on the western side, so as to seize the caney-santiago road and thus cut off the enemy's escape; while the brigade of general miles closed in on the south. capron's battery, from the summit of a hill a little more than a mile southeast of the fort, fired the first shot at : a. m. our infantry on general chaffee's side then opened fire; the spaniards replied from their fort, blockhouses, and rifle-pits; and the engagement soon became general. for the next three or four hours the battle was little more than a rifle duel at about six hundred yards' range. capron's battery, from the top of the distant hill, continued to bombard the fort and the village at intervals, but its fire was slow and not very effective. our infantry, meanwhile, were suffering far more loss than they were able to inflict, for the reason that they could find little or no shelter, while the spaniards were protected by loopholed walls and deep rifle-pits, and were firing at ranges which had been previously measured and were therefore accurately known. in spite of their losses, however, our men continued to creep forward, and about eleven o'clock general chaffee's brigade reached and occupied the crest of a low ridge not more than three hundred yards from the northeastern side of the village. the fire of the spanish sharp-shooters, at this short range, was very close and accurate, and before noon more than one hundred of general chaffee's men lay dead or wounded in a sunken road about fifty yards back of the firing line. the losses in the brigades of generals ludlow and miles, on the western and southern sides of the village, were almost as great, and at : p. m. the attacking force seemed to be barely holding its own. at this critical moment, when the chances of success or defeat seemed to be almost evenly balanced, general lawton received an order from general shafter to abandon the attack on caney and hurry to the relief of generals kent and sumner, who were hotly engaged in front of the san juan heights. believing that a retreat at this juncture would be disastrous, and that the demoralizing effect of a repulse at caney would more than counterbalance the support that he could give the center of the line in front of san juan, general lawton disregarded this order and pressed the attack with renewed vigor. capron's battery, about this time, got the range of the stone fort, shot away its flagstaff, amid vociferous cheers from our men, and soon began to make great breaches in its massive walls. general chaffee, who had been directed to make a final assault on the fort when, in his judgment, the proper time had come, then gave the order to charge; and the twelfth infantry, closely followed by several regiments from general miles's brigade, and the brigade of general bates, which had just arrived from siboney, swarmed up the steep slope of the hill, drove the spaniards out of their rifle-pits, and took the fort by storm. the first man inside its walls was mr. james creelman, a war correspondent, who was shot through the shoulder while recovering the spanish flag. although the fire from the village and the blockhouses still continued, it gradually slackened, and in less than half an hour the spaniards who remained alive gave up the struggle and retreated by the northern santiago road, suffering considerable loss from the fire of general ludlow's brigade as they passed. at p. m. village, fort, and blockhouses were all in undisputed possession of general lawton's gallant division. the battle had lasted about nine hours, and in that time seven hundred men had been killed or wounded. our own loss was four officers and eighty-four men killed, and twenty-four officers and three hundred and thirty-two men wounded; total, four hundred and forty-four. the loss of the spaniards, as reported by themselves, was two hundred and forty-eight,--about one half their entire strength,--not including inhabitants of the village killed in their houses and in the streets. general vara del rey, their commander, was shot through both legs as he stood in the square opposite the village church after the storming of the fort, and then, as his men were placing him on a stretcher, he was instantly killed by a bullet through the head. our loss, in this obstinately fought battle, was numerically much greater than that of the spaniards; but their percentage of loss, based on the number of men engaged, was nearly five times as great as ours. when they retreated, they left forty-eight per cent. of their whole force dead or wounded in the intrenchments that they had so gallantly defended, and lieutenant-colonel punet was able to collect and take back to santiago that night only one hundred and three of the five hundred and fourteen officers and men who originally composed the garrison. the loss on our side in this engagement was far greater than it probably would have been if general lawton had had artillery enough to destroy the fort and blockhouses and drive the spaniards out of their rifle-pits before he pushed forward his infantry; but it was not expected, of course, that the taking of a small and comparatively insignificant village would be so serious and difficult a matter; and as general shafter had only sixteen light field-guns in all, he doubtless thought that he could not spare more than four for the attack on caney. the moral effect of this battle was to give each of the combatants a feeling of sincere respect for the bravery of the other. our men never doubted, after july , that the spaniards would fight stubbornly--at least, behind intrenchments; while the spaniards, in turn, were greatly impressed by the dash, impetuosity, and unflinching courage of general lawton's regulars. a staff-officer of general vara del rey said to a correspondent after the battle: "i have never seen anything to equal the courage and dash of those americans, who, stripped to the waist, offering their naked breasts to our murderous fire, literally threw themselves on our trenches--on the very muzzles of our guns. we had the advantage in position, and mowed them down by the hundreds; but they never retreated or fell back an inch. as one man fell, shot through the heart, another would take his place, with grim determination and unflinching devotion to duty in every line of his face. their gallantry was heroic." there could hardly be a more generous or a better deserved encomium. the battle on the siboney-santiago road, in the center of our line, began nearly two hours later than the battle at caney. grimes's battery, which had taken position on a hill near the pozo farm-house, opened fire on the heights of san juan about eight o'clock. a few moments later the spaniards, who evidently had the range of the pozo hill perfectly from the beginning, returned the fire with shrapnel, killing two men and wounding a number of others at the first shot, striking the house at the third, and driving from the hill in disorder some of the soldiers of the cavalry division who had been stationed there, as well as a few war correspondents and non-combatants who had gathered to witness the bombardment. for three quarters of an hour, or an hour, there was an artillery duel between grimes's battery on the pozo hill and a spanish battery situated somewhere on the heights to the westward. in this interchange of shots the enemy had all the advantage, for the reason that the smoke from grimes's black powder revealed the position of his guns, while the smokeless powder of the spaniards gave no clue to the location of theirs. about nine o'clock the order was given to advance; and the divisions of generals kent and wheeler began to move down the narrow, jungle-skirted trail, toward the open country which was supposed to lie beyond the crossing of the second stream, under the heights of san juan. general kent's orders were to move ahead to a green knoll on the western side of the san juan river (the second stream), and there deploy to the left in what was believed to be the margin of the dense forest which covered the bottom of the valley. at the same time the cavalry division, which, owing to the illness of general wheeler, was temporarily under command of general sumner, was directed to advance along the same trail, cross the san juan river, deploy to the right in the margin of the woods, and there await further orders. the attempt of two divisions to march simultaneously down a forest trail which in places was not more than twelve feet wide resulted, naturally, in crowding, disorder, and delay; and when the head of the column, after crossing the first stream, came within the zone of the enemy's fire, the confusion was greatly increased. the spaniards, as general chaffee predicted, had taken the bearing and range of the road, between the first stream and the western edge of the forest, and before the cavalry division reached the ford of the san juan, on the other side of which it was to deploy and await orders, it was receiving a heavy fire, not only from the batteries and rifle-pits on the san juan heights, but from hundreds of trees along the trail, in which the enemy had posted sharp-shooters. so far as i know, riflemen had never before been posted in trees to check the advance of an army through a broken and forest-clad country; but the scheme was a good one, and it was carried out with thoughtful attention to every detail. the sharp-shooters were generally hidden in carefully prepared nests of leaves; some of them had tunics of fresh palm-leaves tied around their bodies from the shoulders down, so that at a little distance they could not be distinguished from the foliage of the trees in which they were concealed; and in a few cases that were reported to me they wore under their leafy tunics double canvas jackets filled with sand and carefully quilted, as a partial protection from bullets. this swarm of tree-men formed the spanish skirmish-line, and a most dangerous and effective line it was, for the reason that it could be neither seen, driven in, nor dislodged. the hidden marksmen used mauser rifles with smokeless powder, and although our men heard the reports and were killed or disabled by the projectiles, they had no guide or clue whatever to the location of their assailants. a skirmish-line in thickets or clumps of chaparral on the ground might have been driven back as our army advanced, and thus our rear would have been all the time secure from attack; but a skirmish-line hidden in tree-tops was as dangerous to the rear as to the front, and a soldier pressing forward toward what he supposed to be the enemy's position was just as likely to get a mauser bullet in his back as in his breast. scores of wounded men who were brought into the first division field-hospital on friday and saturday had never seen a spanish intrenchment, or had even so much as a glimpse of a spanish soldier. in spite of the deadly fire to which they were subjected from front, sides, and rear, our troops pushed on, as rapidly as the congested state of the trail would permit, toward the ford of the san juan river. the loss which our advance sustained at this point was greatly increased by the sending up of an observation balloon, which hung over the road, just above the trees, and not only attracted the fire of the spaniards in front, but served their artillerymen as a target and a range-finder. it was an even better firing guide than the sheets of iron or zinc roofing which they had put up in some of the openings through which the trail ran; and until it was finally torn by shrapnel so that it slowly sank into the forest, the men under and behind it were exactly in the focus of the converging streams of bullets which it attracted from all parts of the san juan heights. the only useful discovery made by it was the fact that there was a second or branch trail leading to a lower ford of the san juan river which general kent's division might take, and thus relieve the crowding on the main road. parts of the divisions of generals kent and sumner crossed the san juan shortly after noon, and made an attempt to deploy on its western bank and form in line of battle; but the jungle was so dense, and the fire which swept the whole margin of the forest between them and the heights of san juan was so destructive, that they could do little more than seek such cover as could be had and await orders. so far as i have been able to ascertain, no orders were received at this critical time by either of the division commanders. the narrow road, for a distance of a mile back of the firing line, was crowded with troops pressing forward to the san juan ford; general shafter, at his headquarters two miles in the rear, had little knowledge of the situation, and no adequate means of getting orders to his subordinates at the front; and meanwhile our advanced line, almost lost in the jungle, was being decimated by a fire which the men could not effectively return, and which it was impossible long to endure. exactly what happened at this turning-point of the battle, who took the lead, and what orders were given, i do not certainly know; but the troops nearest the edge of the forest, including the rough riders, two regiments of general hawkins's brigade (the sixth and sixteenth), a few men from the seventy-first new york under captain rafferty, and perhaps squads or fragments of three or four other commands, suddenly broke from cover, as if moved by a general spontaneous impulse, and, with colonel roosevelt and general hawkins as their most conspicuous, if not their foremost, leaders, charged "kettle hill" and the heights of san juan. the advancing line, at first, looked very weak and thin; but it was equal to its task. in less than fifteen minutes it had reached the crest, and was driving the spaniards along it toward the blockhouse, and down the slope behind it into the next valley. with the aid of the ninth, thirteenth, and twenty-fourth infantry, and the gatling-gun battery of lieutenant parker, which supported the charging line by enfilading the enemy's trenches from a position on the left, the summit of the long ridge was soon cleared, the blockhouse captured, and the battle won before two o'clock in the afternoon. whether general sumner or general kent directly and personally ordered this charge or not, i cannot say; but from statements made to me by officers and men who participated in it, i am inclined to believe that it really was--as it has since been called--a "great popular movement," the credit for which belongs chiefly to the regimental and company officers and their men. that general shafter had nothing to do with it is evident. he might have ordered it if he had been there; but he was not there. one of the wounded men in the field-hospital told me a story of a sergeant in one of the colored regiments, who was lying, with his comrades, in the woods, under the hot fire from the san juan heights. getting no order to advance, and tiring of the inaction, he finally sprang to his feet and rushed out into the open, shouting to the men of his company: "come on, boys! let's knock h--l out of the blankety-blanks!" whereupon the whole regiment rose like a single man, and started, at a dead run, for the hill. the story is doubtless apocryphal, but it will serve as an illustration of the way in which the charge up the slope of san juan may have originated. our men in the edge of the woods, in the bushes, and in the grain-fields had perhaps become so tired of inaction, and so exasperated by the deadly fire which was picking them off, one by one, as they lay, that they were ready for any desperate venture; and when somebody--no matter who--started forward, or said, "come on, boys!" they simply rose en masse and charged. i cannot find, in the official reports of the engagement, any record of a definite order by any general officer to storm the heights; but the men were just in the mood for such a movement, and either with orders or without orders they charged up the hill, in the face of a tremendous fire from batteries, trenches, and blockhouses, and, in the words of an english officer, quoted by general breckenridge in his testimony before the investigating commission, they not only covered themselves with glory, but extricated their corps commander "from a devil of a fix." when the divisions of generals kent and wheeler had been distributed along the crest of the san juan ridge, the line looked too weak and thin to hold the position; but skobeleff once said that a position carried by attack can be held, even if seventy-five per cent. of the attacking force have perished; and there was no doubt in the minds of the regulars and the rough riders that there were enough of them left not only to hold san juan, but to take the city. mr. ramsden, british consul in santiago, says, in his diary, that the spaniards were so disheartened by their defeat that "if the americans had followed up their advantage and rushed the town, they would have carried it." but our men were too much exhausted by the heat, and by their floundering in the jungle, to fight another battle that day. when the firing ceased they had to pick up the wounded and bury the dead, and then they spent a large part of the night in erecting breastworks, digging trenches, and making preparations for a counter-attack. chapter xii the field-hospital on the morning of friday, july , dr. egan and i, with three cuban soldiers put at our service by general castillo, set out on foot for the front, carrying on our backs or in our hands such medicines and hospital supplies as we thought would be most needed by the wounded, as well as hammocks, blankets, cooking-utensils, and four or five days' rations for ourselves. the march was a long and tiresome one, and it was after noon before we reached the glade, or opening, near the pozo house which had been selected as the site for the first and only field-hospital of the fifth army-corps. we reported at once to major wood, chief surgeon of the first division, who gave us a hearty welcome and at once granted our request to be set at work. the second day's battle was then in progress; the booming of cannon and the rattle of krag-jorgensens could be plainly heard a short distance in advance, and wounded men by the score were coming back in army wagons from the firing line. the first division hospital of the fifth army-corps was established in the field, about three miles east of santiago, wednesday, june . at that time it was in advance of the whole army, and had no other protection than a line of pickets thrown out toward the enemy's intrenchments. the site of the camp was a large, partly open glade, or field, on the floor of a wooded valley, which was bounded on the northeast, at a distance of three miles, by a range of mountains, and which extended to within a mile of santiago. through this valley ran the siboney-santiago road, nearly parallel with a brook which had its source in the mountains to the northward, and after being joined by a number of other brooks coming from the same direction, fell into the sea through a notch in the coast rampart three or four miles east of morro castle. the glade, or field, in which the hospital camp stood was one of a series of similar glades stretching away to the northeast toward the base of the mountains, and resembling a little in outline and topographical arrangement the openings known as "barrens" in the forests of nova scotia. in every other direction except the one taken by this line of glades the camp was bounded by a dense tropical jungle through which the siboney-santiago road had been cut. the opening occupied by the hospital camp was covered with a dense growth of high wild grass, shaded here and there by small clumps of piñon-bushes, with a few larger trees of kinds to me unknown. south and southwest of the camp lay a tropical forest which i did not undertake to explore, but which our pickets said was so wild and so tangled with vines and creepers as to be almost impenetrable. the site of the camp between the road and the brook was well chosen, and it was, perhaps, as satisfactory a place for a hospital as could have been found in that vicinity. the hospital, when i arrived, consisted of three large tents for operating-tables, pharmacy, dispensary, etc.; another of similar dimensions for wounded officers; half a dozen small wall-tents for wounded soldiers; and a lot of "dog-kennels," or low shelter-tents, for the hospital stewards, litter-bearers, and other attendants. i do not know how many ambulances the hospital had for the transportation of wounded from the battle-line, but i saw only two, and was informed by dr. godfrey that only three had been brought from tampa. fifty or more had been sent to that port for the use of the fifth army-corps, but had been left there, by direct order of general shafter, when the expedition sailed. the hospital staff at the beginning of the first day's battle consisted of five surgeons: namely, major m. w. wood, chief surgeon of the first division; major r. w. johnson, in command of the first division hospital; dr. guy c. godfrey, dr. h. p. jones, and dr. f. j. combe. the resources and supplies of the hospital, outside of instruments, operating-tables, and medicines, were very limited. there was tent-shelter for only about one hundred wounded men; there were no cots, hammocks, mattresses, rubber blankets, or pillows for sick or injured soldiers; the supply of woolen army blankets was very short and was soon exhausted; and there was no clothing at all except two or three dozen shirts. in the form of hospital food for sick or wounded men there was nothing except a few jars of beef extract, malted milk, etc., bought in the united states by major wood, taken to the field in his own private baggage, and held in reserve for desperate cases. such was the equipment of the only field-hospital in cuba when the attack on santiago began. that it was wretchedly incomplete and inadequate i hardly need say, but the responsibility for the incompleteness and inadequacy cannot be laid upon the field force. they took to the hospital camp from the steamers everything that they could possibly get transportation for. there was only one line of very bad road from daiquiri and siboney to the front, and along that line had to be carried, with an utterly insufficient train of mules and wagons, all the food and ammunition needed by an advancing army of more than sixteen thousand men. in loading the mules and wagons preference was given to stores and supplies that could be used in killing spanish soldiers rather than to stores and supplies that would be needed in caring for our own, and the result was the dreadful and heartrending state of affairs in that hospital at the end of the second day's fight. if there was anything more terrible in our civil war, i am glad that i was not there to see it. the battle before santiago began very early on friday morning, july , and the wounded, most of whom had received first aid at bandaging-stations just back of the firing line, reached the hospital in small numbers as early as nine o'clock. as the hot tropical day advanced, the numbers constantly and rapidly increased until, at nightfall, long rows of wounded were lying on the grass in front of the operating-tents, without awnings or shelter, awaiting examination and treatment. the small force of field-surgeons worked heroically and with a devotion that i have never seen surpassed; but they were completely overwhelmed by the great bloody wave of human agony that rolled back in ever-increasing volume from the battle-line. they stood at the operating-tables, wholly without sleep, and almost without rest or food, for twenty-one consecutive hours; and yet, in spite of their tremendous exertions, hundreds of seriously or dangerously wounded men lay on the ground for hours, many of them half naked, and nearly all without shelter from the blazing tropical sun in the daytime, or the damp, chilly dew at night. no organized or systematic provision had been made for feeding them or giving them drink, and many a poor fellow had not tasted food or water for twelve hours, and had been exposed during all that time to the almost intolerable glare of the sun. i saw a soldier of the tenth cavalry, who had been shot through the body, lie on the ground in front of the operating-tent for at least three hours, naked to the waist, and exposed to sunshine in which i could hardly hold my hand. i speak of this particular soldier, not because he was an exception, but rather because he exhibited such magnificent fortitude and self-control. although he must have been suffering terrible agony, he lay there for three hours without a murmur or a complaint, and, so far as i could see, without change of countenance, until his turn came and he was lifted upon the operating-table. at sunset the five surgeons had operated upon and dressed the wounds of one hundred and fifty-four men. as night advanced and the wounded came in more rapidly, no count or record of the operations was made or attempted. late in the evening of friday, division and regimental surgeons began to come back to the hospital from the front, and the operating force was increased to ten. more tables were set out in front of the tents, and the surgeons worked at them all night, partly by moonlight and partly by the dim light of flaring candles held in the hands of stewards and attendants. fortunately, the weather was clear and still, and the moon nearly full. there were no lanterns, apparently, in the camp,--at least, i saw none in use outside of the operating-tent,--and if the night had been dark, windy, or rainy, four fifths of the wounded would have had no help or surgical treatment whatever until the next day. all the operations outside of a single tent were performed by the dim light of one unsheltered and flaring candle, or at most two. more than once even the candles were extinguished for fear that they would draw the fire of spanish sharp-shooters who were posted in trees south of the camp, and who exchanged shots with our pickets at intervals throughout the night. these cold-blooded and merciless guerrillas fired all day friday at our ambulances and at our wounded as they were brought back from the battle-line, and killed two of our red cross men. there was good reason to fear, therefore, that they would fire into the hospital. it required some nerve on the part of our surgeons to stand beside operating-tables all night with their backs to a dark tropical jungle out of which came at intervals the sharp reports of guerrillas' rifles. but there was not a sign of hesitation or fear. finding that they could not work satisfactorily by moonlight, brilliant although it was, they relighted their candles and took the risk. before daybreak on saturday morning they had performed more than three hundred operations, and then, as the wounded had ceased to come in, and all cases requiring immediate attention had been disposed of, they retired to their tents for a little rest. the five men who composed the original hospital force had worked incessantly for twenty-one hours. of course the wounded who had been operated upon, or the greater part of them, had to lie out all night on the water-soaked ground; and in order to appreciate the suffering they endured the reader must try to imagine the conditions and the environment. it rained in torrents there almost every afternoon for a period of from ten minutes to half an hour, and the ground, therefore, was usually water-soaked and soft. all the time that it did not rain the sun shone with a fierceness of heat that i have seldom seen equaled, and yet at night it grew cool and damp so rapidly as to necessitate the putting on of thicker clothing or a light overcoat. many of the wounded soldiers, who were brought to the hospital from a distance of three miles in a jolting ambulance or army wagon, had lost their upper clothing at the bandaging-stations just back of the battle-line, where the field-surgeons had stripped them in order to examine or treat their wounds. they arrived there, consequently, half naked and without either rubber or woolen blankets; and as the very limited hospital supply of shirts and blankets had been exhausted, there was nothing to clothe or cover them with. the tents set apart for wounded soldiers were already full to overflowing, and all that a litter-squad could do with a man when they lifted him from the operating-table on friday night was to carry him away and lay him down, half naked as he was, on the water-soaked ground under the stars. weak and shaken from agony under the surgeon's knife and probe, there he had to lie in the high, wet grass, with no one to look after him, no one to give him food and water if he needed them, no blanket over him, and no pillow under his head. what he suffered in the long hours of the damp, chilly night i know because i saw him, and scores more like him; but the reader, who can get an idea of it only through the medium of words, can hardly imagine it. when the sun rose saturday morning, the sufferings of the wounded who had lain out all night in the grass were intensified rather than relieved, because with sunshine came intense heat, thirst, and surgical fever. an attempt was made to protect some of them by making awnings and thatched roofs of bushes and poles; but about seven o'clock ambulances and wagons loaded with wounded began again to arrive from the battle-line, and the whole hospital force turned its attention to them, leaving the suffering men in the grass to the care of the camp cooks and a few slightly wounded soldiers, who, although in pain themselves, could still hobble about carrying hard bread and water to their completely disabled and gasping comrades. the scenes of saturday were like those of the previous day, but with added details of misery and horror. many of the wounded, brought in from the extreme right flank of the army at caney, had had nothing to eat or drink in more than twenty-four hours, and were in a state of extreme exhaustion. some, who had been shot through the mouth or neck, were unable to swallow, and we had to push a rubber tube down through the bloody froth that filled their throats, and pour water into their stomachs through that; some lay on the ground with swollen bellies, suffering acutely from stricture of the urinary passage and distention of the bladder caused by a gunshot wound; some were paralyzed from the neck down or the waist down as a result of injury to the spine; some were delirious from thirst, fever, and exposure to the sun; and some were in a state of unconsciousness, coma, or collapse, and made no reply or sign of life when i offered them water or bread. they were all placed on the ground in a long, closely packed row as they came in; a few pieces of shelter-tenting were stretched over them to protect them a little from the sun, and there they lay for two, three, and sometimes four hours before the surgeons could even examine their injuries. a more splendid exhibition of patient, uncomplaining fortitude and heroic self-control than that presented by these wounded men the world has never seen. many of them, as appeared from their chalky faces, gasping breath, and bloody vomiting, were in the last extremity of mortal agony; but i did not hear a groan, a murmur, or a complaint once an hour. occasionally a trooper under the knife of the surgeon would swear, or a beardless cuban boy would shriek and cry, "oh, my mother, my mother!" as the surgeons reduced a compound fracture of the femur and put his leg in splints; but from the long row of wounded on the ground there came no sound or sign of weakness. they were suffering,--some of them were dying,--but they were strong. many a man whose mouth was so dry and parched with thirst that he could hardly articulate would insist on my giving water first, not to him, when it was his turn, but to some comrade who was more badly hurt or had suffered longer. intense pain and the fear of impending death are supposed to bring out the selfish, animal characteristics of man; but they do not in the higher type of man. not a single american soldier, in all my experience in that hospital, ever asked to be examined or treated out of his regular turn on account of the severity, painful nature, or critical state of his wound. on the contrary, they repeatedly gave way to one another, saying: "take this one first--he's shot through the body. i've only got a smashed foot, and i can wait." even the courtesies of life were not forgotten or neglected in that valley of the shadow of death. if a man could speak at all, he always said, "thank you," or "i thank you very much," when i gave him hard bread or water. one beardless youth who had been shot through the throat, and who told me in a husky whisper that he had had no water in thirty-six hours, tried to take a swallow when i lifted his head. he strangled, coughed up a little bloody froth, and then whispered: "it's no use; i can't. never mind!" our dr. egan afterward gave him water through a stomach-tube. if there was any weakness or selfishness, or behavior not up to the highest level of heroic manhood, among the wounded american soldiers in that hospital during those three terrible days, i failed to see it. as one of the army surgeons said to me, with the tears very near his eyes: "when i look at those fellows and see what they stand, i am proud of being an american, and i glory in the stock. the world has nothing finer." it was the splendid courage and fortitude of the men that made their suffering so hard to see. as the row of prostrate bodies on the ground grew longer and longer saturday afternoon and evening, the emotional strain of the situation became almost unbearable, and i would have exchanged all the knowledge and ability i possessed for the knowledge and skill even of a hospital steward, so that i might do something more than carry around food and water to those suffering, uncomplaining american soldiers. late saturday afternoon there was a heavy tropical shower, which drenched not only the wounded who were awaiting examination in front of the operating-tents, but also the men who had been operated upon and carried away into the long grass. i doubt, however, whether it made their condition any worse--at least for a time. most of them had been exposed for hours to a tropical sun, and the rain must have given them, at first, a feeling of coolness and relief. as the sun set and darkness settled down upon the camp after the short tropical twilight, candles were again lighted around the operating-tables, and the surgeons worked on without intermission and without rest. the rattle of rifles and machine-guns and the booming of artillery along the line of battle died away into an occasional sputter after dark; the full moon rose into a cloudless sky, and the stillness of the jungle south of the camp was broken only by an occasional shot from a sentry or from a spanish sharp-shooter hidden in a tree. around the operating-tables there was a sound of half-audible conversation as the surgeons gave directions to their assistants or discussed the injuries of the men upon whom they were at work, and now and then a peremptory call for "litter-squad here!" showed that another man was about to be brought to the operating-table, or carried from it into the field and laid on the ground. at midnight saturday the number of wounded men that had been brought into the hospital camp was about eight hundred. all that could walk, after their wounds had been dressed, and all that could bear transportation to the sea-coast in an army wagon, were sent to siboney to be put on board the hospital steamers and transports. there remained in the camp several hundred who were so severely injured that they could not possibly be moved, and these were carried to the eastern end of the field and laid on the ground in the high, wet grass. i cannot imagine anything more cruelly barbarous than to bring a severely wounded man back four or five miles to the hospital in a crowded, jolting army wagon, let him lie from two to four hours with hardly any protection from the blazing sunshine in the daytime or the drenching dew at night, rack him with agony on the operating-table, and then carry him away, weak and helpless, put him on the water-soaked ground, without shelter, blanket, pillow, food, or drink, and leave him there to suffer alone all night. and yet i saw this done with scores, if not hundreds, of men as brave and heroic as any that ever stood in a battle-line. it might not have been so,--it ought not to have been so,--but so it was; and in that hospital there were no means whatever of preventing it. the force of surgeons and hospital stewards immediately available was altogether too small to attend properly to the great number of wounded thrown suddenly upon their hands, and no men could be spared to look after the wretched and suffering soldiers in the grass whose wounds had been treated, when there were a hundred more who had not even been looked at in twenty-four hours, and who were lying in a long, closely packed row on the ground, awaiting their turns at the operating-tables. when a litter-squad had carried a man away into the bushes, they had to leave him there and hurry back to put another sufferer on a table or bring another from an ambulance or army wagon to the operating-line. instead of the force of five surgeons and about twenty stewards and attendants with which the hospital began work on friday, there should have been a force of fifty surgeons and at least two hundred stewards, attendants, and stretcher-bearers, so that they might have been divided into two watches, or reliefs, working and resting alternately. as it was on friday, five surgeons and twenty attendants had to take care of the wounded from three whole divisions. they were reinforced by five more surgeons and perhaps twenty more attendants friday evening, but even this force was so insufficient and inadequate that at midnight on saturday one of the highest medical officers in the camp said to me: "this department is in a state of complete collapse." in nothing were the weakness and imperfect equipment of the hospital more apparent than in the provision made--or rather the lack of provision--for the care of wounded after their wounds had been dressed. it seems to have been expected that, when injured men were brought back from the battle-line, their blankets, canteens, and rations would be brought with them; but in seventy-five per cent. of the cases this was not done, and it was unreasonable under the circumstances to expect that it would be done. the men did not go into action carrying their blankets and rations; on the contrary, most of them left all unnecessary impedimenta in their camps and went into the fight as lightly clad as possible, often stripped naked to the waist. when they were shot, their comrades picked them up and carried them to the rear just as they were. there was no time to inquire for their personal belongings or to send to their camps for their blankets; and they came back to the hospital not only without blankets or ponchos, but often hatless, shirtless, and in trousers ripped up by surgeon's scissors. some of them had empty canteens, but i did not see one who had food. ample provision should have been made in this hospital for clothing, feeding, and supplying the wants of wounded men brought back in this destitute condition; but such provision as was made proved to be wholly inadequate. the few dozen shirts and blankets that the hospital contained were soon distributed, and then the wounded men were taken from the operating-tables and laid on the ground in the outskirts of the camp in the same state, as regards clothing and bedding, that they were in when picked up on the battle-field. for feeding them no arrangements whatever had been made, and, indeed, there was no food in the hospital suited to their requirements. our red cross surgeon, dr. egan, and i brought in a few bottles of malted milk, maltine, beef extract, limes, etc., but as we could not get transportation for a single pound of stuff and had to march in twelve miles over a bad road, we could not bring much, and our limited supply of invalid food, although administered only in desperate cases, was exhausted in two or three hours. major wood, who superintended the bringing in and disposition of the wounded, did everything that was possible to make them comfortable, and worked day and night with tireless energy and devotion; but there was very little that could be done with the resources at his command. the second day's battle in front of santiago consisted, generally speaking, of a series of attempts on the part of the spaniards to drive our troops from the positions which they had taken by assault on friday. the firing continued throughout the day, and at times was very heavy; but just before sunset it died away to a faint sputter and crackle of rifles, and at dark ceased altogether. the moon rose in an unclouded sky over the dark tree-tops east of the camp; the crickets began to chirp in the thicket across the brook; sounds like the rapid shaking of a billiard-ball in a resonant wooden box came from nocturnal birds or tree-toads hidden in the depth of the forest; and the teeming life of the tropical wilderness, frightened into silence for a time by the uproar of battle, took courage from the stillness of night, and manifested its presence by chirps, croaks, and queer, unfamiliar cries in all parts of the encircling jungle. about ten o'clock the stillness was broken by the boom of a heavy gun at the front, followed instantly by the crash and rattle of infantry fire, which grew heavier and heavier, and extended farther and farther to the north and south, until it seemed to come from all parts of our intrenched line on the crest of the san juan ridge. for nearly half an hour the rattle and sputter of rifles, the drumming of machine-guns, and the intermittent thunder of artillery filled the air from the outskirts of santiago to the hospital camp, drowning the murmur of the rippling brook, and silencing again the crickets, birds, and tree-toads in the jungle beyond it. then the uproar ceased, almost as suddenly as it had begun; the stillness of night settled down again upon the lonely tropical wilderness; and if i had not been able to hear the voices of the surgeons as they consulted over an operating-table, and an occasional shot from a picket or a sharpshooter in the forest, i should not have imagined that there was an army or a battle-field within a hundred miles. from the wounded who came back from the firing line an hour or two later we learned that the enemy made an attempt, about ten o'clock, to recapture the san juan heights, but were repulsed with heavy loss. saturday's fighting did not materially change the relative positions of the combatants, but it proved conclusively that we could hold the san juan ridge against any attacking force that the spaniards could muster. why, after a demonstration of this fact, general shafter should have been so discouraged as to "seriously consider the advisability of falling back to a position five miles in the rear," i do not know. our losses in the fighting at caney and san juan were only two hundred and thirty-nine men killed and thirteen hundred and sixty-three wounded, yet general shafter was so disheartened that he not only thought of retreating to a position five miles in the rear, but seems to have been upon the point of surrendering the command of the army to general breckenridge. ill health, doubtless, had much to do with this feeling of discouragement. it certainly was not warranted by anything that one could see at the end of the second day's fight. we had taken every position that we had attacked; we had lost only ten per cent of our available force; and we were strongly intrenched on the crest of a high hill less than a mile and a half from the eastern boundary of the city. after general lawton's division and the brigade of general bates had reinforced generals kent and wheeler at san juan, there was very little reason to fear that the spaniards would drive us from our position. the fighting of all our soldiers, both at caney and at san juan, was daring and gallant in the extreme; but i cannot refrain from calling particular attention to the splendid behavior of the colored troops. it is the testimony of all who saw them under fire that they fought with the utmost courage, coolness, and determination, and colonel roosevelt said to a squad of them in the trenches, in my presence, that he never expected to have, and could not ask to have, better men beside him in a hard fight. if soldiers come up to colonel roosevelt's standard of courage, their friends have no reason to feel ashamed of them. his commendation is equivalent to a medal of honor for conspicuous gallantry, because, in the slang of the camp, he himself is "a fighter from 'way back." i can testify, furthermore, from my own personal observation in the field-hospital of the fifth army-corps saturday and saturday night, that the colored regulars who were brought in there displayed extraordinary fortitude and self-control. there were a great many of them, but i cannot remember to have heard a groan or a complaint from a single man. i asked one of them whether any of his comrades showed signs of fear when they went into action. "no," he replied, with a grin, "not egzactly; two or three of 'em looked kindo' squandered just at first, but they mighty soon braced up." among the volunteer regiments that were hotly engaged and lost heavily in friday's battle were the seventy-first new york and the second massachusetts. both were armed with springfield rifles, and this put them at a great disadvantage as compared with the regulars, all of whom used krag-jorgensen rifles or carbines with smokeless powder. in a wooded and chaparral-covered country like that around santiago, where it was so easy to find concealment and so difficult to see troops at a distance, the use of smokeless powder was of the utmost possible importance. a body of men might be perfectly hidden in woods or chaparral within five hundred yards of the enemy's intrenchments, and if they used smokeless powder they might fire from there for half an hour without being seen or getting a return shot; but if they were armed with springfields, the smoke from their very first volley revealed to the enemy their exact position, and the chaparral that concealed them was torn to pieces by a hail-storm of projectiles from mausers and machine-guns. it was cruel and unreasonable to ask men to go into action, in such a field, with rifles that could be used only with common powder. our men might as well have been required to hoist above the bushes and chaparral a big flag emblazoned with the words, "here we are!" dr. hitchcock, surgeon of the second massachusetts, told me that again and again, when they were lying concealed in dense scrub beside a regiment of regulars, the latter would fire for twenty minutes without attracting a single return shot from the enemy's line; but the moment the men of the second massachusetts began to use their springfields, and the smoke rose above the bushes, the spaniards would concentrate their fire upon the spot, and kill or wound a dozen men in as many minutes. it is to be hoped that our government will not send any more troops abroad with these antiquated guns. they were good enough in their day, but they are peculiarly unsuited to the conditions of warfare in a tropical field. wounded men from the front continued to come into the hospital camp on saturday until long after midnight, and the exhausted surgeons worked at the operating-tables by candlelight until a. m. i noticed, carrying stretchers and looking after the wounded, two or three volunteer assistants from civil life, among them mr. brewer of pittsburg, who died of yellow fever a few days later at siboney. worn out by sleeplessness, fatigue, and the emotional strain of two nights and a day of field-hospital experience, i stretched my hammock between two trees, about three o'clock in the morning, crawled into it, and slept, for two or three hours, the dead, dreamless sleep of complete exhaustion. dr. egan, i think, did not lie down at all. after all the other surgeons had gone to their tents, he wandered about the camp, looking after the wounded who lay shivering here and there on the bare, wet ground, and giving them, with medicines, stomach-tube, and catheter, such relief as he could. soon after sunrise i awoke, and after a hasty breakfast began carrying around food and water. i shall not attempt to describe fully the terrible and heartrending experience of that morning; but two or three of the scenes that i was compelled to witness seem, even now, to be etched on my memory in lines of blood. about nine o'clock, for example, i went into a small wall-tent which sheltered a dozen or more dangerously wounded spaniards and cuban insurgents. everything that i saw there was shocking. on the right-hand side of the tent, face downward and partly buried in the water-soaked, oozy ground, lay a half-naked cuban boy, nineteen or twenty years of age, who had died in the night. he had been wounded in the head and at some time during the long hours of darkness between sunset and dawn the bandage had partly slipped off, and hemorrhage had begun. the blood had run down on his neck and shoulders, coagulating and stiffening as it flowed, until it had formed a large, red, spongy mass around his neck and on his naked back between the shoulder-blades. this, with the coal-black hair, the chalky face partly buried in mud, and the distorted, agonized attitude of the half-nude body, made one of the most ghastly pictures i had ever seen. there was already a stench of decomposition in the hot air of the tent, and the coagulated blood on the half-naked corpse, as well as the bloody bandage around its head, was swarming with noisy flies. just beyond this terrible object, and looking directly at it, was another young cuban who had been shot through the body, and who was half crouching, half kneeling, on the ground, with his hands pressed to his loins. he was deadly pale, had evidently been in torment all night, and was crying, over and over again, in a low, agonized tone, "oh, my mother, my mother, my mother!" as he looked with distracted eyes at the bloody, half-naked body of his dead comrade and saw in it his own impending fate. the stench, the buzzing flies, the half-dried blood, the groans, and the cries of "o, mi madre!" "o jesu!" from the half-naked wretches lying in two rows on the bare, muddy ground, came as near making an inferno as anything one is ever likely to see. in another tent, a short distance away, i found a smooth-faced american soldier about thirty years of age, who had been shot in the head, and also wounded by a fragment of a shell in the body. he was naked to the waist, and his whole right side, from-the armpit to the hip, had turned a purplish-blue color from the bruising blow of the shell. blood had run down from under the bandage around his head, and had then dried, completely covering his swollen face and closed eyelids with a dull-red mask. on this had settled a swarm of flies, which he was too weak to brush away, or in too much pain to notice. i thought, at first, that he was dead; but when i spoke to him and offered him water, he opened his bloodshot, fly-encircled eyes, looked at me for a moment in a dull, agonized way, and then closed them and faintly shook his head. whether he lived or died, i do not know. when i next visited the tent he was gone. as soon as possible after my arrival at the hospital i had obtained an order from lieutenant-colonel pope, chief surgeon of the fifth army-corps, for wagons, and on saturday afternoon i telephoned miss barton from general shafter's headquarters to send us blankets, clothing, malted milk, beef extract, tents, tent-flies, and such other things as were most urgently needed. sunday afternoon, less than twenty-four hours after my message reached her, she rode into the hospital camp in an army wagon, with mrs. gardner, dr. gardner, dr. hubbell, and mr. mcdowell. they brought with them a wagon-load of supplies, including everything necessary for a small red cross emergency station, and in less than two hours they were refreshing all the wounded men in the camp with corn-meal gruel, hot malted milk, beef extract, coffee, and a beverage known as "red cross cider," made by stewing dried apples or prunes in a large quantity of water, and then pouring off the water, adding to it the juice of half a dozen lemons or limes, and setting it into the brook in closed vessels to cool. after that time no sick or wounded man in the camp, i think, ever suffered for want of suitable food and drink. on monday miss barton and dr. hubbell went back to the steamer at siboney for additional supplies, and in twenty-four hours more we had blankets, pillows, and hospital delicacies enough to meet all demands. we should have had them there before the battle began, if we could have obtained transportation for them from the sea-coast. as fast as possible the wounded were taken in army wagons from the field-hospital to siboney, where they were put on board the transports, and at eight o'clock on tuesday evening major johnson was able to report to major wood that every wounded man left in the hospital was in a tent, with a rubber poncho or tarpaulin under him and a blanket over him. in spite of unfavorable conditions, the percentage of recoveries among the wounded treated in this hospital was much greater than in any other war in which the united states has ever been engaged. this was due partly to improved antiseptic methods of treatment, and partly to the nature of the wound made by the mauser bullet. in most cases this wound was a small, clean perforation, with very little shattering or mangling, and required only antiseptic bandaging and care. all abdominal operations that were attempted in the field resulted in death, and none were performed after the first day, as the great heat and dampness, together with the difficulty of giving the patients proper nursing and care, made recovery next to impossible. chapter xiii siboney during the armistice on the morning of july , general shafter, who had recovered confidence, demanded the immediate surrender of santiago, threatening, in case of refusal, to bombard the city; and negotiations under a flag of truce continued thereafter for a period of ten days. meanwhile, on the evening of friday, july , miss barton, dr. egan, dr. hubbell, and i returned to the _state of texas_ to meet mrs. j. addison porter, wife of the president's secretary, who had just arrived on the hospital steamer _relief_, and to get some ice and other hospital supplies of which we were in need. we left the field-hospital in an army wagon about seven o'clock and reached siboney soon after ten. the surf raised by a strong south-easterly wind was rolling so high on the strip of beach behind which the village stood that we could not get off on board the _state of texas_, nor even communicate with her. it was extremely tantalizing to us, tired, hungry, and camp-soiled as we were, to see the lights of our steamer only a quarter of a mile away, to know that almost within reach were a cool bath, a good supper, a clean bed, and all the comforts, if not the luxuries, of life, and yet to feel that, so far as we were concerned, they were as unattainable as if the ship were in the bay of san francisco. siboney at that time was a wretched little hamlet containing only ten or fifteen abandoned and incredibly dirty spanish houses, most of which were in use either as hospitals or for government offices. none of them contained sleeping accommodations, even of the most primitive kind; all of them were crowded; and if one arrived in the village, as we did, at a late hour of the night, there was nothing to be done but bivouac somewhere on the dirty, flea-infested floor of an open piazza, or lie out on the ground. one of the largest and most commodious buildings in the village, a one-story house with a high front stoop or porch, had been used, apparently, during the spanish occupation of the place, as a store or shop. at the time of our return from the front it sheltered the "united states post-office, military station no. ," which had been transferred from daiquiri to siboney two or three days before. in front of this building our army wagon stopped, and we men went in to inquire for mail and to see if we could find a decently clean place for miss barton to sleep. she was quite ready to bivouac in the army wagon; but we hoped to get something better for her. mr. brewer, the postmaster, whom i had met in one of my lecture trips through the west and more recently in the field, received us cordially, and at once offered miss barton his own cot, in a room that had not yet been cleaned or swept, back of the general delivery department. by the light of a single candle it seemed to be a gloomy, dirty, and barn-like apartment; but the cot was the only thing in the shape of a bed that i had seen in siboney, outside of the hospitals, and we accepted it for miss barton with grateful hearts. the employees of the post-office were all sleeping in camp-chairs or on the counters and floors. where mr. brewer went when he had given his own bed to miss barton, i do not know. i left her writing orders and telegrams by the light of a flaring, guttering candle at about eleven o'clock, and went out on the piazza to take a more careful survey of the premises and make up my mind where i would sleep. lying across the high stoop was a long white object, which appeared, in the darkness, to be a woman in her nightgown, with her head raised a little on the sill of a disused door. i stepped over her once in going down-stairs to the street, and wondered what calamity of war had reduced a woman to the necessity of sleeping in such a place and in circumstances of such hardship and privation. i was just discussing with dr. hubbell the possibility of getting the united states signal corps man in the telegraph office to signal our steamer for a boat, regardless of the high surf, when the long white figure on the floor rose, with an unmistakably masculine grunt, and remarked, with a slight english accent, that he did not think there was any possibility of getting off to a ship in a small boat, inasmuch as he had been trying for twenty-four hours to get on board of his own vessel and had not succeeded yet. the figure proved to be that of lord alfred paget, naval observer for the british government, and what i had taken in the darkness for the white gown of a woman was his white-duck uniform. after discussing the situation for a few moments, and declaring discontentedly that our engineer corps had had time enough to build six piers and yet had not finished one, he lay down on the floor again, without blanket, pillow, or overcoat, rested his head on the sill of the disused door, and apparently went to sleep, while i debated in my mind the question whether i had better sleep with him on the floor of the piazza, and take the chance of getting yellow fever from a possibly infected building, or lie out on the ground, where i might be stepped on by prowling cuban refugees, or run over by a mule-team coming in from the front. i finally decided that sleeping accommodations which were good enough for lord alfred were good enough for me, and, just as the moon was rising over the high, rocky rampart east of the village, i rolled myself up in my blanket and lay down on the floor against the piazza rail. dr. hubbell slept on the counter of the money-order division of the post-office, while dr. egan, without blanket or pillow, stretched himself out on the dirty planks below. we were all up at daybreak, and making my toilet by tightening my belt and putting on my mud-spattered pith helmet, i went down to the water's edge to try to find some means of communicating with the ship. during my absence at the front there had evidently been strong winds and heavy seas, for the strip of beach was covered with the wrecks of lighters which had been smashed while trying to land supplies in the surf, and a large steam lighter-launch, loaded with twenty tons or more of hard bread, beans, etc., was lying on the bottom, half submerged, about fifty yards from shore, with the sea breaking over her. the small temporary pier at which i landed when i went to the front had been completely demolished and swept away, but another stronger one was in process of construction. the most serious embarrassments with which the army of invasion had to contend after it reached the coast and began its march on santiago were: first, the extreme difficulty of landing supplies in a place like siboney, where there was neither pier nor shelter, and where the beach was lashed a large part of the time by a high and dangerous surf; and, second, the difficulty of getting such supplies to the front over a single line of very bad road, with an insufficient number of mules and army wagons. if these two difficulties had been foreseen and provided for there would not have been so many smashed lighters and launches on the beach, and the soldiers at the front would not have lived so much of the time on short rations, nor have been compelled to boil water and cook their rations in coffee-cups and tomato-cans, as they had to do throughout the campaign. the difficulty of landing supplies on that exposed and surf-beaten coast might have been anticipated, it seems to me, and provided for. the warships of sampson's and schley's fleets were there long before general shafter's army left tampa, and their commanders must have seen, i think, that to get supplies ashore through the surf at any point between santiago and guantanamo bay would be extremely difficult and hazardous, and would probably require the use of special engineering devices and appliances. the prevailing winds there are from the east and southeast, and from such winds the little indentations of the coast at siboney and daiquiri afforded no protection whatever. a strong breeze raised a sea which might amount to nothing outside, but which was very troublesome, if not dangerous, to loaded boats and lighters as soon as they reached the line where it began to break in surf. the water was very deep close to shore; it was difficult, therefore, to construct a pier of any great length; and even if there had been a long and solid pier, small boats and lighters could not have discharged cargo upon it with any safety while they were being tossed up and down and dashed against it by a heavy sea. i do not pretend to be an expert in such matters, but in watching the landing of supplies here, both from our own steamer and from the army transports, it seemed to me that what is known, i believe, as a "cable hoist" might have been used to advantage if it had been provided in time. it is a contrivance resembling the cable and car employed by life-saving crews on our coasts to bring shipwrecked sailors ashore under similar conditions; or, to use a comparison that is more familiar, it is a reproduction on a large scale of the traveling cash-boxes on wires used in large department stores. if a suitable transport had been anchored outside the line of surf, fifty or seventy-five yards from the beach, and a steel cable stretched from it to a strong mast on shore, i do not see any reason why cargo might not have been carried over the cable in a suspended car or cars with much greater rapidity and safety than it was carried in lighters. such devices are used, i think, at several points on the western coast of south america for putting guano and phosphates on board of vessels where communication with the shore is hazardous and uncertain on account of swell or surf. the second difficulty, namely, that of transportation to the front, might have been avoided by taking to cuba a larger number of wagons and mules. our army before santiago suffered for want of a great many things that the soldiers had with them on the transports, but that were not landed and carried promptly forward. among such things were large tents, rubber blankets, camp-kettles, and large cooking-utensils generally. "what's the use of telling us to drink only boiled water," said an officer of the seventh infantry to me, "when we haven't anything bigger than a coffee-cup or an old tomato-can to boil it in, or to keep it in after it has been boiled? they tell us also that we must sleep in hammocks, not get wet if we can help it, and change our underclothes whenever we do get wet. that's all very well, but there isn't a hammock in my company. i haven't any rubber blanket or spare underclothes myself, and i don't believe any of my soldiers have. they made us leave at tampa everything that we could possibly dispense with, and then, when we got here, they didn't land and send with us even the indispensable things that we had on the transports." the complaint of the officer was a perfectly just one, and i heard many more like it. the insufficient and inadequate provision for the care and feeding of the wounded at the field-hospital of the fifth army-corps, which i have tried to describe in the preceding chapter, was due largely to the inability of general shafter's commissaries and quartermasters to cope successfully with the two great difficulties above indicated, namely, landing from the steamers and transportation to the front. the hospital corps had supplies on the vessels at siboney, but as everything could not possibly be landed and carried forward at once, preference was given to ammunition and rations for able-bodied soldiers rather than to tents, blankets, and invalid food for the wounded. i do not mean to be understood as saying that the hospital-corps men had even on the transports everything that they needed in order to enable them to take proper care of the eight hundred or one thousand wounded who were thrown on their hands in the course of forty-eight hours. i do not know whether they had or not. neither do i mean to say that the commissaries and quartermasters did not do all that they possibly could to land and forward supplies of all kinds. i mean only that, as a result of our inability to surmount difficulties promptly, our army at the front was not properly equipped and our wounded were not adequately cared for. the hospital corps and quartermaster's and commissary departments of the army, however, were not alone in their failure to anticipate and fully provide for these difficulties. the red cross itself was in no better case. there was perhaps more excuse for us, because when we fitted out we did not know where the army was going nor what it proposed to do, and we had been assured by the surgeon-general and by general shafter that, so far as the care of sick and wounded soldiers was concerned, our services would not be required. we expected, however, that they would be, and could we have known in what field and under what conditions our army was going to move and fight, we should probably have had, in some directions, a better, or at least a more suitable, equipment. if we had had at siboney on june half a dozen army wagons, an equal number of saddle-horses, and forty or fifty mules of our own, we should have been in much better condition than we were to cope with the difficulties of the situation. but for the assistance of the army, which helped us out with transportation, notwithstanding its own limited resources, we should not have been able to establish a red cross station at the front in time to coöperate with the hospital corps after the battle of july - , nor should we have been able to send food to the fifteen thousand refugees from santiago who fled, hungry and destitute, to the right wing of our army at caney when general shafter threatened to bombard the city. for the opportunity to get into the field we were indebted to the general in command, to his hospital corps, and to the officers of his army; and we desire most gratefully to acknowledge and thank them for the helping hand that they extended to us when we had virtually no transportation whatever of our own. when we returned to the _state of texas_ on july , the situation, so far as red cross relief-work on the southeastern coast of cuba is concerned, was briefly as follows: we had a station in the field-hospital of the fifth army-corps at the front, and a hospital of our own in siboney, with twenty-five beds attended by six trained nurses under direction of dr. lesser. we also had entire charge of one ward of thirty beds in the general hospital directed by general lagarde. we were feeding refugees at several points on a line extending east and west nearly sixty miles from the right wing of our army at caney to the naval station at guantanamo bay, and at the latter place we had landed fifteen thousand rations to be distributed under the general direction of captain mccalla, of the cruiser _marblehead_, and general perez, commanding the cuban forces in the guantanamo district. to the refugees from santiago at caney--about fifteen thousand in number and mostly women and children--we had forwarded, chiefly in army wagons furnished by general shafter, six or eight tons of food, and were sending more as fast as we could land it in lighters through the surf. mr. elwell, of miss barton's staff, was taking care of two or three thousand refugees at firmeza, a small village in the hills back of siboney, and we hoped soon to enter the harbor of santiago, discharge the cargo of the _state of texas_ at a pier, assort it in a warehouse, and prosecute the work of relief upon a more extensive scale. our sanguine anticipations, however, were not to be realized as soon as we hoped they would be, and our relief-work was practically suspended on july , as the result of an outbreak of yellow fever. the circumstances in which this fever first made its appearance were as follows: when the army landed at siboney it found there a dirty little cuban village of from twelve to twenty deserted houses, situated at the bottom of a wedge-shaped cleft in the long, rocky rampart which forms the coast-line between siboney and morro castle, and at the mouth of a low, swampy, malarious ravine or valley extending back into the foot-hills, and opening upon the sea through the notch. the site of the village, from a sanitary point of view, was a very bad one, not only because it was low and confined, but because in the valley immediately back of it there were a number of stagnant, foul-smelling ponds and pools, half overgrown with rank tropical vegetation, and so full of decaying organic matter that when i passed them for the first time on my way to the front i instinctively held my breath as much as possible because the very air from them seemed poisonous. the houses of the village, as a result of long neglect, had become as objectionable from a sanitary point of view as the location in which they stood. they were rather large, well-built, one-story frame houses with zinc roofs, and were erected, if i mistake not, by the spanish-american iron company for the accommodation of its native employees. originally they must have been very commodious and comfortable buildings, but through the neglect and untidiness of their later occupants they had become so dirty that no self-respecting human being would be willing to live in them. such were the village and the houses of siboney when the army landed there on june . in view of the nature of the cuban climate during the rainy season, and the danger of infection from abandoned houses whose history was entirely unknown, and within whose walls there might have been yellow fever, it was obviously somebody's duty not only to clean up the place as far as possible, but to decide whether the houses should be burned to the ground as probable sources of infection, or, on the other hand, washed out, fumigated, and used. the surgeons of the blockading fleet recommended that the buildings be destroyed, for the reason that if siboney were to be the army's base of supplies it would be imprudent to run the risk of infection by allowing them to be used. instead of acting upon this advice, however, the army officers in command at siboney not only allowed the houses to be occupied from the very first, but put men into them without either disinfecting them or cleaning their dirty floors. chlorid of lime was not used anywhere, and the foul privies immediately back of and adjoining the houses were permitted to stand in the condition in which they were found, so that the daily rains washed the excrement from them down under the floors to saturate further the already contaminated soil. when we returned from the front on july , we found the condition of the village worse than ever. no attempt, apparently, had been made to clean or disinfect it; no sanitary precautions had been taken or health regulations enforced; hundreds of incredibly dirty and ragged cubans--some of them employed in discharging the government transports and some of them merely loafers, camp-followers, and thieves--thronged the beach, evacuating their bowels in the bushes and throwing remnants of food about on the ground to rot in the hot sunshine; there was a dead and decomposing mule in one of the stagnant pools behind the village, and the whole place stank. if, under such conditions, an epidemic of fever had not broken out, it would have been so strange as to border on the miraculous. nature alone would probably have brought it about, but when nature and man coöperated the result was certain. on july the army surgeons reported three cases of yellow fever among the sick in the abandoned spanish houses on shore. on the th the number of cases had increased to thirty, and included dr. lesser, chief surgeon of the red cross, and his wife, two red cross nurses, and mrs. trumbull white, wife of the correspondent of the chicago "record," who had been working as a nurse in the red cross hospital. on the th general miles arrived from washington, and on ascertaining the state of affairs ordered the burning of every house in the village. i doubt very much whether this step was necessary or judicious, for the reason that it was taken too late. if there was any reason to believe, when the army first began to disembark at siboney, that the houses of the village were likely to become sources of infection, they should have been burned or fumigated at once. to burn them after they had set yellow fever afloat in that malarious and polluted atmosphere was like locking the stable door after the horse has been stolen. but it is very questionable whether they should have been burned at any time. in a country like eastern cuba, where at intervals of two or three days throughout the wet season there is a tropical downpour of rain which deluges the ground and beats through the most closely woven tent, a house with a tight zinc roof and a dry floor is a most valuable possession, and it should not be destroyed if there is any way of disinfecting it and making it a safe place of human habitation. all the evidence obtainable in santiago was to the effect that these houses were not infected with yellow fever; but even if they had been, it was quite possible, i think, to save them and make them useful. if, when the army landed, the best of the buildings had been thoroughly cleaned and then fumigated by shutting them up tightly and burning sulphur and other suitable chemical substances in them, the disease-germs that they contained might have been destroyed. convict barges saturated with the germs of smallpox, typhus, dysentery, and all sorts of infectious and contagious diseases are treated in this way in siberia, and there is no reason why houses should not be so purified in cuba. general miles and his chief surgeon decided, however, that the whole village should be burned, and burned it was. the postal, telegraph, and signal-service officers were turned out of their quarters and put into tents; a yellow-fever camp was established in the hills about two miles north of siboney; more hospital tents and tent-flies were pitched along the sea-coast west of the notch; and as fast as sick and wounded soldiers could be removed from the condemned houses and put under canvas or sent to the yellow-fever camp, the houses were destroyed. in view of the fact that yellow fever had made its appearance in the army before santiago as well as at siboney, miss barton, acting under the advice and direction of major wood, chief surgeon of the first division hospital, abandoned the red cross station at the front, brought all its equipment and supplies back to the sea-coast, and put them again on board the _state of texas_. she also decided not to allow fever-stricken employees of the red cross to be cared for on board the steamer, and dr. and mrs. lesser and two nurses were therefore carried on their cots to a railroad-train and transported to the yellow-fever camp two miles away. i went through the fever hospital where they lay just before they were removed, and made up my mind--very ignorantly and presumptuously, perhaps--that neither they nor any of the patients whom i saw had yellow fever, either in a mild form or in any form whatever. they seemed to me to have nothing more than calenture, brought on by overwork, a malarious atmosphere, and a bad sanitary environment. mrs. white, who was also said to have yellow fever, recovered in three days, just in time to escape being sent to the yellow-fever camp with dr. and mrs. lesser. i have no doubt that there were some yellow-fever cases among the sick who were sent to the camp at the time when the village of siboney was burned, but i did not happen to see any of them, and it is the opinion of many persons who are far better qualified to judge than i, that yellow-fever cases and calenture cases were lumped together without much discrimination, and that the latter greatly outnumbered the former. on july the number of so-called yellow-fever cases exceeded one hundred, and the most energetic measures were being taken by the medical authorities on shore to prevent the further spread of the disease. everything that could possibly hold or transmit infection was burned, including my blankets, mackintosh-cape, etc., which i had accidentally left in the post-office overnight, as well as all the baggage and personal effects of the postal clerks. mr. brewer, the postmaster, died of the fever, mr. kempner, the assistant postmaster, was reduced to sleeping in a camp-chair out of doors without overcoat or blanket, and the telegraph and telephone operators worked night and day in a damp, badly ventilated tent, with their feet literally in pools of mud and water. on july we heard at siboney that santiago had surrendered, and on the following day we steamed down to the mouth of santiago harbor, with a faint hope that we might be permitted to enter. admiral sampson, however, informed us that the surrender, although agreed upon, had not yet taken place, and that it would be impossible for us to enter the harbor until after morro castle and the shore batteries had been evacuated. we then sailed for guantanamo bay, with the intention of landing more supplies for the refugees in that district; but inasmuch as we had been lying in the fever-infected port of siboney, captain mccalla, who came out to the mouth of the bay in a steam-launch to meet us, refused to take the supplies, and would not let us communicate with the shore. on the night of july , therefore, we returned to siboney, and at noon on the th we were again off morro castle, waiting for an opportunity to enter the harbor. chapter xiv entering santiago harbor as soon as possible after our return from guantanamo, miss barton sent a note to admiral sampson, on board the flagship _new york,_ saying that, as the inhabitants of the city were reported to be in a starving condition, she hoped that food would be allowed to go in with the forces. the admiral promptly replied: "the food shall enter in advance of the forces; you may go in this afternoon." almost any other naval commander, after destroying a hostile fleet and reducing all the batteries that defended a hostile city, would have wished to crown his victory and enjoy his triumph by entering the harbor in advance of all other vessels and on one of his own ships of war; but admiral sampson, with the modesty and generosity characteristic of a great and noble nature, waived his right to be the first to enter the city, and sent in the _state of texas_, flying the flag of the red cross and carrying food and relief for the wounded, the starving, and the dying. an officer from the _new york_ had been at work all day locating and removing the submarine mines in the narrow part of the channel just north of morro castle; but there were still four that had not been exploded. as they were electrical mines, however, and as the cables connecting them with the shore had been cut, they were no longer dangerous, and there was nothing to prevent the entrance of the _state of texas_ except the narrowness of the unobstructed part of the channel. the collier _merrimac_, sunk by lieutenant hobson and his men, was not in a position to interfere seriously with navigation. cervera's fleet ran out without any serious trouble on the western side of her, and there was no reason why admiral sampson, if he decided to force an entrance, should not run in, following the same course. in order to prevent this, the spaniards, on the night of july , attempted to sink the old war-ship _reina mercedes_ in such a position that she would close the channel at a point where it is very narrow, between the _merrimac_ and the entrance to the harbor. the ships of the blockading fleet, however, saw her coming out about midnight, turned their big guns upon her, and sank her with six-and eight-inch projectiles before she could get into position. she drifted around parallel with the shore, and lay half submerged on the eastern side of the channel, about one hundred and fifty yards from the entrance and three hundred or three hundred and fifty yards from the _merrimac_. at four o'clock admiral sampson sent lieutenant capehart on board the _state of texas_ to give captain young all necessary information with regard to the channel and the mines, and a few moments later, under the guidance of a cuban pilot, we steamed slowly in under the gray, frowning battlements of morro castle. as we approached it i had an opportunity to see, for the first time, the nature and extent of the damage done to it by the guns of admiral sampson's fleet, and i was glad to find that, although it had been somewhat battered on its southern or sea face, its architectural picturesqueness had not been destroyed or even seriously impaired. to an observer looking at it from the south, it has, in general outline, the appearance of three huge cubes or rectangular masses of gray masonry, put together in such a way that the largest cube occupies the crest of the bold, almost precipitous bluff which forms the eastern side of the entrance to the harbor, while the other two descend from it in colossal steps of diminishing size toward an escarpment in the hillside seventy-five or a hundred feet below, where appear five or six square, grated doors, leading, apparently, to a row of subterranean ammunition-vaults. underneath the escarpment is a zigzag flight of steps, screened at exposed points by what seem to be comparatively recent walls, or curtains of masonry, much lighter in color than the walls of the castle itself. still lower down, at the base of the bluff, are two or three huge, dark caves into which the swell of the caribbean sea rolls with a dull, reverberating roar. the height of the castle above the water appears to be one hundred and fifty or two hundred feet. there are very few embrasures, or port-holes, in the gray, lichen-stained walls of the old fortification, and, so far as i could see, it had no armament whatever except two or three guns mounted en barbette on the parapet of the uppermost cube, or bastion. as a defensive work the morro castle of santiago has no importance or significance whatever, and its complete destruction would not have made it any easier for admiral sampson to force an entrance to the harbor. it is the oldest morro, however, in cuba; and as a relic of the past, and an interesting and attractive feature in a landscape already picturesque, it has the highest possible value, and i am more than glad that it was not destroyed. there was no reason, really, for bombarding it at all, because it was perfectly harmless. the defenses of santiago that were really dangerous and effective were the submarine mines in the channel and the earthwork batteries east and west of the entrance to the harbor. morro was huge, formidable-looking, and impressive to the eye and the imagination, but the horizontal reddish streaks of freshly turned earth along the crests of the hills east and west of it had ten times its offensive power. i saw the last spanish soldier leave the castle at noon on sunday, and when we passed it, soon after four o'clock, its flag was gone, its walls were deserted, and buzzards were soaring in circles about its little corner turrets. about one hundred and fifty yards inside the entrance to the harbor we passed the wreck of the _reina mercedes_, lying close to the shore, on the right-hand side of the channel, with her port rail under water and her masts sloping at an angle of forty-five degrees to the westward. two brass-bound sea-chests and a pile of signal-flags were lying on her deck aft, and she had not been touched, apparently, since she was sunk by the guns of our battle-ships on the night of july . three hundred or three hundred and fifty yards farther in we passed what the sailors of the fleet call "hobson's choice," the steam-collier _merrimac_. she lay in deep water, about midway from shore to shore, and all that could be seen of her were the tops of her masts and about two feet of her smoke-stack. if the channel were narrow and were in the middle of the passage, she would have blocked it completely; but apparently it is wider than her length, and vessels drawing twenty feet or more of water could go around her without touching bottom. it is a little remarkable that both combatants should have tried to obstruct this channel and that neither should have succeeded. the location chosen by the spaniards seemed to me to be a better one than that selected by hobson; but it is so near the mouth of the harbor that the chance of reaching it with a vessel in the glare of our search-lights and under the fire of our guns was a very slight one. the _reina mercedes_ reached it, but was disabled before she could get into position.[ ] beyond the _merrimac_ the entrance to the harbor widens a little, but the shores continue high and steep for a distance of a mile or more. at intervals of a few hundred yards, however, beautiful deep coves run back into the high land on either side, and at the head of every one the eye catches a glimpse of a little settlement of half a dozen houses with red-tiled roofs, or a country villa shaded by palms and half hidden in shrubbery and flowers. one does not often see, in the tropics or elsewhere, a harbor entrance that is more striking and picturesque than the watery gateway which leads from the ocean to the spacious upper bay of santiago. it does not look like an inlet of the sea, but suggests rather a tranquil, winding river, shut in by high, steep ramparts of greenery, with here and there an opening to a beautiful lateral cove, where the dark masses of chaparral are relieved by clumps of graceful, white-stemmed palms and lighted up by the solid sheets of bright-red flowers which hide the foliage of the _flamboyam_, or flame-tree. as ours was the first vessel that had entered the harbor in nearly two months, and as we were flying the red cross flag, our arrival naturally caused great excitement in all the little settlements and at all the villas along the shores. men, women, and children ran down to the water's edge, waving their hats and handkerchiefs or brandishing their arms in joyous welcome, and even old, gray-haired, and feeble women, who could not get as far as the shore, stood in front of their little houses, now gazing at us in half-incredulous amazement, and then crossing themselves devoutly with bowed heads, as if thanking god that siege and starvation were over and help and food at hand. about half-way between morro castle and santiago there is a high, bare, flat-topped hill, or mesa, called the behia, on which there is a signal-station with a mast for the display of flags. just before this hill is reached the channel widens, and, as the steamer rounds a high, bold promontory, the beautiful upper bay comes into view, like a great placid lake framed in a magnificent amphitheater of mountains, with a fringe of cocoanut-palms here and there to break the level shore-line, and a few splashes of vivid red where flame-trees stand out in brilliant relief against the varied green of the mountain background. two miles away, on the eastern side of the harbor, appeared the city of santiago--a sloping expanse of red-tiled roofs, green mango-trees, and twin-belfried spanish churches, rising from the water's edge to the crest of a range of low hills which bound the bay on that side. a week or ten days earlier i had seen the town from the rifle-pits of the rough riders at the front of our army; but its appearance from the harbor was so different that i could hardly recognize it as the same place. seen from the intrenched hill occupied by general wheeler's brigade, it appeared to consist mainly of barracks, hospitals, and shed-like buildings flying the flag of the red cross, and had no beauty or picturesqueness whatever; but from the water it seemed to be rather an interesting and attractive spanish-american town. as we entered the upper bay and caught sight of the city, some of our red cross nurses who were standing with miss barton in a little group at the bow of the steamer felt impelled to give expression to their feelings in some way, and, acting upon a sudden impulse and without premeditation, they began to sing in unison "praise god, from whom all blessings flow." never before, probably, had the doxology been heard on the waters of santiago harbor, and it must have been more welcome music to the crowds assembling on shore than the thunder of admiral sampson's cannon and the jarring rattle of machine-guns from the advance line of our army. the doxology was followed by "my country, 'tis of thee," in which the whole ship's company joined with a thrill of patriotic pride; and to this music the _state of texas_ glided swiftly up the harbor to her anchorage. it was then about half-past five. the daily afternoon thunder-shower had just passed over the city, and its shadow still lay heavy on the splendid group of peaks west of the bay; but the light-green slopes of the grassy mountains to the eastward, as well as the red roofs and gray church steeples of the city, were bathed in the warm yellow light of the sinking sun. before we had fairly come to anchor, a great crowd had assembled on the pier nearest to us, and in less than five minutes half a dozen small boats were alongside, filled with people anxious to know whether we had brought food and when we would begin to distribute it. many of them said that they had not tasted bread in weeks, and all agreed that there was nothing to eat in the city except rice, and very little of that. we told them that we should begin discharging the cargo of the _state of texas_ early on the following morning and should be in a position to feed ten thousand people within the next twenty-four hours. the normal population of the city at that time was about fifty thousand, but a large part of it had fled to caney and other suburban villages to escape the bombardment, and more than half the houses were closed and deserted. general shafter had entered the city with a single regiment--the ninth infantry--at noon, and had raised the american flag over the palace of the spanish governor. chapter xv the captured city we lay at anchor all sunday night off the foot of the street known as calle baja de la marina, and early on monday morning steamed up to the most spacious and convenient pier in the city, made fast our lines, and began to discharge cargo. the dock and warehouse facilities of santiago are fairly good. they are not so extensive as those of an american seaport of equal importance, but so far as they go they leave little to be desired. the pier at which the _state of texas_ lay was spacious and well built; an iron tramway ran from it to the customs warehouse, and, with the help of one hundred stevedores, mr. warner, of miss barton's staff, found it possible to unload and store from three hundred and twenty-five to three hundred and fifty tons of foodstuffs per day. as soon as the steamer had made fast her lines a great crowd of forlorn-looking men and children, clothed in the loose, dirty white-cotton shirts and trousers and battered straw hats which make up the costume of the lower classes, assembled on the pier to stare at the newcomers and watch the unloading of the ship. they were of all ages and complexions, from coal-black, grizzle-headed old negroes leaning on canes to half-starved and half-naked cuban children, whose tallowy faces and distended abdomens were unmistakable evidences of fever and famine. they were not, as a rule, emaciated, nor did they seem to be in the last stages of starvation; but the eagerness with which they crowded about the open ports of the steamer, and watched the bags of beans, rice, and corn-meal as they were brought out by the stevedores and placed on the little flat-cars of the tramway, showed that at least they were desperately hungry. now and then a few beans, or a few grains of rice, would escape from one of the bags through a small rip or tear, and in an instant half a dozen little children would be scrambling for them, collecting them carefully one by one, and putting them into their hats or tying them up in their shirt-tails and the hems of their tattered frocks. in one instance half a bushel or more of corn-meal escaped from a torn bag and lay in a heap on the dirty pier. one of the prowling cuban boys espied it, gathered up a hatful of it, and then looked around for something in which he could put the remainder. failing to see anything that could be utilized as a receptacle, he seemed for a moment to be in despair; but presently a bright thought flashed into his mind, and was reflected in his thin, eager, street-arab face. taking out of his pocket two bits of dirty string, he tied his loose cotton trousers tightly around his ankles, and then, unbuttoning his waist-band, he began scooping up the corn-meal from the filthy planks and shoveling it into his baggy breeches. five minutes later he waddled off the pier in triumph, looking, so far as his legs were concerned, like a big, badly stuffed sawdust doll, or a half-starved gamin suffering from elephantiasis. as the day advanced, the number of men and children who crowded about the steamer watching for opportunities to pilfer or pick up food became so great that it was necessary to clear the pier and put a guard of soldiers there to exclude the public altogether. then the hungry people formed in a dense mass in the street opposite the steamer, and stood there in the blazing sunshine for hours, watching the little flat-cars loaded with provisions as they were rolled past to the warehouse. from an english cable-operator, who came down to the pier, we learned that for weeks there had been nothing in the city to eat except rice, and that the supply even of that was limited. hard-bread crackers had sold as high as one dollar apiece and canned meat at four dollars a can, and many well-to-do families had not tasted bread, meat, or milk in more than a month. although there was said to be little or no yellow fever in santiago, the captain of the _state of texas_ decided to quarantine the steamer against the shore, and gave notice to all on board that if any person left the ship he could not return to it. this made going ashore a serious matter, because there was virtually nothing to eat in the city, and no place for a stranger to stay, and if one cut loose from the steamer he might find himself without shelter and without any means whatever of subsistence. we had on board, fortunately, a young american named elwell, who had lived several years in santiago, and was well acquainted not only with its resources, but with a large number of its citizens. he said that there was a club there known as the anglo-american club, organized and supported by the foreign merchants of the city and the english cable-operators. of this club he was one of the organizers and charter members, and although it had been closed during the blockade and siege, it would probably be reopened at once, and with an introduction from him i could get a room in it. he doubted whether the steward could give me anything to eat, but i could take food enough with me to last for a day or two, and as soon as possible arrangements would be made to supply the club with provisions from the _state of texas_. encouraged by this statement of the possibilities, i decided on tuesday morning to abandon the steamer and trust myself to the tender mercies of the city and the anglo-american club. hastily packing up a couple of hand-bags, and hiring a ragged, dirty cuban to carry them and act in the capacity of guide, i left the ship, elbowed my way through the crowd of people at the head of the pier, and entered one of the narrow, ill-paved, and incredibly dirty streets which lead upward from the water-front to the higher part of the city. the first impression made by santiago upon the newcomer in july, , was one of dirt, disorder, and neglect. it always had the reputation of being the dirtiest city in cuba, and at the time of the surrender it was at its worst. i hardly know how to give an adequate idea of it to one who is not familiar with spanish-american cities and architecture, but i will try. in the first place, the site of the city is the slope of a hill which falls rather steeply to the water on the eastern side of the bay. the most important streets, such as enramadas and calle baja de la marina, extend up and down the slope at right angles to the water-front, and are crossed at fairly regular intervals by narrower streets or alleys running horizontally along the hillside, following its contour and dipping down here and there into the gullies or ravines which stretch from the crest of the hill to the shore of the bay. as a result of the natural configuration of the ground there is hardly a street in the city that is even approximately level except the wide boulevard which forms the water-front. the east and west streets climb a rather steep grade from this boulevard to the crest of the elevation, and the north and south streets run up and down over the ridges and into the gullies of the undulating slope, so that wherever one goes one finds one's self either ascending or descending a hill. the widest streets in the city--exclusive of the cristina boulevard--are hardly more than thirty feet from curb to curb, and the narrowest do not exceed fifteen. the pavements at the time of my visit were made of unbroken stones and rocks from the size of one's fist to the size of a bushel-basket; the sidewalks averaged from two to three and a half feet in width, and the gutters were open drains, broken here and there by holes and pockets filled with decaying garbage and dirty, foul-smelling water. piles of mango-skins, ashes, old bones, filthy rags, dung, and kitchen refuse of all sorts lay here and there on the broken and neglected pavements, poisoning the air with foul exhalations and affording sustenance to hundreds of buzzards and myriads of flies; little rills of foul, discolored water trickled into the open gutters at intervals from the kitchens and cesspools of the adjoining houses; every hole and crevice in the uneven pavement was filled with rotting organic matter washed down from the higher levels by the frequent rains, and when the sea-breeze died away at night the whole atmosphere of the city seemed to be pervaded by a sickly, indescribable odor of corruption and decay. i had expected, as a matter of course, to find santiago in bad sanitary condition, but i must confess that i felt a little sinking of the heart when i first breathed that polluted air and realized that for me there was no return to the ship and that i must henceforth eat, work, and sleep in that fever-breeding environment. in a long and tolerably varied experience in russia, the caucasus, asia minor, and european turkey, i have never seen streets so filthy as in some parts of this cuban city, nor have i ever encountered such a variety of abominable stenches as i met with in the course of my short walk from the steamer to the anglo-american club. the houses and shops which stood along these narrow, dirty streets were generally one story in height, with red-tiled roofs, high, blank walls of stuccoed or plastered brick covered with a calcimine wash of pale blue or dirty yellow, large, heavy plank doors, and equally large, unglazed windows protected by prison gratings of iron bars and closed with tight inner shutters. there were no trees in the streets,--at least, in the business part of the city,--no yards in front of the houses, no shop-windows for the display of goods, and no windows of glass even in the best private houses. i cannot remember to have seen a pane of window-glass in this part of cuba. the windows of both shops and houses were mere rectangular openings in the wall, six feet by ten or twelve feet in size, filled with heavy iron gratings or protected by ornamental metal scrollwork embedded all around in the solid masonry. these barred windows, with the heavy plank doors, thick stuccoed walls, and complete absence of architectural ornament, made the narrow, muddy streets look almost as gloomy and forbidding as if they were shut in by long rows of russian prisons. the natural gloominess of the city, due to the narrowness of the streets and the character of the architecture, was heightened at the time of the surrender by the absence of a large part of the population and the consequent shutting up of more than half the houses. thousands of men, women, and children had fled to caney and other suburban villages to escape the bombardment, and the long rows of closed and empty houses in some of the streets suggested a city stricken by pestilence and abandoned. at the time when we landed there was not a shop or a store open in any part of santiago. here and there one might see a colored woman peering out through the grated window of a private house, or two or three naked children with tallowy complexions and swollen abdomens playing in the muddy gutter, but as a rule the houses were shut and barred and the streets deserted. the first pleasant impression that i received in santiago was made by the anglo-american club. it was situated on a narrow, dirty street behind the spanish theater, in a very low, disreputable part of the city, and did not impress me, at first sight, as being likely to afford even the ordinary necessaries and comforts of life, much less the luxuries and conveniences suggested to the mind of a city man by the word "club." but external appearance in a spanish-american city is often deceptive, and it was so in this case. opposite the rear or stage entrance of the theater, where half a dozen soldiers of the ninth infantry were cooking breakfast in the street, my ragged cuban guide turned into a dark vaulted passage which looked as if it might be one of the approaches to a jail. "it can't be possible," i said to myself, "that this damp, gloomy tunnel is the entrance to a club; the guide must have misunderstood the directions given him." but the guide was right. at a distance of thirty-five or forty feet from the street the vaulted passage opened into a paved patio, or court,--a sort of large, square well,--in the center of which stood a green, thrifty, broad-leaved banana-tree, fifteen or twenty feet in height. from the corners of this court, on the side opposite the street entrance, two broad flights of steps led up to what seemed to be a hanging garden of greenery and flowers, shut in on all sides by piazzas and galleries. climbing one of these flights of steps, i found myself in a second and higher patio, shaded by large mango-and mamonilla-trees, brightened by borders of flowering shrubs and plants, and filled with the fragrance of roses, geraniums, and pomegranate blossoms. the transition from the heat, filth, and sickening odors of the narrow street to the seclusion and shady coolness of this flower-scented patio was as delightful as it was sudden and unexpected. i could hardly have been more surprised if i had entered what i supposed to be a siberian forwarding prison, and found myself in a conservatory of tropical plants and flowers. around three sides of the patio were spacious piazzas in two tiers, and upon these piazzas opened the living-rooms of the club,--about twenty in number,--like the boxes or stalls in the galleries of a european theater. on the southern side of the patio was a large dining-room, and beyond this, occupying the whole width of the building and overlooking the street from a projecting balcony, was the reading-room. this was a high, cool, spacious apartment comfortably furnished with easy-chairs, pictures, maps, hanging book-cases, a big library table covered with periodicals, and an american piano. the periodicals were not of very recent date, and the piano was somewhat out of tune, but i was so delighted with the shady, flower-bordered courtyard and the comfort and apparent cleanliness of the club as a whole that i felt no disposition to be hypercritical. to find such a haven of refuge at all in a city like santiago was unexpected good fortune. to one who is unfamiliar with the distinctive peculiarities of spanish-american architecture, nothing, at first, is more surprising than the contrast between the gloomy and unpromising exterior of a cuban residence and the luxury and architectural beauty which one often finds hidden behind its grated windows and thick stuccoed walls. it is more surprising and striking in santiago, perhaps, than in most spanish-american cities, on account of the narrowness and filthiness of the streets on which the houses even of the wealthiest citizens stand. in the course of the first week that i spent in the city i had occasion to enter a number of spanish houses of the better class, and i never failed to experience a little shock of surprise when i went from what looked like a dirty and neglected back alley into what seemed to be a jail, and found myself suddenly in a beautiful moorish court, paved with marble, shaded by graceful, feathery palms, cooled by a fountain set in an oasis of greenery and flowers, and surrounded by rows of slender stone columns, and piazzas twenty-five feet in width. the wealthy spaniard or cuban wastes no money in beautifying the outside of his house, because, standing as it does on a narrow, dirty street, it cannot be made attractive or imposing by any possible method of architectural treatment; but upon the ornamentation and embellishment of the patio, or interior court, he lavishes all his taste and skill. the patio of the anglo-american club was not nearly as large and attractive as the courtyards of private residences on heredia street, to which i gained access later, but as it was the first house of the kind that i had seen in cuba, it made a very pleasant impression upon me. upon presentation of my introduction from mr. elwell, the steward gave me one of the best rooms in the club, but said that it would be impossible to furnish me with food until he could get a cook and servants. the club had been closed for weeks; all of its employees had fled from the city, and he had been left entirely alone. i told him that i would try to forage for myself,--at least, for the present,--and that, if worst should come to worst, i could live two or three days on the hard bread and baked beans that i had brought with me from the ship. refreshing myself with a bath, a cracker of hard bread, and a drink of lukewarm tea from my canteen, i left my baggage in the steward's care and set out to explore the city. the only part of santiago which then presented anything like a clean and civilized appearance is that which adjoins the so-called "palace" of the spanish governor, on the crest of the hill at the head of marina street. there, around a small, dusty, bush-planted plaza, or park, stand the governor's residence, the old twin-belfried cathedral, the san carlos or cuban club, the "venus" restaurant, the post-office, and a few other public or semi-public buildings which make some pretensions to architectural dignity. with the exception of the massive stone cathedral, however, they are all low, one-story or two-story brick houses covered with dirty white stucco, and would be regarded anywhere except in santiago as cheap, ugly, and insignificant. in the course of my walk from the club to the plaza i met a few cuban negroes in dirty white-cotton shirts and trousers, and half a dozen or more pale-faced spanish soldiers, but the streets in that part of the city seemed to be almost wholly deserted. beyond the plaza, however, on enramadas street, i began to meet the stream of destitute refugees returning to the city from caney, and a more dirty, hungry, sick, and dejected-looking horde of people i had never seen. when general shafter gave notice to the spanish military authorities that if santiago were not surrendered it would be bombarded, fifteen thousand men, women, and children abandoned their homes and fled, most of them on foot, to various suburban villages north of the city. most of these fugitives went to caney, where, for nearly two weeks, they camped out in the streets, suffering everything that human beings can suffer from hunger, sickness, and exposure. both general shafter and the red cross made every possible effort to relieve them by sending provisions to them from siboney; but the distance from that base of supplies was fifteen miles or more over a terrible road, the number of horses and mules available for transportation was hardly adequate to supply even our own army with ammunition and food, and the most that could be done for the refugees at caney was to keep them from actually starving to death. hundreds of them perished, but they died from exposure, exhaustion, and sickness, rather than from starvation. as soon as santiago surrendered, these fugitives began to stream back into the city, and it was the advance-guard of them that i met on enramadas street on tuesday morning. they represented both sexes, all ages, all complexions, and all classes of the population, from poor cuban or negro women carrying huge bundles on their heads and leading three or four half-naked children, to cultivated, delicately nurtured, english-speaking ladies, wading through the mud in bedraggled white gowns, carrying nothing, perhaps, except a kitten or a cage of pet birds. many of them were so ill and weak from dysentery or malarial fever that they could hardly limp along, even with the support of a cane, and all of them looked worn, exhausted, and emaciated to the last degree. hundreds of these refugees died, after their return to santiago, from diseases contracted in caney, and if it had not been for the prompt relief given them by the red cross as soon as they reached the city, they would have perished by the thousand. with the aid and coöperation of mr. ramsden, son of the british consul, mr. michelson, a wealthy resident merchant, and two or three other foreign residents of santiago, miss barton opened a soup-kitchen on shore, as soon as provisions enough had been landed from the _state of texas_ to make a beginning, and before tuesday night the representatives of the red cross had given bread and hot soup to more than ten thousand sick and half-starved people, most of them returned refugees from caney, who could not get a mouthful to eat elsewhere in the city, and who were literally perishing from hunger and exhaustion. chapter xvi the feeding of the hungry the problem of supplying myself with food and drink in the half-starved city of santiago, after the steamer had been quarantined against me, proved to be even more serious than i had anticipated. in my walk up marina and enramadas streets and out to the caney road on tuesday forenoon i passed two or three restaurants bearing such seductive and tantalizing names as "venus," "nectar," and "delicias," etc., but they were all closed, and in a stroll of two miles through the heart of the city i failed to discover any food more "delicious" than a few half-ripe mangoes in the dirty basket of a cuban fruit-peddler, or any "nectar" more drinkable than the water which ran into the gutter, here and there, from the broken or leaky pipes of the city water-works. hot, tired, and dispirited, i returned about noon to the anglo-american club, took another drink of lukewarm tea from my canteen, nibbled a piece of hard bread, and opened a can of baked beans. the beans proved to be flavored with tomato sauce, which i dislike; the hard bread was stale and tasted of the haversack in which i had brought it ashore; and the tea was neither strong enough to inebriate nor yet cool enough to cheer. there did not seem to be any encouraging probability that i should be fed by cuban ravens or nourished by manna from the blazing cuban skies, and in the absence of some such miraculous interposition of providence i should evidently have either to go with a tin cup to the red cross soup-kitchen and beg for a portion of soup on the ground that i was a destitute and starving reconcentrado, or else return to the pier where the _state of texas_ lay, hail somebody on deck, and ask to have food lowered to me over the ship's side. i could certainly drink a cup of coffee and eat a plate of corned-beef hash on the dock without serious danger of infecting the ship with yellow fever, typhus, cholera, or smallpox; and if the captain should object to my being fed in that way on the ground that the ship's dishes might be contaminated by my feverish touch, i was fully prepared to put my pride in my pocket and meekly receive my rations in an old tomato-can or a paper bag tied to the end of a string. with all due respect for red cross soup, and the most implicit confidence in red cross soup-kitchens, i inclined to the belief that i should fare better if i got my nourishment from the _state of texas_--even at the end of a string--than if i went to the cuban soup-kitchen and claimed food as a reconcentrado, a refugee, or a repentant prodigal son. in the greasy, weather-stained suit of brown canvas and mud-bespattered pith helmet that i had worn at the front, i might play any one of these roles with success, and my forlorn and disreputable appearance would doubtless secure for me at least two tincupfuls of soup; but what i longed for most was coffee, and that beverage was not to be had in the cuban soup-kitchen. i resolved, therefore, to go to the pier, affirm with uplifted hand that i was not suffering from yellow fever, typhus fever, remittent fever, malarial fever, pernicious fever, cholera, or smallpox, and beg somebody to lower to me over the ship's side a cup of coffee in an old tomato-can and a mutton-chop at the end of a fishing-line. i was ready to promise that i would immediately fumigate the fishing-line and throw the empty tomato-can into the bay, so that the _state of texas_ should not run the slightest risk of becoming infected with the diseases that i did not have. about half-past one, when i thought miss barton and her staff would have finished their luncheon, i walked down gallo street to the pier where the steamer was discharging her cargo, hailed a sailor on deck, and asked him if he would please tell mrs. porter (wife of the hon. j. addison porter, secretary to the president) that a cuban refugee in distress would like to speak to her at the ship's side. in two or three minutes mrs. porter's surprised but sympathetic face appeared over the steamer's rail twenty-five or thirty feet above my head. raising my voice so as to make it audible above the shouting of the stevedores, the snorting of the donkey-engine, and the rattle of the hoisting-tackle, i told her that i had not been able to find anything to eat in the city, and asked her if she would not please get my table-steward "tommy" to lower to me over the ship's side a few slices of bread and butter and a cup of coffee. a half-shocked and half-indignant expression came into her face as she mentally grasped the situation, and she replied with emphasis: "certainly! just wait a minute." she rushed back into the cabin to call tommy, while i sat down on a bag of beans with the comforting assurance that if i did not get something to eat that afternoon there would be a fracas on the _state of texas_. mrs. porter evidently regarded it as an extraordinary state of affairs which forced the vice-president of the red cross to go hungry in a starving city because a ship flying the red cross flag refused to allow him on board. in five minutes more tommy appeared in the starboard gangway of the main-deck, and lowered down to me on a tray a most appetizing lunch of bread and butter, cold meats, fried potatoes, preserved peaches, ice-water, and coffee. i resumed my seat on the bag of beans, holding the tray on my knees, and gave myself up to the enjoyment of the first meal i had had in santiago, and the best one, it seemed to me, that ever gladdened the heart of a hungry human being in any city. the temperature in the fierce sunshine which beat down on my back was at least ° f.; the cold meats were immediately warmed up, the butter turned to a yellowish fluid which could have been applied to bread only with a paint-brush, and perspiration ran off my nose into my coffee-cup as i drank; but the coffee and the fried potatoes kept hot without the aid of artificial appliances, and i emptied the glass of ice-water in two or three thirsty gulps before it had time to come to a boil. mrs. porter watched me with sympathetic interest, as if she were enjoying my lunch even more than she had enjoyed her own, and when i had finished she said: "it is absurd that you should have to take your meals on that hot, dirty pier; but if you'll come down every day and call for me, i'll see that you get enough to eat, even if they don't allow you on board." all the rest of that week i slept in the anglo-american club and took my meals on the pier of the juragua iron company, mrs. porter keeping me abundantly supplied with food, while i tried to make my society an equivalent for my board by furnishing her, three times a day, with the news of the city. getting my meals in a basket or on a tray over the ship's side and eating them alone on the pier was rather humiliating at first, and made me feel, for a day or two, like a homeless tramp subsisting on charity; but when general wood, the military governor of the city, and dr. van de water, chaplain of the seventy-first new york, came down to the _state of texas_ one afternoon to see mrs. porter and were not allowed to go on board, even for a drink of water, my self-respect was measurably restored. dr. van de water had walked into the city from the camp of his regiment, a distance of two or three miles, in the fierce tropical sunshine, and was evidently suffering acutely from fatigue and thirst; but the _state of texas_, where, under the red cross flag, he naturally expected to find rest and refreshment, was barred against him, and he had to get his drink of water, as i got my daily bread, over the ship's side. the quarantine of the steamer against the shore would perhaps have been a little more consistent, as well as more effective, if the officers who superintended the unloading and storing of the cargo had not been permitted to visit every day the lowest and dirtiest part of the city and then return to the steamer to eat and sleep, and if the crew had not been allowed to roam about the streets in search of adventures at night; but i suppose it was found impracticable to enforce the quarantine against everybody, and the most serious and threatening source of infection was removed, of course, when general wood, dr. van de water, and the vice-president of the red cross were rigidly excluded from the ship. while i was living at the anglo-american club and boarding on the pier of the juragua iron company the deserted and half-dead city of santiago was slowly awakening to life and activity. the empty streets filled gradually with american soldiers, paroled spanish prisoners, and returning fugitives from caney; shops that had long been shut and barred were thrown open under the assurance of protection given by the american flag; kerosene-lamps on brackets fastened to the walls of houses at the corners of the narrow streets were lighted at night so that pedestrians could get about without danger of tumbling into holes or falling over garbage-heaps; government transports suddenly made their appearance in the bay, and as many of them as could find accommodation at the piers began to discharge cargo; six-mule army wagons rumbled and rattled over the rough cobblestone pavements as they came in from the camps after supplies; hundreds of hungry and destitute cubans were set at work cleaning the filthy streets; and in less than a week santiago had assumed something like the appearance that it must have presented before the siege and capture. the thing that it needed most in the first fortnight after the surrender was a hotel, and a hotel it did not have. newspaper correspondents, officers who had come into the city from the camps, and passengers landed from the steamers had no place to go for food or shelter, and many of them were forced to bivouac in the streets. captain william astor chanler, for example, tied his saddle-horse to his leg one night and lay down to sleep on the pavement of the plaza in front of the old cathedral. the urgent need of a hotel finally compelled the steward of the anglo-american club to throw open its twenty or more rooms to army officers, cable-operators, and newspaper correspondents who had no other place to stay, and to make an attempt, at least, to supply them with food. a few cases of canned meat and beans and a barrel of hard bread were obtained from the storehouse of the red cross; a cook and three or four negro waiters were hired; and before the end of the first week after the capture of the city the club was furnishing two meals a day to as many guests as its rooms would accommodate, and had become the most interesting and attractive place of social and intellectual entertainment to be found on the island. one might meet there, almost any night, english war correspondents who had campaigned in india, egypt, and the sudan; cuban sympathizers from the united states who had served in the armies of gomez and garcia; old indian fighters and ranch-men from our western plains and mountains; wealthy new york club-men in the brown-linen uniform of roosevelt's rough riders; naval officers from the fleet of admiral sampson; and speculators, coffee-planters, and merchant adventurers from all parts of the western hemisphere. one could hardly ask a question with regard to any part of the habitable globe or any event of modern times that somebody in the club could not answer with all the fullness of personal knowledge, and the conversation around the big library table in the evening was more interesting and entertaining than any talk that i had heard in months. but the evenings were not always given up wholly to conversation. sometimes mr. cobleigh of the new york "world," who had a very good tenor voice, would seat himself at the piano and sing "white wings," "say au revoir, but not good-by," or "the banks of the wabash," and then mr. cox, resident manager of the spanish-american iron-mines, would take cobleigh's place at the instrument and lead the whole assembled company in "john brown's body," "my country, 't is of thee," and "the star-spangled banner," until the soldiers of the ninth infantry, quartered in the old theater across the way, would join in the chorus, and a great wave of patriotic melody would roll down gallo street to the bay, and out over the tranquil water to the transports lying at anchor half a mile away. sitting in that cheerful, comfortably furnished club-room under the soft glow of incandescent electric lights, and listening to the bright, animated conversation, the laughter, and the old familiar music, i found it almost impossible to realize that i was in the desperately defended and recently captured city of santiago, where the whole population was in a state of semi-starvation, where thousands of sick or wounded were languishing in crowded hospitals and barracks, and where, within a few days, i had seen destitute and homeless cubans dying of fever in the streets. miss barton began the work of relieving the wide-spread distress and destitution in santiago with characteristic promptness and energy. to feed twenty or thirty thousand people at once, with the limited facilities and the small working force at her command, and to do it systematically and economically, without wastefulness and without confusion, was a herculean task; but it was a task with which experience and training in many fields had made her familiar, and she set about it intelligently and met the difficulties of the situation with admirable tact and judgment. her first step was to ask the ablest, most influential, and most respected citizens of santiago to consult with her with regard to ways and means and to give her the benefit of their local knowledge and experience. the object of this was to secure the coöperation and support of the best elements of the population, and strengthen the working force of the red cross by adding to it a local contingent of volunteer assistants who were thoroughly acquainted with the city and its inhabitants and who would be able to detect and prevent fraud or imposition. there was danger, of course, that people who did not need food, or were not entitled to it, would seek to obtain it on false pretenses, and that others, who perhaps were really in distress, would try to get more food than they actually required in order that they might make a little money by selling the surplus. in anticipation of this danger, miss barton decided to put the distribution of food largely under local control. in the first place, a central committee of three was appointed to exercise general supervision over the whole work. the members of this committee were mr. ramsden, son of the british consul; mr. michelson, a wealthy and philanthropic merchant engaged in business in santiago; and a prominent cuban gentleman whose name i cannot now recall. this committee divided the city into thirty districts, and notified the residents of each district that they would be expected to elect or appoint a commissioner who should represent them in all dealings with the red cross, who should make all applications for relief in their behalf, and who should personally superintend the distribution of all food allotted to them on requisitions approved by the central committee. this scheme of organization and distribution was intelligently and judiciously devised, and it worked to the satisfaction of all. every commissioner was instructed to make a requisition for food in writing, according to a prescribed form, stating the number and the names of heads of families needing relief in his district, the number of persons in each family, and the amount of food required for the district as a whole and for each family or individual in detail. the commissioner then appended to the requisition a certificate to the effect that the petitioners named therein were known to him and that he believed they were really in need of the quantities of food for which they respectively made application. the requisition then went to the central committee, and when approved by it was filled at the red cross warehouse and retained there as a voucher. i heard it asserted in santiago more than once that food issued by the red cross to people who were supposed to be starving had afterward been sold openly on the street by hucksters, and had even been carried on pack-mules in comparatively large quantities to suburban villages and sold there; but i doubt very much the truth of this assertion. miss barton caused an investigation to be made of several such cases of alleged fraud, and found in every instance that the food said to have been obtained from the red cross had really come from some other source, chiefly from soldiers and government transports, whose provisions, of course, could not be distinguished from ours after they had been taken out of the original packages. be this, however, as it may, the checks upon fraud and imposition in the red cross scheme of distribution were as efficient as the nature of the circumstances would allow, and i doubt whether the loss through fraudulent applications or through collusion between commissioners and applicants amounted to one tenth of one per cent. the red cross furnished food in bulk to thirty-two thousand half-starved people in the first five days after santiago surrendered, and in addition thereto fed ten thousand people every day in the soup-kitchens managed by mr. michelson. i do not wish to make any unjust or invidious comparisons, but i cannot refrain from saying, nevertheless, that i did not happen to see any united states quartermaster in cuba who, in the short space of five days, had unloaded and stored fourteen hundred tons of cargo, given hot soup daily to ten thousand soldiers, and supplied an army of thirty-two thousand men with ten days' rations. it is a record, i think, of which miss barton has every reason to be proud. but her beneficent work was not confined to the mere feeding of the hungry in santiago. she sent large quantities of cereals, canned goods, and hospital supplies to our own soldiers in the camps on the adjacent hills; she furnished medicines and food for sick and wounded to the spanish prison camp as well as to the spanish army hospital, the civil hospital, and the children's hospital in the city; she directed dr. soyoso of her medical staff to open a clinic and dispensary, where five surgeons and two nurses gave medical or surgical aid to more than three thousand sick or sickening people every day; she sent hundreds of tons of ice from the schooner _morse_ to the hospitals, the camps, and the transports going north with sick and wounded soldiers; she put up tents to shelter fever-stricken spanish prisoners from the tropical sunshine while they were waiting to be taken on board the vessels that were to carry them back to spain; and in every way possible, and with all the facilities that she had, she tried to alleviate the suffering caused by neglect, incompetence, famine, and war. chapter xvii morro castle in the course of the first week after i landed in santiago, i made a number of interesting excursions to points in the vicinity of the harbor, for the purpose of ascertaining the real nature and strength of the spanish fortifications and intrenchments. from the front of our army, after the battle of july - , i had carefully examined, with a strong glass, the blockhouses and rifle-pits which defended the city on the land side; and from the bridge of the _state of texas_, two weeks later, i had obtained a general idea of the appearance of morro castle and the batteries at the mouth of the harbor which protected the city from an attack by water; but i was not satisfied with this distant and superficial inspection. external appearances are often deceptive, and forts or earthworks that look very formidable and threatening from the front, and at a distance of half a mile, may prove to have little real strength when seen from the other side and at a distance of only a few yards. i wished, therefore, to get into these forts and batteries before any changes had been made in them, and before their guns had been removed or touched, so that i might see how strong they really were and how much damage had been done to them by the repeated bombardments to which they had been subjected. the first excursion that i made was to morro castle and the fortifications at the entrance to the harbor. it was my intention to start at a.m., so as to reach the castle before it should get uncomfortably hot; but as i had no alarm-clock, and as no one in the club ever thought of getting up before six, i very naturally overslept myself, and by the time i had dressed, eaten a hasty breakfast of oatmeal, hard bread, and tea, and filled my canteen with boiled water, it was after seven. the air ought to have been fresh and cool even then; but on the southeastern coast of cuba the change from the damp chilliness of night to the torrid heat of the tropical day is very rapid, and if there is no land-breeze, the rays of the unclouded sun, even as early as seven o'clock in the morning, have a fierce, scorching intensity that is hardly less trying than the heat of noon. the only really cool part of the day is from four to six o'clock in the morning. i put a can of baked beans and a-few crackers of hard bread into my haversack for lunch, threw the strap of my field-glass over my shoulder, took my canteen in my hand, and hurried down gallo street to the pier of the juragua iron company, where i had engaged a colored cuban fisherman to meet me with a sail-boat at a.m. he had been waiting for me, patiently or impatiently, more than three hours; but he merely looked at me reproachfully, and pointed to the sun, as if to say, "you agreed to be here at daybreak, and now see where the sun is." i laid my head down sidewise on the palm of my hand, shut my eyes, snored vociferously, and explained to him in russian that i had overslept myself. i was gratified to see that he understood my russian perfectly. in communicating with cubans and spaniards i have always made it a practice to address them in russian, for the obvious reason that, as they are foreigners, and russian is a foreign tongue, they must necessarily understand that language a little better than they could possibly understand english. it may seem like an absurd idea, but i have no hesitation in saying that a skilful and judicious combination of russian with the sign-language is a good deal more intelligible to a cuban fisherman than either pidgin-english or volapük. voltaire once cynically remarked that "paternosters will shave if said over a good razor." so russian will convey a perfectly clear idea to a cuban fisherman if accompanied by a sufficiently pictorial pantomime. i tried it repeatedly on my boatman, and became convinced that if i only spoke russian a little more grammatically, and gesticulated the sign-language a little more fluently, i could explain to him the outlines of cosmic philosophy and instruct him in the doctrines of esoteric buddhism. i never should have got to morro castle and back with him if i had not been able to draw diagrams in the air with both hands and my head simultaneously, and then explain them to him in colloquial russian. the surface of the bay, as we pushed off from the pier, was almost as smooth and glassy as an expanse of oil; and although my negro boatman whistled persuasively for a breeze, after the manner of sailors, and even ejaculated something that sounded suspiciously like "come up 'leven!" as he bent to his clumsy oars, he could not coax the cuban Æolus to unloose the faintest zephyr from the cave of the winds in the high blue mountains north of the city. he finally suspended his whistling to save his breath, wiped his sweaty face on his shirt-sleeve, and made a few cursory remarks in spanish to relieve his mind and express his unfavorable opinion of the weather. i shared his feelings, even if i could not adopt his language, and, pantomimically wringing the perspiration out of my front hair, i remarked in russian that it was _zharko_ (hot). encouraged by what he took for sympathetic and responsive profanity on my side, he scowled fiercely and exclaimed, "mucha sol--damn!" whereupon we smiled reciprocally and felt much cooler. we crept slowly down the eastern side of the bay, past the conical hill crowned with a cubical blockhouse which marks the southern boundary of the city, around the end of the long iron trestle of the juragua iron company, past the flat-topped mesa on which stands the harbor signal-station, and finally into the narrow neck of the santiago water-bottle which hobson vainly tried to cork with the collier _merrimac_. from this point of view we could see, between the steep bluffs which form the entrance to the bay, a narrow strip of blue, sunlit ocean, and on its left the massive gray bastions of morro castle, projecting in a series of huge steps, like ledges or terraces of natural rock, from the crest of the eastern promontory. all the maps of santiago harbor that i have seen show another castle, called socapa, nearly opposite morro on the western side of the channel; but i have never been able to discover it. if it still exists, it must be in ruins and so overgrown with vegetation as to be completely hidden. the only fortification i could find on that side of the bay is the so-called "western battery," a recently constructed earthwork situated on the crest of the long, flat-topped hill which forms the outer coast-line. this earthwork could never have been known as a "castle"; it is at least three hundred yards west of the point indicated on the map as the site of socapa, and it cannot be seen at all from the channel, or even from the highest parapet of morro. unless socapa castle, therefore, is so small and inconspicuous as to have escaped my notice, it must have fallen into ruins or been destroyed. there is no castle on the western side of the entrance now that can be seen from the water, from the estrella battery, or from morro. after passing cayo smith, the sunken collier _merrimac_, and the dismantled wreck of the _reina mercedes_, we turned abruptly to the left, opposite the estrella battery, and entered a deep, sheltered cove, directly behind the morro promontory and almost under the massive walls of the castle itself. landing at a little wooden pier on the northern side of the miniature bay, i walked up to the road leading to the estrella battery, and there stopped and looked about me. the cove was completely shut in by high hills, and the only road or path leading out of it, so far as i could see, was the one on which i stood. this began, apparently, at the estrella battery, ran around the head of the cove, and then, turning to the right, climbed the almost precipitous side of the morro promontory, in a long, steep slant, to a height of one hundred and fifty feet. there it made another turn which carried it out of sight behind a buttress of rock under the northwestern corner of the castle. near the mouth of the cove, on my right, rose the white, crenellated, half-ruined wall of the estrella battery--a dilapidated open stone fort of the eighteenth century, which contained no guns, and which, judging from its appearance, had long been abandoned. it occupied, however, a very strong position, and if the spaniards had had any energy or enterprise they would have put it in repair and mounted in it a modern mortar which lay on a couple of skids near the pier, and two or three small rapid-fire guns which they might have obtained from one of admiral cervera's cruisers. antiquated and obsolete as it was, it might then have been of some use. near the head of the cove was an old ordnance storehouse, or magazine, which proved upon examination to contain nothing more interesting than a few ancient gun-carriages, a lot of solid six-inch projectiles, an assortment of rammers and spongers for muzzle-loading cannon, and a few wooden boxes of brass-jacketed cartridges for remington rifles. three long smooth-bore iron culverins lay on the ground between this magazine and the pier, but they had not been fired, apparently, in a century, and were so eaten and pitted by rust that i could not find on them any trace of inscription or date. there was nothing really useful, effective, or modern, either in the estrella battery or in the magazine, except the remington rifle-cartridges and the unmounted mortar. finding nothing else of interest in the vicinity of the cove, i started up the road that led to the front or western face of morro castle. i call it a "road" by courtesy, because it did show some signs of labor and engineering skill; but it was broken every few yards into rude steps by transverse ledges of tough, intractable rock, and how any wheeled vehicle could ever have been drawn up it i cannot imagine. the fringe of plants, bushes, and low trees that bordered this road was bright with flowers, among which i noticed the white spider-lily (apparently a variety of _cleome pungens_), the so-called "cuban rose" (a flower that flaunts the scarlet and yellow of the spanish flag and looks a little like _potentilla la vésuve_), and a beautiful climbing vine with large violet blossoms which resembled in shape and color the butterfly-pea (_centrosema_). in and out among these plants and bushes ran nimble lizards of at least half a dozen different kinds: lizards that carried their tails curled up over their backs like pug-dogs; lizards that amused themselves by pushing out a whitish, crescent-shaped protuberance from under their throats and then drawing it in again; lizards that changed color while i watched them; and big gray iguanas, two or three feet in length, which, although perfectly harmless, looked ugly and malevolent enough to be classed with cuban land-crabs and tarantulas. i saw no animals except these lizards, and no birds except the soaring vultures, which are never absent from cuban skies, and which hang in clouds over every battle-field, fort, city, and village on the island. the road from the head, of the estrella cove to the crest of the morro promontory forks at a distance of seventy-five or one hundred yards from the cable-house, one branch of it turning to the left and climbing a steep grade to the summit of the ridge east of the castle, where stand the lighthouse and the barracks, while the other branch goes straight on in a rising slant to a rocky buttress situated almost perpendicularly over the point where the southern shore of the cove intersects the eastern margin of the harbor channel. turning to the left around this buttress, it runs horizontally southward along a shelf-like cornice in the face of the precipice until it reaches a spacious terrace, or esplanade, cut out of the solid rock, at a height of one hundred and fifty feet above the water. this terrace, which is on the western face of the castle and directly under its lower bastions, seems to have been intended originally for a gun-platform, but there is nothing there now to indicate that guns were ever mounted on it. it has no parapet, or battlement, and is merely a wide, empty shelf of rock, overhanging the narrow entrance to the harbor, and overhung, in turn, by the walls of the fortress. in the mountain-side back of it are four or five quadrangular apertures, which look from a distance like square port-holes, or embrasures, for heavy cannon, but which prove upon closer examination to be doors leading to huge subterranean chambers, designed, i presume, for the safekeeping of ammunition and explosives. at the time when i went through them they contained nothing more dangerous than condemned shovels and pickaxes, empty bottles, old tin cans, metal lamps, dirty straw hats, discarded hammocks, and cast-off shoes. i found nothing in the shape of ammunition except two or three dozen spherical iron cannon-balls, which lay scattered over the rocky floor of the esplanade, as if the soldiers of the garrison had been accustomed to play croquet with them there, just to pass away the time in the intervals between admiral sampson's bombardments. after looking about the esplanade and exploring the dim recesses of the gloomy ammunition-vaults, i climbed a crooked flight of disintegrating stone steps and entered, between two massive quadrangular bastions,[ ] the lower story--if i may so call it--of the castle proper. as seen from the ocean outside of the harbor, this ancient fortress appears to consist of three huge cubes of gray masonry, superimposed one upon another in such a manner as to present in profile the outline of three rocky terraces; but whether this profile view gives anything like a correct idea of the real shape of the building i am unable to say. from the time when i entered the gateway at the head of the flight of stone steps that led up from the esplanade, i was lost in a jumbled aggregation of intercommunicating corridors, bastions, grated cells, stairways, small interior courtyards, and huge, gloomy chambers, which i could not mentally group or combine so as to reduce them to intelligible order or bring them into anything like architectural harmony. the almost complete absence of windows made it impossible to orient one's self by glancing occasionally at some object of known position outside; the frequent turns in the passages and changes of level in the floors were very confusing; the small courtyards which admitted light to the interior afforded no outlook, and i simply roamed from bastion to bastion and from corridor to corridor, without knowing where i was, or what relation the place in which i stood bore to the castle as a whole. now and then i would ascend a flight of stone steps at the side of a courtyard and come out unexpectedly upon what seemed to be a flat roof, from which i could see the entrance to the harbor and the white walls of the estrella battery hundreds of feet below; but as soon as i went back into the maze of passages, chambers, and bastions on that level, i lost all sense of direction, and five minutes later i could not tell whether i was on the northern side of the castle or the southern side, nor whether i was in the second of the three cubes of masonry or the third. the most surprising thing about the castle, to me, was its lack of offensive power. its massive stone walls gave it, of course, a certain capacity for endurance, and even for resistance of a passive kind; but it was almost as incapable of inflicting injury on an enemy as a dutch dike or a hillock of the mound-builders would be. until i reached what, for want of a better name, i shall have to call the roof of the uppermost cube, i did not find anywhere a single round of ammunition, nor a gun of any caliber, nor a casemate intended for a gun, nor an embrasure from which a gun could have been fired. so far as architectural adaptation to the conditions of modern warfare is concerned, it was as harmless as an old norman keep, and might have been planned and built two centuries before guns were used or gunpowder invented. i have been unable to ascertain the date of its erection; but the city of santiago was founded by diego velasquez in , and all the evidence furnished by the castle itself would seem to indicate that it dates back to the sixteenth, or at latest to the seventeenth, century. there is certainly nothing in its plan or in its appearance to show that the engineers who designed it were acquainted even with the art of fortification as developed in the seventeenth century by vauban. it is simply an old feudal castle, with moat, drawbridge, and portcullis, built after the model of medieval strongholds before heavy siege-ordnance came into general use. the idea that it could have done any serious damage to admiral sampson's fleet seems absolutely ludicrous when one has explored the interior of it and taken stock of its antiquated, not to say obsolete and useless, armament. after wandering about for half an hour in the two lower stories, i climbed a crooked flight of stone steps, half blocked up with debris from a shattered parapet above, and came out on the flat roof of the highest and largest of the three cubes that together make up the fortress. it was a spacious battlemented floor, of rectangular but irregular outline, having an extreme length of perhaps one hundred and fifty feet, with an average width of seventy-five to one hundred.[ ] on its eastern side it overlooked a deep, wide moat, intended to protect the wall from an assault made along the crest of the promontory, while on the other three sides one might look down hundreds of feet to the wide blue plain of the ocean, the narrow mouth of the harbor, and the deep sheltered cove of the estrella battery. the city of santiago was hidden behind the flat-topped hill on which the signal-station stands; but i could see a part of the beautiful bay, with the bare green mountains behind it, while eastward and westward i could follow the surf-whitened coast-line to the distant blue capes formed by the forest-clad slopes of turquino on one side and the billowy foot-hills of the gran piedra on the other. the fleet of admiral sampson had disappeared; but its place had already been taken by a little fleet of fishing-smacks from santiago, whose sun-illumined sails looked no larger, on the dark-blue expanse of the caribbean, than the wings of white cuban butterflies that had fallen into the sea. for ten minutes after i reached the aërial platform of the bastion roof i had no eyes for anything except the magnificent natural cyclorama of blue water, rolling foot-hills, deep secluded valleys, and palm-fringed mountains that surrounded me; but, withdrawing my gaze reluctantly at last from the enchanting scenery, i turned my attention again to the castle and its armament. scattered about here and there on the flat roof of the bastion were five short bronze mortars of various calibers and two muzzle-loading smooth-bore cannon, mounted, like field-pieces, on clumsy wooden carriages with long "trails" and big, heavy wheels. it was evident at a glance that neither of the cannon would be likely to hit a battle-ship at a distance of five hundred yards without a special interposition of providence; and as the mortars had no elevating, training, or sighting gear, and could be discharged only at a certain fixed angle, it is doubtful whether they could drop a shell upon a floating target a mile in diameter--and yet these five mortars and two eighteen-pounder muzzle-loading guns were all the armament that morro castle had. after looking the pieces over superficially and forming from mere inspection a judgment as to their value, i proceeded to examine them closely for dates. the larger of the two cannon, which was trained over the northern parapet as if to bombard the city of santiago, bore the following inscription: mars pluribus nec impar[ ] jun par jean maritz ultimo ratio regum[ ] louis charles de bourbon compte d'eu duc d'aumale the other cannon, which was trained over the western parapet and aimed at the place where socapa castle ought to have been, was inscribed: le compte de provence ultimo ratio regum louis charles de bourbon compte d'eu duc d'aumale the mortars, which were embellished with gorgons' heads and were fine specimens of bronze casting, bore inscriptions or dates as follows: no. . el manticora strvxitdvctorexerc itm regisben[q*]ve (_sic_) [* enlarged small letter q. (note of transcriber)] ------------------ phil ii hispan rex[ ] elisa far his regina no. . vo[~i]e abet fecit seville aÑo d no. . el cometa no. . no. . from the above inscriptions and dates it appears that the most modern piece of ordnance in the morro castle battery was cast one hundred and seventeen years ago, and the oldest one hundred and seventy-four years ago. it would be interesting to know the history of the two french cannon which, in obedience to the order of louis xiv, were marked "ultimo ratio regum." iean maritz, their founder, doubtless regarded them, a century ago, with as much pride as herr krupp feels now when he turns out a fifteen-inch steel breech-loader at essen; but the _ultimo ratio regum_ does not carry as much weight on this side of the atlantic in the nineteenth century as it carried on the other side in the eighteenth, and the recent discussions between morro castle and admiral sampson's fleet proved conclusively that the "last argument of kings" is much less cogent and convincing than the first argument of battle-ships. it is doubtful, however, whether these antiquated guns were ever fired at admiral sampson's fleet. they were not pointed toward the sea when the castle was evacuated; i could not find any ammunition for them, either on the bastion roof where they stood or in the vaults of the castle below; there were no rammers or spongers on or about the gun-platforms, where they would naturally have been left when the guns were abandoned; and there was nothing whatever to show that they had been fired in fifty years. but it could have made little difference to the blockading fleet whether they were fired or not. they were hardly more formidable than the "crakys of war" used by edward iii against the french at the battle of crécy. as for the mortars, they were fit only for a museum of antiquities, or a collection of obsolete implements of war like that in the tower of london. i hope that secretary alger or secretary long will have "el manticora" and "el cometa" brought to the united states and placed at the main entrance of the war department or the navy department as curiosities, as fine specimens of artistic bronze casting, and as trophies of the santiago campaign. when i had finished copying the inscriptions on the cannon and the mortars, i went down into the interior of the castle to examine some pictures and inscriptions that i had noticed on the walls of a chamber in the second story, which had been used, apparently, as a guard-room or barrack. it was a large, rectangular, windowless apartment, with a wide door, a vaulted ceiling, and smooth stone walls which had been covered with plaster and whitewashed. among the spanish soldiers who had occupied this room there was evidently an amateur artist of no mean ability, who had amused himself in his hours of leisure by drawing pictures and caricatures on the whitewashed walls. on the left of the door, at a height of five or six feet, was a life-sized and very cleverly executed sketch of a spaniard in a wide sombrero, reading a havana newspaper. his eyes and mouth were wide open, as if he were amazed and shocked beyond measure by the news of some terrible calamity, and his attitude, as well as the horror-stricken expression of his elongated face, seemed to indicate that, at the very least, he had just found in the paper an announcement of the sudden and violent death of all his family. below, in quotation-marks, were the words:!!! que barbaridad.!!! han apresado un vivero." ("what barbarity!!! they have captured a fishing-smack!!!") this is evidently a humorous sneer at the trifling value of the prizes taken by the vessels of our blockading fleet off havana in the early days of the war. but there is more in the spanish words than can well be brought out in a translation, for the reason that _vivero_ means a vessel in which fish are brought from the yucatan banks _alive_, in large salt-water tanks. we had been accusing the spaniards of cruelty and barbarity in their treatment of the insurgents. the artist "gets back at us," to use a slang phrase, by exclaiming, in pretended horror, "what barbarous cruelty! they have captured a boat-load of _living_ fish!" for a spanish soldier, that is not bad; and the touch is as delicate in the sneer of the legend as in the technic of the cartoon. a little farther along and higher up, on the same wall, was a carefully executed and beautifully finished life-sized portrait of a tonsured roman catholic monk--a sketch that i should have been glad to frame and hang in my library, if it had only been possible to get it off the wall without breaking the plaster upon which it had been drawn. i thought of trying to photograph it; but the light in the chamber was not strong enough for a snap shot, and i had no tripod to support my camera during a time-exposure. there were several other sketches and caricatures on the left-hand wall; but none of them was as good as were the two that i have described, and, after examining them all carefully, i cast my eyes about the room to see what i could find in the shape of "loot" that would be worth carrying away as a memento of the place. apart from old shoes, a modern kerosene-lamp of glass, a dirty blanket or two, and a cot-bed, there seemed to be nothing worth confiscating except a couple of spanish newspapers hanging against the right-hand wall on a nail. one was "el imparcial," a sheet as large as the new york "sun"; and the other, "la saeta," an illustrated comic paper about the size of "punch." they had no intrinsic value, of course, and as "relics" they were not particularly characteristic; but "newspapers from a bastion in morro castle" would be interesting, i thought, to some of my journalistic friends at home, so i decided to take them. i put up my hand to lift them off the nail without tearing them, and was amazed to discover that neither nail nor newspapers had any tangible existence. they had been drawn on the plaster, by that confounded soldier-artist, with a lead-pencil i felt worse deceived and more chagrined than the greek pony that neighed at the painted horse of apelles! but i need not have felt so humiliated. those newspapers would have deceived the elect; and i am not sure that the keenest-sighted proof-reader of the "imparcial" would not have read and corrected a whole column before he discovered that the paper was plaster and that the letters had been made with a pencil. major greene of the united states signal-service, to whom i described these counterfeit newspapers, went to the castle a few days later, and, notwithstanding the fact that he had been forewarned, he tried to take "la saeta" off the nail. he trusted me enough to believe that one of the papers was deceptive; but he felt sure that a real copy of "la saeta" had been hung over a counterfeit "imparcial" in order to make the latter look more natural. if the soldier who drew the caricatures, portraits, and newspapers in that guard-room escaped shot, shell, and calenture, and returned in safety to spain, i hope that he may sometime find in a spanish journal a translation of this chapter, and thus be made aware of the respectful admiration that i shall always entertain for him and his artistic talents. in all the rooms of the castle that had been occupied by soldiers i found, scratched or penciled on the walls, checker-board calendars on which the days had been successively crossed off; rude pictures and caricatures of persons or things; individual names; and brief reflections or remarks in doggerel rhyme or badly spelled prose, which had been suggested to the writers, apparently, by their unsatisfactory environment. one man, for example, has left on record this valuable piece of advice: "unless you have a good, strong 'pull' [_mucha influencia_], don't complain that your rations are bad. if you do, you may have to come and live in morro castle, where they will be much worse." another, addressing a girl named "petenera," who seems to have gotten him into trouble, exclaims: petenera, my life! petenera, my heart! it is all your fault. that i lie here in morro suffering pain and writing my name on the plastered wall. josÉ. probably "josé" went to see "petenera" without first obtaining leave of absence, and was shut up in one of the gloomy guard-rooms of morro castle as a punishment. another wall-writer, in a philosophic, reflective, and rather melancholy mood, says: tu me sobreviviras. que vale el ser del hombres cuando un escrito vale mas! you [my writing] will survive me. what avails it to be a man, when a scrap of writing is worth more! it is a fact which, perhaps, may not be wholly unworthy of notice that, among the sketches i saw and the mural inscriptions i copied in all parts of morro castle, there was not an indecent picture nor an improper word, sentence, or line. spanish soldiers may be cruel, but they do not appear to be vicious or corrupt in the way that soldiers often are. in wandering through the corridors and gloomy chambers of the castle, copying inscriptions on walls and cannon, and exploring out-of-the-way nooks and corners, i spent a large part of the day. i found that the masonry of the fortress had suffered even less from the guns of admiral sampson's fleet than i had supposed. the eastern and southeastern faces of the upper cube had been damaged a little; the parapet, or battlement, of the gun-floor had been shattered in one place, and the debris from it had fallen over and partly blocked up the steps leading to that floor from the second story; two or three of the corner turrets had been injured by small shells; and there was a deep scar, or circular pit, in the face of the eastern wall, over the moat, where the masonry had been struck squarely by a heavy projectile; but, with the exception of these comparatively trifling injuries, the old fortress remained intact. newspaper men described it as "in ruins" or "almost destroyed" half a dozen times in the course of the summer; and the correspondent of a prominent metropolitan journal, who entered the harbor on his despatch-boat just behind the _state of texas_ the day that santiago surrendered, did not hesitate to say: "the old fort is a mass of ruins. the stone foundation has been weakened by the shells from the fleet, causing a portion of the castle to settle from ten to twenty feet. only the walls on the inner side remain. the terraces have been obliterated and the guns dismounted and buried in the debris. there are great crevices in the supporting walls, and the fort is in a general state of collapse." how any intelligent man, with eyes and a field-glass, could get such an erroneous impression, or make such wild and reckless statements, i am utterly unable to imagine. as a matter of fact, the fleet never tried or intended to injure the castle, and all the damage done to it was probably accidental. i have no doubt that admiral sampson might have reduced the fortress to the condition that the correspondent so graphically describes,--i saw him destroy the stone fort of aguadores in a few hours, with only three ships,--but he discovered, almost as soon as he reached santiago, that the old castle was perfectly harmless, and, with the cool self-restraint of a thoughtful and level-headed naval officer, he determined to save it as a picturesque and interesting relic of the past. most of the projectiles that struck it were aimed at the eastern battery, the lighthouse, or the barracks on the crest of the bluff behind it; and all the damage accidentally done to it by these shots might easily be repaired in two or three days. if cuba ever becomes a part of the united states, the people of this country will owe a debt of gratitude to admiral sampson for resisting the temptation to show what his guns could do, and for preserving almost intact one of the most interesting and striking old castles in the world. leaving the fortress through the eastern gateway and crossing the dry moat on a wooden trestle which had taken the place of the drawbridge, i walked along the crest of the bluff toward the eastern battery. it was evident, from the appearance of the lighthouse and the one-story, tile-roofed buildings on the crest of the hill, that if morro castle escaped serious injury it was not because the gunners of our fleet were unable to hit it. every other structure in its vicinity had been shattered, riddled, or smashed. the lighthouse, which was a tapering cylinder of three-quarter-inch iron twelve feet in diameter at the base and perhaps thirty feet high, had been struck at least twenty or thirty times. the western half of it, from top to bottom, had been carried away bodily; there were eleven shot-holes in the other half; the lantern had been completely demolished; and the ground everywhere in the vicinity was strewn with fragments of iron and glass. the flagstaff of the signal-station had been struck twice, slender and difficult to hit as it was, and the walls and roofs of the barracks and ammunition storehouses had been pierced and torn by shot and shell in a dozen different places. it is not likely, of course, that all this damage was done at any one time or in any single bombardment. the gunners of our fleet probably used these buildings as targets, and fired at them, every time they got a chance, just for amusement and practice. the white cylinder of the lighthouse made a particularly good mark, and the eleven shot-holes in the half of it that remained standing showed that admiral sampson's gunners found no difficulty in hitting a target ten feet by thirty at a distance of more than a mile. the captain of the spanish cruiser _vizcaya_ told lieutenant van duzer of the battle-ship _iowa_ that, at the height of the naval engagement off the mouth of the harbor on july , his vessel was struck by a shell, on an average, once a second. he spoke as if he had been greatly surprised by the extraordinary accuracy of our gunners' fire; but if he had taken one look at that morro lighthouse before he ran out of the harbor he would have known what to expect. after examining the shattered barracks and the half-demolished lighthouse, i walked on to the so-called "eastern battery," a strong earthwork on the crest of the ridge about one hundred and fifty yards from the castle. here, in a wide trench behind a rampart of earth strengthened with barrels of cement, i found four muzzle-loading iron siege-guns of the last century, two modern mortars like the one that i had seen on the skids near the head of the estrella cove, one smooth-bore cannon dated , and two three-inch breech-loading rifles. the eighteenth-century guns were no more formidable than those on the roof of morro, but the mortars and three-inch rifles were useful and effective. it was a shell from one of these mortars that killed or wounded eight sailors on the battle-ship _texas_. one gun had been dismounted in this battery, but all other damage to it by the fleet had been repaired. owing to the fact that its guns were in a wide trench, six or eight feet below the level of the hilltop, it was extremely difficult to hit them; and although admiral sampson repeatedly silenced this battery by shelling the gunners out of it, he was never able to destroy it. the only other fortifications that i was able to find in the vicinity of morro castle were two earthworks known respectively as the "western battery" and the "punta gorda battery." the western battery, which was situated on the crest of the hill opposite morro, on the other side of the harbor entrance, contained seven guns of various sizes and dates, but only two of them were modern. the punta gorda battery, which occupied a strong position on a bluff inside the harbor and behind the estrella cove, had only two guns, but both were modern and of high power. in the three batteries--eastern, western, and punta gorda--there were only eight pieces of artillery that would be regarded as effective or formidable in modern warfare, and two of these were so small that their projectiles would have made no impression whatever upon a battle-ship, and could hardly have done much damage even to a protected cruiser. six of these guns were so situated that, although they commanded the outside approach to the bay, they could not possibly hit an enemy that had once passed morro and entered the channel. the neck of the bottle-shaped harbor, or, in other words, the narrow strait between morro castle and the upper bay, had absolutely no defensive intrenchment except the punta gorda battery, consisting of two guns taken from the old cruiser _reina mercedes_. "why," it may be asked, "did not admiral sampson fight his way into the harbor, if its defenses were so weak?" simply because the channel was mined. he might have run past the batteries without serious risk; but in so narrow a strip of water it was impossible to avoid or escape the submarine mines, four of which were very powerful and could be exploded by electricity. he offered to force an entrance if general shafter would seize the mine-station north of morro; but the general could not do this without changing his plan of campaign. the coöperation of the navy, therefore, was limited to the destruction of cervera's fleet and the bombardment of the city from the mouth of aguadores ravine. chapter xviii fever in the army the most serious and threatening feature of the situation at santiago after the capture of the city was the ill health of the army. in less than a month after it began its cuban campaign the fifth army-corps was virtually _hors de combat_. on friday, july , i made a long march around the right wing from a point near the head of the bay to the siboney road, and had an opportunity to see what the condition of the troops was in that part of our line. i do not think that more than fifty per cent. of them were fit for any kind of active duty, and if they had been ordered to march back to siboney between sunrise and dark, or to move a distance of ten miles up into the hills, i doubt whether even forty per cent. of them would have reached their destination. there were more than a thousand sick in general kent's division alone, and a surgeon from the first division hospital--the only field-hospital of the fifth army-corps--told me that a conservative estimate of the number of sick in the army as a whole would be about five thousand. of course the greater part of these sick men were not in the hospitals. i saw hundreds of them dragging themselves about the camps with languid steps, or lying in their little dog-kennel tents on the ground; but all of them ought to have been in hospitals, and would have been had our hospital space and facilities been adequate. inasmuch, however, as our hospital accommodations were everywhere deplorably inadequate, and inasmuch as our surgeons sent to the yellow-fever camps many patients who were suffering merely from malarial fever, a majority of our sick soldiers remained in their own tents, from necessity or from choice, and received only such care as their comrades could give them. yellow fever and calenture broke out among the troops in camp around santiago about the same time that they appeared in siboney. calenture soon became epidemic, and in less than a fortnight there were thousands of cases, and nearly one half of the army was unfit for active service, if not completely disabled. the questions naturally arise, was this state of affairs inevitable, or might it have been foreseen as a possibility and averted? is the climate of eastern cuba in the rainy season so deadly that northern troops cannot be subjected to it for a month without losing half their effective force from sickness, or was the sickness due to other and preventable causes? in trying to answer these questions i shall say not what i think, nor what i suppose, nor what i have reason to believe, but what i actually know, from personal observation and from the testimony of competent and trustworthy witnesses. i was three different times at the front, spent a week in the field-hospital of the fifth army-corps, and saw for myself how our soldiers ate, drank, slept, worked, and suffered. i shall try not to exaggerate anything, but, on the other hand, i shall not suppress or conceal anything, or smooth anything over. poultney bigelow was accused of being unpatriotic, disloyal, and even seditious because he told what i am now convinced was the truth about the state of affairs at tampa; but it seems to me that when the lives of american soldiers are at stake it is a good deal more patriotic and far more in accordance with the duty of a good citizen to tell a disagreeable and unwelcome truth that may lead to a reform than it is to conceal the truth and pretend that everything is all right when it is not all right. the truth, briefly stated, is that, owing to bad management, lack of foresight, and the almost complete breakdown of the commissary and medical departments of the army, our soldiers in cuba suffered greater hardships and privations, in certain ways, than were ever before endured by an american army in the field. they were not half equipped, nor half fed, nor half cared for when they were wounded or sick; they had to sleep in dog-kennel shelter-tents, which afforded little or no protection from tropical rains; they had to cook in coffee-cups and old tomato-cans because they had no camp-kettles; they never had a change of underclothing after they landed; they were forced to drink brook-water that was full of disease-germs because they had no suitable vessels in which to boil it or keep it after it had been boiled; they lived a large part of the time on hard bread and bacon, without beans, rice, or any of the other articles which go to make up the full army ration; and when wounded they had to wait hours for surgical aid, and then, half dead from pain and exhaustion, they lay all night on the water-soaked ground, without shelter, blanket, pillow, food, or attendance. to suppose that an army will keep well and maintain its efficiency under such conditions is as unreasonable and absurd as to suppose that a man will thrive and grow fat in the stockaded log pen of a turkish quarantine. it cannot be fairly urged in explanation of the sickness in the army that it was due to the deadliness of the cuban climate and was therefore what policies of marine insurance call an "act of god." the cuban climate played its part, of course, but it was a subordinate part. the chief and primary cause of the soldiers' ill health was neglect, due, as i said before, to bad management, lack of foresight, and the almost complete breakdown of the army's commissary and medical departments. if there be any fact that should have been well known, and doubtless was well known, to the higher administrative officers of the fifth army-corps, it is the fact that if soldiers sleep on the ground in cuba without proper shelter and drink unboiled water from the brooks they are almost certain to contract malarial fever; and yet twelve or fifteen thousand men were sent into the woods and chaparral between siboney and santiago without hammocks or wall-tents, and without any vessel larger than a coffee-cup in which to boil water. i can hardly hint at the impurities and the decaying organic matter that i have seen washed down into the brooks by the almost daily rains which fall in that part of cuba in mid-summer, and yet it was the unboiled water from these polluted brooks that the soldiers had to drink. one captain whom i know took away the canteens from all the men in his company, kept them under guard, and tried to force his command to boil in their tin coffee-cups all the water that they drank; but he was soon compelled to give up the plan as utterly impracticable. in all the time that i spent at the front i did not see a single camp-kettle in use among the soldiers, and there were very few even among officers. late in july the men of the thirty-fourth michigan were bringing every day in their canteens, from a distance of two miles, all the water required for regimental use. they had nothing else to carry it in, nothing else to keep it in after they got it to camp, and nothing bigger than a tin cup in which to boil it or make coffee. in the matter of tents and clothing the equipment of the soldiers was equally deficient. dog-kennel shelter-tents will not keep out a tropical rain, and when the men got wet they had to stay wet for lack of a spare suit of underclothes. the officers fared little better than the men. a young lieutenant whom i met in santiago after the surrender told me that he had not had a change of underclothing in twenty-seven days. the baggage of all the officers was left on board of the transports when the army disembarked, and little, if any, of it was ever carried to the front. nothing, perhaps, is more important, so far as its influence upon health is concerned, than food, and the rations of general shafter's army were deficient in quantity and unsatisfactory in quality from the very first. with a few exceptions, the soldiers had nothing but hard bread and bacon after they left the transports at siboney, and short rations at that. a general of brigade who has had wide and varied experience in many parts of the united states, and whose name is well and favorably known in new york, said to me in the latter part of july: "the whole army is suffering from malnutrition. the soldiers don't get enough to eat, and what they do get is not sufficiently varied and is not adapted to this climate. a soldier can live on hardtack and bacon for a while, even in the tropics, but he finally sickens of them and craves oatmeal, rice, hominy, fresh vegetables, and dried fruits. he gets none of these things; he has come to loathe hard bread and bacon three times a day, and he consequently eats very little and isn't adequately nourished. nothing would do more to promote the health of the men than a change of diet." a sufficient proof that the soldiers were often hungry is furnished by the fact that men detailed from the companies frequently marched from the front to siboney and back (from eighteen to twenty-five miles, over a bad road), in order to get such additional supplies, particularly in the shape of canned vegetables, as they could carry in their hands and haversacks or transport on a rude, improvised stretcher. officers and men from colonel roosevelt's rough riders repeatedly came into siboney in this way on foot, and once or twice with a mule or a horse, and begged food from the red cross for their sick and sickening comrades in their camp at the front. it is not hard to understand why soldiers contracted malarial fever in a country like cuba, when they were imperfectly sheltered, inadequately equipped, insufficiently fed and clothed, forced to sleep on the ground, and compelled to drink unboiled water from contaminated brooks. but there was another reason for the epidemic character and wide prevalence of the calenture from which the army suffered, and that was exposure to exhalations from the malarious, freshly turned earth of the rifle-pits and trenches. all pioneers who have broken virgin soil with a plow in a warm, damp, wooded country will remember that for a considerable time thereafter they suffered from various forms of remittent and intermittent fever. our soldiers around santiago had a similar experience. the unexpected strength and fighting capacity shown by the spaniards in the first day's battle, and their counter-attack upon our lines on the night of the following day, led our troops to intrench themselves by digging rifle-pits and constructing rude bomb-proofs as places of refuge from shrapnel. during the armistice these intrenchments were greatly extended and strengthened, and before santiago surrendered they stretched along our whole front for a distance of several miles. in or near these rifle-pits and trenches our men worked, stood guard, or slept, for a period of more than two weeks, and the exhalations from the freshly turned earth, acting upon organisms already weakened by hardships and privations, brought about an epidemic of calenture upon the most extensive scale. by august the condition of the army had become so alarming that its general officers drew up and sent to general shafter the following letter: we, the undersigned officers, commanding the various brigades, divisions, etc., of the army of occupation in cuba, are of the unanimous opinion that this army should be at once taken out of the island of cuba and sent to some point on the northern sea-coast of the united states; that it can be done without danger to the people of the united states; that yellow fever in the army at present is not epidemic; that there are only a few sporadic cases, but that the army, is disabled by malarial fever, to the extent that its efficiency is destroyed, and that it is in a condition to be practically entirely destroyed by an epidemic of yellow fever, which is sure to come in the near future. we know from the reports of competent officers and from personal observation that the army is unable to move into the interior, and that there are no facilities for such a move if attempted, and that it could not be attempted until too late. moreover, the best medical authorities of the island say that with our present equipment we could not live in the interior during the rainy season without losses from malarial fever, which is almost as deadly as yellow fever. this army must be moved at once or perish. as the army can be safely moved now, the persons responsible for preventing such a move will be responsible for the unnecessary loss of many thousands of lives. our opinions are the result of careful personal observation, and they are also based on the unanimous opinion of our medical officers with the army, and who understand the situation absolutely. this letter was signed by generals kent, bates, chaffee, sumner, ludlow, ames, and wood, and colonel roosevelt. in view of such a state of affairs as that disclosed by this letter there was, of course, only one thing to be done. the war department decided to remove the fifth army-corps at once from cuba, and before the middle of august a large part of general shatter's command was on its way to montauk point. as a result, i presume, of sleeping without shelter from the heavy dew in the field-hospital at the front, and over-exerting myself by walking around the lines of the army in the blazing sunshine of midday, i was finally prostrated with illness myself. at three o'clock on the night of tuesday, july , i awoke in a chill, and before morning i had all the symptoms of calenture, with a temperature of . calenture, or cuban malarial fever, comes on rather suddenly with a chill of greater or less severity and a violent headache. the temperature frequently rises to , and the fever, instead of being intermittent, runs continuously with little, if any, diurnal variation. if the attack is not a very severe one the headache gradually subsides; the temperature falls to or , and in the course of three or four days the disease begins to yield to treatment. in some cases the fever is interrupted by a second chill, followed by another rise of temperature; but, as a rule, there is only one chill, and the fever, after running from four days to a week, gradually abates. the treatment most favored in santiago consists of the administration of a large dose of sulphate of magnesia at the outset, followed up with quinine and calomel, or perhaps quinine and sulphur. the patient is not allowed to take any nourishment while the fever lasts, and if he keeps quiet, avoids sudden changes of temperature, and does not fret, he generally recovers in a week or ten days. he suffers from languor and prostration, however, for a fortnight or more, and if he overeats, moves about in the sunshine, or exposes himself to the night air, he is liable to have another chill, with a relapse, in which the fever is higher and more obstinate, perhaps, than at first. under ordinary circumstances the fever is not dangerous, and the worst thing about it is the wretched, half-dead, half-alive condition in which it leaves one. my attack was not a very severe one, and in the course of ten days i was able to walk about again; but the first time i went out into the sunshine i had a relapse, which reduced me to such a state of weakness and helplessness that i could no longer care for myself, and had either to leave the country or go into one of the crowded santiago hospitals and run the risk of being sent as a "suspect" to the yellow-fever camp near siboney. upon the advice of dr. egan, i decided to take the first steamer for new york, and sailed from santiago on august , after a cuban campaign of only seven weeks. chapter xix the santiago campaign it is my purpose, in the concluding chapters of this volume, to review as fully and dispassionately as i can the series of military operations known collectively as "the santiago campaign," including, first, the organization and equipment of the expedition of general shafter at tampa; second, the disembarkation of troops and the landing of supplies at daiquiri and siboney; third, the strategic plan of the campaign and its execution; and, fourth, the wrecking of the army by disease after the decisive battle of july - . the point of view from which i shall regard this campaign is not that of a trained military expert or critic, but merely that of an attentive and fair-minded civilian observer. i do not pretend to speak _ex cathedra_, nor do i claim for my judgments any other value than that given to them by such inherent reasonableness and fairness as they may seem to have. i went to cuba without any prejudice for or against any particular plan of operations; i had very little acquaintance with or knowledge of the officers of the fifth army-corps; and the opinions and conclusions that i shall here set forth are based on personal observations made in the field without conscious bias or prepossession of any kind. in reviewing a military campaign, an arctic expedition, a voyage of discovery, or any other enterprise involving the employment of a certain force for the accomplishment of a certain purpose, the first question to be considered is the question of responsibility. who is to be held accountable for the management and the results of this enterprise--the leader who directed and had charge of it, or the superior power which gave him his orders, furnished him with his equipment, and sent him into the field? when general shafter was ordered to "go and capture the garrison at santiago and assist in capturing the harbor and the fleet," did he become personally responsible for the management and the results of the campaign, or did he share that responsibility with the war department? unless there is some evidence to the contrary, the presumption in such a case is that the general in command of the army is told in due time where he is to go and what he is expected to do, and is then allowed to make his own plan of campaign, and to call upon the war department for such supplies and means of transportation as, in the exercise of his individual judgment, he may think necessary for the successful execution of that plan. if he is given time enough to acquaint himself thoroughly with the field in which he is to operate, if his plan of campaign, in its general outlines, is approved, and if all his requisitions for vessels, horses, mules, wagons, ambulances, tents, guns, ammunition, and miscellaneous supplies are duly honored, there is no reason that i can see why he should not be held to a strict personal accountability for results, both generally and in detail. he has made his own plan; he has had everything that he asked for; and if the campaign does not go as it should, he, and not the war department, is to blame. if, however, the department, after selecting him and approving his plan, does _not_ furnish him with the transportation and the stores that he needs and has called for, he ought to protect himself and his own reputation by referring respectfully to that fact in his report of the campaign, so that, if any of his bricks are imperfect for lack of straw, the people may know that he was not supplied with straw and had no means whatever of getting it in the field to which he was sent. the importance of this point will become apparent when an attempt is made to ascertain the causes and fix the responsibility for the wrecking of the fifth army-corps by disease in the short space of one calendar month. there is nothing in the official documents thus far published to indicate that general shafter was unreasonably hurried, or that he failed to get from the war department anything for which he made timely requisition. the invasion of eastern cuba was planned as early as the first week in may--possibly much earlier than that, and, at any rate, long before admiral cervera's fleet took refuge in santiago harbor. colonel babcock, shafter's adjutant-general, told me on may that the government had decided to send the army of invasion to the eastern end of the island, and to leave havana and the western provinces unmolested until later in the season. before general shafter sailed from tampa, therefore, he had nearly or quite six weeks in which to acquaint himself with the santiago field and mature a plan of operations. the question whether or not he was furnished with all the means of transportation and all the supplies for which he made requisition is in more doubt; but, inasmuch as he seems to have made no complaint or protest, and does not refer in his official reports to deficiencies of any kind, it may be assumed, for the purposes of this review, that he had been furnished by the war department with everything for which he asked. upon this assumption he was unquestionably responsible for the whole santiago campaign, and must not only be given credit for the success that crowned it, but be held accountable for the blunders and oversights by which it was marred. he can relieve himself from such accountability only by showing that his equipment was inadequate and that the inadequacy was the result of causes beyond his control. we are now prepared to consider: i. the organization and equipment of the santiago expedition. when a general is appointed to lead and direct an expedition in a foreign country, the first questions, i think, that he must ask himself are: ( ) what is the nature of the field in which i am to operate, and what are the difficulties--especially the unusual and unfamiliar difficulties--with which i shall have to contend? ( ) can i disembark my army in a harbor, or shall i have to land it on an open, unprotected coast, and perhaps through surf? ( ) are there any roads leading back into the interior, and, if so, what is their nature, and what is likely to be their condition at this season of the year? ( ) is the climate of the country to which i am going an unhealthful one, and, if so, how can i best protect my men from the diseases likely to attack them? it is not always practicable to obtain satisfactory answers to such questions as these; but that answers should be had, if possible, and that the equipment of the force and the plan of campaign should be made to accord with the information obtained by means of them, is unquestionable. in the particular case now under consideration there was no difficulty whatever in getting full and satisfactory replies, not only to all of the above questions, but to scores of others of a similar nature that might have been and ought to have been asked. for nearly a month before general shafter sailed from tampa the vessels of admiral sampson's fleet had been patrolling the southeastern coast of cuba from santiago harbor to guantanamo bay, and their officers were in a position to furnish all the information that might be desired with regard to the nature of the coast, the facilities for landing an army, the strength and direction of the prevailing winds, the danger to be apprehended from heavy surf, and a dozen other matters of vital importance to an invading army. at daiquiri, siboney, and santiago there were stations of an american iron-mining company, and its officers and employees, who might easily have been found, were in a position to furnish any amount of accurate and trustworthy information with regard to climate, topography, roads, rains, surf, and local conditions generally, in the very field that general shafter's army was to occupy. the sources of information above indicated were not the only sources accessible at the time when the santiago campaign was decided upon; but they were the most important ones, and it is fair to presume that general shafter made use of them to the fullest possible extent. if so, he was able to answer the questions above suggested in some such way as this: . the field to which i am going is a tropical field, and the unusual and unfamiliar difficulties with which i shall have to contend are probably those dependent upon climatic conditions. . there are no sheltered harbors on the southeastern coast of cuba between cape cruz and cape maysi except the harbor of santiago and the bay of guantanamo. the former is in possession of the enemy, and cannot, therefore, be used, while the latter is too far away from the city of santiago, which i am ordered to capture. it is probable, therefore, that i shall have to land my army on an unsheltered part of the coast. the prevailing winds in the summer are from the east and southeast, and the swell that rolls in from the caribbean sea often breaks on the exposed coast-line in heavy and dangerous surf. . the roads leading back into the interior in the direction of santiago are generally narrow and bad; they traverse almost impenetrable jungles; and they are liable, at this season of the year, to be rendered impassable for wheeled vehicles by heavy and frequent rains. . the climate is unhealthful, and unless men from the north are well fed, suitably clothed, securely sheltered, and furnished with boiled water for drinking purposes, they are almost certain to suffer from calenture, the characteristic fever of the region, as well as from yellow fever and dysentery. this, in the briefest possible summary, is the information that general shafter had, or might have had, before he sailed from tampa. what preparation did he make to meet the difficulties suggested by this knowledge, and how far is the influence of it to be traced in the organization and equipment of his command? take, first, the problem of disembarking an army of sixteen thousand men, with the supplies necessary for its maintenance, on an unsheltered coast. in , when general scott had in contemplation the landing of an army of twelve thousand men on the open beach at vera cruz, he caused sixty-seven surf-boats to be built for that particular service, each of them capable of holding from seventy to eighty men. every detail of the disembarkation had been carefully considered and planned; every contingency that could be foreseen had been provided for; and the landing was successfully made in the course of two or three hours, without a single error or accident. when general shafter sailed from tampa, on june , with an army considerably larger than that of general scott, his equipment for disembarkation on an exposed, surf-beaten coast consisted, according to his own report, of only two scows! one of these went adrift at sea, and the loss of it, the general says, "proved to be very serious and was greatly felt." i don't wonder! two scows, for an army of sixteen thousand men and ten or fifteen ship-loads of supplies, was a sufficiently economical allowance; and when that number was reduced by half, and a whole army-corps became dependent upon one scow, i am not surprised to learn that "the disembarkation was delayed and embarrassed." there is a reference in the report to certain "lighters sent by the quartermaster's department," and intended, apparently, for use on the cuban coast; but when and by what route they were "sent" does not appear, and inasmuch as they were lost at sea before they came into general shafter's control, they can hardly be regarded as a part of his equipment. all that he had with him was this flotilla of two scows. i heard vague reports of a pontoon-train stowed away under hundreds of tons of other stuff in the hold of one of the transports; but whether it was intended to supplement the flotilla of scows, or to be employed in the bridging of rivers, i am unable to say. i do not think it was ever unloaded in cuba, and i am quite sure that it never was used. the almost complete absence of landing equipment, in the shape of surf-boats, lighters, and launches, eventually proved, as i shall hereafter show, to be disastrous in the extreme; and if the navy had not come to the rescue, at daiquiri and siboney, it is not at all certain that general shafter could have landed his army. in a telegram to the war department dated "playa del este, june ," he frankly admits this, and says: "without them [the navy] i could not have landed in ten days, and perhaps not at all." now, it seems to me that the responsibility for this lack of boats, which came near ruining the expedition at the outset and which hampered and embarrassed it for three weeks afterward, can be definitely fixed. the difficulty to be overcome was one that might have been foreseen and provided for. if general shafter did not foresee and provide for it, as general scott did at vera cruz, he, manifestly, is the person to blame; while, on the other hand, if he did foresee it, but failed to get from the war department the necessary boats, the department is to blame. the committee of investigation which is holding its sessions at the time this book goes to press ought to have no trouble in putting the responsibility for this deficiency where it belongs. boats, however, were not the only things that were lacking in the equipment of general shafter's army. next in importance to landing facilities come facilities for moving supplies of all kinds from the sea-coast to the front, or, in other words, means of land transportation. in his official report of the campaign general shafter says: "there was no lack of transportation, for at no time, up to the surrender, could all the wagons i had be used." if i were disposed to be captious, i should say that the reason why the general could not use the wagons he had was that a large number of them lay untouched in the holds of the transports. he might have said, with equal cogency, that there was no lack of food, because at no time could all the hard bread and bacon in his ships be eaten. the usefulness of food and wagons is dependent to some extent upon their location. a superfluity of wagons on board a steamer, five miles at sea, is not necessarily a proof that there are more than enough wagons on shore. when the army began its march in the direction of santiago, without suitable tents, without hospital supplies, without camp-kettles, without hammocks, without extra clothing or spare blankets, and with only a limited supply of food and ammunition, there were one hundred and eighteen army wagons still on board the transport _cherokee_. when they were unloaded, if ever, i do not know, but they were not available in the first week of the campaign, when the army began its advance and when the roads were comparatively dry and in fairly good condition. it must be observed, moreover, that transportation is not wholly a matter of wagons. vehicles of any kind are useless without animals to draw them; and general shafter does not anywhere say that he had a superfluity of mules, or that he could not use all the horses he had. it was in draft-animals that the weakness of the quartermaster's department became most apparent as the campaign progressed. there were never half enough mules to equip an adequate supply-train for an army of sixteen thousand men, even if that army never went more than ten or twelve miles from its base. if it had been forced to go fifty miles from its base, the campaign would have collapsed at the outset. general shafter seems disposed to attribute the difficulty that he experienced in supplying his army with food to the condition of the roads rather than to the lack of mules, packers, teamsters, and wagons. in an interview with a correspondent of the boston "herald" at santiago on august he is reported as saying: "there has been some question concerning the transportation facilities of the army. the facilities were all there, and the transportation equipment provided was all that it should have been; but our difficulties were enormous. there was only one road; to build another would have taken two years. the nature of the country, the weather, all these things helped to disorganize this department. the use of wagons was almost impossible. the pack-train, as a matter of fact, did the real service. i had not, at first, thought the pack-train would be of service; but if it had not been there, i do not know what the army would have done for food. the roads were practically impassable. with the bridges down, the wagons could not be worked. i had a great deal of concern when we were only able to get up one day's rations at a time, but as soon as we were able to get a few days' rations ahead, we knew we were prepared for anything." it is hardly accurate to say, without qualification and without limitation as to time, that the "roads were practically impassable." they were unquestionably very bad, and perhaps impassable, at the last; but before they became so there was ample time to take over them, with a suitable supply-train, all the tents, cooking-utensils, clothing, medical supplies, and provisions that the army so urgently needed but did not have. the road from daiquiri and siboney to the front did not become impassable for loaded wagons until the end of the second week in july. for ten days after the army landed it was comparatively dry and good; and for ten days or two weeks more it was at least passable, and was constantly traversed, not only by pack-trains, but by wagons with loads. captain henry l. marcotte, a retired officer of the seventeenth infantry, who went with general shafter's army as correspondent for the "army and navy journal," describes the condition of the road as follows: "the road from daiquiri to siboney, about seven miles, leads over the foot-hill slopes of the mountain-ranges and crosses a winding stream several times during that distance. the road-bed, being mostly of rock, and well shaded by tropical growths, with good water every few hundred yards, made the journey for the catling battery a picnic without obstacles. from siboney to [a point] near el pozo the road was as good as [from daiquiri] to siboney, with the exception of one part. this, with five minutes' work, was made passable for the battery and for the three army wagons which the quartermaster's department had ventured to send out. in fact, the road, all the way to santiago, proved equal to most country roads, and there was not the slightest excuse for not using the hundred or more wagons stowed in the hold of the cherokee to transport tentage, medical and other supplies close upon the heels of the slow-moving fifth corps.... there is a mystery about the 'condition of the road' that may remain so unless it is fixed upon as the scape-goat for the lack of transportation.... the condition of the road at no time would have prevented a farmer from taking a load of hay to market.... there was no point from daiquiri to the trenches which could not have been as easily reached by wagons as by pack-mules between june and july ." captain marcotte, as a retired officer of the regular army, is better qualified than i am to express an opinion with regard to the availability of a road for military purposes, and he does not hesitate to say that the road from daiquiri and siboney to the front was practicable for loaded wagons up to july , or for a period of nearly a month subsequent to the landing of the army. during a part of that time, he says, its condition was not such as to prevent a farmer from taking a load of hay over it. i myself went over this road from siboney to the front four times between june and july ,--twice on foot, once in an ambulance, and once in an army wagon,--and my own judgment is that for ten days after the disembarkation of the army the road was comparatively dry and good. after that it became muddy and bad, but was by no means impassable, even for heavily loaded wagons, when i traversed it for the last time, five days before the surrender of santiago. with the fall of that city the army's base of supplies was transferred from siboney to santiago harbor, and the condition of the siboney road ceased to be a factor in the transportation problem. when a dozen steamers, loaded with supplies of all kinds, anchored off the santiago piers, on july , the bulk of the army was within two miles of them, and there ought to have been no difficulty in getting to the troops everything that they needed. if the road from siboney to the front was practicable for both pack-mules and wagons from the time when the army landed to the time when its base of supplies was transferred to santiago, and if, as general shafter asserts, "the facilities were all there, and the transportation equipment provided was all that it should have been," why was the army left for almost a month without suitable tents, without adequate hospital supplies, without camp-kettles, without cooking-utensils other than tin plates, coffee-cups, and old tomato-cans, without hammocks, without extra clothing or spare blankets, and with only a limited supply of food? that this was the state of the army is beyond question. lieutenant john h. parker of the gatling-gun battery reported to adjutant-general corbin, under date of july , that he and his men had been entirely without tents for a period of twenty-eight days. john henry of the twenty-first infantry wrote to his cousin in lowell, massachusetts, that his regiment had been on the firing line seventeen days. for two days they had nothing at all to eat, and no shelter, and lay on the ground in puddles of water. ex-representative f. h. krebs of the second massachusetts regiment says that for twenty-six consecutive days he had only hard bread, bacon, and coffee, and that for three days he lived on one hardtack a day. the soldiers of his regiment did all their cooking in tin plates and coffee-cups, and slept for two months on the wet ground, under what are called "shelter"-tents, for the reason, i suppose,--_lucus a non lucendo_,--that they do not shelter. dr. james s. kennedy, first assistant surgeon of the second division hospital, wrote from the hospital camp near santiago: "there is an utter lack of suitable medicines with which to combat disease. there has been so much diarrhea, dysentery, and fever, and no medicine at all to combat them, that men have actually died for want of it. four days after my reporting here there was not a single medicine in the entire hospital for the first two diseases, and nothing but quinine for the fever." dr. edward l. munson reported to surgeon-general sternberg, under date of july , that "at the time of the battle of las guasimas there were absolutely no dressings, hospital tentage, or supplies of any kind on shore, within reach of the surgeons already landed. the medical department was compelled to rely upon its own energies and improvise its own transportation. i feel justified in saying that at the time of my departure [from siboney] large quantities of medical supplies, urgently needed on shore, still remained on the transports, a number of which were under orders to return to the united states. had the medical department carried along double the amount of supplies, it is difficult to see how, with the totally inadequate land and water transportation provided by the quartermaster's department, the lamentable conditions on shore could have been in any way improved. the regimental medical officers had no means of transportation even for their field-chests." lieutenant-colonel senn, chief of the surgical operating staff, in a letter to the "medical record," dated "siboney, august ," disclaimed responsibility for the want of medical and surgical supplies in the field-hospitals, and said: "the lack of proper transportation from the landing to the front cannot be charged to the medical department." finally, general shafter himself, in a telegram to president mckinley, dated "santiago, august ," reported as follows: "at least seventy-five per cent. of the command have been down with malarial fever, from which they recover very slowly.... what put my command in its present condition was the twenty days of the campaign when they had nothing but meat, bread, and coffee, without change of clothes, and without any shelter whatever." in view of the above statements, made, not by irresponsible "newspaper correspondents and camp-followers," but by the officers and men of the fifth army-corps, and in view of the confirmation given to them by the commanding general himself in a telegram to the president, it is proper, i think, to press once more the question, why was the army left for almost a month without suitable tents, without adequate hospital supplies, without camp-kettles, without cooking-utensils, without hammocks, without extra clothing or spare blankets, and with only a limited supply of food? the answer to the question, it seems to me, is obvious. the army had not half transportation enough to supply its wants. general miles discovered this fact when he reached siboney on july , and he immediately cabled the war department for more draft-animals; but it was then too late to make good the deficiency. the troops were already breaking down, as general shafter admitted in his telegram to the president, from "twenty days of meat, bread, and coffee, without change of clothes, and without any shelter whatever." i do not know how many draft-animals general shafter had; but in four journeys over the road between siboney and the front i happened to see only two pack-trains, one of them going forward with ammunition, and the other returning without load. but whatever may have been the strength of the pack-train equipment, it was certainly inadequate, and the common practice of detailing soldiers to march into siboney after food and bring it back to the front on their shoulders or on improvised hand-litters showed the urgency of the need. many such details or deputations came on board the _state of texas_, obtained small quantities of hospital supplies or delicacies for the sick, and carried them back to the camps in their hands. this inadequacy of transportation facilities was apparent to every one who had any knowledge of the condition of the army, and it was a subject of common talk in siboney, in daiquiri, on board the fleet, and in every one of our hospitals and camps. i shall try, in another chapter, to show how it affected the health and fighting efficiency of the troops, and how near it came to wrecking not only the fifth army-corps, but the whole cuban expedition. suffice it to say, for the present, that general shafter sailed from tampa without a sufficient number of mules, teamsters, and packers to supply, equip, and maintain his army in the field. the responsibility for this deficiency, as well as the responsibility for the lack of boats, must rest either upon the war department or upon the general in command. if the latter did not ask for adequate means of land and water transportation before he left tampa, he is the person to be held accountable. if he asked and failed to obtain, the war department must stand in the gap. chapter xx the santiago campaign (_continued_) when, on june , general shafter's army sailed for the southeastern coast of cuba, without adequate facilities for disembarkation, and without a sufficient number of mules, packers, teamsters, and army wagons to insure its proper equipment, subsistence, and maintenance in the field, it was, _ipso facto_, predestined to serious embarrassment and difficulty, if not to great suffering and peril. no amount of zeal, energy, and ability on the part of quartermasters and commissaries, after the army had reached its destination, could possibly make up for deficiencies that should have had attention before the army sailed. boats, mules, and wagons were not to be had at siboney, and when the urgent need of them became apparent it was too late to procure them from the united states. general shafter cabled the war department for lighters and steam-tugs almost as soon as he reached the cuban coast, and general miles telegraphed for more draft-animals before he had been in siboney twenty-four hours; but neither the boats nor the mules came in time to be of any avail. cuban fever waits for no man, and before the boats that should have landed more supplies and the mules that should have carried them to the front reached siboney, seventy-five per cent. of general shafter's command had been prostrated by disease, due, as he himself admits, to insufficient food, "without change of clothes, and without any shelter whatever."[ ] but the lack of adequate land and water transportation was not the only deficiency in the equipment of the fifth army-corps when it sailed from tampa. it was also ill provided with medical stores and the facilities and appliances needed in caring for sick and wounded soldiers. dr. nicholas senn, chief of the operating staff of the army, says that "ambulances in great number had been sent to tampa, but they were not unloaded and sent to the front." i myself passed a whole train-load of ambulances near tampa in may, but i never saw more than three in use at the front, and, according to the official report of dr. guy c. godfrey, commanding officer of the hospital-corps company of the first division, fifth army-corps, "the number of ambulances for the entire army was limited to three, and it was impossible to expect them to convey the total number of wounded from the collecting-stations to the first division hospital."[ ] lieutenant-colonel jacobs of the quartermaster's department, who was assistant to general humphreys in cuba, testified before the investigating commission on november that he had fifty ambulances at tampa, and that he was about to load them on one of the transports when general shafter appeared and ordered them left behind. the surgeon-general declared, in a letter to the "medical record," dated august , that "general shafter's army at tampa was thoroughly well supplied with the necessary medicines, dressings, etc., for field-service; but, owing to insufficient transportation, he left behind at tampa his reserve medical supplies and ambulance corps." general shafter himself admits that he had not enough medical supplies, but seems to assert, by implication, that he was not to blame for the deficiency. in a telegram to adjutant-general corbin, dated "santiago, august ," he said: "from the day this expedition left tampa until to-day there has never been sufficient medical attendance or medicines for the daily wants of the command, and three times within that time the command has been almost totally out of medicines. i say this on the word of the medical directors, who have in each instance reported the matter to me, the last time yesterday, when the proposition was made to me to take medicines away from the spanish hospital.... the surgeons have worked as well as any men that ever lived, and their complaint has been universal of lack of means and facilities. i do not complain of this, for no one could have foreseen all that would be required; but i will not quietly submit to having the onus laid on me for the lack of these hospital facilities." the state of affairs disclosed by these official reports and telegrams seems to me as melancholy and humiliating as anything of the kind ever recorded in the history of american wars. three ambulances for a whole corps of sixteen thousand men; an army "almost totally out of medicines" three times in seven weeks; and a proposition to make up our own deficiencies by seizing and confiscating the medical supplies of a spanish hospital! i do not wonder that general shafter wishes to escape responsibility for such a manifestation of negligence or incompetence; but i do not see how he can be allowed to do so. it is just as much the business of a commanding general to know that he has medicines and ambulances enough as it is to know that he has food and ammunition enough. he is the man who plans the campaign, and, to a certain extent, predetermines the number of sick and wounded; he is the man who makes requisition upon the war department for transports, mules, and wagons enough to carry the army and its equipment to the field where it is to operate; and he is the man who should consider all contingencies and emergencies likely to arise as a result of climatic or other local conditions, and who should see that ample provision is made for them. general shafter says that "no one could have foreseen all that would be required." that is probably true; but any one, it seems to me, could have foreseen that an army of sixteen thousand men, which was expected to attack intrenched positions, would need more than three ambulances for the transportation of the wounded, to say nothing of the sick. the same remark applies to medicines and medical supplies. every one knew that our army was going to a very unhealthful region, and it was not difficult to foresee that it would require perhaps two or three times the quantity of medical supplies that would be needed in a temperate climate and a more healthful environment. the very reason assigned for general shafter's hurried advance toward santiago is that he knew his army would soon be disabled by disease, and wished to strike a decisive blow while his men were still able to fight. if he anticipated the wrecking of his army by sickness that could not be averted nor long delayed, why did he not make sure, before he left tampa, that he had medical supplies and hospital facilities enough to meet the inevitable emergency? his telegram to adjutant-general corbin seems to indicate that he was not only unprepared for an emergency, but unprepared to meet even the ordinary demands of an army in the field, inasmuch as he declares, without limitation or qualification, that from june to august he never had medicines enough for the daily wants of his command. it may be thought that the view here taken of the responsibility of the commanding general for everything that pertains to the well-being and the fighting efficiency of his command is too extreme and exacting, and that he ought not to be held personally accountable for the mistakes or the incompetence of his staff-officers. waiving a discussion of this question on its merits, it need only be said that, inasmuch as general shafter has officially recommended all of his staff-officers for promotion on account of "faithful and meritorious services throughout the campaign," he is estopped from saying now that they did not do their duty, or that they made errors of judgment so serious as to imperil the lives of men, if not the success of the expedition. the responsibility for the lack of medical supplies and hospital facilities, therefore, as well as the responsibility for the lack of boats, mules, and wagons, must rest either upon the war department or upon the general in command. if the latter made timely requisition for them, and for transports enough to carry them to the cuban coast, and failed to obtain either or both, the war department must be held accountable; while, on the other hand, if general shafter did not ask for medical supplies enough to meet the probable wants of his army in a tropical climate and an unhealthful environment, he must shoulder the responsibility for his own negligence or want of foresight. i shall now try to show how this lack of boats, mules, wagons, and medical supplies affected general shafter's command in the field. ii. the landing at daiquiri and siboney. the points selected for the disembarkation of the army and the landing of supplies were the best, perhaps, that could be found between santiago harbor and guantanamo bay; but they were little more, nevertheless, than shallow notches in the coast-line, which afforded neither anchorage nor shelter from the prevailing wind. there was one small pier erected by the spanish-american iron company at daiquiri, but at siboney there were no landing facilities whatever, and the strip of beach at the bottom of the wedge-shaped notch in the precipitous wall of the coast was hardly more than one hundred yards in length. the water deepened so suddenly and abruptly at a distance of fifty yards from the shore that there was practically no anchorage, and general shafter's fleet of more than thirty transports had to lie in what was virtually an open roadstead and drift back and forth with the currents and tides. the prevailing winds were from the east and southeast, and the long swell which rolled in from the caribbean sea broke in heavy and at times dangerous surf upon the narrow strip of unsheltered beach where the army had to land. all of these local conditions were known, or might have been known, to general shafter before he left tampa; but when he arrived off the coast they seemed to take him wholly by surprise. he had brought with him neither surf-boats, nor steam-launches, nor suitable lighters, nor materials with which to construct a pier. how he ever would have disembarked his command without the assistance of the navy, i do not know. i doubt whether a landing could have been effected at all. fortunately, the navy was at hand, and its small boats and steam-launches, manned by officers and sailors from the fleet, landed the whole army through the surf with the loss of only two men. the navy then retired from the scene of action, and general shafter was left to his own devices--and deplorably weak and ineffective they proved to be. the engineer corps found near the railroad at siboney a few sticks of heavy timber belonging to the iron company, out of which they improvised a small, narrow pier; but it was soon undermined and knocked to pieces by the surf. the chief quartermaster discovered on or near the beach three or four old lighters, also belonging to the iron company, which he used to supplement the service rendered by the single scow attached to the expedition; but as he put them in charge of soldiers, who had had no experience in handling boats in broken water, they were soon stove against the corners of the pier, or swamped in the heavy surf that swept the beach. all that could be done then was to land supplies as fast as possible in the small rowboats of the transports. if general shafter had had competent and experienced officers to put in command of these boats, and steam-launches to tow them back and forth in strings or lines of half a dozen each, and if he had made provision for communication with the captains of the steamers by means of wigwag flag-signals, so as to be able to give them orders and control their movements, he might have landed supplies in this way with some success. but none of the difficulties of the situation had been foreseen, and no arrangements had been made to cope with them. the captains of the transports put their vessels wherever they chose, and when a steamer that lay four or five miles at sea was wanted closer inshore, there was no means of sending orders to her except by rowboat. the captains, as a rule, did not put officers in charge of their boats, and the sailors who manned them, having no competent direction, acted upon their own judgment. finally, boats which could have made a round trip between the transports and the shore in half an hour if towed by a steam-launch often used up the greater part of two hours in toiling back and forth through a heavy sea under oars. it is not a matter for surprise that, with such facilities and under such conditions, general shafter found it almost impossible to land even food and ammunition enough to keep his army properly supplied. in his official report of the campaign he says: "it was not until nearly two weeks after the army landed that it was possible to place on shore three days' supplies in excess of those required for daily consumption." in addition to all the unnecessary difficulties and embarrassments above described, there was another, almost, if not quite, as serious, arising from the manner in which the transports had been loaded at tampa. stores were put into the steamers apparently without any reference to the circumstances under which they would be taken out, and without any regard to the order in which they would be needed at the point of destination. medical supplies, for example, instead of being put all together in a single transport, were scattered among twenty or more vessels, so that in order to get all of them it was necessary either to bring twenty steamers close to shore, one after another, and take a little out of each, or send rowboats around to them all where they lay at distances ranging from one mile to five.[ ] articles of equipment that would be required as soon as the army landed were often buried in the holds of the vessels under hundreds of tons of stuff that would not be needed in a week, and the army went forward without them, simply because they could not be quickly got at. finally, i am inclined to believe, from what i saw and heard of the landing of supplies at siboney, that there was not such a thing as a bill of lading, manifest, or cargo list in existence, and that the chief quartermaster had no other guide to the location of a particular article than that furnished by his own memory or the memory of some first mate. i do not assert this as a fact; i merely infer it from the difficulty that there seemed to be in finding and getting ashore quickly a particular kind of stores for which there happened to be an immediate and urgent demand. after the fight of the rough riders at guasimas, for example, general wood found himself short of ammunition for his hotchkiss rapid-fire guns. he sent lieutenant kilbourne back to general shafter at siboney with a request that a fresh supply be forwarded at the earliest possible moment. general shafter said that he had no idea where that particular kind of ammunition was to be found, and referred the applicant to quartermaster jacobs at daiquiri. lieutenant kilbourne walked seven miles to daiquiri, only to find that the quartermaster had no more idea where that ammunition was than the commanding general had. he thereupon returned to guasimas, after a march of more than twenty miles, and reported to general wood that ammunition for the rapid-fire guns could not be had, because nobody knew where it was. if the commanding general and the quartermaster could not put their hands on ammunition when it was needed, they could hardly be expected to find, and forward promptly, articles of less vital importance, such as camp-kettles, hospital tents, clothing, and spare blankets. it would be easy to fill pages with illustrations and proofs of the statements above made, but i must limit myself to a typical case or two relating to medical supplies, which seem to have been most neglected. in a report to surgeon-general sternberg dated july , dr. edward l. munson, commander of the reserve ambulance company, says that for two days after his arrival at siboney he was unable to get any transportation whatever for medical supplies from the ships to the shore. on the third day he was furnished with one rowboat, but even this was taken away from him, when it had made one trip, by direct order of general shafter, who wished to assign it to other duty. some days later, with the boats of the _olivette_, _cherokee_, and _breakwater_, he succeeded in landing medical supplies from perhaps one third of the transports composing the fleet. "i appealed on several occasions," he says, "for the use of a lighter or small steamer to collect and land medical supplies, but i was informed by the quartermaster's department that they could render no assistance in that way.... at the time of my departure large quantities of medical supplies, urgently needed on shore, still remained on the transports, a number of which were under orders to return to the united states." "in conclusion," he adds, "it is desired to emphasize the fact that the lamentable conditions prevailing in the army before santiago were due ( ) to the military necessity which threw troops on shore and away from the possibility of supply, without medicines, instruments, or hospital stores of any kind; and ( ) to the lack of foresight on the part of the quartermaster's department in sending out such an expedition without fully anticipating its needs as regards temporary wharfage, lighters, tugs, and despatch-boats." dr. frank donaldson, assistant surgeon attached to colonel roosevelt's rough riders, states in a letter to the philadelphia "medical journal," dated july , that "a desperate effort" was made to secure a few cots for the sick and wounded in the field-hospitals at the front. there were hundreds of these cots, he says, on one of the transports off siboney, but it proved to be utterly impossible to get any of them landed. whether they were all carried back to the united states or not i do not know; but large quantities of supplies, intended for general shafter's army, _were_ carried back on the transports _alamo_, _breakwater_, _vigilancia_, and _la grande duchesse_. i do not mean to throw any undeserved blame upon the quartermasters and commissaries at siboney. many of them worked day and night with indefatigable energy to get supplies on shore and forward them to the army; but they were hampered by conditions over which they had no control, and for which, perhaps, they were not in any way responsible; they were often unable to obtain the assistance of steamer captains and other officers upon whose coöperation the success of their own efforts depended, and they probably did all that could be done by individuals acting as separate units rather than as correlated parts of an organized and intelligently directed whole. the trouble at siboney was the same trouble that became apparent at tampa. there was at the head of affairs no controlling, directing, and energizing brain, capable of grasping all the details of a complex situation and making all the parts of a complicated mechanism work harmoniously together for the accomplishment of a definite purpose. iii. the strategic plan of campaign and its execution. as this branch of the subject will be discussed--if it has not already been discussed--by better-equipped critics than i can pretend to be, i shall limit myself to a brief review of the campaign in its strategic aspect as it appears from the standpoint of a civilian. i understand, from officers who were in a position to know the facts, that the original plan of attack on the city of santiago provided for close and effective coöperation of the army with the navy, and for a joint assault by way of aguadores and morro castle. general shafter was to move along the line of the railroad from siboney to aguadores, keeping close to the coast under cover of the guns of the fleet, and, with the assistance of the latter, was to capture the old aguadores fort and such other intrenchments as should be found at the mouth of the aguadores ravine. this, it was thought, might be accomplished with very little loss, because the fleet could shell the spaniards out of their fortifications, and thus make it possible for the army to occupy them without much fighting. having taken aguadores, general shafter was to continue his march westward along the coast, still under the protection of admiral sampson's guns, until he reached morro. then, without attempting to storm or reduce the castle, he was to go down through the ravine that leads to the head of the estrella cove, and seize the submarine-mine station at the mouth of santiago harbor. when electrical connection between the station and the mines had been destroyed, and the mines had thus been rendered harmless, admiral sampson was to force an entrance, fighting his way in past the batteries, and the army and fleet were then to advance northward toward the city along the eastern side of the bay. this plan had many obvious advantages, the most important of which was the aid and protection that would be given to the army, at every stage of its progress, by the guns of perhaps thirty or forty ships of war. in the opinion of naval officers, admiral sampson's cruisers and battle-ships could sweep the country ahead of our advance with such a storm of shot and shell that the spaniards would not be able to hold any position within a mile of the coast. all that the army would have to do, therefore, would be to occupy the country as fast as it was cleared by the fire of the fleet, and then open the harbor to the latter by cutting communication with the submarine mines which were the only effective defense that the city had on the water side. general shafter's army, moreover, would be all the time on high, sea-breeze-swept land, and therefore comparatively safe from malarial fever, and it would not only have a railroad behind it for the transportation of its supplies, but be constantly within easy reach of its base by water. why this plan was eventually given up i do not know. in abandoning it general shafter voluntarily deprived himself of the aid that might have been rendered by three or four hundred high-powered and rapid-fire guns, backed by a trained fighting force of six or eight thousand men. i do not know the exact strength of sampson's and schley's combined fleets, but this seems to me to be a conservative estimate. a prominent officer of the battle-ship _iowa_ told me in santiago, after the surrender, that the fighting ships under admiral sampson's command, including the auxiliary cruisers and mosquito fleet, could concentrate on any given field a fire of about one hundred shells a second. this included, of course, small projectiles from the rapid-fire and one-pound machine guns. he did not think it possible for spanish infantry to live, much less fight, in the field swept by such a fire, and this was his reason for believing that the fleet could have cleared the way for the army if the latter had advanced along the coast instead of going back into the interior. the plan of attack by way of aguadores and morro was regarded by the foreign residents of santiago as the one most likely to succeed; and a gentleman who lived eight years at daiquiri, as manager of the spanish-american iron company, and who is familiar with the topography of the whole region, writes me: "i have always thought that the great mistake of the santiago campaign was that they assaulted the city at its most impregnable point, instead of taking possession of the heights at aguadores, which would have been tantamount to the fall of morro, the possession of the harbor entrance and of the harbor itself. the forces of the spaniards were not sufficient to maintain any considerable number of men there, and it seems to me that, with the help of the fleet shelling the heights, they could have been reached very easily along the juragua railroad. if general duffield had pressed on when he was there, it is probable that he would have met with only a thin skirmish-line, or, if the fleet had done its work, with no resistance at all." the reason assigned for general shafter's advance through the valleys and over the foot-hills of the interior, instead of along the high land of the coast, is that he had been ordered to "capture the garrison at santiago and assist in capturing the harbor and the fleet." he did not believe, it is said, that he could "capture the garrison" without completely investing the city on the east and north. if he attacked it from the southern or morro side, he might take the city, but the garrison would escape by the cobre or the san luis road. this seems like a valid and reasonable objection to the original plan of campaign; but i doubt very much whether the spanish army would have tried to escape in any event, for the reason that the surrounding country was almost wholly destitute of food, and general linares, in the hurry and confusion of defeat, would hardly have been able to organize a provision-train for an army of eight or ten thousand men, even if he had had provisions to carry. the only place where he could hope to find food in any quantity was manzanillo, and to reach that port he would have had to make a forced march of from twelve to fifteen days. but the question whether the interior line of advance or the coastline was the better must be left to strategists, and i express no opinion with regard to it. the operations and manoeuvers of our army in front of santiago have already been described and commented upon by a number of expert observers, and the only additional criticisms that i have to make relate to general shafter's neglect of reconnaissances, as a means of ascertaining the enemy's strength and position; his apparent loss of grip after the battle of july - ; and his failure not only to prevent, but to take any adequate steps to prevent, the reinforcement of the santiago garrison by a column of five thousand regulars from manzanillo under command of colonel escarrio. if i am correctly informed, the only reconnaissances made from the front of our army, after it came within striking distance of the enemy's intrenched line, were made by general chaffee and a few other commanding officers upon their own responsibility and for their own information. general shafter knew little more about the topography of the country in front of his advance picket-line than could be ascertained by mere inspection from the top of a hill. he received information to the effect that general pando, with a strong column of spanish regulars, was approaching santiago from the direction of manzanillo; but he never took any adequate steps to ascertain where general pando was, when and by what road he might be expected to arrive, or how many men he was bringing with him. in the course of a single day--july --general shafter sent three telegrams to the war department with regard to the whereabouts of pando, in each of which he located that officer in a different place. in the first he says: "pando has arrived at palma" (a village about twenty-five miles northwest of santiago on the cobre road). in the second he declares that pando is "six miles north of santiago," "near a break in the [san luis] railroad," and that he thinks "he will be stopped." in the third he says: "pando, i find to-night, is some distance away and will not get into santiago." we know now--and general shafter should have known then--that the column of reinforcements from manzanillo was not led by general pando, but by colonel escarrio, and that at the very time when shafter, in successive telegrams, was placing it "at palma," "six miles north," "near a break in the railroad," and "some distance away," it was actually in the santiago intrenchments, ready for business. i take this case as an illustration on account of its extreme importance. a column of five thousand spanish regulars is not to be despised; and when it is within a few days', or perhaps a few hours', march, knowledge of its exact location may be a matter of life and death to a thousand men. was there any reason why general shafter should not have informed himself accurately with regard to the strength and the position of this column of reinforcements? i think not. when admiral sampson arrived off the entrance to santiago harbor, it was of vital importance that he should know with certainty the location of cervera's fleet. he did not hastily telegraph the war department that it was reported at cienfuegos; that it was said to be in the windward passage; that it was five miles north of morro, or that it was near a reef in the este channel and would be stopped. he sent lieutenant victor blue ashore to make a thorough and careful reconnaissance. lieutenant blue made a difficult and dangerous journey of seventy miles, on foot, around the city of santiago, saw personally every vessel in the harbor, and then returned to the flagship, and reported that cervera's fleet was all there. i do not know whether this was good strategy on the part of admiral sampson or not, but it was certainly good common sense. suppose that general shafter had asked general wood to pick out from the rough riders half a dozen experienced scouts and indian fighters to make a reconnaissance, with cuban guides, in the direction of manzanillo, and ascertain exactly where that column of reinforcements was, and when it might be expected to arrive. would not the men have been forthcoming, and would not the desired information have been obtained? i have confidence enough in the rough riders to answer this question emphatically in the affirmative. the capable men are not all in the navy, and if general shafter did not have full information with regard to colonel escarrio's movements, it was simply because he did not ask any of his officers or men to get it for him--and it was information well worth having. if that column of five thousand spanish regulars had reached santiago two days earlier--the evening before instead of the morning after the battle of july - --i doubt very much whether we should have taken either caney or san juan hill, and general shafter might have had better reason than he did have to "consider the advisability of falling back to a position five miles in the rear."[ ] if general shafter believed that these spanish reinforcements were "some distance away" and that they would "not get into santiago," it is difficult to understand why he should have so far lost his grip, after the capture of caney and san juan hill, as to telegraph the war department that he was "seriously considering the advisability of falling back to a position five miles in the rear." his troops had not been defeated, nor even repulsed; they had been victorious at every point; and the spaniards, as we afterward learned in santiago, were momentarily expecting them to move another mile to the front, rather than five miles to the rear. it is the belief of many foreign residents of santiago, including the english cable-operators, who had the best possible means of knowing the views of the spanish commanders, that if our army had continued the attack after capturing caney and san juan hill it might have entered the city before dark. this may or may not be so; but the chance--if chance there was--vanished when colonel escarrio, on the morning after the battle, marched around the head of the bay and into the city with a reinforcing column of five thousand regulars. general shafter says, in his official report, that "the arrival of general escarrio was not anticipated" because "it was not believed that his troops could arrive so soon." the time when a reinforcing column of five thousand men will reach the enemy ought not to be a matter of vague belief--it should be a matter of accurate foreknowledge; and if general shafter had sent a couple of officers with a few rough riders out on the roads leading into santiago from manzanillo, he might have had information that would have made the arrival of colonel escarrio less unexpected. but he seems to have taken no steps either to ascertain the movements of the latter or to prevent his junction with linares. general o. o. howard, in an interview published in the new york "tribune" of september , , explains the apparent indifference of general shafter to the approach of these reinforcements as follows: "in regard to the cubans allowing the spanish reinforcements to enter santiago from manzanillo, i would say that i met general shafter on board the _vixen_, and from my conversation with him i infer that he intended to allow the spaniards to enter the city, so as to have them where he could punish them more." it is to be hoped that general howard misunderstood general shafter, because such strategy as that indicated would suggest the tactics of the pugnacious john phoenix, who, in a fight in the editorial room, put his nose into the mouth of his adversary in order to hold the latter more securely. the explanation of the entrance of the spanish reinforcements given by general shafter in his official report of the campaign is as follows: "general garcia, with between four and five thousand cubans, was intrusted with the duty of watching for and intercepting the reinforcements expected. this, however, he failed to do, and escarrio passed into the city along my extreme right and near the bay." general garcia himself, however, in his report to his own government, states that he was directed by general shafter to occupy and hold a certain position on the right wing of the army, and that, without disobeying orders and leaving that position, he could not possibly intercept the manzanillo troops. as it happened, escarrio's column did not become a controlling or decisive factor in the campaign, and the question why he was allowed to reinforce the santiago garrison has therefore only a speculative interest. if, however, these reinforcements had happened to arrive two days earlier--in time to take part in the battle of july - --the whole course of events might have been changed. the spanish garrison of the city, according to the english cable-operators and the foreign residents, consisted of three thousand regulars, one thousand volunteers, and about one thousand sailors and marines from cervera's fleet--a force, all together, of not more than five thousand men. this comparatively small army, fighting in intrenchments and in almost impregnable positions, came so near repulsing our attack on july that general shafter "seriously considered the advisability of falling back to a position five miles in the rear." if the five thousand men in the spanish blockhouses and rifle-pits had been reinforced july instead of july by the five thousand regulars from manzanillo, the santiago campaign might have ended in a great disaster. fortunately for general shafter, and unfortunately for general toral, "socorro de españa ó tarde ó nunca" ("spanish reinforcements arrive late or never "). chapter xxi the santiago campaign (_concluded_) iv. the wrecking of the army by disease after the decisive battle of july - . the army under command of general shafter left tampa on the fourteenth day of june, and arrived off the cuban coast near santiago on the th of the same month. disembarkation began at daiquiri on the d, and ended at siboney on the th. on the morning of june the whole army was ashore, and was then in a state of almost perfect health and efficiency. one week later the soldiers at the front began to sicken with malarial and other fevers, and two weeks later, according to general shafter's report, "sickness was increasing very rapidly, and the weakness of the troops was becoming so apparent that i was anxious to bring the siege to an end." on july , less than four weeks after the army landed, colonel roosevelt told me that not more than one quarter of his men were fit for duty, and that when they moved five miles up into the hills, a few days before, fifty per cent. of the entire command fell out of the ranks from exhaustion. on july a prominent surgeon attached to the field-hospital of the first division stated to me that at least five thousand men in the fifth army-corps were then ill with fever, and that there were more than one thousand sick in general kent's division alone. on august eight general officers in shafter's command signed a round-robin in which they declared that the army had been so disabled by malarial fevers that it had lost its efficiency; that it was too weak to move back into the hills; that the epidemic of yellow fever which was sure to occur would probably destroy it, and that if it were not moved north at once it "must perish." at that time, according to general shafter's telegram of august to the war department, "seventy-five per cent. of the command had been ill with a very weakening malarial fever, which leaves every man too much broken down to be of any use." in the short space of forty days, therefore, an army of sixteen thousand men had lost three fourths of its efficiency, and had been reduced to a condition so low that, in the opinion of eight general officers, it must inevitably "perish" unless immediately sent back to the united states. early in august, after a stay in cuba of only six weeks, the fifth army-corps began to move northward, and before september the whole command was in camp at montauk point, long island. of the eighteen thousand men who composed it, five thousand were very ill, or soon became very ill, and were sent to the general hospital; while five thousand more, who were less seriously sick, were treated in their tents.[ ] eight thousand men out of eighteen thousand were nominally well, but had been so enfeebled by the hardships and privations of the campaign that they were no longer fit for active cuban service, and, in the opinion of general miles, hardly one of them was in sound health.[ ] i think it is not an exaggeration to describe this state of affairs as "the wrecking of the army by disease." it is my purpose in the present chapter to inquire whether such wrecking of the army was inevitable, and if not, why it was allowed to happen. a review of the history of campaigns in tropical countries seems to show that northern armies in such regions have always suffered more from disease than from battle; but it does not by any means show that the virtual destruction of a northern army by disease in a tropical country is inevitable _now_. when the british army under the earl of albemarle landed on the cuban coast and attacked havana in , it lost nearly one half its efficiency, as a result of sickness, in about four weeks; but at that time the fact that nine tenths of all tropical diseases are caused by microscopic germs, and are therefore preventable, was not known. the progress made in sanitary science in the present century renders unnecessary and inexcusable in a rate of sickness and mortality that was perhaps inevitable in . northern soldiers, if properly equipped and cared for, can live and maintain their health now under conditions which would have been absolutely and inevitably fatal to them a century ago. in april last there was an interesting and instructive discussion of this subject, or of a subject very closely connected with this, at a meeting held in the rooms of the royal geographical society, london, and attended by many of the best-known authorities on tropical pathology in great britain. most of the gentlemen who took part in the debate were of opinion that there is no reason whatever why the white man should not be able to adapt himself to the new conditions of life in the tropics, and protect himself against the diseases that prevail in those regions. the popular belief that the white man cannot successfully colonize the tropics is disproved by the fact that he has done so. it is undoubtedly true that many northerners who go to equatorial regions contract disease there and die; but in the majority of such cases the man is the victim of his obstinate unwillingness to change his habits in respect to eating, drinking, and clothing, and to conform his life to the new conditions. the chief diseases, both acute and chronic, of tropical countries--those which formerly caused such ravages among the white settlers, and gave rise to the prevalent theory that europeans can live only in the temperate zone--are all microbic in origin, and consequently in great measure preventable. we cannot expect, of course, to see them absolutely wiped out of existence; but their sting may be extracted by means of an improved public and private hygiene and other prophylactic measures. a comparison of the healthfulness of the west india islands under enlightened british rule with that of the two under spanish misrule shows what can be done by sanitation to convert a pest-hole into a paradise. indeed, as dr. l. sambon, in opening the discussion, well said, sanitation within the last few decades has wrought wonderful changes in all tropical countries as regards health conditions, and the changes in some places have been so great that regions once considered most deadly are now even recommended as health resorts. dr. patrick manson, than whom there is no greater authority on the pathology of equatorial regions, began his remarks with the confession that in former years, under the influence of early training, he shared in the pessimistic opinions then current about tropical colonization by the white races. in recent years, however, his views on this subject had undergone a complete revolution--a revolution that began with the establishment of the germ theory of disease. he now firmly believed in the possibility of tropical colonization by the white races. heat and moisture, he contended, are not, in themselves, the direct cause of any important tropical disease. the direct causes of ninety-nine per cent, of these diseases are germs, and to kill the germs is simply a matter of knowledge and the application of that knowledge--that is to say, sanitary science and sanitation.[ ] the fact that ninety-nine per cent. or more of the diseases that prevail in the tropics are caused by germs was known, of course, to the surgeon-general of our army, and ought to have been known to general shafter and the secretary of war. it was, therefore, their duty, collectively and individually, to protect our soldiers in cuba, not only by informing them of the best means of escaping the dangers threatened by these micro-organisms, but also by furnishing them with every safeguard that science and experience could suggest in the shape of proper food, dress, equipment, and medical supplies. the rules and precautions which it is necessary to observe in order to escape the attacks of micro-organisms and maintain health in the tropics were well known at the time when the invasion of cuba was planned, and had been published, long before the army left tampa, in hundreds of periodicals throughout the country. cuban physicians and surgeons, americans who had campaigned with gomez and garcia, and travelers who, like hornaday, had spent many years in tropical forests and jungles, all agreed that if our soldiers were to keep well in cuba they should drink boiled water, they should avoid sleeping on the ground, they should have adequate protection from rain and dew at night, and they should be able to change their clothing, or at least their underwear, when wet.[ ] by observing these very simple precautions dr. hornaday maintained his health throughout five years of almost constant travel and exploration in the woods and jungles of cuba, south america, india, the malay archipelago, and borneo. if our soldiers went to cuba, or marched from siboney to santiago, without the equipment required for the observance of these precautions, it was not the result of necessary ignorance on the part of their superiors. as the philadelphia "medical journal" said, ten days before the army sailed: "the climate and sanitary--or rather unsanitary--conditions of cuba have been much discussed, and it is well known what our troops will have to contend against in that island." the "army and navy journal," about the same time, pointed out the grave danger to be apprehended from contaminated drinking-water, and said: "the government should provide itself with heating and distilling apparatus on an adequate scale. sterilized water is cheaper than hospitals and an army of nurses, to say nothing of the crippling of the service that sickness brings." in an article entitled "special sanitary instructions for the guidance of troops serving in tropical countries," published in the "journal of the american medical association" for may, dr. r. s. woodson described fully the adverse sanitary conditions peculiar to cuba, and called especial attention to the danger of drinking impure water and sleeping on the ground. finally, the highest medical officers of our army, including the surgeon-general, the chief surgeon of the fifth army-corps, and dr. john guiteras, published instructions and suggestions for the maintenance of the health of our soldiers in the field, in which attention was again called to the danger of drinking unboiled water and sleeping in wet clothing on the ground.[ ] in spite of all these orders, instructions, and suggestions, and in defiance of the advice and warnings of all competent authorities, general shafter's army sailed from tampa without its reserve medical supplies and ambulance corps, and, having landed on the cuban coast, marched into the interior without wall-tents, without hammocks, without a change of clothing, and without a single utensil larger than a coffee-cup in which to boil water. the question naturally arises, why? if everybody, without exception, who knows the climate of cuba warns you that your soldiers must not sleep on the ground, in wet clothing, why not provide them with hammocks, rain-sheets, and extra underwear? if your own surgeon-general and the chief surgeon of your own corps advise you officially that the drinking of unboiled water will almost certainly cause disease, why not supply your men with camp-kettles? i can think of only three possible answers to these questions. either ( ) the war department did not furnish general shafter with these articles, or with adequate transportation for them; or ( ) general shafter did not believe in microbes and the germ theory of disease, and regarded the suggestions of medical and other experts as foolish and nonsensical; or ( ) the commanding general expected to capture santiago before his troops should be put _hors de combat_ by disease, and did not care particularly what happened to them afterward. if there be any other explanation of the officially admitted facts, it does not at this moment occur to me. some of the defenders of the war department and of general shafter seek to convey the idea, by implication at least, that the wrecking of our army was inevitable--that it was a sort of divine visitation, which could not have been averted, and for which no one, except the creator of microbes and the cuban climate, was responsible. but this theory accords neither with the facts nor with general shafter's explanation of them. in his telegram of august to president mckinley, he does not say, "what put my command in its present condition was a visitation of god"; he says: "what put my command in its present condition was the twenty days of the campaign when they had nothing but meat [fat bacon], bread, and coffee, without change of clothes, and without any shelter whatever." from this admission of the commanding general it is clear that the wrecking of the army was not due primarily to uncontrollable climatic conditions, but rather to lack of foresight, mismanagement, and inefficiency. this conclusion is supported and greatly strengthened by the record of another body of men, in a different branch of the service, which spent more time in cuba than the fifth army-corps spent there, which was subjected to nearly all the local and climatic influences that are said to have wrecked the latter, but which, nevertheless, escaped disease and came back to the united states in perfect health. i refer to the battalion of marines under command of colonel huntington. this small naval contingent landed on the western shore of guantanamo bay on june --two weeks before the fifth army-corps finished disembarkation at daiquiri and siboney. it was almost immediately attacked by a superior force of spanish regulars, and was so harassed, night and day, by the fire of the latter that some of its officers slept only two hours out of one hundred and fifteen. as soon as it had obtained a foothold it went into camp on a slight elevation in the midst of an almost impenetrable jungle, surrounded itself with defensive trenches, and there lived, for a period of ten weeks, exposed to the same sun, rain, and malaria that played havoc with the troops of general shafter. on the sixth day of august, after eight weeks on cuban soil and in a tropical climate, its condition, as reported by admiral sampson, was as follows: "the marine battalion is in excellent health. sick-list two and one half per cent. the fleet surgeon reports that they are in better condition for service in this climate than they were when they arrived south in june. i do not think it necessary to send them north."[ ] almost exactly at the same time when this report was made, general shafter was telegraphing the war department that seventy-five per cent. of his command had been disabled by fever, and eight general officers of the fifth army-corps were signing a round-robin in which they declared that if the army were not immediately moved north it "must perish." late in august it was decided that the marines should return to the united states, notwithstanding their satisfactory state of health, and on the th of that month they reached portsmouth, new hampshire, with only two men sick. they had been gone a little more than eleven weeks, ten of which they had spent in cuba, and in that time had not lost a single man from disease, and had never had a higher sick-rate than two and one half per cent. in view of this record, as compared with that of any regiment in general shafter's command, we are forced to inquire: what is the reason for the difference? why should a battalion of marines be able to live ten weeks in cuba, without the loss of a single man from disease, and with a sick-rate of only two and one half per cent., while so hardy and tough a body of men as the rough riders, under substantially the same climatic conditions, had become so reduced in four weeks that seventy-five per cent. of them were unfit for duty, and fifty per cent. of them fell out of the ranks from exhaustion in a march of five miles? the only answer i can find to these questions is that the marines had suitable equipment and intelligent care, while the soldiers of general shafter's command had neither. when the marines landed in guantanamo bay, every tent and building that the spaniards had occupied was immediately destroyed by fire, to remove any possible danger of infection with yellow fever. when general shafter landed at siboney, he not only disregarded the recommendation of his chief surgeon to burn the buildings there, but allowed them to be occupied as offices and hospitals, without even so much as attempting to clean or disinfect them. yellow fever made its appearance in less than two weeks. the marines at guantanamo were supplied promptly with light canvas uniforms suitable for a tropical climate, while the soldiers of general shafter's army sweltered through the campaign in the heavy clothing that they had worn in idaho or montana, and then, just before they started north, were furnished with thin suits to keep them cool at montauk point in the fall. the marines drank only water that had been boiled or sterilized, while the men of general shafter's command drank out of brooks into which the heavy afternoon showers were constantly washing fecal and other decaying organic matter from the banks. the marines were well protected from rain and dew, while the regulars of the fifth army-corps were drenched to the skin almost every day, and slept at night on the water-soaked ground. the marines received the full navy ration, while the soldiers had only hardtack and fat bacon, and not always enough of that. finally, the marines had surgeons enough to take proper care of the sick, and medicines enough to give them, while general shafter, after leaving his reserve medical supplies and ambulance corps at tampa, telegraphs the adjutant-general on august that "there has never been sufficient medical attendance or medicines for the daily wants of the command." in short, the marines observed the laws of health, and lived in cuba according to the dictates of modern sanitary science, while the soldiers, through no fault of their own, were forced to violate almost every known law of health, and to live as if there were no such thing as sanitary science in existence. governor tanner, general grosvenor, and secretary alger may declare that the wrecking of the army by disease was inevitable, that northern soldiers cannot maintain their health in the tropics, and that "when troops come home sick and worn, it is a part of war"; but, in view of the record made at guantanamo bay, we may say to them, seriously and respectfully, rather than flippantly: "tell that to the marines!" the record of the marine battalion, taken in connection with general shafter's admission that his command was disabled by "twenty days of bread, meat, and coffee, without change of clothes, and without any shelter whatever," seems to show conclusively that the epidemic of disease which wrecked the army was the direct result of improper and insufficient food, inadequate equipment, and utter neglect of all the rules prescribed by sanitary science for the maintenance of health in tropical regions. the questions then recur, why did not the army have such food, clothes, and equipment as would have made obedience to the laws of health possible? why should they have been directed by their chief surgeon to boil all drinking-water, to avoid sleeping on the ground, and to change their clothing when wet, if it was not the intention to give them camp-kettles in which to boil the water, hammocks in which to sleep, and clothing enough for a change? the american people, certainly, are both able and willing to pay for the proper support and equipment of their army. if it had cost five million dollars, or ten million dollars, to supply every company in general shafter's command with hammocks, waterproof rain-sheets, extra clothing, and camp-kettles, the money would have been appropriated and paid without a grumble or a murmur. we are not a stingy people, nor even an economical people, when the question is one of caring for the men that we send into the field to fight for us. if, then, the financial resources of the war department were unlimited, and if it had supreme power, why could it not properly equip and feed a comparatively small invading force of only sixteen or eighteen thousand men? were the difficulties insuperable? certainly not! it is safe, i think, to say that there were a thousand business firms in the united states which, for a suitable consideration, would have undertaken to keep general shafter's army supplied, at every step of its progress from siboney to santiago, with hammocks, waterproof tents, extra clothing, camp-kettles, and full rations of food. the trouble was not lack of money or lack of facilities at home; it was lack of foresight, of system, and of administrative ability in the field. lieutenant parker of the thirteenth infantry has pointed out the fact that the army was not properly equipped and fed "even after the surrender [of santiago] had placed unlimited wharfage at our disposal within two and a half miles of the camps over excellent roads."[ ] a week or ten days after the surrender, officers were coming into santiago on horseback and carrying out to the camps over the pommels of their saddles heavy hospital tents for which they could get no other transportation and of which their men were in urgent need. as late as august --nearly a month after the surrender--the soldiers of the ninth massachusetts were still sleeping on the ground in dog-kennel tents, toasting their bacon on the ends of sticks, and making coffee in old tomato-cans, although at that very time there were hundreds of large wall-tents piled up in front of the army storehouse on the santiago water-front and hundreds of tons of supplies, of all sorts, in the storehouses and on the piers. the state of affairs in the hospitals was not much better than it had been a month before. in a signed letter dated "santiago, august ," dr. james s. kennedy, first assistant surgeon of the second division hospital, declared that there was "an utter lack of suitable medicines with which to combat disease. there has been so much diarrhea, dysentery, and fever, and no medicine at all to combat them, that men have actually died for want of it. four days after my reporting here there was not a single medicine in the entire hospital for the first two diseases, and nothing but quinine for the fever. yesterday, august , a certain regiment left its encampment to go on board ship for the north, and ten hours afterward a private who had been left behind started back to his former encampment to sleep, no private soldiers being allowed in santiago after dark. on reaching his camp he found ten men abandoned--no medicines, no food, no nurses or physicians--simply abandoned to starvation or suicide." if these statements are not true, dr. kennedy should be brought to trial by court martial for conduct prejudicial to good order and discipline, if not conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman, in publicly making injurious charges that have no foundation in fact. if they are true, they furnish another proof that the lack of medical supplies and medical attention in the army was due to official negligence and inefficiency. in june and july it might have been urged with some show of plausibility that a sudden and unexpected emergency, in the shape of a wide-spread epidemic of fever, had taken the army by surprise and found it unprepared; but with the coast of the united states only four or five days distant, with uninterrupted telegraphic communication, and with good landing facilities in a safe and sheltered harbor, there was no excuse for a lack of medicines and hospital supplies on august --seven weeks after the army landed and four weeks after it entered the city of santiago. defenders of general shafter and the war department try to excuse the wrecking of the army by saying that "the invasion of cuba was not a pleasure excursion," that "war is not strictly a hygienic business," that "the outcry about sickness and neglect is largely sensational and for the manufacture of political effect," and that the general criticism of the management of the campaign is "a concerted effort to hide the glories of our magnificent triumph under alleged faults and shortcomings in its conduct"; but these excuses and counter-charges do not break the force of the essential and officially admitted fact that our army landed on the cuban coast on june in a high state of health and efficiency, and in less than six weeks had not only lost seventy-five per cent. of its effective strength, but had been reduced by disease to a condition so low that, in the opinion of eight of its general officers, it "must perish" unless immediately sent back to the united states. secretary alger declares that management which produces these results "is war"; but i should rather describe it as incapacity for war. if we do not learn a lesson from the santiago campaign--if we continue to equip, feed, and manage our armies in the field as we equipped, fed, and managed the fifth army-corps in cuba--our newly acquired tropical possessions will cost us more in pensions than they will ever produce in revenue. footnotes: [ ] referring to the ten thousand men spoken of in the secretary's telegram of may . [ ] report of general miles ("army and navy register," november , p. ). general shafter reported to the secretary of war, september , that he sailed from tampa with officers and , men. general miles is probably right. [ ] i spell this word as it is spelled by the officers of the spanish-american iron company, who say that "baiquiri" is erroneous. [ ] i never heard this village called _el_ caney by any spaniard or any resident of santiago. mr. ramsden, british consul for many years at the latter place, always refers to it in his diary as "caney," without the definite article, and this was the name given it by every one in santiago with whom i talked. the use of "el" in connection with pozo seems to be correct, as mr. ramsden invariably calls it, in english, "_the_ pozo." [ ]the point where the _merrimac_ was sunk was not the point selected by lieutenant hobson, who aimed to sink her farther out, and more nearly in the position reached by the _reina mercedes_, but was prevented from doing so, as described in his article in "the century" for january, .--editor. [ ] i use the word "bastion" in a very loose, untechnical way to designate projecting parts or semi-detached wings of the main building. i doubt whether the castle contains anything that would be called a bastion by a military engineer; but i cannot think of any other word to describe the cubical masses of masonry that are joined to the main work only on one side. [ ] i neglected to ascertain the dimensions of this roof or gun-platform by pacing it, and the estimates given above are from memory. [ ] "a fair match for numbers." [ ] "the last argument of kings." words engraved or cast on french cannon by order of louis xiv. [ ] evidently an error; it should be philip v [ ] telegram of general shafter to the president, august . [ ] report to the surgeon-general from santiago, july . [ ] report of dr. edward l. munson to the surgeon-general, dated july . [ ] statement furnished to the press by general miles, september , . [ ] statement of general wheeler, new york "sun," september . [ ] new york "sun," september . [ ] "british medical journal" of april , , quoted in the "journal of the military service institution." [ ] "health hints for cuba," by william t. hornaday, director of the new york zoölogical society; new york "sun," may , . [ ] circular of the surgeon-general, dated april , ; memorandum of instructions to soldiers, by lieutenant-colonel b. f. pope, chief surgeon of the fifth army-corps; and general order no. , fifth army-corps, tampa, june , . [ ] telegram to secretary long, dated "playa, cuba, august , ." [ ] "some lessons of the war from an officer's standpoint," by lieutenant john h. parker; "review of reviews," october, . transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. italic text is denoted by _underscores_ and bold text by =equal signs=. off santiago with sampson the "stories of american history" series. by james otis, author of "toby tyler," "jenny wren's boarding house," etc. each story complete in one volume; with original illustrations by l. j. bridgman. small mo, neatly bound in extra cloth, cents each. = . when dewey came to manila.= = . off santiago with sampson.= two new volumes on the recent spanish-american war, in the author's deservedly popular "stories of american history" series. = . when israel putnam served the king.= = . the signal boys of ' =: a tale of the siege of boston. = . under the liberty tree=: a story of the boston massacre. = . the boys of = at the capture of louisburg. = . an island refuge=: casco bay in . = . neal the miller=: a son of liberty. = . ezra jordan's escape= from the massacre at fort loyall. dana estes & co., publishers, boston. [illustration] off santiago with sampson by james otis author of "jenny wren's boarding-house," "jerry's family," "the boys' revolt," "the boys of ," etc. illustrated boston dana estes & company copyright, by dana estes & company colonial press: electrotyped and printed by c. h. simonds & co. boston, u. s. a. contents. chapter page i. "keep out" ii. keep in iii. off santiago iv. the merrimac v. the chase vi. teddy's daddy list of illustrations page the maria teresa in flames _frontispiece_ at the gateway talking with the longshoreman the merrimac teddy comes on board the merrimac setting the hiding-place in order teddy discloses himself the fleet "'this 'ere steamer is goin' to be sunk'" the texas sailors from the texas keeping watch of the brooklyn the sinking of the merrimac the sunken merrimac teddy tries to assist the wounded sailor the texas in the fight off santiago with sampson. chapter i. "keep out." it was a small but by no means feeble-looking boy who stood in front of a driveway disclosed by the opening of huge gates which, until they had been swung inward, appeared to have been a portion of the high fence of boards. there was seemingly no inducement for a boy to linger in this vicinity, unless, indeed, it might have been the sign posted either side the gate, on which was painted in letters rendered conspicuous because of the vivid colouring, the forbidding words, "keep out." "i'll not keep out 'less i'm minded to, an' him as can hold me this side the fence needs to be spry on his feet," the small boy said, half to himself, and with a gesture of defiance which told he had not been accustomed to obeying commands that might be evaded. through the gateway nothing could be seen save enormous heaps of coal, some enclosed in pens formed of planks as if to prevent them from mingling with the others, and between all a path or road of no more than sufficient width to permit the passage of a cart. in the distance, a rough building abruptly closed the view, and beyond it the puffing of steam and rattle of iron implements told of life and activity. [illustration] outside the fence, it was as if this certain portion of the city had been temporarily deserted; but one could hear the rumble of wheels over the pavements on either hand, giving token that the coalyard was situated just beyond the line of city traffic. the boy gazed into the uninviting-looking place as if fascinated, only glancing up now and then at the signs which mutely forbade his entrance, and, as if unconscious of his movements, stole slowly nearer and nearer the gateway until he stood directly on the line that separated the yard from the sidewalk. "if i wanted to go in, it's more'n a couple of signs that could keep me out," he muttered, threateningly, and then, with one backward glance to assure himself that no unfriendly policeman was watching from the distance, the boy darted forward, taking refuge behind the nearest heap of coal, lest an enemy should be lurking near at hand. save for the hum of labour everywhere around, he heard nothing. no guardian of the smutty premises appeared to forbid his entrance, and after waiting a full minute to make certain it was safe to advance yet farther, he left one place of partial concealment for the next in his proposed line of march. so far as he could see, there was no other guardian of the yard save the two signs at the entrance, and the only purpose they served was to challenge him. grown bolder as the moments passed without bringing to light an enemy, the lad advanced more rapidly until he stood, partially concealed by one of the pens, where it was possible to have a full view of all that was being done in this place to which the public were not supposed to be admitted. if the intruder had braved the unknown dangers of the yard simply in order to gratify his curiosity, then had he paid a higher price than the view warranted. the building, which from the street appeared to mark the end of the enclosure, was a structure wherein puffing engines, grimy men, long lengths of moving chains, and enormous iron cars or boxes were sheltered from the sun or rain. in front of it a wooden wall extended down into the water,--a pier perhaps it might be called,--and at this pier, held fast by hemp and iron cables, lay a gigantic steamer built of iron. the intruder gave no heed to the busy men and machinery within the building. the vessel, so powerful, but lying there apparently helpless, enchained his attention until he had made mental note of every spar, or boat, or cable within his range of vision. then, suddenly, from somewhere amid the chains, and cars, and puffing steam, came the shrill blast of a whistle, and as if by magic all activity ceased. the engines no longer breathed with a heavy clank; cars and chains came to a standstill, and men moved quietly away here or there as if having no more interest in the hurly-burly. one of the weary labourers, his face begrimed with coal-dust until it was not possible to distinguish the colour of his skin, took from its near-by hiding-place a dinner-pail, and came directly toward where the small boy was overlooking the scene. within two yards of the lad the dusty man sat down, brushed the ends of his fingers on his trousers, rather from force of habit than with any idea of cleansing them, and without further delay began to eat his dinner. the boy eyed him hungrily, looked around quickly to make certain that there were no others dangerously near, and stepped out from behind his screen of coal. "you'd better keep an eye out for the watchman," the man said, speaking indistinctly because of the bread in his mouth, and the boy replied, defiantly: "i'd like to see the watchman 'round here that i'm 'fraid of, an' besides, he couldn't catch me." "what'er you doin' here?" "nothin'." "a boy of your size has got no business to be loafin' 'round doin' nothin'." "i might be eatin' if i had a chance; but there hasn't been much of an openin' for me in that line this quite a spell." "hungry?" "give me a piece of that bread an' i'll show yer." "don't you do anything for a livin'?" the man asked passing the lad a generous slice from the loaf. "course i do." "what?" "anything that pays. i've sold papers some since the spaniards got so funny; but it ain't any great snap, only once in awhile when the news is humpin' itself. a feller gets stuck mighty often, an' i'm thinkin' of tryin' somethin' else." "where's your folks?" "i ain't got any to speak of now, since my father got giddy an' went off to war." "out for a soldier, eh?" "not a bit of it! he shovels coal aboard one of them big steamers that's down smashin' the life out'er cuby, that's what he does, an' he's nobody's slouch, dad ain't!" "what's your name?" "teddy dunlap." "want more bread?" the boy leaned over in order to look into the dinner-pail, and then said, promptly: "i've had enough." "don't think you're robbin' me, 'cause you ain't. i believe in feedin' well, an' this is only my first pail. there's another over there that i'll tackle later." teddy glanced in the direction pointed out by his new acquaintance, and, seeing a pail half concealed by some loose boards, at once stretched out his hand, as he said: "if you've got plenty, i don't care if i do have another piece of that bread." "can't you earn enough to keep you in food?" and the man gave to the boy a most appetising sandwich. "say, that's a dandy! it's half meat, too! them you get down-town don't have more'n the shadow of a ham bone inside the bread! course i make enough to buy food; but you don't think i'm blowin' it all in jest for a spread, eh?" "runnin' a bank?" "well, it's kind'er like that; i'm puttin' it all away, so's to go down to cuby an' look after the old man. he allers did need me, an' i can't see how he's been gettin' along alone." "where's your mother?" "died when i was a kid. dad an' me boomed things in great shape till he got set on goin' to war, an' that broke it all up." "did he leave you behind to run wild?" [illustration] "not much he didn't, 'cause he knows i can take care of myself; but he allowed to make money enough so's we could buy a place out in the country, where we'd have an imitation farm, an' live high. oh, i'm all right, an' every time i catch a sucker like you there's jest so much more saved toward goin' down to cuby. you see i never did take much stock in dad's kitin' 'round fightin' spaniards, an' since he left it seems as if i was mighty foolish to let him go, so i'm bound to be where he is, when things come my way." "look here, teddy," and the dust-begrimed man spoke in a more kindly tone to the boy, "if your father is a coal-passer in the navy, an' that's what he seems to be, 'cordin' to your story, you couldn't see very much of him, even though you was on board his vessel all the time." "don't yer s'pose i know that? i ain't sich a baby that i count on bein' right under his nose; but i'm goin' to be somewhere near the old man in case he needs me." "it seems as if you might get down to cuba easier than earnin' the money to pay your passage." "how?" and teddy ceased eating for the instant to look at this new friend who had made a suggestion which interested him more than anything else could have done. "why don't you try to work your passage? now, here's this 'ere steamer, loadin' with coal for the navy--perhaps goin' to the very ship your father is on. if you could jolly the captain into takin' you to do odd jobs, it would be a snap, alongside of payin' for a ticket an' trustin' to luck after gettin' there." "well, say! that would be a great racket if it could be worked! is it a dead sure thing that the steamer's bound for our war-vessels?" "that's what, though it ain't to be said that she'll be goin' to the very craft your father's on. all i know is uncle sam has bought this coal, an' it's bein' taken out to our navy somewhere 'round cuba." "i don't reckon any but them what enlists can go aboard the steamer, an' the snap can't be worked, for i've tried four times to get taken on as a sailor." "but bless your heart, this 'ere craft is only a chartered collier." "a what?" "i mean she's only a freighter that uncle sam has hired to carry coal. you won't find enlisted men aboard of her." "an' do you really think there's a chance for me?" "i can't say as to that, lad; but i'd make a try for a berth aboard if my mind was set on goin' into that part of the world, which it ain't. the captain went below not ten minutes before the noon-whistle sounded, an' he's likely there this minute." teddy gazed inquiringly at this new acquaintance for an instant, as if suspicious that the man might be making sport of him, and then marched resolutely toward the end of the pier, with the half-eaten sandwich almost forgotten in his hand. after perhaps five minutes had passed, he returned, looking disappointed, but not disheartened, and seating himself by the side of the owner of the two dinner-pails, resumed operations upon the sandwich. "see the captain?" "yep." "didn't want a boy, eh?" "guess not; he said he'd give me two minutes to get out of the cabin, an' i thought perhaps i'd better go." "quite natural, lad, quite natural; i'd done the same thing myself. there couldn't have been any very great harm worked, though, in askin' the question." "it stirred him up considerable; but i guess he'll get over it without any very bad spell," teddy said, grimly, and after a brief pause, added, reflectively, "it seems as though some men hated boys; i've seen them as would take a good deal of trouble to kick a feller if he stood the least little bit in the way, an' i never could understand it." "perhaps there's more'n you in the same box; a brute's a brute whether he be old or young, an' age always makes 'em worse. it's a pity, though, that you didn't strike one of the right kind, because if you're set on gettin' down where the fightin' is goin' on, this 'ere steamer would have been the safest way." "do you know when she's likely to leave?" teddy asked, after a long pause, during which he had been gazing intently at the gilt letters, _merrimac_, on the vessel's rail. "some time to-night, i reckon. we've been workin' night an' day at the loadin', an' it's said that she'll leave the dock within an hour after the last scoopful has been put aboard." "how long will it take her to get there?" "i can't say, lad, seein's i don't rightly know where she's bound; but it shouldn't be a long voyage at the worst, for such as her." [illustration] again teddy gazed at the gilt letters on the rail, as if in them he saw something strange or wonderful, and when the owner of the dinner-pails had come to an end of his meal, the boy said, abruptly: "do you know the watchman here?" "watchman! i haven't seen any yet, though i reckon likely there is one around somewhere; but he ain't agitatin' himself with doin' much watchin'." "is the yard open all the time?" "i haven't seen the gates closed yet; but most likely that's because the work has been pushed on so fast, there hasn't been time to shut 'em. look here, lad!" and now the man sat bolt upright, staring as intently at the boy as the latter had at the gilt letters, "is it in your head to stow away on that steamer?" "sim donovan did it aboard a english steamer, an' i've heard it said he had a great time." "yes, i reckon he did, if the captain was the usual sort," the dust-begrimed man replied, grimly. "i could keep out of sight a whole week, if it was for the sake of comin' across dad," the boy added, half to himself. "that's what you think now, lad; but it ain't the easy work you're countin' on. as a general rule, stowaways get it mighty tough, an' i'd sooner take my chances of swimmin', than to try any such plan." "if a feller kept under cover he couldn't get into much trouble." "but you can't stay in hidin' any great length of time, lad. you'd have to come out for food or water after a spell." "not if i took plenty with me," teddy replied, in the tone of one who has already arrived at a conclusion. "it looks easy enough while you're outside; but once shut in between decks, or cooped up in some small hole, an' you'd sing a different tune." "i wouldn't if it was a case of seein' dad when we got there." "but that's the trouble, my boy. you don't know where the steamer is bound. she might be runnin' straight away from him, an' then what would you do?" "you said she was goin' to carry the coal to our vessels, didn't you?" "yes; but that don't mean she'll strike the very one your father is workin' on." "i'll take the chances," and now teddy spoke very decidedly. for an instant it was as if the owner of the two dinner-pails would attempt to dissuade him from the hastily formed determination, and then the man checked himself suddenly. "i like to see a boy show that he's got some backbone to him, an' it may be you'll pull out all right. it'll be an experience you'll never forget, though, an' perhaps it won't do any harm." "how can it?" teddy asked, sharply. "them as have tried it might be able to explain more'n i can; there's no call for me to spend wind tryin' to tell what you won't listen to, so i'll hold my tongue. i'm bound to say this much, though, which is that you're certain to catch it rough when the time comes for showin' yourself." "that'll be all right; i can stand a good deal for the sake of seein' the old man once more." having said this, teddy turned his head away as if no longer inclined for conversation, whereupon the owner of the two dinner-pails surveyed him admiringly. "i wouldn't wonder if you had considerable sand in you, teddy dunlap," he said, musingly. "an' even though it seems a queer thing for a grown man to do, i'm minded to give you a lift along what's goin' to prove a mighty hard road." "meanin' that you're willin' to help me?" the lad asked, his face brightening wonderfully. "it's little i can do, an' while i ought'er turn you over to the police in order to prevent your makin' a fool of yourself, i'll see the game out so far as i can. what have you got by way of an outfit?" "i don't need any." "you must have food and water." "i ain't broke, an' it won't be any great job to buy as much grub as will keep me goin' for a spell." "that's the same as all stowaways figger, an' the consequence is that they have to show themselves mighty soon after the ship sails. i ain't advisin' you to try the game; but if you're set on it, i says, says i, take all you'll need for a week, an' then perhaps there'll be a turn in affairs that'll help you out of a bad hole. here are my pails; they're yours an' welcome. fill 'em both with water, or perhaps cold tea would be best; buy whatever will be most fillin', an' walk aboard as bold as a lion within the next hour. them as see you are bound to think you're waitin' upon some of the workmen, an' not a word will be said. the hidin' of yourself is easy enough; it's the comin' out that'll be rough." "say, you're what i call a dandy!" and teddy laid his hand on the man's knee approvingly. "i was mighty lucky to come across one of your kind." "i ain't so certain about that. before twenty-four hours have gone by you may be wishin' you'd never seen me." "i'll risk that part of it, an' if you really mean for me to have the pails, you'll see me go aboard the steamer mighty soon." "they're yours, my boy, an' i only hope you'll come out of the scrape all right." "don't worry 'bout that; it'll be a terrible spry captain that can make me cry baby when i'm headin' toward where dad is. be good to yourself!" teddy took up the pails, and as he turned to go out of the yard his new acquaintance asked, solicitously: "got money enough to buy what'll be needed? if you haven't there's some odd change about my clothes that--" "i'm well fixed, an' that's a fact. ever since the idea came to me of huntin' dad up, i've kept myself in shape to leave town on a hustle. you're mighty good, just the same." "i'm makin' an old fool of myself, that's what i'm doin'," the man replied, angrily, and then turned resolutely away, muttering to himself, "it's little less than sheer cruelty to let a lad like him stow away on a collier. there ain't one chance in a thousand of his findin' the father he's after, an' the odds are in favour of his havin' a precious hard time before gettin' back to this town." [illustration] then a whistle sounded as a warning that the labourers must return to their tasks, and a moment later the building was alive once more with the hum and whir of machinery, the clanking of great chains, and the voices of men. one of the steamer's hatches was already on and battened down. a second was being fastened in place, and the final preparations being made told that the enormous hold had been nearly filled with the black fuel needed by the war-ships. every man, whether a member of the vessel's crew, or one of the labourers employed for the lading, was intent only on his own business, and among all that throng it is probable that but one gave any heed to a small boy who came rapidly down through the yard carrying two tin pails in his hands, and a large paper parcel under his arm. that single workman, who was giving heed to other than his own special work, nodded in the most friendly fashion as the lad passed near where he was standing, and whispered, gruffly: "god love you, lad!" the boy winked gravely, and then, setting his face seaward, marched boldly up on the steamer's deck, glancing neither to the right nor the left, lest it should be observed that he was not familiar with his surroundings. the man, who a few moments previous had been the possessor of two dinner-pails, watched carefully as the small lad walked rapidly forward, and only when the latter was lost to view did he give heed to his own work, saying half to himself as he took up the task once more: "i've half a mind to blow on the boy even now, for it's a cruel shame to let him take the chances of stowin' away with but little hope of ever findin' his father." as if in pursuance of this thought he took a step forward, and then checked himself, adding, thoughtfully: "it would be more cruel to stop the little shaver just when he believes he's workin' his plan so smooth. better let him go his own course, an' trust that them he comes across will remember the time when they were lads." chapter ii. keep in. teddy dunlap's father was formerly a coal-passer on a steam-tug, and many times had the lad, while spending the day with his parent, seen an ocean-going steamer at close range, while the small craft went alongside the larger one for business purposes. at such times the boy seldom lost an opportunity of boarding the big vessel, and thus it was that he had a general idea of where he might the most readily find a hiding-place this day when he was venturing so much in the hope of meeting his only relative. the dinner-pails and the parcel under his arm would have done much toward warding off suspicion as to his purpose, had any one observed him; but every person on deck, whether member of the crew or temporarily employed to make the ship ready for sea, was so intent on his duties as to have no thought for a lad who appeared to be attending strictly to his own business. even if any one aboard had observed teddy particularly, the natural thought would have been that he had come to deliver the parcel and pails to one of the workmen, and so long as the boy had been permitted to come over the rail, it was reasonable to suppose he had due authority for being there. teddy knew full well that his chances for successfully stowing away in the vicinity of the main cabin, the engine-room, or the deck-houses, were exceedingly slight, for such places were visited by many; but down in the very eyes of the ship, where were located the quarters for the seamen, was more than one dark, out-of-the-way hole into which he could creep with but little fear of being discovered. turning his head neither to the right nor the left, and moving rapidly as if it was his desire to be ashore again as soon as possible, the boy went into the forecastle--the sailors' parlour. the dark, ill-ventilated place, filled with noisome odours, had at that moment no living occupants save the rats who had grown bold through long tenancy. the crew were all on deck, for at this time, when quick despatch was necessary, no skulking would be allowed, and had teddy's friend with the dinner-pails attended to the arrangements, the boy could not have had a better opportunity. he might be even boisterously noisy, and there was little likelihood any would come to learn the cause of the uproar until after the steamer had left the coal-sheds to begin her long voyage straight toward the enemy's islands. being in a certain degree aware of this last fact, teddy set about making his arrangements for the ticketless voyage in a methodical fashion, there being no reason why he should allow himself to be hurried. the crew on board the good steamer _merrimac_ had neither better nor worse quarters than those to be found on any other craft of her class; but to a lad whose experiences of seafaring life had been confined to short excursions around the harbour, this "sea parlour" was by no means inviting, and save for the incentive which urged him forward, teddy dunlap might have allowed himself to become disheartened even before it had been proven that he could take passage secretly. "it ain't so _awful_ tough," he said to himself, "an' daddy will be all the more glad to see me after knowin' i've had a hard time gettin' to him." this last thought was sufficient to strengthen his failing courage, and straightway he set about searching for a hiding-place where he might remain concealed until the steamer should come alongside commodore schley's flag-ship, the _brooklyn_, whereon was his father. then--but there would be time enough to form plans for showing himself when he had nothing better with which to occupy his attention. the forecastle was well filled with sea-chests, bedding, which as yet had not been put in place, and such like goods as seamen would naturally bring with them on a reasonably long voyage, therefore teddy found it difficult to judge as to what might be the general arrangements for stowage after the steamer should be under way; but he had good reason to believe it was necessary to find some place so small that it could not well be utilised by the men. when, after some search, he came upon a narrow, dark, doorless closet, partially filled with coils of rope, bolts of canvas, and what appeared to be a general assortment of odds and ends, it seemed as if he had indeed found that for which he was looking. there was little chance this small den would be required for other than what it was then used, and he had only to fear that some of the articles it contained might suddenly be needed, when he must of a necessity be discovered by whosoever should be sent to overhaul the goods. [illustration] "i'll have to take the chances," teddy said to himself, having considered well this possibility of discovery. "it ain't likely they'll want anything out of here till after the steamer is at sea, an' then it'll be too late to send me ashore." once having decided that this was to be his abiding-place during the time he could remain in hiding on board the _merrimac_, teddy set about making such bestowal of the goods as would best serve to his comfort, arguing with himself that he might not have another opportunity for putting the new quarters into decent shape. understanding that once the steamer was at sea she would be tossed about by the waves until it might be difficult for him to remain in whatever place he pleased, the boy's first care was to make of the rope and canvas a barricade to hold the remainder of the goods in proper position, and, this done, there was little else possible, save to unroll a bolt of the sail-cloth that it should serve as a bed. "it's a good deal snugger than i expected, an' the dark part of it don't count," he said to himself, contentedly, as he wedged the two tin pails filled with water, and his store of provisions, inside the largest coil of rope. "when there ain't too much noise i can hear the crew talkin', and that'll help out big if a feller happens to get lonesome. them signs on the coal-yard said 'keep out,' an' i come in; now i ought'er put up one that says 'keep in,' an' perhaps i'll go out quicker'n i'm countin' on. anyhow it's a case of keepin' in mighty snug, 'less i want to run up against that captain once more, an' i'm thinkin' he'd be an ugly customer." teddy dunlap was well content. he believed his store of provisions and water was sufficient to keep both hunger and thirst at a distance during such time as it might be necessary for him to remain there in hiding, and when the short term of imprisonment should come to an end, he would be with his father. what more could any twelve-year-old boy ask for? it was while counting up his reasons for being thankful that the stowaway fell asleep, the heat, the darkness, and the comparative quiet all contributing to make his eyelids heavy, and he was yet unconscious when two noisy, bustling little tugs, one either side of the big vessel, towed her down the harbour. the voyage had begun, and, apparently, there was no suspicion in the minds of the officers that the _merrimac_ had on board other than her regularly shipped crew. when teddy awakened he felt comfortable both in mind and body; the steamer was rising and falling on the ocean swell, but not to such a degree as inconvenienced him in the slightest, and the many odours with which his nostrils were assailed passed almost entirely unnoticed. he believed, because of the pounding of the waves, that the _merrimac_ was rushing through the waters at a sharp pace, and this supposed fact was in itself sufficient to counterbalance any defects he may have discovered in his hiding-place, for the greater the speed the sooner he might see his father. not until after he had been awake several moments was it possible to distinguish, amid the varied noises, the sound of human voices; but he was finally able to do so, and became greatly cheered thereby. "now, this ain't goin' to be so bad," he said to himself, contentedly. "i'll know everything that's goin' on, 'cause it won't be a big job to crawl out far enough to hear the men talk, an' a feller couldn't be better fixed, not if he'd paid two prices for a ticket." then the idea came to teddy dunlap that he was hungry, and he laughed gently at the thought that it was only necessary to stretch out his hand in order to satisfy the desire. "talk 'bout your palace-cars! they ain't a marker 'longside this way of travellin'. i don't have to wait for any tousled-headed nigger to bring my order, 'cause here it is!" straightway the boy began to satisfy his hunger, doing it in an economical fashion, for he was not minded to exhaust his supply on the first day of leaving port. he drank sparingly of the water, but yet taking sufficient to quench his thirst, and when the meal was come to an end lay back on the canvas bed luxuriously, congratulating himself again and again, upon his determination to go in search of his father. the motion of the steamer grew more violent; but teddy was proof against such rolling as the _merrimac_ was indulging in then. there remained the same buffeting of the waves which told of progress; told that the distance between himself and his father was rapidly being lessened, and this was sufficient for the stowaway. the plunging of the steamer was to teddy dunlap no more than the violent rocking of a cradle would be to an infant; it prevented him from remaining quiet as would have been pleasant, but did not drive slumber from his eyelids. in less than ten minutes after having partaken of the meal he was again wrapped in slumber, and during a full twenty-four hours he alternately slept and ate; but at the end of that time was more than ready for a change of programme. then it was that his eyes refused to close; the folds of canvas, which at first had seemed as soft as any fellow could have asked for, became hard as iron, and he suddenly discovered that he was sore and lame from having been flung about when the vessel rolled. the hardships of a stowaway's life suddenly became a reality, and instead of congratulating himself upon being on board the _merrimac_, he began to speculate upon the probable length of the voyage. he hungered to hear the voices of the men more distinctly, and spent full two hours gently moving the dunnage around so that he might crawl out near the entrance to this seeming cave. when he had gotten so far into the forecastle that no more than two coils of rope hid him from view of the watch below, and understood it would be dangerous to advance any farther, he learned that it was impossible to hear any more than such words as were spoken in the loudest tone. there was little hope of being able to realise what might be going on around him by such means. then came a most dismal twenty-four hours, when the _merrimac_, met full in the teeth by a gale of wind, staggered, plunged, and rolled her way along, every wave striking the iron hull with a force that caused teddy to wince, and then came that deathly sickness which those who sail upon the sea are sometimes forced to endure. there were many hours when the stowaway believed the steamer was about to go to the bottom, and he fancied death was the only relief from his agony. he even ceased to think of his father, and considered no person save himself, wondering why he had been so foolish as to believe it might be wise to search for commodore schley's flag-ship. more than once while the malady had a firm hold upon him, did he decide to throw himself upon the mercy of whosoever might chance to be in view when he emerged from the hiding-place, and perhaps if the sickness had been less severe, his adventures would have ended as do the greater number of such exploits. once having recovered, however, his heart became braver, even though he learned that nearly all the water had been spilled while the steamer was tossing about so wildly, and his store of provisions, which had seemed so large when he came on board, was nearly exhausted. after this the hours passed more slowly, and each moment the imprisonment seemed more irksome. it was only with difficulty he could force himself to remain screened from view, and more than once did he venture dangerously near the entrance to his floating cave in the hope of seeing a human face, but yet he kept his secret forty-eight hours longer, when the provisions, as well as the water, had come to an end. he had ceased to speculate upon the meeting with his father, but thought only of how long he could endure the pangs of hunger and thirst, and even the fear of the commander's possible brutality faded away as he dwelt upon the pleasure of having sufficient to eat and drink. and finally, as might have been expected, the moment arrived when he could no longer hold his courage against the suffering, and he made preparations to discover himself. how long he had been cooped up in that narrow place it was impossible for him to so much as guess; he did not try to compute the number of hours that had elapsed since he last tasted food or water; there was only in his mind an intense desire to receive the punishment for having stowed away, in order that he might the sooner satisfy the cravings of his stomach. "it's no use to hold on any longer; the voyage ain't comin' to an end for weeks an' weeks, an' i'll be dead in another day if i don't have somethin' to eat. i'll go out this minute, an' take whatever they give me in the way of a floggin', for waitin' won't make things any better." having arrived at this decision, teddy dunlap began to attack the cordage which screened the entrance to his retreat as if each strand of rope was a deadly enemy to be overcome without loss of time, and when he had thrown down the last obstacle he stood blinking and winking in the not overly strong light of the forecastle, confronted by a short, round-faced sailor, who surveyed him in mingled fear and astonishment. "where--who--what--oh, a stowaway, eh?" the little man cried, after having expressed on his glistening face, in rapid succession, fear, astonishment, and bewilderment. "well, i'll eat my hat if i ever heard of a lad stowin' away on a collier what's out on an errand like ours!" [illustration] "yes, i'm a stowaway, an' i don't care who knows it!" teddy cried, in a tone of desperation. "i held in just as long as any feller could, an' it seems as if i was next door to bein' dead, i'm so thirsty an' hungry!" "you won't count triflin' things like that after you've come face to face with the captain, lad," and the little man appeared as truly sorrowful as any one of a like jolly countenance ever can, however saddening the situation. "will he let in to me pretty tough?" "i'm thinkin' that anything else you've had in that line will seem a good deal like a joke, alongside of what he'll deal out, an' that ain't the worst of it." "what else can he do?" and teddy looked up timidly, absolutely frightened out of his hunger. "this 'ere is the next thing to a government steamer, seein's we're on naval service, an' the captain is like to turn you over to the first cruiser we meet, for extra punishment. i don't know how uncle sam treats them as stows away on his vessels, but i'll go bail it ain't with any very tender hand." teddy dunlap looked around the forecastle, searching for some one to whom he could appeal, for he believed this jolly-looking little sailor was trying to play upon his fears; but the sea-parlour was empty. if he had waited forty-eight hours for an opportune time in which to make his appearance, he could not have come at a better moment. "what's the use tryin' to scare a feller almost to death?" he asked, piteously. "i've got to take the dose, of course; but there's no need of your rubbin' it in." "i ain't comin' any game on you, lad, an' that's the solemn truth. while i never saw the captain of this 'ere steamer till i came aboard, i'll eat my hat if he ain't a tartar when you rub his fur the wrong way, an' i'm tryin' to think if there ain't some way of gettin' you out of the scrape." "i'd go back into my hole if i had somethin' to eat an' drink." "where'd you come from?" teddy pointed to his late place of concealment, and the jolly little man said, quite cheerfully: "that's the very thing for you to do, my son. i don't want to see you abused, an' it'll be hard lines if between us you can't be got off this bloomin' steamer without everybody's knowin' that you've cheated uncle sam out of a passage." "can you get me somethin' to eat?" teddy asked, imploringly. "i will if it takes every cent that's comin' to me in the way of wages, to square the cook. tell me what brought you here, sonny? you can stand jest behind this dunnage, an' we'll be able to talk quite comfortable." that the little man would be a real friend there could be no doubt, and without hesitation teddy told him the whole story, neither adding to nor taking therefrom, and saying, by way of conclusion: "of course it'll be all right when i come across daddy, for there ain't no captain of a coal-steamer who'd dare give it to me very rough while he was around." "an' your father is aboard the _brooklyn_, eh?" "yes; he shipped as coal-passer." "well, i don't rightly know what he'll be able to do for you in case we come across him, which is doubtful; but from what i've seen of skippers since this war begun, i'm thinkin' our captain will swing a pretty heavy hand, unless he meets some other feller who holds a bigger commission." "you talk as if i couldn't find daddy," teddy interrupted. "he's aboard the flag-ship." "that's what i heard you say; but it ain't any proof we'll come across him. this 'ere cargo of coal is goin' where it's most needed, an' we may never find any of schley's fleet." "but we're goin' right where the war-vessels are." "see here, my son, commodore schley's fleet ain't the only squadron in this war by a long chalk, an' we might work at coalin' the navy from now till we're gray-headed without comin' across him. i'm afraid the chances of findin' your father are slim; but i'm bound to help you out'er the snarl that bloomin' longshoreman got you into, if it so be i can. get back into the hole, an' i'll see what can be found in the way of grub." teddy, more disheartened because of the doubt expressed as to the possibility of finding his father, obeyed the little man's order without remonstrance, and once alone again, gave himself up to the most disagreeable thoughts, absolutely forgetting for the moment that he had supposed himself on the verge of starvation a short time previous. as yet he had not absolutely divulged his secret, save to the little sailor who had promised to be his friend, and it might be possible that at some port he could slip on shore without the knowledge of any save this one man. but all such counted for nothing at the moment, in view of the possibility that he had, perhaps, made the venture in vain. there was another and yet more alarming view to be taken of the situation. he might be forced to go ashore in a strange harbour, for it was hardly within the range of probability that he could return in the _merrimac_ to the home port, and then there was the ugly chance that possibly there would be great difficulty in finding his way back. "i've made the biggest kind of a fool of myself!" he wailed, very softly; "but i won't let anybody know that i'm willin' to agree to it. when a feller gets into a muss he's bound to crawl out of it an' keep his upper lip stiff, else folks will have the laugh on him. it ain't so certain but i'd better go straight on deck an' take my dose; the captain won't be likely to kill me, an' the sooner it's over the easier i'll feel." it is not certain but that teddy dunlap might have put this new proposition into execution at once, had it not been for the coming of the little sailor, who said, in a cheery tone: "here you are, my hearty, salt horse an' tea! i reckon you can worry along on that for a spell, an' meanwhile i'll keep my weather eye liftin' for you. things may not be more'n half as bad as they look, an' even that'll be tough enough." "i've been thinkin' i'd better have it out with the captain now, an' then i wouldn't be dreadin' it." "what's the sense of picklin' a rod for your own back when you may run away from it? hold on here for a spell, an' i'll get the lay of the land before anything foolish is done." "you're mighty good to me," teddy murmured, softly, as he took the hook-pot of tea and strip of cold meat from the sailor's hands. "what's your name?" "bill jones--snippey, some of the hands call me when they want to be funny. i reckon we'd best not do any more chinnin', for the port watch will be in here precious soon, an' there's more'n one man who'd make life hot for you if he had the chance. i know what sailors are, lad, seein's i've been one myself, man an' boy, these thirty years, an' their foolin' is pretty tough play for one like you. lay low till i give the word, an' if there don't seem to be any way out of this snarl within the week, then it'll be time enough to let the old man have a whack at your hide." chapter iii. off santiago. it was really wonderful how changed everything appeared to teddy dunlap after his interview with bill jones. as a matter of course there had been no enlargement of his hiding-place, and yet it seemed as if he could move about more freely than before. he was forced to remain in quite as cramped a position, but it no longer seemed painful. although the sailor had given him no encouragement that he might succeed in the task he had set himself, but, on the contrary, appeared to think it a hopeless one, teddy felt positive that the moment was very near at hand when he would be clasped once more in his father's arms. he had come out from his hiding-place weak and despairing, choosing the most severe punishment that could be inflicted rather than longer endure the misery which had been his constant companion during so many days, and now, even before partaking of the meat and tea, all was forgotten in the belief that he would soon be with his father. it was as if some other boy had taken teddy dunlap's place, and this second lad was strong where the other had been weak. he made a hearty meal, rearranged his bed so that he might be nearer the entrance to the hiding-place in case the sailor found it necessary to communicate with him hurriedly, and then indulged in more refreshing sleep than had visited his eyelids during the past forty-eight hours. when teddy awakened, however, much of this new courage had vanished, and again he allowed himself to look forward into the future, searching for trouble. he had no means of knowing whether it was day or night, for the sunlight never came into this hole; but, because of the silence in the forecastle, it seemed probable the crew were on deck. the steamer rode on an even keel, save for a sluggish roll which told she was sailing over calm seas, and the air had suddenly grown stifling hot. creeping so near the entrance that there was great danger of being discovered by such of the men as might come that way, teddy waited with feverish impatience for some word from bill jones, and it seemed as if a full day must have passed before the voice of the jolly little sailor was heard. "well, my hearty, you're in great luck, an' no mistake. i wouldn't have believed things could have gone so nearly your way, if i hadn't seen 'em with my own eyes." before the sailor ceased speaking, teddy had come out from his hiding-place regardless of possible discovery, and appeared to be on the point of rushing up the narrow companionway. "hold on, you young rascal! do you count on jumpin' right into the captain's arms?" and bill jones seized the lad by the shirt collar, pulling him backward with no gentle force. "where was you headin' for?" "ain't it time for me to go on deck?" teddy asked, speaking with difficulty because of the sailor's firm clutch. "time? i reckon not, unless you're achin' for a taste of the rope's end. our skipper ain't any very mild tempered man at the best of times, an' this is one of his worst days, for everything has been goin' wrong end foremost jest when he wants to see the ship in apple-pie order." "i thought you said somethin' about my bein' in luck, an' the only thing of the kind that could come to me, would be to know father was on deck." "i don't reckon you'll see him aboard the _merrimac_ for some time to come, though you're nearer to him this minute than i ever allowed you'd be in this part of the world." "what do you mean?" and teddy literally trembled with the impatience of anticipation. "sampson's fleet is dead ahead. his vessels are the very ones we've come to coal, an' if that ain't luck enough for a stowaway, i'd like to know what you could call it?" "is the _brooklyn_ anywhere near?" and teddy did his best to speak calmly. "dead ahead, i tell you." "will we run right alongside of her?" "i don't allow you've any claim to count on luck like that; but we're hard by sampson's fleet, and it'll be strange if we can't find a chance of lettin' your father know where you are." "find a chance? why, i'll go right on deck an' yell to him. he's bound to come out when he hears me." [illustration] there was in this remark something which struck bill jones as being so comical that he burst into a hearty laugh, and then, realising that his messmates on deck might come down to learn the cause of such unusual mirth, he partially checked himself, gurgling and choking in the efforts to suppress his merriment, until it appeared that he was on the point of being strangled. "go on deck an' yell to him," he muttered in the intervals between what appeared to be spasms. "say, lad, it's precious lucky the weather is so hot that the crew have been driven out, else we'd had 'em all down on us, for i can't hold in, no matter how hard i try. so you think it's only a case of goin' on deck an' yellin', to bring your father right over the rail!" "he'd come if he heard me," teddy replied, sharply. "i ain't so certain 'bout that, for coal-passers don't have the choice of promenading a battle-ship's deck. the officers generally have somethin' to say about capers of that kind. besides, you might yell yourself black in the face, even if the _merrimac_ was layin' close alongside the _brooklyn_, an' he'd never be any the wiser. you seem to have the idee that one of uncle sam's vessels is built something after the pattern of a tugboat." "but i've got to get at him somehow," teddy said, in perplexity, the new and great joy which had sprung up in his heart dying away very suddenly. "true for you, lad; but it ain't to be done in the way you're figgerin' on, an', besides, havin' come along so smooth this far, i'm not countin' on lettin' you run your nose against such a thistle as the captain is like to be. it ought'er be enough that we've struck into the very fleet you wanted to find, an' a boy what can't wait a spell after all the good fortune you've had, ain't fit to be scurryin' 'round here huntin' for his father." "i'll go right back into the hole, an' wait till you tell me to come out," teddy said, meekly, understanding full well what his plight would be should this friendly sailor turn against him. "now you're talkin' sense," bill jones said, approvingly. "i was countin' on cheerin' you up a bit, by tellin' of where the _merrimac_ had fetched up, an' didn't allow to set you off like a wild injun. hot down here, eh?" "it's kind'er warm, an' that's a fact." "so much the better, because the crew will stay on deck, an' you'll have more of a chance to move around. it's only a case of layin' low for three or four days, an' then we'll see what your father can do toward gettin' you out." "how will you let him know where i am?" "there'll be plenty of show for that if we come alongside the _brooklyn_; i can manage to send him word, i reckon." the conversation was brought to an abrupt close by the appearance of a sailor's feet as he descended from the deck, and bill jones turned quickly away, pretending to be overhauling his sea-chest, while teddy made all haste to regain his "hole." now it was that the stowaway had every reason to congratulate himself upon the fair prospects which were his, when it had seemed positive that much trouble would come before the venture was ended, and yet the moments passed more slowly than at any time since he had voluntarily become a prisoner. with each hour his impatience increased, until it was with difficulty he could force himself to remain in hiding. while he believed his father was very far away, there appeared good reason for remaining hidden; but now, with the _brooklyn_ close at hand, it seemed as if he must make his whereabouts known without loss of time. fear as to what terrible punishment the captain of the _merrimac_ might inflict, however, kept him in his proper place, and before many hours passed bill jones brought him further intelligence. "the _new york_ is to take on the first of the coal," he said, leaning over the barricade of rope, and whispering to the impatient prisoner. "i'm thinkin' we'll get around to the _brooklyn_ before all the cargo is gone, an' then this game of hide will come to an end--if your father is a smarter man than the average of us." the jolly little sailor had no time to say more, for one of the petty officers interrupted the stolen interview by calling loudly for "bill jones," and while obeying the summons the sailor muttered to himself, "i wish the boy was well clear of this steamer; it seems as if he was under my wing, so to speak, an' i can't make out how any man, lower in rank than a full-fledged captain, can take him aboard one of uncle sam's ships." fortunately teddy had no misgivings as to the future, after his father had been made aware of his whereabouts. he believed it would be the most natural thing in the world for him to step on board the _brooklyn_ as a guest, and the possibility that a coal-passer might not be allowed to invite his friends to visit him never entered the lad's mind. bill jones, however, was seriously troubled as to the outcome of the affair, as has been seen. he had promised to aid the stowaway, as he would have promised to aid any other lad in trouble, for the jolly little sailor was one ever ready to relieve the distress of others, no matter how great might be the cost to himself; and now, having taken the case in hand, his anxiety of mind was great, because he was by no means as certain of his ability to carry it through successfully as he would have teddy believe. within four hours after the sailor reported that the _merrimac_ would speedily begin to take out her cargo, the prisoner in the forecastle became aware that the steamer was at a standstill. for the first time since leaving port the screw was motionless, and the absence of that pounding which marked the revolutions of the shaft caused a silence that for a few moments seemed almost painful. shortly afterward, when bill jones came to bring a fresh supply of provisions and water, he reported that the _new york_ was taking on coal. "the other ships are certain to need a supply, an' we're bound to come alongside the _brooklyn_ sooner or later," he said, cheerily, and teddy replied, with a sigh: "it seems like a terribly long while to wait; but i s'pose i can stand it." "i reckon it's a case of havin' to, lad, unless you're willin' to take the captain's medicine, an' that's what i wouldn't like to tackle." "it's as if i'd been here a full month, an' accordin' to what you say i'm mighty lucky if i have to stay only two or three days more." "you're lucky if you get out in a week, so don't go to countin' the minutes, or time will be long in passin'." twice during the next twenty-four hours did teddy have an opportunity of speaking with his friend, and then he knew that the _merrimac_ was alongside the _massachusetts_. "you see we're goin' the rounds of the fleet, an' it's only a question of the coal holdin' out, to finally bring us to the _brooklyn_," bill jones said, hurriedly, for there was no opportunity of lengthy conversations while the crew were engaged in transferring the fuel. another long time of waiting, and bill jones appeared at the entrance to the hiding-place in a state of the greatest excitement. "somethin's got to be done right away, lad, an' i'm clean beat as to how we'll figger it out. this 'ere steamer is goin' to be sunk!" "sunk!" teddy cried in alarm, clutching bill frantically by the arm, as if believing the _merrimac_ was even then on the point of going down. "that's jest it, an' we're to be shifted to the other vessels, gettin' a berth wherever one can be found." "what will make her sink?" "she's to be blowed up! wrecked in the harbour of santiago de cuba, so the spaniards who are inside can't get out!" teddy looked around him in bewilderment and alarm, understanding not one word of the brief explanation. [illustration] "you see the spanish fleet is inside the harbour, and the mouth of it ain't more'n three hundred feet wide. this steamer will be blowed up right across the channel, an' there the spaniards are, bottled up tight till our fleet gets ready to knock 'em into splinters." "but what'll become of me? i'll have to face the captain after all!" "i reckon there's no help for it, lad, because it don't stand to reason that you want to go down with the ship." "how long before you'll sink her?" "_we_ sha'n't have anything to do with it, lad. it's what you might call a precious fine job, an' 'cordin' to the way everybody looks at it, them who do the work ain't likely to come back again." "why not?" "look here, lad, if you was goin' on deck an' set off three or four torpedoes under your very feet, what do you think would be the show of gettin' ashore alive?" teddy made no effort to weigh the chances; his own affairs were in such a precarious condition that there was no room in his mind for anything else. "i'd better have gone to the captain when i first made up my mind that it had to be done, an' it would be over by this time," he said, with a long-drawn sigh. "it wouldn't have been over till you got ashore, because pretty nigh every sailor thinks it his bounden duty to make things lively for a stowaway. you've saved yourself from bein' kicked an' thumped jest so many days as i've been coddlin' you up, an' there's a good deal in that." "are we anywhere near the _brooklyn_?" "she was five or six miles away when i saw her last--" "five or six miles!" "yes; did you allow she laid within hail?" "i thought from what you said that we was right among the fleet." "so we are, lad; but these big ships don't huddle very close together, an' ten miles off is called bein' mighty near at hand. i can't stop here chinnin' much longer, so listen sharp. when the time comes, an' it's precious near at hand now, you'll have walk up to the medicine-box like a little man, so kind'er be bracin' yourself for what's sure to happen. i'll watch till the captain appears to be in good humour, an' out you pop." teddy nodded his head; there was too much sorrow and disappointment in his heart to permit of speech, and bill jones was so pressed for time that he failed to give due heed to the boy's mental condition. "be ready when i come back next time!" the sailor whispered, warningly, and then ran on deck, leaving the stowaway in a most unenviable frame of mind. when teddy's mouth was parched with thirst, and his stomach craving for food, he had brought himself to believe that he could submit without a murmur to whatever punishment the captain might see fit to inflict; but now it seemed different. during a very long time he had been cheering himself with the belief that before the close of this hour or the next he would be with his father, and such a sudden and startling change in affairs caused him deepest despair. crawling into the narrow hiding-place, he gave full sway to the grief which had come upon him like a torrent, for once captain miller knew of his having stowed away, so he argued to himself, there would no longer be any hope of communicating with his father. to his mind he had not only failed in the purpose set himself, but would be more widely separated from his father than ever before, and it is little wonder, with such belief in his heart, that the boy ceased longer to battle against his sorrow. he was lying face downward upon the canvas when bill jones came to announce that the moment had arrived when he should brave the ordeal of facing captain miller, and the sailor was forced to speak several times in a loud tone before the lad realised that his friend was near at hand. "come, teddy," the little sailor said, soothingly, "it'll be over after awhile, an' perhaps won't be so bad as we've figgered, for the old man ain't tearin' 'round dreadful mad. let's get on deck in a hurry, so's not to think about it too long, an' i'll stand right by your side till matters are settled one way or the other." "i might as well stay right here, an' be sunk when the steamer goes down," the boy wailed. "nonsense, lad; after havin' the pluck to come thus far in search of your father, you mustn't lose heart now. be a man, teddy, an' count on me for a friend so long as the trouble lasts." it was not possible for bill jones to arouse the boy to a proper show of courage until after fully half an hour had passed, and then the two came out into the sunlight, both looking much as if having just been detected in the most heinous of crimes. the dazzling sunlight nearly blinded the boy, who had been shrouded in darkness so many days, and forced him to cover his eyes; therefore he failed to see the look of surprise and bewilderment on bill jones's face immediately they came on deck. during several moments he was in such a daze as to be virtually unconscious, and then he heard his companion ask: "where is the _merrimac's_ crew?" "they've been set aboard the _new york_ for a spell, seein's how this ain't likely to be a very pleasant craft to sail in after we get through with her," a strange voice replied, and teddy opened his eyes. the deck of the collier appeared to be thronged with sailors in naval costume, all of whom were apparently bent on doing the greatest amount of destruction in the shortest possible space of time. not far away to windward was a huge war-vessel, looking more like some submarine monster than anything built by man, and in the distance others of the same kind, cruising to and fro, or lying quietly upon the ocean, rising and falling with the heavy swell. all this picture teddy took in with a single glance, and then his attention was diverted by bill jones, who said to the sailor with whom he had first spoken: "ain't we to take our dunnage out?" "i reckon that'll be done after a spell; but just now it's a case of hurry, an' what a few old shellbacks like you may consider dunnage, ain't taken into account." "where is captain miller?" "i saw him goin' toward the flag-ship. it seems he's got the biggest kind of a bee in his bonnet because lieutenant hobson is to be given the chance of killin' himself an' his crew, when he claims the right because of havin' been in command of this 'ere collier." [illustration] teddy was wholly at a loss to understand the meaning of the conversation, and he looked at the little sailor, who now appeared perplexed rather than jolly, until the latter said, speaking slowly, as if in a maze of bewilderment and doubt: "i'm all at sea, lad, about this 'ere business; but it begins to look as if you wouldn't have any very hard time with the old man to-day. he's got somethin' else on his mind that's of more importance than a worthless little stowaway like you." "he'll come back, won't he?" teddy asked, yet unable to gather any clear idea of the situation. "unless he comes soon, there won't be anything left of the _merrimac_, an' that's a fact," bill jones replied, pointing here and there to where a hundred men or more were busily at work, seemingly trying to make a wreck of the collier. "i s'pose they're bent on gettin' out of the old hooker all that's of any value, before sinkin' her, an' it looks as if they'd finish the job in a jiffy." "where's the _brooklyn_?" "see here, my son, we've no time to bother our heads about her just now. it's enough for you that we can't get speech with your father, an' unless i'm way off my reckonin', here's the chance to pull out of what promised to be a bad scrape for you." teddy remained silent, for the very good reason that he was at a loss for words, and after a short pause, bill jones exclaimed, as if a happy thought had at that instant come into his mind: "hark you, lad, our men have gone over to the _new york_, an' so long as we don't follow them it'll be plain sailin'. we'll watch our chance, go aboard the nearest ship, so it ain't the admiral's flag-ship, as bold as lions, an' it'll be believed that you belong to our crew. unless captain miller shows himself, you'll be livin' on the fat of the land." "but when he comes?" "we won't bother our heads about anything of the kind. it's enough for us to know you've slipped out of the smallest kind of a hole without a scratch, and we'll take all the enjoyment that comes our way, at uncle sam's expense." chapter iv. the merrimac. there was no good reason why, as bill jones had suggested, teddy could not successfully pose as one of the _merrimac's_ crew. the undertaking in hand was so important, with such great advantages to be derived from its accomplishment, that for the time being it was as if every officer and man in the american squadron had no thought save concerning the work upon the steamer to be sunk. that the situation may be made more plain, as it was to teddy before he had been on board the _texas_ two hours, the following description of the daring venture is quoted from an article written the very day bill jones and his protégé sought shelter on the battle-ship:[ ] "the mines in the narrow, tortuous channel, and the elevation of the forts and batteries, which must increase the effectiveness of the enemy's fire, and at the same time decrease that of our own, reinforced by the guns of the spanish fleet inside, make the harbour, as it now appears, almost impregnable. unless the entrance is countermined it would be folly to attempt to force its passage with our ships. "but the spanish fleet is bottled up, and a plan is being considered to drive in the cork. if that is done, the next news may be a thrilling story of closing the harbour. it would release a part of our fleet, and leave the spaniards to starve and rot until they were ready to hoist the white flag. "'to drive in the cork,' was the subject nearest rear-admiral sampson's heart, and he at once went into consultation with his officers as to how it could best be done. one plan after another was discussed and rejected, and then assistant naval constructor richmond pearson hobson proposed that the big collier _merrimac_, which then had on board about six hundred tons of coal, be sunk across the channel in such a manner as to completely block it. "the plan was a good one; but yet it seemed certain death for those who should attempt to carry it out as proposed. lieutenant hobson, however, claimed that, if the scheme was accepted, he should by right be allowed to take command of the enterprise. "the end to be attained was so great that admiral sampson decided that the lives of six or seven men could not be allowed to outweigh the advantage to be gained, and lieutenant hobson was notified that his services were accepted; the big steamer was at his disposal to do with as he saw fit." this was the work which had been begun when bill jones brought teddy dunlap on deck that he might confess to being a stowaway, and it is little wonder that matters on board the collier were in seeming confusion. on the night previous lieutenant hobson had received the notification that his services were accepted, and at an early hour next morning the work of making the _merrimac_ ready for destruction had begun. a dozen boys would have attracted no attention just then, and the lad, who had mentally nerved himself to meet the captain of the steamer, failed in finding any one to hear his confession. bill jones, however, was quick to see the possible advantage to be gained, and teddy had not fully recovered from his bewilderment before the little sailor was forcing him over the rail into one of the _texas's_ boats, which had just come alongside. [illustration] "turned out of house an' home, eh?" one of the sailors asked, with a laugh, and there was no question but that the boy, as well as the man, had a right to be taken aboard the battle-ship. the officers had all left the boat, therefore the two were not subjected to any searching examination, and once on board the big vessel, it was supposed, as a matter of course, that they had been regularly detailed to that ship. strange as it may seem, these two who had but just come from the _merrimac_ knew less regarding her proposed ending than any other, and, therefore, were most deeply interested in such information as was to be picked up from the crew. before having been on board an hour they knew as much as has been set down at the beginning of this chapter, and, for the time being at least, they, like all around them, had little thought save for the daring adventure which was to be made by lieutenant hobson and six men. "it's a mighty brave thing to do," bill jones said confidentially to teddy as the two were on the gun-deck, having concluded a most satisfactory repast; "but i wouldn't want a hand in it." "why not?" teddy asked, in surprise, for he had been turning the matter over in his mind until having come almost to envy those who were to brave death in the service of their country. "because i ain't what might rightly be called a fightin' man; owin' to my bein' undersized, most likely. i take real pride in the deeds of others, but can't seem to get my own courage where it belongs. i'm only what you might call a plain, every-day sailor, with no fightin' timber in me, else i'd been in the navy long before this." "do you think they will live to sink the _merrimac_?" teddy asked, thoughtfully. "there's no doubt in my mind but that they'll hold on to life long enough to do the work, but it's afterward that the trouble will begin. every spanish gun within range will open fire on 'em, an' what chance have they got of comin' out alive?" "when will they start?" "it'll be quite a spell before they get the steamer ready to make the dive, 'cordin' to my way of thinkin'. in the first place, as i'm told, there are to be plenty of torpedoes put in position inside the old hooker, an' it'll take some time to made them ready. anyway, you're snug as a bug in a rug now--" "until captain miller comes aboard," teddy interrupted. "have no fear of him," the little sailor said, as if the subject was not worthy of consideration. "when he comes, if he ever does, it isn't to this part of the ship that he'll pay a visit. officers spend their time aft, an' small blame to 'em. it may be, teddy dunlap, that he'll see you; but the chances are dead against it, so take all the comfort you can--" "i ought to be huntin' for daddy." "well, you can't, leastways, not while we're aboard this craft, but you can count on comin' across him before this little scrimmage is ended off santiago, an' then i warrant there'll be all the chance you need." "but what am i to do on board here?" teddy asked, anxiously. "it don't stand to reason that we'll be allowed to loaf around as if we owned the whole vessel." "that's the way you look at it; but my idees are different. uncle sam will keep us for a spell, that's certain, an' until he gets tired of the job we needn't worry our heads. you might live to be a thousand years old without strikin' another job as soft as the one we've got on our hands this blessed minute, so i say, make the most of it." "it's different with you; but i'm only a stowaway, an' stand a good show of gettin' into a heap of trouble when the officers of this ship find out that i've no business to be here." "i don't figger that way," bill jones replied, with a light and airy manner. "it doesn't stand to reason you should have been left aboard to go down with the steamer, eh?" "they might have set me ashore." "an' had a precious good job doin' it. look ye, teddy dunlap, are you countin' yourself of so much importance that a battle-ship is to leave her station for no other reason than to put you ashore?" "i didn't mean it that way. you see they ought to do somethin' with me--" "then wait till they get ready, an' don't borrow trouble. this crossin' of bridges before you come to 'em is likely to make life mighty hard for a young chap like yourself, an' considerin' all you've told me, i wonder at it." teddy could say nothing more. it surely seemed reasonable bill jones knew what it was proper he should do, and from that moment he resolved to "take things easy," as his friend advised, rather than fret over what couldn't be mended. therefore it was he ceased to worry, although at the same time keeping a sharp watch over the _brooklyn_, and by such a course saw very much of what happened off santiago during those months of june and july, in the year one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight. surely the stowaway had no cause to complain of his treatment by the crew of the _texas_. every man did his best to make these waifs from the doomed steamer feel perfectly at home, and when bill jones brought his sea-chest aboard, as he did the day following their abandonment of the _merrimac_, there was not a man on the battle-ship who did not suppose teddy's dunnage was in the same capacious receptacle. rations were served to the stowaway the same as to any member of the crew, and then he and bill jones were called upon for some trifling duty, but as the latter said, there was no more work than was good for them by way of exercise. in the most pleasant fashion possible the time passed until the _merrimac_ was made ready for her doom, and these two comrades, for it can well be supposed they were become fast friends, saw all the preparations without being obliged to do any of the disagreeable work. there was hardly an hour during these days of labour when the two did not hear lieutenant hobson's plans discussed, and they knew to the slightest detail all he proposed to do. [illustration] "here is the way he'll sink our craft, 'cordin' to all i've heard," bill jones said to teddy when the two were alone for a short time on the afternoon after it had been reported on board the _texas_ that everything was ready for the desperate venture. "he'll run at about ten-knot speed until four hundred yards or less past the estrella battery, or, in other words, till he's in the narrowest part of the channel. then he'll put the helm hard aport, stop the engines, drop the anchors, open the sea connections, touch off the torpedoes, an' leave the old hooker blockin' up the entrance to santiago harbour." "he can't do all that alone," teddy suggested. "of course he can't, else why is he takin' a crew with him? i'm told that this is the exact way he counts on workin' it. there'll be four men on deck besides himself, an' two in the engine-room; all of 'em will be stripped down to their underclothes, an' with revolvers an' ammunition strapped in water-tight packin' to their waists. one will be forward with an axe to cut the lashings of the anchor when the word is given. of course hobson signals the engineers to stop the engines, then the fellow forward cuts the anchor loose; some one below smashes the sea connections with a sledge-hammer when the machinery stops, and all hands jump overboard, countin' on swimmin' to the boat that's bein' towed astern. the lieutenant himself touches the button that explodes the torpedoes, an' then over he goes; it's a case of every man for himself once the work is begun. the steamer is bound to go down athwart the channel, an' there you have the entrance to santiago bay shut up as tight as admiral sampson can wish." teddy did not venture any criticism. he had heard the subject discussed so often that there was nothing new he could suggest, and it seemed wisest to hold his tongue. on the close of this day word was passed among the crew of the _texas_ that the venture would be made during the coming night, and the two visitors from the _merrimac_ were on deck from sunset until sunrise. the work of preparing the big collier was continued throughout the entire night, and just at daybreak she got under way, as if to begin the voyage which it seemed certain could end only with the death of all; but before the men on the battle-ship had time to give her a parting cheer, she put back to her station, because, as some of the men declared, the admiral had given positive orders for her to wait until another night. twenty-four hours of additional preparation; as many of speculation and discussion among those who were refused an opportunity to offer their lives as a sacrifice, and then came the moment when teddy was awakened from his sleep by bill jones, who said, as he shook the lad roughly: "get on deck, my hearty, get on deck! this time there'll be no mistake as to the sailin', an' if you want to see the last of the _merrimac_, now's your chance!" the stowaway did not wait for a second invitation, and a moment later he formed a small portion of the human fringe which overhung the _texas's_ rail, peering out across the waters where, by the pale light of the moon, could be seen the doomed steamer. it was even possible to distinguish the forms of her crew as they stood well forward, much as though taking a last look at the fleet, and, near at hand, the tiny launch from the _new york_, which was to follow the collier in with the hope of picking up some of her brave crew when they leaped into the water. among all that throng of men on the _texas_ hardly a word was spoken as the _merrimac_ slowly got under way. every one remained silent as if under the spell cast by the bravery of those who were literally taking their lives in their hands that the starry flag might wave triumphant. boldly the collier steamed in toward the coast, being lost to view immediately she got under the shadow of the high hills at the entrance of the bay, and a mile or more astern the tiny launch puffed her way along as if conscious that this morning's work was of extreme importance. then both craft were swallowed up by the gloom, and yet that throng of men overhanging the _texas's_ rail remained motionless, waiting with an anxiety that was most intense for some sign which would give token of their shipmates' fate. during half an hour every man waited in keenest suspense, never one venturing to so much as speak, and then from the heights at the entrance of the harbour the flash of a gun streamed out. it came almost in the nature of a relief, for every one knew that the _merrimac_ was nearing her destination at last. the suspense was at an end, whatever might be the result, and even teddy dunlap believed he could predict the close of that most desperate venture. within ten seconds after the first flash, another was seen, then a third, and a fourth, until it was no longer possible to count them. the heights guarding the channel appeared to be ablaze; but yet not a sound could be heard. the blockading squadron were so far away that the reports were lost in the distance. then the eager men found tongue, and it was as if each spoke at the same instant, giving no heed as to whether his neighbour replied. during full twenty minutes these silent flashes could be seen in the distance, and then they died away just as the gray light of the coming dawn appeared in the eastern sky. "it's all over!" bill jones said, as he laid his hand on teddy's shoulder. "i reckon the old _merrimac_ is layin' in the channel to keep the spaniards from sneakin' out; but them as carried her in so bravely are past all troubles of this world's makin'. it's great to be a hero; but the glory of it is soon over!" "do you suppose they've all been killed?" teddy asked in a whisper, for it was much like speaking in the presence of the dead. "there's little doubt of it, lad. think you a craft like the _merrimac_ could stand the storm of shot and shell that was poured on her from the time we saw the first flash? just bear in mind that every puff of flame betokened a chunk of iron large enough to sink this 'ere battle-ship, if it struck her fairly, an' you can have a fair idee of how much chance those poor fellows stood." [illustration] among all the crew there was hardly one who did not share this opinion with bill jones. to them, the heroes who went smilingly to their death had left this world for ever, and yet the men continued to overhang the rail, awaiting the return of the launch, with the idea that when she arrived they might hear something of importance. not until three hours later did the little craft show herself, and then she came out from under the shadow of the land followed by a shower of missiles from the big guns ashore. the men on the _texas_ were forced to wait some time before learning what information she brought, for the launch went directly to the _new york_, as a matter of course, and several hours elapsed before the crew heard all that could then be told. this was to the effect that the tiny boat followed the collier until fire was opened upon the doomed steamer, and she was so enshrouded by smoke as to be lost from view. then the launch was headed in under the batteries, where she remained until daylight on the lookout for a swimmer. at five o'clock in the morning no sign of life had been seen, and the little craft made for the fleet, followed by a rain of shot from the shore batteries. while crossing the harbour entrance one spar of the _merrimac_ was seen sticking out of the water, and thus it was known that the little band of braves had done their work faithfully, at whatever cost to themselves. there was neither jest nor careless word among the crew of the battle-ship during this forenoon; even bill jones remained almost absolutely silent. it seemed that they stood in the presence of death, and more than one acted as if believing he was taking part in the funeral services of those who had so lately been among them. teddy had seen every man who went to make up that devoted crew, and to him it was as if his personal friends had met their death; but in such a brave fashion that it would have been almost a crime to mourn their taking off. then, like a flash of lightning from a clear sky, came the joyful news that every man among that band who had devoted themselves to death, was yet among the living, and comparatively uninjured. it was almost incredible information, and yet, because of its source, no one could doubt it. at two hours past noon, while the men of the _texas_ were sheltering themselves from the burning rays of the sun and discussing for the hundredth time the last probable moments of their shipmates, a steam-launch, carrying a white flag, put out from the harbour, making directly for the flag-ship _new york_. at the time no one fancied for a single moment that the coming of this craft could have any connection with those who had left the station to wreck the _merrimac_, but there were some who suggested that the spaniards were ready to surrender, and, in support of this theory, cited the fact that the royal squadron was bottled up so tightly it could never be used against the united states. others declared that the spanish admiral was about to make an offer of compromise, and not a few believed the flag of truce had to do with the capitulation of the city of santiago de cuba. not a man was prepared for the news which floated from ship to ship, no one could say exactly how; but in less than an hour from the time the launch made fast alongside the _new york_, it was known that she brought a message from admiral cervera, commander of the spanish fleet, to the effect that the crew of the _merrimac_ had been captured, and were held as prisoners of war. [illustration] lieutenant hobson was uninjured, and only two of the party had been wounded slightly. it seemed too good to be true, but when the men realised that this information must be correct, that it had been sent by a generous enemy, they spent a good five minutes cheering alternately for those who had escaped after having gone down into the very jaws of death, and for that gallant spaniard who, recognising bravery even in his foe, had taken the trouble to announce the safety of those who were battling against him. "it's what i call a mighty fine thing for the old admiral to do," bill jones said, as he held forth to a gun's crew with whom he and teddy messed. "it ain't every officer as would go out of his way to send such news as that, an' if admiral cervera should ever fall into my hands as a prisoner of war, he can count on bein' treated like a white man." there was a roar from bill's auditors at the intimation that the commander of the spanish fleet might ever be captured by that sailor, for by this time all had come to know him as a "plain, every-day sailor, with not a fightin' timber in him;" but not a man within sound of his voice cared to contradict him. on that night, after the subject of the venture and its sequel had been discussed until worn threadbare, the little sailor said to teddy, as if telling him some important truth: "you'll see great doin's now, lad, an' it wouldn't give me such a terrible surprise to know that the war was ended within the next twenty-four hours, for them bloomin' spaniards in santiago must understand by this time that the sooner they give in whipped, the less of a lickin' they're like to get." and teddy, thinking more of his own condition than the glory of the country, asked, with no slight distress of mind: "if it should come to a stop as soon as that, how could i ever get word to father? of course the _brooklyn_ would go right home, an' i'd be left here." "i'll take care of that, lad," bill jones replied, in a tone of assurance. "never you have a fear but that i'll see she don't leave this station till you've had a chance to go on board long enough to sort out the coal-passers." footnote: [footnote : "the boys of ' ."] chapter v. the chase. bill jones found time to change his opinion as to the speedy termination of the war after the _merrimac_ had been sunk at the entrance of santiago bay. instead of displaying any anxiety to surrender, the spaniards on the island appeared to be making every preparation for a stubborn defence, and the fleet of war-vessels had little opportunity to do much more than blockade duty. teddy dunlap, looked upon by the crew of the _texas_ as a lad who had every right to be among them, might have enjoyed this cruising to and fro, keeping watch over the entrance to the harbour, now and then overhauling a suspicious-looking vessel that ventured too near, and at times throwing shells ashore from the big guns, but for the fact that he burned with impatience to be with his father. the _brooklyn_ remained in view nearly all the time, now so close at hand that it seemed as if the two ships must immediately come within hailing distance, and again so far away that she appeared only as a tiny speck against the white sky, yet the stowaway was as completely separated from his father as if they were thousands of miles apart. "if only the captains couldn't talk with those little flags, it might be that the ships would come side by side!" he said, with a long-drawn sigh, to bill jones. "there'll never be any need for them to sail nearer than within sight, an' i won't get a chance to speak to father,--perhaps not this year." "the prospect don't look very encouragin' just at the present time, an' that's a fact," bill said, thoughtfully, filling his pipe with unusual care. "two or three days ago it seemed as if the war was mighty nigh at an end; but now there 'pears to be a good deal of fight left in the dagoes." "an' while we're loafin' 'round here, captain miller will come aboard some fine day. then where'll i be?" "right here, my lad, an' there's no use lookin' ahead. he won't come the sooner, or stay away any longer, no matter how much you fuss, so why not save the wear an' tear of thinkin'?" "see here," and teddy leaned forward to look the little sailor full in the eyes, "do you believe i'll ever have a chance of lettin' daddy know where i am?" "it stands to reason there must be a show for it in course of time." "when?" "now you're askin' me a question i ain't in condition to answer. it may be two or three weeks, or, then again, the show might come sudden, within an hour. at sea you can't ever tell what's goin' to happen, teddy dunlap, an' there's nothin' for it but to keep your ears an' eyes open all the time, ready to jump on the first promisin' chance that comes your way." there is no good reason why such a conversation as this should be set down, save that it is similar to a hundred others which were held between the two comrades during the weeks which followed the sinking of the _merrimac_, when teddy dunlap, without effort on his part, was transformed from a stowaway to a lad apparently in the employ of uncle sam. never for a single moment did he lose sight of the possible fact that either the _brooklyn_ or the _texas_ might be ordered away from this particular station, in which case it was reasonable to suppose that many months must elapse before he could inform his father of his whereabouts. there was grave danger the two might be separated so widely that months, perhaps years, would elapse before they could meet again, and teddy was never comfortable in mind, but, despite all the good advice given by bill jones, continued to look out into the future, searching for trouble. meanwhile both he and the little sailor were kept at work on board the _texas_ exactly as if they had been regularly enlisted; but the duties were so light among such a large number, that he who complained of the work must indeed have been an indolent fellow. and while teddy worried over his own seeming troubles, the two nations continued at war, killing and wounding men at every opportunity, and ever striving to strike some decisive blow. as a matter of course teddy and bill jones took their small part in the bombardment of the batteries at the entrance to santiago harbour two days after the _merrimac_ had been sunk. the _texas_ was the third vessel in the first column, headed by the _brooklyn_, when, shortly after sunrise, the fleet steamed inshore and opened fire with the heavy guns. it was to the boy as if he went into action almost by the side of his father, and he worked with a will at whatsoever was set him to do, although at times the terrific roar literally stunned him, while the heat was so great that it seemed as if he was on the verge of suffocation during every moment of the four hours the bombardment continued. then the squadron steamed back to its blockading station, and at no time had the _brooklyn_ and _texas_ been so near each other as to have rendered it possible for teddy to see his father, even though the latter had stood on the battle-ship's deck every moment. again and again, as the days passed, did the _texas_ go into action, and at no time were the little stowaway and his small comrade remiss in their duties. they did their full share of the work, despite bill jones's assertion that he was only a "plain, every-day sailor with no fightin' timber about him," and as the weeks wore on these two became more and more closely identified with the battle-ship to which chance had sent them. when the ship was sent to bombard the works at matamoras, and a spanish shell struck near the stern on the port side, passing through the hull three feet below the main-deck line, and exploding on the berth-deck, killing one man and wounding eight, teddy's search for his father nearly came to an end. a fragment of the shell passed within ten inches of the boy's head, striking down a sailor just beyond him, and teddy won the admiration of every man on board by springing to the relief of the poor fellow whose leg had been shattered, instead of taking flight, as might quite naturally have been expected. [illustration] later, when the _texas_ had withdrawn from the action, man after man congratulated the lad upon his behaviour, predicting that he would in time prove himself worthy of serving under such a commander as captain philip, and otherwise bestowing so much praise that at the first opportunity he said confidentially to bill jones: "it makes me ashamed to have them say so much about how i acted. it wasn't different from what any other feller would have done, because i forgot all about the danger when baker fell." "i'm thinkin' you're out of your reckonin' there, lad, for accordin' to my idee, there ain't a boy in a thousand who'd handled himself as well as you did. now i'm no fightin' man, as i've said before, but your keepin' such a stiff upper lip, when there was precious good chance of bein' killed, did me solid good. i knew you had sand, from the first minute of settin' eyes on you, but never suspected there was so much of it." "you're talkin' worse than the others, even when i'm tellin' the truth about not knowin' there was any danger. i only saw poor baker, an' thought i might help him." "it ain't what you thought, lad, but what you did, that counts, an' now if captain miller comes aboard i'm willin' to guarantee he won't be allowed to kick up any row because of your stowin' away on the _merrimac_. the crew wouldn't allow any funny business with you, after this day's work. don't you see how much nearer your father we are than we were this mornin'?" "what do you mean?" "just what i say, lad. you've made for yourself a standin' on board this ship, an' now when the time comes right i'm goin' to tell your story to one of the petty officers, askin' him to see it reaches captain philip's ears. once that's been done, teddy dunlap, we'll be hailin' the _brooklyn_ with signals flyin' to tell the coal-passers that one of 'em has got a son on board this craft." "do you suppose any such plan might work?" teddy asked, breathlessly. "there ain't a shadow of doubt about it in my mind." "why don't you do it now? i've given up hopin' this war is pretty near at an end, an' am hungry to see daddy." "better wait awhile longer, my boy. it's a little too soon to show ourselves very big, 'cause it ain't no ways certain the captain has had time to hear of what you did. we'll hold off a spell, an' then, when the signs come right, you'll see me put this business along in great shape." because of this promise, and also owing to the many words of praise which were showered upon him by the men, teddy dunlap believed, as he had several times before, that the hour was very near at hand when he would be with his father once more; but, as in the past, he was doomed to disappointment during more days than he cared to count. the "signs" never came so nearly right as to give bill jones courage to take the responsibility of telling teddy's story to those who would repeat it to captain philip, and these two refugees from the _merrimac_ remained aboard the _texas_, much to the satisfaction of the crew. it was known to them, as to every one on the warships, that hot fighting was going on ashore in the vicinity of santiago, and at frequent intervals the big vessels steamed toward the land, in this direction or that, to shell the spanish camps; but they were at such a distance from the scene of action that such work had little the appearance of warfare. in fact, the air of plain, every-day business about the operations rendered it difficult to believe the huge shot and shell which were hurled landward carried in their wake death and destruction to many. when one of the _texas's_ big guns was discharged, teddy could hear the roar, and feel the concussion, as a matter of course; he could also see the missile as it sped through the air; but he had no means of knowing where it struck, neither did he have a view of the desolation and ruin it caused, therefore, like many another man aboard the battle-ship, he came to look upon this work of war as nothing more than harmless practice. the day was near at hand, however, when the stowaway and his little comrade were to have all too good a view of the butchery and inhumanity of war. it was on sunday morning, the third day of july. the crew of the _texas_ had been mustered for religious services, and while bill jones and teddy waited in their proper places for the coming of the chaplain, the sailor whispered: "to-morrow mornin' i'm goin' to start in on your business, lad. so far as i can see, the fleet is likely to be here a year or more before the spaniards are ready to surrender santiago, and if i don't bring you to the captain's notice soon, all your good behaviour when the shot came aboard will have been forgotten." "i'm afraid we've waited too long already," the lad replied, with a sigh, for the hope had been so long deferred that his "heart was sick" indeed for a sight of his father. "i reckon not, teddy; but if i've made a mistake in holdin' off, it was done through fear i might speak too soon." "don't think i'm blamin' you," the boy replied, quickly, pressing his comrade's arm in a friendly fashion. "if you never did anything more, i'd feel as if you'd been mighty good to me, for i couldn't have run across many sailors who'd lay themselves out to help a stowaway." "that part of it is--" bill jones was interrupted by a shout,--teddy will never know who uttered it, or what the words were,--and instantly, without the slightest apparent cause, all was seeming confusion on board the ship. it was to the lad as if the very air bristled with excitement; he saw men darting here and there, heard sharp, quick words of command, and as if at the very same instant, the _texas_ seemed to leap forward with a bound, huge clouds of black smoke suddenly pouring out of her stacks. "the spaniards! the spaniards!" bill jones yelled in the lad's ear, at the same time pointing toward the entrance to the harbour, from out of which could be seen the dark hull of an enemy's ship. it was as if in that small fraction of time very much took place. teddy saw long lines of signal-flags run up to the _brooklyn's_ masthead; he heard the roar of a -pounder as the _iowa_ fired the first shot at the foe, and understood, rather than saw, that every vessel in the squadron was under a full head of steam almost immediately. at one instant the blockading squadron lay motionless and apparently lifeless off the harbour, rocking lazily on the long swell, and then, before one could speak, as it were, every listless hull was a war machine, quivering with life, and pouring forth deadly shot and shell. the transformation was so sudden and complete that it is little wonder teddy and bill jones stood transfixed with astonishment until the chase was well under way. one after another of the spanish cruisers came at full speed out of the harbour which it had been believed was closed by the hull of the _merrimac_, and as each ship rounded the point her guns were discharged at the yankee squadron. the dense smoke pouring out of their stacks; the clouds of spray from their bows, glistening like diamonds in the sunlight of that sabbath morning as it was thrown aft by the fierce impetus of the huge vessels to mingle with the smoke that came from every gun; the roar and thunder of the discharges; the shrieking of the missiles, and the spouting of water as the metal fell short, made up a scene of war in its most terrific phase. on the other side, three battle-ships and an armoured cruiser dashing forward at the full speed of their engines; the heavy reverberations of guns; black clouds and white of smoke from coal and from burning powder; men stripped to the waist and working at the pieces with a fury, haste, and energy that could not have been increased had each individual member of the crew been fighting against a personal foe, and words of command, encouragement, or hope, which were heard on every hand, thrilled the boy who had trembled before the supposed wrath of a collier's captain, until each nerve was tingling with excitement,--each pulse bounding with the hot blood that leaped in feverish throbs from artery to artery. teddy dunlap was in the very midst of what but few had ever seen,--a sea-battle with the mightiest ships in the world as combatants. it was while the lad and his elderly comrade stood like statues, gazing at the wondrous, terrible sight around them, that the former saw a huge shell leave the turret of the _iowa_, rise on the arc of a circle in the air, cleaving its way directly toward the _teresa_, the foremost of the fleeing ships. teddy was still following the missile with his eyes when it struck the spaniard's hull, cutting its way through as if no resistance was offered, and it seemed that the huge mass had but just disappeared when great volumes of smoke and flame burst from the aperture made by the shell, telling that the first of the enemy's fleet was already vanquished. then came a mighty yell from every man aboard the _texas_ as well as the _iowa_, for the gun had been aimed with a precision worthy a yankee gunner whose forefathers, perhaps, had been forced to shoot accurately in order to save their scalps from the lurking indian. this cry of satisfaction had not yet died away when the _maria teresa_ was headed for the beach, with smoke and flame enveloping all her after part,--a wreck before she had more than cleared the harbour's mouth. "there's one of 'em done for, an' in short order!" bill jones screamed, dancing to and fro like a crazy person, and if he made any further remark teddy failed to hear it, because of the cheers of triumph which came from every vessel in the american fleet. the enemy had counted on cutting his way through the blockading squadron, but the first of his vessels had come to grief before the chase was fairly begun. as the _teresa_ swung round in order to gain shoal water before the fire should completely envelop her, teddy saw two small, swift, low-lying steamers come out from behind her with a speed which seemed like that of the wind, and the little sailor cried, in tones nearly resembling fear: "there are the destroyers! the _pluton_ and _furor_! our ships are not speedy enough to keep out of their way! now is the spaniard's chance to pay for the loss of the _teresa_!" teddy had heard of these torpedo-boats, and knew what it was possible for them to do unless, perchance, they might be checked at long range, and yet the commanders of the yankee battle-ships apparently gave no heed to the dangerous enemies which had been designed for the sole purpose of destroying such as they. straight toward the _brooklyn_ these formidable craft were headed, and the stowaway involuntarily cried aloud in terror, for was not his father on board that vessel which appeared to be in such peril? then, coming up swiftly, as a hawk darts out upon its prey, the lad saw the little yacht _gloucester_ swim directly inshore to meet these mighty engines of destruction, when one well-directed shot from their guns would have sent her to the bottom, crushed out of all semblance of a vessel. at that moment teddy and bill jones saw what much resembled the attack of a fly upon two huge spiders. the tiny _gloucester_ steamed straight down upon the destroyers, cutting them off from their intended prey, and pelting them with shells from her small -pounders, but doing the work with such accuracy and precision of aim that it seemed as if the battle was no more than begun before these two mighty machines turned toward the shore to follow the _teresa_, but sinking even while one could say they were beaten. "hurrah for wainwright! bully little _gloucester_!" two hundred voices rose high with shouts of triumph and exultation that the yankee gunners had not only done their work well, but with bravery such as could not be excelled, and meanwhile the big ships went tearing madly on lest the _vizcaya_, the _cristobal colon_, and the _almirante oquendo_, all that were left of the spanish fleet, should escape them. the _iowa_ and the _texas_ had selected the _vizcaya_ as their prey, and while the remainder of the fleet stretched away in pursuit of the other ships, these two cut off the big spaniard, forcing her to fight whether she liked or not. [illustration] teddy and bill jones stood on the port side of the _texas_, all unconscious that they were exposed to any chance shot the spaniard might send aboard, and realising nothing save the fever of battle. the odour of burning powder was in their nostrils, and life or death, danger or safety were alike the same. the _texas_ literally reeled under their feet as her big guns were discharged full at the _vizcaya_, which ship was hurling shot and shell with reckless rapidity and inaccuracy of aim. the roar of the pieces was like the crashing of thunder; the vibrations of the air smote one like veritable blows, and enormous smoke clouds rolled here and there, now shutting off all view, and again lifting to reveal the enemy in his desperate but ill-directed flight. "can we sink her?" teddy asked once, when the two comrades were so closely enveloped by the pungent vapour that it was impossible to distinguish objects five feet away, and the little sailor cried, in a delirium of excitement: "sink her, lad? that's what we're bound to do!" "she is workin' her guns for all they are worth, an' i've heard it said that even a ship like this would go down if a big shell struck fairly." "ay, lad, an' so she would, i reckon; but we'll have yonder spaniard under the water before her gunners can get the range. every shot of ours is hittin' its mark, an' they're not comin' within half a mile of us! sink her! we'll--" even as bill jones spoke, the -inch gun in the _texas's_ forward turret was discharged. the smoke rolled aside at the same instant, and the two watchers saw a huge shell dart forth, speeding directly toward the ship that had so lately been a friendly visitor in the harbour of new york. it struck its mark fairly, crashed through the iron plating as if through paper, and then teddy saw the mighty vessel reel under her death-stroke when the shell exploded. another howl of triumph; half naked men danced to and fro in their excitement; the gunners rushed out from the turrets gasping for breath, but yelling with savage joy, and the _vizcaya's_ bow was headed toward the shore! the fourth vessel of the enemy's fleet had been disabled, and there only remained the two mighty ships in the distance, from the smoke-stacks of which poured forth long rolls of black smoke, flecked with sparks and burning brands, that told of the desperate efforts being made to escape. chapter vi. teddy's daddy. the _maria teresa_ and the _vizcaya_ were in flames, heading for shoal water that they might not carry down with their blackened hulks the men who had defended them, although feebly, and there was no longer any reason why the _texas_ should remain in that vicinity. the _iowa_ swung inshore to make certain the ruin was as complete as it appeared from the distance, and when the royal ensign was hauled down that a white flag might be hoisted on the _vizcaya_, captain philip gave the word which sent the _texas_ ahead in chase after the survivors of what had, less than half an hour previous, been a mighty fleet. as one who witnessed the battle has already written concerning this particular time and the wonderfully one-sided engagement, his words had best be quoted: "huge volumes of black smoke, edged with red flame, rolled from every port and shot-hole of the _vizcaya_, as from the _teresa_. they were both furnaces of glowing fire. though they had come from the harbour to certain battle, not a wooden bulkhead, not a partition in the quarters either of officers or men had been taken out, nor had trunks and chests been sent ashore. neither had the wooden decks or any other wooden fixtures been prepared to resist fire. apparently the crew had not even wet down the decks." it was the experience of a full lifetime, to witness the destruction of these four fighting-machines, and yet teddy dunlap and his little comrade almost forgot what they had seen in the excitement of the race, as their ship leaped forward in that mad chase which was to end only with the wrecking of all those vessels that had sailed out of the harbour to make their way past the yankee fleet. the two comrades were conscious of nothing save the throbbing and quivering of their own ship, as, under press of every ounce of steam that could be raised, the _texas_ dashed onward, overhauling first this yankee vessel and then that, flinging the spray in showers over her deck, and rolling from side to side in the heavy swell as she tore onward at a rate of speed that probably she had never before equalled. it was a race to the death; now and then the hatches were opened that some one of the engineer's crew, exhausted by almost superhuman efforts and the excessive heat, might be brought up from those fiery depths below, while others took the place of him who had fallen at the post of duty, and the speed was never slackened. on, on, over the long swell, every man aboard in the highest possible state of excitement, eager that the _texas_ should be in at the death, and ahead, straining every nerve as it were, fled the spaniards, knowing full well that there could be but one ending to such a race. "it's yankee grit an' yankee skill that's winnin' this fight!" bill jones cried, excitedly, forgetting that he was only a "plain, every-day sailor, with no fightin' timber about him," and at every onward leap of the ship his body swayed forward as if he was eager for a fray. but neither bill jones nor any man aboard the _texas_, save those brave souls in the very bowels of the gallant ship, had any opportunity to display personal bravery. the fight ended when the chase did, for then nothing was left of those mighty spanish ships save blackened hulks. the _oregon_ was sending -inch projectiles after the _oquendo_ at every fair opportunity, and the _texas_, more than holding her own with the other vessels, was coming up astern with a speed that threatened to bring the long race to a speedy conclusion. then, suddenly, although all had been expecting it, the _almirante oquendo's_ bow was headed toward the shore,--she saw the uselessness of further flight,--and all the pursuers, save the _texas_, hauled off in pursuit of the _cristobal colon_. standing with a group of _texas_ men, teddy and bill jones saw the spaniard near the line of surf, and as their vessel's speed was checked there came a roar mightier than when the battle was first opened; the doomed ship rocked to and fro as if she had struck a sunken reef, there was an uprending of the iron decks, and then came a shower of fragments that told of the tremendous explosion within the hull of the _oquendo_. now it was the yankee crew burst once more into shouts of triumph; but before the first cheer arose on the morning air captain philip cried: "don't cheer; the poor devils are dying!" then it was that every man realised what had, until this moment, been absolutely forgotten: the game in which they were such decided victors was one of death! while they were triumphantly happy, scores upon scores of the enemy were dying,--mangled, scalded, drowning,--and on the instant, like a flash of light, came the terrible fact that while they rejoiced, others were suffering a last agony. "don't cheer; the poor devils are dying!" at that instant teddy dunlap understood what might be the horror of war, and forgetting the joy and exultation which had been his an instant previous, the lad covered his eyes with his hand,--sick at heart that he should have taken even a passive part in that game which could be ended only by suffering and death. later, after the men were sufficiently calm to be able to discuss intelligently the doings of that day when the full spanish fleet was destroyed by yankee vessels who throughout all the action and chase sustained no injury whatsoever, it was learned that more than six hundred human beings had been sent out of the world in less than four hours, and nearly eighteen hundred men were taken prisoners by the american vessels. teddy dunlap was like one in a daze from the instant he realised what all this thrilling excitement meant, until bill jones, who had been ordered to some duty below, came to his side in the greatest excitement. "what do you think of that, lad?" he cried, shaking the boy vigorously as he pointed seaward, and teddy, looking in the direction indicated by his outstretched finger, but without seeing anything, asked, hesitatingly: "is it the _cristobal colon_?" "of course it isn't, my lad! that vessel is a wreck off tarquino point, so we heard half an hour ago. don't you see the ship here almost alongside?" "oh, yes, i see her," teddy replied, with a sigh of relief. "there's been so much that is terrible goin' on around us that it's like as if i was dazed." "an' that's what you must be, lad, not to see that here's the _brooklyn_ nearer alongside than she's like to come again for a year or more." "the _brooklyn_!" teddy cried, now aroused from the stupefaction of horror which had come upon him with the knowledge of all the suffering caused that day. "the _brooklyn_!" "ay, lad, an' her launch is alongside makin' ready to transfer some of the prisoners. now's our chance, when such as we don't amount to a straw in view of the great things that have been done this day, to slip over on a little visit to your daddy!" probably at no other time could such a thing have been done by two members of the crew; but just now, when every man and officer was overwhelmed by the fever of victory, little heed was given to the movements of any particular person. therefore it was that teddy dunlap and the little sailor had no difficulty in gaining the _brooklyn's_ deck without question or check, and the first person they saw on clambering aboard was a coal-passer, stripped to the waist and grimy with dust and perspiration, who stared with bulging eyes at the boy who followed close behind bill jones. "teddy!" "daddy!" "i reckon this is no place for me," bill jones muttered as he made his way forward, and if the "plain, every-day sailor with no fightin' timber about him" had sufficient delicacy to leave father and son alone at such a time, surely we should show ourselves equally considerate. * * * * * it is enough to say that teddy's troubles were at an end after a short visit with his father, and that he did not leave the _texas_ immediately. captain philip came to hear the boy's story, and an opportunity was given him to enlist for so long a term as his father was bound to the _brooklyn_. since the purpose of this little story was only to tell how the stowaway found his father, there is no excuse for continuing an account of teddy's experience off santiago with sampson; but at some future time, if the reader so chooses, all that befell him before returning home shall be set down with careful fidelity to every detail. the end. the story of the philippines and our new possessions, including the ladrones, hawaii, cuba and porto rico. the story of the philippines. natural riches, industrial resources, statistics of productions, commerce and population; the laws, habits, customs, scenery and conditions of the cuba of the east indies and the thousand islands of the archipelagoes of india and hawaii, with episodes of their early history the eldorado of the orient personal character sketches of and interviews with admiral dewey, general merritt, general aguinaldo and the archbishop of manila. history and romance, tragedies and traditions of our pacific possessions. events of the war in the west with spain, and the conquest of cuba and porto rico. by murat halstead, _war correspondent in america and europe, historian of the philippine expedition_. splendidly and picturesquely illustrated with half-tone engravings from photographs, etchings from special drawings, and the military maps of the philippines, prepared by the war department of the united states. _our possessions publishing co._ the engravings in this volume were made from original photographs, and are specially protected by copyright; and notice is hereby given, that any person or persons guilty of reproducing or infringing upon the copyright in any way will be dealt with according to law. inscribed to the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy of the united states, with admiration for their achievements in the war with spain; gratitude for the glory they have gained for the american nation, and congratulations that all the people of all the country rejoice in the cloudless splendor of their fame that is the common and everlasting inheritance of americans. author's preface. the purpose of the writer of the pages herewith presented has been to offer, in popular form, the truth touching the philippine islands. i made the journey from new york to manila, to have the benefit of personal observations in preparing a history for the people. detention at honolulu shortened my stay in manila, but there was much in studies at the former place that was a help at the latter. the original programme was for me to accompany general merritt, commander-in-chief of the philippine expedition, but illness prevented its full realization, and when i arrived in manila bay the city had already been "occupied and possessed" by the american army; and the declaration of peace between the united states and spain was made, the terms fully agreed upon with the exception of the settlement of the affairs of the philippines. while thus prevented from witnessing stirring military movements other than those attending the transfer of our troops across the pacific ocean, an event in itself of the profoundest significance, the reference of the determination of the fate of the philippine islands to the paris conference, and thereby to the public opinion of our country, in extraordinary measure increased the general sensibility as to the situation of the southern oriental seas affecting ourselves, and enhanced the value of the testimony taken on the spot of observers of experience, with the training of journalism in distinguishing the relative pertinence and potency of facts noted. work for more than forty years, in the discussion from day to day of current history, has qualified me for the efficient exercise of my faculties in the labor undertaken. it has been my undertaking to state that which appeared to me, so that the reader may find pictures of the scenes that tell the story that concerns the country, that the public may with enlightenment solve the naval, military, political, commercial and religious problems we are called upon by the peremptory pressure of the conditions local, and international, to solve immediately. this we have to do, facing the highest obligations of citizenship in the great american republic, and conscious of the incomparably influential character of the principles that shall prevail through the far-reaching sweep of the policies that will be evolved. i have had such advantages in the assurance of the authenticity of the information set forth in the chapters following, that i may be permitted to name those it was my good fortune to consult with instructive results; and in making the acknowledgments due. i may be privileged to support the claim of diligence and success in the investigations made, and that i am warranted in the issue of this story of the philippines by the assiduous improvement of an uncommon opportunity to fit myself to serve the country. indebtedness for kind consideration in this work is gratefully acknowledged to major-general merritt, commanding the philippine expedition; major-general otis, who succeeds to the duties of military and civil administration in the conquered capital of the islands; admiral george dewey, who improved, with statesmanship, his unparalleled victory in the first week of the war with spain, and raised the immense questions before us; general f.v. greene, the historian of the russo-turkish war, called by the president to washington, and for whose contributions to the public intelligence he receives the hearty approval and confidence of the people; major bell, the vigilant and efficient head of the bureau of information at the headquarters of the american occupation in the philippines; general aguinaldo, the leader of the insurgents of his race in luzon, and his grace the archbishop of manila, who gave me a message for the united states, expressing his appreciation of the excellence of the behavior of the american army in the enforcement of order, giving peace of mind to the residents in the distracted city of all persuasions and conditions, and of the service that was done civilization in the prevention, by our arms, of threatened barbarities that had caused sore apprehension; and, i may add, the commissioner of the organized people of the philippines, dispatched to washington accompanying general greene; and of the citizens of manila of high character, and conductors of business enterprises with plants in the community whose destiny is in the hands of strangers. these gentlemen i may not name, for there are uncertainties that demand of them and command me to respect the prudence of their inconspicuity. this volume seems to me to be justified, and i have no further claim to offer that it is meritorious than that it is faithful to facts and true to the country in advocacy of the continued expansion of the republic, whose field is the world. steamship china, pacific ocean, september , . the origin of this story of the philippines. the letter following is the full expression by the author of this volume of his purposes and principles in making the journey to the east indies. _going to the philippines_. washington city, d.c., july . with the authorization of the military authorities, i shall go to the philippine islands with general merritt, the military governor, and propose to make the american people better acquainted with that remarkable and most important and interesting country. the presence of an american army in the philippines is an event that will change broad and mighty currents in the world's history. it has far more significance than anything transpiring in the process of the conquest of the west india possessions of spain, for the only question there, ever since the continental colonies of the spanish crown won their independence, has been the extent of the sacrifices the spaniards, in their haughty and vindictive pride, would make in fighting for a lost empire and an impossible cause with an irresistible adversary. that the time was approaching when, with the irretrievable steps of the growth of a living nation of free people, we would reach the point where it should be our duty to accept the responsibility of the dominant american power, and accomplish manifest destiny by adding cuba and porto rico to our dominion, has for half a century been the familiar understanding of american citizens. spain, by her abhorrent system, personified in weyler, and illustrated in the murderous blowing up of the maine with a mine, has forced this duty upon us; and though we made war unprepared, the good work is going on, and the finish of the fight will be the relegation of spain, whose colonial governments have been, without exception, disgraceful and disastrous to herself, and curses to the colonists, to her own peninsula. this will be for her own good, as well as the redemption of mankind from her unwholesome foreign influences, typified as they are in the beautiful city of havana, which has become the center of political plagues and pestilential fevers, whose contagion has at frequent intervals reached our own shores. in the philippine islands the situation is for us absolutely novel. it cannot be said to be out of the scope of reasonable american expansion and is in the right line of enlarging the area of enlightenment and stimulating the progress of civilization. the unexpected has happened, but it is not illogical. it must have been written long ago on the scroll of the boundless blue and the stars. the incident of war was the "rush" order of the president of the united states to admiral dewey to destroy the spanish fleet at manila, for the protection of our commerce. the deed was done with a flash of lightning, and lo! we hold the golden key of a splendid asiatic archipelago of a thousand beautiful and richly endowed islands in our grip. this is the most brilliant and startling achievement in the annals of navies. never before had the sweep of sea power, ordered through the wires that make the world's continents, oceans and islands one huge whispering gallery, such striking exemplification. there was glory and fame in it, and immeasurable material for the making of history. we may paraphrase dr. johnson's celebrated advertisement of the widow's brewery by saying: admiral dewey's victory was not merely the capture of a harbor commanding a great city, one of the superb places of the earth, and the security of a base of operations to wait for reinforcements commensurate with the resources of the united states of america--the victorious hero fixed his iron hand upon a wonderful opportunity it was the privilege of our government to secure at large, according to the rights of a victorious nation for the people thereof--a chance for the youth of america, like that of the youth of great britain, to realize upon the magnificence of india; and this is as dr. johnson said of the vats and barrels of the thrale estate--"the potentiality of wealth beyond the dreams of avarice." it is a new departure, but not a matter for the panic or apprehension of conservatism, that the stars and stripes float as the symbol of sovereignty over a group of islands in the waters of asia, that are equal to all the west indies. if we are strangers there now we shall not be so long. we have a front on the pacific ocean, of three great states--washington, equal to england; oregon, whose grandeur rolls in the sound of her famous name, and incomparable california, whose title will be the synonym of golden good times forever. the philippines are southwest from our western front doors. they have been the islands of our sunsets in the winter. now they look to us for the rosy dawn out of which will come the clear brightness of the white light of mornings and the fullness of the ripening noons, all the year around. with our bulk of the north american continent bulging into both the great oceans, it was foreordained since the beginning when god created the earth, that we, the possessors of this imperial american zone, should be a great asiatic power. we have it now in evidence, written in islands among the most gorgeous of those that shine in the southern seas--islands that are east from the atlantic and west from the pacific shores of the one great republic--that we may personify hereafter, sitting at the head of the table when the empires of the earth consult themselves as to the courses of empire. our course of empire is both east and west. the contact of american and asiatic civilization in the philippines, with the american army there, superseding the spaniards, will be memorable as one of the matters of chief moment in the closing days of the nineteenth century, and remembered to date from for a thousand years. it is my purpose to write of this current history while it is a fresh, sparkling stream, and attempt something more than the recitation of the news of the day, as it is condensed and restrained in telegrams; to give it according to the extent of my ability and the advantages of my opportunity, the local coloring, the characteristic scenery; the pen pictures of the people and their pursuits; sketches of the men who are doers of deeds that make history; studies of the ways and means of the islanders; essays to indicate the features of the picturesque of the strange mixture of races; the revolutionary evolutions of politics; the forces that pertain to the mingling of the religions of the occident and the orient, in a chemistry untried through the recorded ages. it is a tremendous canvas upon which i am to labor, and i know full well how inadequate the production must be, and beg that this index may not be remembered against me. it is meant in all modesty, and i promise only that there will be put into the task the expertness of experience and the endeavor of industry. _murat halstead._ contents. author's preface the origin of this story of the philippines chapter i. admiral dewey on his flagship. a stormy day on manila bay--call on admiral dewey--the man in white--he sticks to his ship--how he surprised the spaniards--every man did his duty on may-day--how dewey looks and talks--what he said about war with germany in five minutes--feeds his men on "delicious" fresh meat from australia--photography unjust to him chapter ii. life in manila. character of the filipinos--drivers lashing laboring men in the streets--what americans get in their native air--the logic of destiny--manila as she fell into our hands--the beds in the tropics--a spanish hotel--profane yells for ice--sad scenes in the dining room--major-general calls for "francisco"--a broken-hearted pantry woman chapter iii. from long island to luzon. across the continent--an american governor-general steams through the golden gate--he is a minute-man--honolulu as a health resort--the lonesome pacific--the skies of asia--dreaming under the stars of the scorpion--the southern cross chapter iv. interview with general aguinaldo. the insurgent leader's surroundings and personal appearance--his reserves and ways of talking--the fierce animosity of the filipinos toward spanish priests--a probability of many martyrs in the isle of luzon chapter v. the philippine mission. correspondence with aguinaldo about it--notes by senor felipe agoncillo--relations between admiral dewey and senor aguinaldo--terms of peace made by spanish governor-general with insurgents, december, --law suit between aguinaldo and arlacho--aguinaldo's proclamation of may , chapter vi. the proclamations of general aguinaldo. june th, , establishing dictatorial government--june th, , instructions for elections--june d, , establishing revolutionary government--june d, , message to foreign powers--june th, , instructions concerning details--july d, , letter from senor aguinaldo to general anderson--august st, , resolution of revolutionary chiefs asking recognition--august th, , message to foreign powers asking recognition chapter vii. interview with archbishop of manila. insurgents' deadly hostility to spanish priests--the position of the archbishop as he defined it--his expression of gratitude to the american army--his characterization of the insurgents--a work of philippine art--the sincerity of the archbishop's good words chapter viii. why we hold the philippines. the responsibility of admiral dewey--we owe it to ourselves to hold the philippines--prosperity assured by our permanent possession--the aguinaldo question--character study of the insurgent leader--how affairs would adjust themselves for us--congress must be trusted to represent the people and firmly establish international policy chapter ix. the philippine islands as they are. area and population--climate--mineral wealth--agriculture--commerce and transportation--revenue and expenses--spanish troops--spanish navy--spanish civil administration--insurgent troops--insurgent civil administration--united states troops--united states navy--united states civil administration--the future of the islands chapter x. official history of the conquest of manila. the pith of the official reports of the capture of manila, by major-general wesley merritt, commanding the philippine expedition; general frank v. greene, general arthur mcarthur, and general thomas anderson, with the articles of capitulation, showing how , americans carried an intrenched city with a garrison of , spaniards, and kept out , insurgents--the difficulties of american generals with philippine troops chapter xi. the administration of general merritt. the official gazette issued at manila--orders and proclamation of major-general wesley merritt, who, as commander of the philippine expedition, became, under the circumstances of the capture of manila, the governor of that city chapter xii. the american army in manila. why the boys had a spell of homesickness--disadvantages of the tropics--admiral dewey and his happy men--how our soldiers passed the time on the ships--general merritt's headquarters--what is public property--the manila water supply--england our friend--major-general otis, general meritt's successor chapter xiii. the white uniforms of our heroes in the tropics. the mother hubbard street fashion in honolulu, and that of riding astride--spoiling summer clothes in manila mud--the white raiment of high officers--drawing the line on nightshirts--ashamed of big toes--dewey and merritt as figures of show--the boys in white chapter xiv. a martyr to the liberty of speech. dr. jose rizal, the most distinguished literary man of the philippines, writer of history, poetry, political pamphlets, and novels, shot on the luneta of manila--a likeness of the martyr--the scene of his execution, from a photograph--his wife married the day before his death--poem giving his farewell thoughts, written in his last hours--the works that cost him his life--the vision of friar rodriguez chapter xv. events of the spanish-american war. no mystery about the cause of the war--the expected and the inevitable has happened--the tragedy of the maine--vigilant wisdom of president mckinley--dewey's prompt triumph--the battles at manila and santiago compared--general shafter tells of the battle of santiago--report of wainwright board on movements of sampson's fleet in the destruction of cervera's squadron--stars and stripes raised over porto rico--american and spanish fleets at manila compared--text of peace protocol chapter xvi. the peace jubilee. the lessons of war in the joy over peace in the celebrations at chicago and philadelphia--orations by archbishop ireland and judge emory speer--the president's few words of thrilling significance--the parade of the loyal league, and the clover club banquet at philadelphia--address by the president--the hero hobson makes a speech--fighting bob evans' startling battle picture--the destruction of cervera's fleet--the proclamation of thanksgiving chapter xvii. early history of the philippines. the abolishment of the st of december, , in manila--the mystery of the meridian degrees west--what is east and west?--gaining and losing days--the tribes of native filipinos--they had an alphabet and songs of their own--the massacre of magellan--his fate like that of captain cook--stories of long-ago wars--an account by a devoted spanish writer of the beneficent rule of spain in the philippines--aguinaldo a man not of a nation, but of a tribe--typhoons and earthquakes--the degeneracy of the government of the philippines after it was taken from mexico--"new spain"--the perquisites of captain-generals--the splendor of manila a century ago chapter xviii. the southern philippines. important facts about the lesser islands of the philippine archipelago--location, size and population--capitals and principal cities--rivers and harbors--surface and soil--people and products--leading industries--their commerce and business affairs--the monsoons and typhoons--the terrors of the tempests and how to avoid them chapter xix. specifications of grievances of the filipinos. an official copy of the manifesto of the junta showing the bad faith of spain in the making and evasion of a treaty--the declaration of the renewal of the war of rebellion--complaints against the priests defined--the most important document the filipinos have issued--official reports of cases of persecution of men and women in manila by the spanish authorities--memoranda of the proceedings in several cases in the court of inquiry of the united states officers chapter xx. hawaii as annexed. the star spangled banner up again in hawaii, and to stay--dimensions of the islands--what the missionaries have done--religious belief by nationality--trade statistics--latest census--sugar plantation laborers--coinage of silver--schools--coffee growing chapter xxi. early history of the sandwich islands. captain james cook's great discoveries and his martyrdom--character and traditions of the hawaiian islands--charges against the famous navigator and effort to array the christian world against him--the true story of his life and death--how charges against cook came to be made--testimony of vancouver, king and dixon, and last words of cook's journal--light turned on history that has become obscure--savagery of the natives--their written language took up their high colored traditions and preserved phantoms--scenes in aboriginal theatricals--problem of government in an archipelago where race questions are predominant--now americans should remember captain cook as an illustrious pioneer chapter xxii. the start for the land of corn stalks. spain clings to the ghost of her colonies--the scene of war interest shifts from manila--the typhoon season--general merritt on the way to paris--german target practice by permission of dewey--poultney bigalow with canoe, typewriter and kodak--hongkong as a bigger and brighter gibraltar chapter xxiii. kodak snapped at japan. glimpses of china and japan on the way home from the philippines--hongkong a greater gibraltar--coaling the china--gangs of women coaling the china--how the japanese make gardens of the mountains--transition from the tropics to the northern seas--a breeze from siberia--a thousand miles nothing on the pacific--talk of swimming ashore chapter xxiv. our picture gallery. annotations and illustrations--portraits of heroes of the war in the army and navy, and of the highest public responsibilities--admirals and generals, the president and cabinet--photographs of scenes and incidents--the characteristics of the filipinos--their homes, dresses and peculiarities in sun pictures--the picturesque people of our new possessions chapter xxv. cuba and porto rico. conditions in and around havana--fortifications and water supply of the capital city--other sections of the pearl of the antilles--porto rico, our new possession, described--size and population--natural resources and products--climatic conditions--towns and cities--railroad and other improvements--future possibilities chapter xxvi. the ladrones. the island of guam a coaling station of the united states--discovery, size and products of the islands chapter xxvii. the official title to our new possessions in the indies. full text of the treaty of peace with spain handed the president of the united states as a christmas gift for the people, at the white house, --the gathered fruit of a glorious and wonderful victory chapter xxviii. battles with the filipinos before manila. the aguinaldo war upon the americans--the course of events in the philippines since the fall of manila--origin of the filipino war--aguinaldo's insolent and aggressive acts, including treachery--his agent's vanity and duplicity in washington--insurgents under aguinaldo attack american forces--battle of manila, february and --heroism of american troops in repelling the insurgents--aguinaldo's proclamations--agoncillo's flight to canada--the ratification of the treaty of peace with spain by the american senate followed the fighting--the gallantry and efficiency of the american volunteers--another glorious chapter of our war history chapter xxix. the aguinaldo war of skirmishes. the filipino swarms, after being repulsed with slaughter, continue their scattering efforts to be assassins--they plan a general massacre and the burning of manila--defeated in barbarous schemes, they tell false tales and have two objects, one to deceive the people of the philippines, the other to influence intervention--the peril of fire--six thousand regulars sent to general otis--americans capture iloilo, and many natives want peace--the people of the isla of negros ask that they may go with us--dewey wants battleships and gunboats, gets them, and is made an admiral--arrival of peace commissioners, with their school books, just ahead of the regulars with magazine rifles--the germans at manila salute admiral dewey at last illustrations. . frontispiece ... major-general merritt, first governor-general of the philippines. . the president and his cabinet . president mckinley . secretary of state hay . secretary of the treasury gage . secretary of war alger . secretary of the navy long . attorney general griggs . postmaster general smith . secretary of the interior bliss . secretary of agriculture wilson . admiral dewey, the hero of manila . map of the philippine islands . photograph and autograph of aguinaldo, as presented by him to mr. halstead, the author . archbishop of manila. his photograph and autograph presented to mr. halstead, the author . ex-consul general fitzhugh lee, now major-general commanding . captain sigsbee, commander of the ill-fated maine . brigadier-general f.v. greene . government building in pampanga . church at cavite . masacue--town in cavite . natives taking refreshments . official map of the isle of luzon, prepared by war department . official map by the war department of the seat of war in the philippines . murat halstead, the author, at manila . cathedral of manila after earthquake . spanish re-inforcements crossing bridge over pasig river . oriental hotel, manila . the sultan of jolo in mindanao . a beheaded spaniard--sign of the order of katipunan . san juan del monte, where revolution started . brigadier-general e.s. otis . brigadier-general thomas m. anderson . military heroes of santiago and porto rico . major-general miles . major-general shafter . major-general wheeler . major-general brooke . brigadier-general wood . colonel roosevelt . naval heroes of santiago . admiral sampson . admiral schley . captain chadwick, of the new york . captain cooke, of the brooklyn . captain clarke, of the oregon . captain evans, of the iowa . captain higginson, of the massachusetts . captain philip, of the texas . commander wainwright, of the gloucester . lieutenant r.p. hobson . general greene's headquarters at manila . manila and its outskirts, showing malate . principal gate to the city . loading buffaloes with produce in luzon . filipina preparing for a siesta . philippine author-martyr, his wife and his execution . dr. rizal . dr. rizal's execution . dr. rizal's wife . the seat of war in cavite . attack on manila, showing position of our ships and troops . fortifications of manila . united states peace commissioners . senator frye . senator gray . ex-secretary of state day . senator davis . whitelaw reid . flowers of the philippines . interior of the fortifications of manila . fort santiago at manila, where the american flag was raised . dining room in general merritt's palace at manila . an execution entertainment on the luneta . victims reported dead after the execution . aguinaldo and his compatriots . senor aguinaldo . senor montsusgro . senor natividah . senor ninisgra . senor rins . senor belavinino . senor covinbing . senor mascordo . senor arbacho . senor pilar . senor viola . senor francisco . senor llansoo . savage native hunters . girl's costume to show one shoulder . public buildings in manila . fort weyler, built by general weyler when governor of the philippines . the destruction of cervera's spanish squadron at santiago . the luneta--favorite outing grounds of manila, and a place for executing insurgents . admiral dewey's fleet that won the battle of manila bay . the flagship olympia . the baltimore . the concord . the raleigh . the boston . the petrel . the monument of magellinos in the walled city . a railroad station north of manila--spaniards airing themselves . the battle of manila bay--in the heat of the raging fight . a suburb of manila, showing a buffalo market cart . the cathedral at manila . an insurgent outlook near manila . display in manila photograph gallery, insurgent leaders . group of filipinos who want independence . the principal gate to the walled city . a public square in manila . a bit of scenery in mindanao, showing tropical vegetation . parade of spanish troops on one of their three annual expeditions to the southern islands . after an execution--prostrate forms are men shot . spaniards ready to execute insurgent prisoners . a group of the unconquerable mohammedans . a native house . riding buffaloes through groves of date palms . natives fishing from a canal boat . great bridge at manila . southern islanders--showing cocoanut palms and the monkey tree . a review of spanish filipino volunteers . a spanish festival in manila . spanish troops repelling an insurgent attack on a convent . business corner in manila . a native in regimentals . a country pair . peasant costumes . woodman in working garb . map of hawaii . official map of the hawaiian islands . map of cuba . map of porto rico . outline map of the philippine islands . a spanish dude--an officer at manila . the harbor at manila . general e.s. otis and staff on porch of malacanan palace, manila . malacanan palace and pasig river, manila . general otis and staff, dining room, malacanan palace, manila . views in manila, philippine islands . view from my office window in palace, sept. , . fountain, manila, august, . door of hospital de san juan di dios, intramuros, manila, aug. , . sentry box in old manila wall, august, . dungeons in old manila wall, sept. , . door of jesuit church, manila, sept. , . court yard of palace, manila, sept, , . view of tower of iglisia de sta grum, manila, sept. , . corner of old manila wall, august, . interior in palace, manila, sept. , . view of church of august , manila . general hughes' temporary office in palace . puerto de gabel, old manila wall, aug. , . views in manila, philippine islands . wash lady in the river, manila . soldiers washing their persons and clothes, manila . man rowing small boat, manila . ferry in canal, manila . group of native women on canal bank, manila . government launch, manila . view of canal in new manila . view from my ferry crossing river looking toward new town, manila . view of intramuros from the water, manila . women washing, manila . barge in canal, new town, half barge, half house boat, manila . canal scene in neuva, manila . stern of lighter in canal, manila . views in manila, philippine islands . native woman, with fruit and child . native woman . fruit woman on main bridge . small boy, with pup . native woman on canal bank . buffalo, wagon and two coolies . beggar on main bridge . views in honolulu and manila . leaving honolulu, aboard u.s.s. peru for manila . a soldier on deck of oakland ferry . three college men, corporal morrow in center . u.s.s. philadelphia entering honolulu harbor . in camp at manila . leaving honolulu, u.s.s. peru, for manila . u.s.s. philadelphia, honolulu harbor . bridge over river naig, cavite, connecting santa cruz road with town of naig . highway in the philippines . native house in suburb of calamba, philippines . front and back view of native woven shirt . malay women of jolo pounding rice . ancient cannon taken from insurgents . arsenal grounds in cavite, chapel in front of commandant's house . bridge crossing the river at tambobeng, manila province . cane bridge over arm of bay at ilo-ilo, philippines . sergeant dan hewitt, hero of caloocan . view on pagsanjan river in the province of la laguna . royal street in ilo-ilo, island of panay, philippines . native dwelling in the suburbs of manila . the insurgent leaders in the philippines . isabelo artacho . baldomero aguinaldo . severino de las alas . antonio montenegro . vito belarmino . pedro paterno . emilio aguinaldo . church of san augustin, manila . schooner anchored in ilo-ilo harbor, philippines . major-general thomas m. anderson and staff, in command of st division, th army corps, at manila . major-general thomas m. anderson, commander of st division, th army corps, at manila chapter i admiral dewey on his flagship. a stormy day on manila bay--call on admiral dewey--the man in white--he sticks to his ship--how he surprised spaniards--every man did his duty on may-day--how dewey looks and talks--what he said about war with germany in five minutes--feeds his men on "delicious" fresh meat from australia--photography unjust to him. steaming across manila bay from cavite to the city on an energetic ferry-boat, scanning the wrecks of the spanish fleet still visible where the fated ships went down, one of them bearing on a strip of canvas the legible words "remember the 'maine,'" the talk being of dewey's great may-day, we were passing the famous flag-ship of the squadron that was ordered to destroy another squadron, and did it, incidentally gathering in hand the keys of an empire in the indies for america, because the american victor was an extraordinary man, who saw the immensity of the opportunity and improved it to the utmost, some one said: "there is the admiral now, on the quarter-deck under the awning--the man in white, sitting alone!" the american consul at manila was aboard the ferry-boat, and said to the captain he would like to speak to the admiral. the course was changed a point, and then a pause, when the consul called, "admiral!" and the man in white stepped to the rail and responded pleasantly to the greeting--the consul saying: "shall we not see you ashore now?" "no," said the man in white, in a clear voice; "i shall not go ashore unless i have to." some one said: "this would be a good chance to go. come with us." the man in white shook his head, and the ferryman ordered full speed, the passengers all looking steadily at the white figure until it became a speck, and the fresh arrivals were shown the objects of the greatest interest, until the wrecks of the oriental fleet of the spaniards were no longer visible, and there was only the white walls to see of cavite's arsenal and the houses of the navy-yard, and the more stately structures of manila loomed behind the lighthouse at the mouth of the pasig, when the eyes of the curious were drawn to the mossback fort that decorates as an antiquity the most conspicuous angle of the walls of "the walled city." there was a shade of significance in the few words of the admiral that he would not go ashore until he must. he has from the first been persistent in staying at manila. there has been nothing that could induce him to abandon in person the prize won may st. his order from the president was to destroy the spanish fleet. it was given on the first day of the legal existence of the war, counting the day gained, in crossing the pacific ocean from the united states to the philippines, when the th degree of longitude west from greenwich is reached and reckoned. it was thus the president held back when the war was on; and the next day after dewey got the order at hongkong he was on the way. the spaniards at manila could not have been more astonished at dewey's way of doing, if they had all been struck by lightning under a clear sky. they had no occasion to be "surprised," having the cable in daily communication with madrid, and, more than that, a manila paper of the last day of april contained an item of real news--the biggest news item ever published in that town! it was from a point on the western coast of the island of luzon, and the substance of it that four vessels that seemed to be men-of-war, had been sighted going south, and supposed to be the american fleet. what did the spaniards suppose the american fleet they knew well had left hongkong was going south for? if admiral dewey had been a commonplace man he would have paused and held a council of war nigh the huge rock corregidor at the mouth of manila bay. there is a channel on either side of that island, and both were reputed to be guarded by torpedoes. the spaniards had an enormous stock of munitions of war--modern german guns enough to have riddled the fleet of american cruisers--and why did they not have torpedoes? they had the mauser rifle, which has wonderful range, and ten millions of smokeless powder cartridges. marksmen could sweep the decks of a ship with mausers at the distance of a mile, and with the smokeless cartridges it would have been mere conjecture where the sharpshooters were located. there are rows of armor-piercing steel projectiles from germany still standing around rusting in the spanish batteries, and they never did any more than they are doing. it is said--and there is every probability of the truth of the story--that some of these bolts would not fit any gun the spaniards had mounted. the admiral paid no attention to the big rock and the alleged torpedoes, but steamed up the bay near the city where the spaniards were sleeping. he was hunting the fleet he was ordered to remove, and found it very early in the morning. still the thunder of his guns seems to thrill and electrify the air over the bay, and shake the city; and the echoes to ring around the world, there is no question--not so much because the americans won a naval victory without a parallel, as that dewey improved the occasion, showing that he put brains into his business. they say--that is, some people seem to want to say it and so do--that dewey is a strange sort of man; as was said of wolfe and nelson, who died when they won immortality. dewey lives and is covered with glory. it has been held that there were not enough americans hurt in the manila fight to make the victory truly great. but the same objection applies to the destruction of cervera's fleet when he ran away from santiago. general jackson's battle at new orleans showed a marvelously small loss to americans; but it was a good deal of a victory, and held good, though won after peace with england had been agreed upon. the capture of manila is valid, too. spain surrendered before the town did. if dewey had been an every-day kind of man, he would have left manila when he had fulfilled the letter of his orders, as he had no means of destroying the spanish army, and did not want to desolate a city, even if the spaniards held it. he remained and called for more ships and men, and got them. "how is it?" "why is it?" "how can it be?" are the questions admiral dewey asks when told that the american people, without exception, rejoice to celebrate him--that if one of the men known to have been with him may st should be found out in any american theater he would be taken on the stage by an irresistible call and a muscular committee of enthusiasts, and the play could not go on without "a few words" and the "star spangled banner," "hail columbia," "yankee doodle," "dixey" and "my country, 'tis of thee"; that the hallelujah note would be struck; that cars are chalked "for deweyville"; that the board fences have his name written, or painted, or whittled on them; that there are dewey cigars; that blacksmith-shops have the name dewey scratched on them, also barn doors; and that if there are two dwelling-houses and a stable at a cross-roads it is deweyville, or deweyburg or deweytown; that there is a flood of boy babies named dewey, that the girls sing of him, and the ladies all admire him and the widows love him, and the school children adore him. the admiral says: "i hear such things, and altogether they amaze me--the newspapers, the telegrams, the letters become almost unreal, for i do not comprehend what they say of my first day's work here. there was not a man in the fleet who did not do his duty." the admiral is told that he need not think to stay away until the people who have him on their minds and in their hearts are tired of their enthusiasm; that he cannot go home undiscovered and without demonstrations that will shake the earth and rend the skies; that the boys will drag the horses from his carriage, and parade the streets with him as a prisoner, and have it out with him, giving him a good time, until it will be a hard time, and he might as well submit to manifest destiny! his country wanted another hero, and he was at the right place at the right time, and did the right thing in the right way; and the fact answers all questions accounting for everything. still he has a notion of staying away until the storm is over and he can get along without being a spectacle. why, even the ladies of washington are wild about him. if he should appear at the white house to call on the president, the scene would be like that when grant first met abraham lincoln. one rough day on the bay i took passage in a small steam-launch to visit the olympia, where the admiral's flag floated, to call on him. there was plenty of steam, and it was pleasant to get out a good way behind the breakwater, for the waves beyond were white with anger, and the boat, when departing from partial shelter, had proceeded but two or three hundred yards when it made a supreme effort in two motions--the first, to roll over; the second, to stand on its head. i was glad both struggles were unsuccessful, and pleased with the order: "slow her up." the disadvantages of too much harbor were evident. the slow-ups were several, and well timed, and then came the rise and fall of the frisky launch beside the warship, the throwing of a rope, the pull with a hook, the stand off with an oar, the bounding boat clearing from four to ten feet at a jump; the clutch, the quick step, the deft avoidance of a crushed foot or sprained ankle, with a possible broken leg in sight, the triumphant ascent, the safe landing, the sudden sense that desdemona was right in loving a man for the dangers he had passed, the thought that there should be harbors less fluctuating, a lively appreciation of the achievements of pilots in boarding atlantic liners. the broad decks of the olympia, built by the builders of the matchless oregon, had a comforting solidity under my feet. the admiral was believed to be having a nap; but he was wide awake, and invited the visitor to take a big chair, which, after having accompanied the launch in the dance with the whitecaps, was peculiarly luxurious. the admiral didn't mind me, and had a moment's surprise about an observer of long ago strolling so far from home and going forth in a high sea to make a call. i confessed to being an ancient wanderer, but not an ancient mariner, and expressed disapprobation of the deplorable roughness of the california albatross, a brute of a bird--a feathered ruffian that ought to be shot. the admiral would be picked out by close attention as the origin of some millions of pictures; but he is unlike as well as like them. even the best photographs do not do justice to his fine eyes, large, dark and luminous, or to the solid mass of his head with iron-brown hair tinged with gray. he is a larger man than the portraits indicate; and his figure, while that of a strong man in good health and form and well nourished, is not stout and, though full, is firm; and his step has elasticity in it. his clean-shaven cheek and chin are massive, and drawn on fine lines full of character--no fatty obscuration, no decline of power; a stern but sunny and cloudless face--a good one for a place in history; no show of indulgence, no wrinkles; not the pallor of marble, rather the glint of bronze--the unabated force good for other chapters of history. it would be extremely interesting to report the talk of the admiral; but there were two things about him that reminded me of james g. blaine, something of the vivid personality of the loved and lost leader; something in his eye and his manner, more in the startling candor with which he spoke of things it would be premature to give the world, and, above all, the absence of all alarm about being reported--the unconscious consciousness that one must know this was private and no caution needed. a verbatim report of the admiral would, however, harm no one, signify high-toned candor and a certain breezy simplicity in the treatment of momentous matters. evidently here was a man not posing, a hero because his character was heroic, a genuine personage--not artificial, proclamatory, a picker of phrases, but a doer of deeds that explain themselves; a man with imagination, not fantastic but realistic, who must have had a vision during the night after the may-day battle of what might be the great hereafter; beholding under the southern constellations the gigantic shadow of america, crowned with stars, with the archipelagoes of asia under her feet and broad and mighty destinies at command. it was the next day that he anchored precisely where his famous ship was swinging when i sat beside him; and his words to the representative of three centuries of spanish misrule had in them an uncontemplated flash from the flint and steel of fixed purpose and imperial force. "fire another gun at my ships and i will destroy your city." we can hardly realize in america how flagrant europeanism has been in the manila bay; how the big german guns bought by spain looked from their embrasures; how a powerful german fleet persisted in asserting antagonism to americanism, and tested in many ways the american admiral's knowledge of his rights and his country's policy until admiral dewey told, not the german admiral, as has been reported, but his flag lieutenant, "can it be possible that your nation means war with mine? if so, we can begin it in five minutes." the limit had been reached, and the line was drawn; and dewey's words will go down in our records with those of charles francis adams to lord john russell about the ironclads built in england for the confederacy: "my lord, i need not point out to your lordship that this is war." perhaps the german admiral had exceeded the instructions of his imperial government, and the peremptory words of the american admiral caused a better understanding, making for peace rather than for war. next to the americans the english have taken a pride in admiral dewey, and they are in the asiatic atmosphere our fast friends. they do not desire that we should give up the philippines. on the contrary, they want us to keep the islands, and the more we become interested in those waters and along their shores, the better. they know that the world has practically grown smaller and, therefore, the british empire more compact; and they find russia their foe. they see that with the pacific coast our base of operations looking westward, we have first the hawaiian islands for producers and a coal station, naval arsenal, dockyards for the renovation and repair and replenishment of our fleets; and they see that we have reserved for ourselves one of the ladrones, so that we will have an independent route to the philippines. the japanese have cultivated much feeling against our possession of hawaii, the animus being that they wanted it for themselves; and likewise they are disturbed by our pacific movement, anticipating the improvement of the most western of the alutian islands, an admirable station overlooking the north pacific; all comprehending with hawaii, the alutian island found most available, the ladrone that we shall reserve and the philippines, we shall have a pacific quadrilateral; and this is not according to the present pleasure and the ambition for the coming days, of japan. england would have approved our holding all the islands belonging to the spanish, including the canaries, and majorca and minorca and their neighboring isles in the mediterranean, and take a pride in us. she has been of untold and inestimable service to us in the course of the spanish war, and her ways have been good for us at manila, while the germans have been frankly against us, the russians grimly reserved, and the french disposed to be fretful because they have invested in spanish bonds upon which was raised the money to carry on the miserable false pretense of war with the cubans. one day while i was on the fine transport peru, in the harbor of manila, the american admiral's ship saluted an english ship-of-war coming in that had saluted his flag, and also displayed american colors in recognition that the harbor of manila was an american port. that was the significance of the flashes and thundering of the admiral's guns and the white cloud that gathered about his ship that has done enough for celebrity through centuries. admiral dewey created the situation in the philippines that the president wisely chose by way of the paris conference to receive the deliberate judgment of the senate and people of the united states. dewy has been unceasingly deeply concerned about it. his naval victory was but the beginning. he might have sailed away from manila may d, having fulfilled his orders; but he had the high and keen american spirit in him, and clung. he needed a base of operations, a place upon which to rest and obtain supplies. he had not the marines to spare to garrison a fort save at cavite, twelve miles from manila; and he needed chickens, eggs, fresh meat and vegetables; and it was important that the spanish army should be occupied on shore. hence, aguinaldo, who was in singapore, and the concentration of insurgents that had themselves to be restrained to make war on civilized lines. one of the points of the most considerable interest touching the filipinos is that the smashing defeat of the fleet of spain in manila bay heartened them. they have become strong for themselves. the superiority of the americans over the spaniards as fighting men is known throughout the islands spain oppressed; and the bonds of the tyrants have been broken. it should not be out of mind that the first transports with our troops did not reach manila for six weeks, and that the army was not in shape to take the offensive until after general merritt's arrival, late in july. all this time the american admiral had to hold on with the naval arm; and it was the obvious game of spain, if she meant to fight and could not cope with the americans in the west indies, to send all her available ships and overwhelm us in the east indies. at the same time the german, french, russian and japanese men-of-war represented the interest of the live nations of the earth in the philippines. as fast as possible admiral dewey was re-enforced; but it was not until the two monitors, the monterey and monadnock, arrived, the latter after the arrival of general merritt, that the admiral felt that he was safely master of the harbor. he had no heavily armored ships to assail the shore batteries within their range, and might be crippled by the fire of the great krupp guns. it was vital that the health of the crews of his ships should be maintained, and the fact that the men are and have been all summer well and happy is not accidental. admiral dewey took the point of danger, if there was one, into his personal keeping, by anchoring the olympia on the manila side of the bay, while others were further out and near cavite; and throughout the fleet there was constant activity and the utmost vigilance. there was incessant solicitude about what the desperate spaniards might contrive in the nature of aggressive enterprise. it seemed incredible to americans that nothing should be attempted. how would a spanish fleet have fared for three months of war with us in an american harbor? there would have been a new feature of destructiveness tried on the foe at least once a week. the spaniards ashore seemed to be drowsy; but the americans were wide awake, ready for anything, and could not be surprised; so that we may commend as wisdom the spanish discretion that let them alone. the ship that was the nearest neighbor of admiral dewey for months of his long vigil flew the flag of belgium. she is a large, rusty-looking vessel, without a sign of contraband of war, or of a chance of important usefulness about her; but she performed a valuable function. i asked half a dozen times what her occupation was before any one gave a satisfactory answer. admiral dewey told the story in few words. she was a cold-storage ship, with beef and mutton from australia, compartments fixed for about forty degrees below zero. each day the meat for the american fleet's consumption was taken out. there was a lot of it on the deck of the olympia thawing when i was a visitor; and the beef was "delicious." i am at pains to give dewey's word. while the spaniards ashore were eating tough, lean buffalo--the beasts of burden in the streets, the americans afloat rejoiced in "delicious" beef and mutton from australia. it was explained that the use of cold-storage meat depended upon giving it time to thaw, for if it should be cooked in an icy state it would be black and unpalatable, losing wholly its flavor and greatly its nourishing quality. australia is not many thousand miles from the philippines--and one must count miles by the thousands out there. the belgians have a smart consul at manila who is a friend of mankind. one of the incidents in the battle of manila--all are fresh in the public memory--is that admiral dewey did not make use of the conning-tower--a steel, bomb proof, for the security of the officer in command of the ship--the captain, of course, and the commander of the fleet, if he will. this retreat did not prove, in the battle of yalu and the combats between the chileans and peruvians, a place of safety; but as a rule there is a considerable percentage of protection in its use. admiral dewey preferred to remain on the bridge--and there were four fragments of spanish shells that passed close to him, striking within a radius of fifteen feet. the admiral, when told there had been some remark because he had not occupied the conning-house in the action, walked with me to the tower, the entrance to which is so guarded that it resembles a small cavern of steel--with a heavy cap or lid, under which is a circular slit, through which observations are supposed to be made. "try it," the admiral said, "and you find it is hard to get a satisfactory view." he added, when i had attempted to look over the surroundings: "we will go to the bridge;" and standing on it he annotated the situation, saying: "here you have the whole bay before you, and can see everything." i remarked: "the newspaper men are very proud of the correspondent of the herald who was with you on the bridge;" and the admiral said: "yes; stickney was right here with us." there were many reasons for the officer commanding the american fleet that day to watch closely the developments. the spaniards had, for their own purposes, even falsified the official charts of the bay. where our vessels maneuvered and the flagship drew twenty-two feet of water and had nine feet under the keel, the chart called for fifteen feet only! it is not a secret that the president wanted admiral dewey, if it was not in his opinion inconsistent with his sense of duty, to go to washington. naturally the president would have a profound respect for the admiral's opinion as to the perplexing problem of the philippines. the admiral did not think he should leave his post. he could cover the points of chief interest in writing, and preferred very much to do so, and stay right where he was "until this thing is settled." the opinion of the admiral as to what the united states should do with, or must do about, the political relations of the philippines with ourselves and others, have not been given formal expression; but it is safe to say they are not in conflict with his feeling that the american fleet at manila should be augmented with gunboats, cruisers and two or three battle-ships. it was, in the opinion of the illustrious admiral, when the peace commission met in paris, the time and place to make a demonstration of the sea power of the united states. the personal appearance of admiral dewey is not presented with attractive accuracy in the very familiar portrait of him that has been wonderfully multiplied and replenished. the expression of the admiral is not truly given in the prints and photos. the photographer is responsible for a faulty selection. the impression prevails that the hero is "a little fellow." there is much said to the effect that he is jaunty and has excess of amiability in his smile. he weighs about pounds, and is of erect bearing, standing not less than five feet ten inches and a quarter. his hair is not as white as the pictures say. the artist who touched up the negative must have thought gray hair so becoming that he anticipated the feast of coming years. the figure of the admiral is strong, well carried, firm, and his bearing that of gravity and determination, but no pose for the sake of show, no pomp and circumstance, just the academy training showing in his attitude--the abiding, unconscious grace that is imparted in the schools of annapolis and west point--now rivaled by other schools in "setting up." the admiral is of solidity and dignity, of good stature and proportions; has nothing of affectation in manners or insincerity in speech; is a hearty, stirring, serious man, whose intensity is softened by steady purposes and calm forces, and moderated by the play of a sense of humor, that is not drollery or levity, but has a pleasing greeting for a clever word, and yields return with a flash in it and an edge on it. chapter ii life in manila. character of the filipinos--drivers lashing laboring men in the streets--what americans get in their native air--the logic of destiny--manila as she fell into our hands--the beds in the tropics--a spanish hotel--profane yells for ice--sad scenes in the dining room--major-general calls for "francisco"--a broken-hearted pantry woman. the same marvelous riches that distinguish cuba are the inheritance of luzon. the native people are more promising in the long run than if they were in larger percentage of the blood of spain, for they have something of that indomitable industry that must finally work out an immense redemption for the eastern and southern asiatics. when, i wonder, did the american people get the impression so extensive and obstinate that the japanese and chinese were idlers? we may add as having a place in this category the hindoos, who toil forever, and, under british government, have increased by scores of millions. the southern asiatics are, however, less emancipated from various indurated superstitions than those of the east; and the polynesians, spread over the southern seas, are a softer people than those of the continent. however, idleness is not the leading feature of life of the filipinos, and when they are mixed, especially crossed with chinese, they are indefatigable. on the philippine islands there is far less servility than on the other side of the sea of china, and the people are the more respectable and hopeful for the flavor of manliness that compensates for a moderate but visible admixture of savagery. we of north america may be proud of it that the atmosphere of our continent, when it was wild, was a stimulant of freedom and independence. the red indians of our forests were, with all their faults, never made for slaves. the natives of the west indies, the fierce caribs excepted, were enslaved by the spaniards, and perished under the lash. our continental tribes--the seminoles and the comanches, the sioux and mohawks, the black feet and the miamis--from the st. lawrence to red river and the oceans, fought all comers--spaniards, french and english--only the french having the talent of polite persuasion and the gift of kindness that won the mighty hunters, but never subjugated them. we may well encourage the idea that the quality of air of the wilderness has entered the soil. when, in manila, i have seen the men bearing burdens on the streets spring out of the way of those riding in carriages, and lashed by drivers with a viciousness that no dumb animal should suffer, i have felt my blood warm to think that the men of common hard labor in my country would resent a blow as quickly as the man on horseback--that even the poor black--emancipated the other day from the subjugation of slavery by a masterful and potential race, stands up in conscious manhood, and that the teachings of the day are that consistently with the progress of the country--as one respects himself, he must be respected--and that the air and the earth have the inspiration and the stimulus of freedom. the chinese and japanese are famous as servants--so constant, handy, obedient, docile, so fitted to minister to luxury, to wait upon those favored by fortune and spurred to execute the schemes for elevation and dominance, and find employment in the enterprise that comprehends human advancement. it must be admitted that the filipinos are not admirable in menial service. many of them are untamed, and now, that the americans have given object lessons of smiting the spaniards, the people of the islands that magellinos, the portuguese, found for spain, must be allowed a measure of self-government, or they will assert a broader freedom, and do it with sanguinary methods. as americans have heretofore found personal liberty consistent with public order--that republicanism was more stable than imperialism in peaceable administration, and not less formidable in war, it seems to be divinely appointed that our paths of empire may, with advantage to ourselves, and the world at large, be made more comprehensive than our fathers blazed them out. but one need not hesitate to go forward in this cause, for we have only gone farther than the fathers dreamed, because, among their labors of beneficence, was that of building wiser than they knew, and there is no more reason now why we should stop when we strike the salt water of the seas, and consent to it that where we find the white line of surf that borders a continent we shall say to the imperial popular republic, thus far and no farther shalt thou go, and here shall thy proud march be stayed--than there was that george washington, as the representative of the english-speaking people, should have assumed that england and virginia had no business beyond the allegheny mountains, and, above all, no right to territory on the west of the allegheny and kanawha, and north of the ohio river, a territory then remote, inhabited by barbarians and wanted by the french, who claimed the whole continent, except the strip along the atlantic possessed by the english colonies. washington was a believer in the acquisition of the ohio country. he was a man who had faith in land--in ever more land. it is the same policy to go west now that it was then. washington crossed the allegheny and held the ground. jefferson crossed the mississippi, and sent louis and clark to the pacific; and crossing the great western ocean now is but the logic of going beyond the great western rivers, prairies and mountains then. we walk in the ways of the fathers when we go conquering and to conquer along the eastward shores of asia. one of the expanding and teeming questions before the world now, and the authority and ability to determine it, is in the hands of the commander-in-chief of the army of the united states, is whether manila shall become an american city, with all the broad and sweeping significance attaching thereto. manila was not dressed for company when i saw her, for she had just emerged from a siege in which the people had suffered much inconvenience and privation. the water supply was cut off, and the streets were not cleaned. the hotels were disorganized and the restaurants in confusion. the trees that once cast a grateful shade along the boulevards, that extended into the country, rudely denuded of their boughs, had the appearance of the skeletons of strange monsters. the insurgent army was still in the neighborhood in a state of uneasiness, feeling wronged, deprived, as they were, of an opportunity to get even with the spaniards, by picking out and slaying some of the more virulent offenders. there was an immense monastery, where hundreds of priests were said to be sheltered, and the insurgents desired to take them into their own hands and make examples of them. the spaniards about the streets were becoming complacent. they had heard of peace, on the basis of spain giving up every thing, but the philippines, and there were expectations that the troops withdrawn from cuba might be sent from havana to manila, and then, as soon as the americans were gone, the islanders could be brought to submission by vastly superior forces. there were more rations issued to spanish than to american soldiers, until the division of the philippine expedition with major-general otis arrived, but the americans were exclusively responsible for the preservation of the peace between the implacable belligerents, and the sanitary work required could not at once be accomplished, but presently it was visible that something was done every day in the right direction. there was much gambling with dice, whose rattling could be heard far and near on the sidewalks, but this flagrant form of vice was summarily suppressed, we may say with strict truth, at the point of the bayonet. the most representative concentration of the ingredients of chaos was at the hotel oriental, that overlooked a small park with a dry fountain and a branch of the river flowing under a stone bridge, with a pretty stiff current, presently to become a crowded canal. it is of three lofty stories and an attic, a great deal of the space occupied with halls, high, wide and long. the front entrance is broad, and a tiled floor runs straight through the house. two stairways, one on either side, lead to the second story, the first steps of stone. in the distance beyond, a court could be seen, a passable conservatory--but bottles on a table with a counter in front declared that this was a barroom, as it was. the next thing further was a place where washing was done, then came empty rooms that might be shops; after this a narrow and untidy street, and then a livery stable--a sort of monopolistic cab stand, where a few ponies and carriages were to be found--but no one understood or did anything as long as possible, except to say that all the rigs were engaged now and always. however, a little violent english language, mixed with spanish, would arouse emotion and excite commotion eventuating in a pony in harness, and a gig or carriage, and a desperate driver, expert with a villainous whip used without occasion or remorse. the cool place was at the front door, on the sidewalk, seated on a hard chair, for there was always a breeze. the spanish guests knew where the wind blew, and gathered there discussing many questions that must have deeply interested them. but they had something to eat, no authority or ability to affect any sort of change, and unfailing tobacco, the burning of which was an occupation. the ground floor of the hotel, except the barroom, the washroom, the hall, the conservatory and the hollow square, had been devoted to shop keeping, but the shop keepers were gone, perhaps for days and perhaps forever! stone is not used to any great extent in house interiors, except within a few feet of the surface of the earth. of course, there is no elevator in a spanish hotel. that which is wanted is room for the circulation of air. above the first flight of stairs the steps have a deep dark red tinge, and are square and long, so that each extends solidly across the liberal space allotted to the stairway. the blocks might be some stone of delightful color, but they are hewn logs, solid and smooth, of a superb mahogany or some tree of harder wood and deeper luxuriance of coloring. the bedrooms are immensely high, and in every way ample, looking on great spaces devoted to wooing the air from the park and the river. the windows are enormous. not satisfied with the giant sliding doors that open on the street, revealing windows--unencumbered with sash or glass, there are sliding doors under the window sills, that roll back right and left and offer the chance to introduce a current of air directly on the lower limbs. one of the lessons of the tropics is the value of the outer air, and architecture that gives it a chance in the house. it is a precious education. the artificial light within must be produced by candles, and each stupendous apartment is furnished with one tallowy and otherwise neglected candle stick, and you can get, with exertion, a candle four inches long. there is a wardrobe, a wash stand, with pitcher and basin, and a commode, fans, chairs, and round white marble table, all the pieces placed in solitude, so as to convey the notion of lonesomeness. the great feature is the bed. the bedstead is about the usual thing, save that there is no provision for a possible or impossible spring mattress, or anything of that nature. the bed space is covered with bamboo, platted. it is hard as iron, and i can testify of considerable strength, for i rested my two hundred pounds, and rising a few pounds, on this surface, with no protection for it or myself for several nights, and there were no fractures. there is spread on this surface a manila mat, which is a shade tougher and less tractable than our old style oilcloth. upon this is spread a single sheet, that is tucked in around the edges of the mat, and there are no bed clothes, absolutely none. there is a mosquito bar with only a few holes in it, but it is suspended and cannot under any circumstances be used as a blanket. there is a pillow, hard and round, and easy as a log for your cheek to rest upon, and it is beautifully covered with red silk. there is a small roll, say a foot long and four inches in diameter, softer than the pillow, to a slight extent, and covered with finer and redder silk, that is meant for the neck alone. the comparatively big red log is to extend across the bed for the elevation it gives the head, and the little and redder log, softer so that you may indent it with your thumb, saves the neck from being broken on this relic of the spanish inquisition. but there is a comforter--not such a blessed caressing domestic comforter as the yankees have, light as a feather, but responsive to a tender touch. this philippine comforter is another red roll that must be a quilt firmly rolled and swathed in more red silk; and it is to prop yourself withal when the contact with the sheet and the mat on the bamboo floor of the bedstead, a combination iniquitous as the naked floor--becomes wearisome. it rests the legs to pull on your back, and tuck under your knees. in the total absence of bed covering, beyond a thin night shirt, the three red rolls are not to be despised. the object of the bed is to keep cool, and if you do find the exertion of getting onto--not into--the bed produces a perspiration, and the mosquito bar threatens suffocation, reliance may be had that if you can compose yourself on top of the sheet (which feels like a hard wood floor, when the rug gives way on the icy surface and you fall) and if you use the three rolls of hard substance, covered with red silk, discreetly and considerately, in finding a position, and if you permit the windows--no glass--fifteen feet by twelve, broadcast, as it were, to catch the breath of the river and the park; if you can contrive with infinite quiet, patience and pains to go to sleep for a few hours, you will be cool enough; and when awakened shivering there is no blanket near, and if you must have cover, why get under the sheet, next the manila mat, and there you are! then put your troublesome and probably aching legs over the bigger red roll, and take your repose! of course, when in the tropics you cannot expect to bury yourself in bedclothing, or to sleep in fur bags like an arctic explorer. the hall in front of your door is twelve feet wide and eighty long, lined with decorative chairs and sofas, and in the center of the hotel is a spacious dining room. the spaniard doesn't want breakfast. he wants coffee and fruit--maybe a small banana--something sweet, and a crumb of bread. the necessity of the hour is a few cigarettes. his refined system does not require food until later. at o'clock he lunches, and eats an abundance of hot stuff--fish, flesh and fowl--fiery stews and other condolences for the stomach. this gives strength to consider the wrongs of spain and the way, when restored to madrid, the imbeciles, who allowed the united states to capture the last sad fragments of the colonies, sacred to spanish honor, shall be crushed by the patriots who were out of the country when it was ruined. it will take a long time for the spaniards to settle among factions the accounts of vengeance. one of the deeper troubles of the spaniards is that they take upon themselves the administration of the prerogatives of him who said "vengeance is mine." the american end of the dining room contains several young men who speak pigeon spanish, and captains strong and coudert are rapidly becoming experts, having studied the language in school, and also on the long voyage out. there are also a group of resident englishmen and a pilgrim from norway, but at several tables are americans who know no spanish and are mad at the spaniards on that provocation among other things. there is, however, a connecting link and last resort in the person of a young man--a cross between a jap and filipino. he is slender and pale, but not tall. his hair is roached, so that it stands up in confusion, and he is wearied all the time about the deplorable "help."' it is believed he knows better than is done--always a source of unhappiness. his name is francisco; his reputation is widespread. he is the man who "speaks english"--and is the only one--and it is not doubted that he knows at least a hundred words of our noble tongue. he says, "what do you want?" "good morning, gentlemen"; "what can i do for you?" "do you want dinner?" "no, there is no ice till o'clock." he puts the americans in mind of better days. behind this linguist is a little woman, whose age might be twenty or sixty, for her face is so unutterably sad and immovable in expression that there is not a line in it that tells you anything but that there is to this little woman a bitterly sad, mean, beastly world. she must be grieving over mankind. it is her duty to see that no spoon is lost, and not an orange or banana wasted, and her mournful eyes are fixed with the intensity of despair upon the incompetent waiters, who, when hard pressed by wild shouts from american officers, frantic for lack of proper nourishment, fall into a panic and dance and squeal at each other; and then the woman of fixed sorrow, her left shoulder thin and copper-colored, thrust from her low-necked dress, her right shoulder protected, is in the midst of the pack, with a gliding bound and the ferocity of a cat, the sadness of her face taking on a tinge of long-suffering rage. she whirls the fools here and there as they are wanted. having disentangled the snarl, she returns to the door from which her eyes command both the pantry and the dining-room to renew her solemn round of mournful vigilance. the americans are outside her jurisdiction. she has no more idea what they are than christopher columbus, when he was discovering america, knew where he was going. when francisco does not know what the language (english) hurled at him means he has a far-away look, and may be listening to the angels sing, for he is plaintive and inexpressive. he looks so sorry that americans cannot speak their own language as he speaks english! but there are phrases delivered by americans that he understands, such as, "blankety, blank, blank--you all come here." francisco does not go there, but with humble step elsewhere, affecting to find a pressing case for his intervention, but when he can no longer avoid your eye catching him he smiles a sweet but most superior smile, such as becomes one who speaks english and is the responsible man about the house. there never was one who did more on a capital of one hundred words. his labors have been lightened slightly, for the americans have picked up a few spanish words, such as, "ha mucher, mucher--don't you know? hielo, hielo!" hielo is ice, and after the "mucher" is duly digested the average waiter comes, by and by, with a lump as big as a hen's egg and is amazed by the shouts continuing "hielo, hielo!" pronounced much like another and wicked word. "oh, blanketination mucher mucher hielo!" the filipinos cannot contemplate lightly the consumption of slabs of ice. the last words i heard in the dining-room of the hotel oriental were from a soldier with two stars on each shoulder: "francisco, oh, francisco," and the little woman with left shoulder exposed turned her despairing face to the wall, her sorrow too deep for words or for weeping. chapter iii from long island to luzon. across the continent--an american governor-general steams through the golden gate--he is a minute-man--honolulu as a health resort--the lonesome pacific--the skies of asia--dreaming under the stars of the scorpion--the southern cross. spain, crowded between the mediterranean and the atlantic, was the world's "west" for many centuries, indeed until columbus found a further west, but he did not go far enough to find the east indies. the united states is now at work in both the east and west indies. our manila expeditions steamed into the sunsets, the boys pointing out to each other the southern cross. the first stage of a journey, to go half round the world on a visit to our new possession, was by the annex boat from brooklyn, and a rush on the pennsylvania train, that glimmers with gold and has exhausted art on wheels, to washington, to get the political latitude and longitude by observation of the two domes, that of the capitol, and the library, and the tremendous needle of snow that is the monument to washington, and last, but not least, the superb old white house. the next step was across the mountains on the baltimore and ohio, the short cut between the east and the west, traversed so often by george washington to get good land for the extension of our national foundations. the space between cincinnati and chicago is cleared on the "big four" with a bound through the shadow of the earth, between two rare days in june, and the next midnight, the roaring train flew high over the missouri river at omaha, and by daylight far on the way to ogden. the country was rich in corn and grass, and when one beholds the fat cattle, lamentations for the lost buffalo cease. it is a delight to see young orchards and farmhouses, and cribs and sheds fortified against tornadoes by groves, laid out with irritating precision to confront the whirling storms from west and south. the broad bad lands in which the tempests are raised devour the heart of the continent. i made note of the -mile post beyond omaha, but the , -mile telegraph pole and tree glided away while i was catching the lights and shadows on a fearfully tumbled landscape. the alkali has poisoned enormous tracts, and the tufts of sagebrush have a huge and sinister monotony. looking out early in the morning there was in our track a "gaunt grey wolf" with sharp ears, unabashed by the roar of the train. his species find occasional scraps along the track and do not fear the trains. then i saw something glisten in the herbage, and it was a rattlesnake, if it were not a whisky bottle. the gigantic lumps of tawny earth, with castellated crags of stone, ghostly ruins one would say of cities that perished thousands of years before the bricks were made for babylon. profound beds for vanished torrents yawned into a scrap of green valley, and the glitter of a thread of water. a town blossomed from a coal mine, and there was an array of driven wells with force pumps to quench the thirst of seething and raging locomotives. a turn in the line and a beautiful cloud formation like billows of white roses, massive, delicately outlined fantastic spires like marble mountains, carved--ah! the cloud comes out clear as if it were a wall of pearl, and there are the everlasting mighty hills with their brows of exquisite snow! these are lofty reservoirs from which the long days glowing with sunshine send down streams of water at whose touch the deserts bloom. the eye is refreshed as we make a closer acquaintance of the mountains. where water flows and trees "wag their high tops" there is hope of homes. there are canyons that cause one to smile at remembrances of what were considered the dizzy gorges of the alleghenies. there is a glow as of molten lead in one corner of a misty valley far away. it is salt lake, the dead sea of america. beyond this at an immense elevation is a lake with the tinge of the indigo sky of the tropics. if one could stir a portion of the caribbean sea into lake geneva, the correct tint could be obtained. thirty miles of snow sheds announce progress in the journey to the pacific. there is still heat and dust, but beside the road are villages; and there are even fountains. each stream is a treasure, and its banks are rich with verdure. there are sleek cows on bright grass. the mountains are no longer forbidding. they take on robes of loveliness. the valleys broaden and on the easy slopes there are orchards where the oranges glisten. there are clusters of grapes. we have come upon that magic land, california. there is golden music in the name. this is a conquest. the war in which it was won was not one of philanthropy. we gathered an empire. general merritt never minded the weather, whether the wind blew or not, and instead of holding his ship for several hours after the appointed time, wanted to know five minutes after o'clock whether the time for starting was not o'clock and by whom the boat was detained. at ten minutes after the gangplank was swung free, with a desperate man on it who scrambled on with the help of long legs and a short rope. as the ship swung from the dock and got a move on there were thousands of men and women exalted with emotion, and there were crowded steamers and tugs toppling with swarming enthusiasts resounding with brass bands and fluttering with streaming flags. the ladies were especially frantic. spurts of white smoke jetted from forts and there were ringing salutes. steam whistles pitched a tune beyond the fixed stars. the national airs with thrilling trumpet tones pierced the din, and a multitude of voices joined with the bands giving words and tone to the magnetic storm. how many miles the newport was pursued i cannot conjecture. there were tall ladies standing on the high decks of tugs that were half buried in the foam of the bay, but as long as they could hold a "star spangled banner" in one hand, and a few handkerchiefs in another, their skirts streaming in grace and defiance before the rising gale, they sang hosannas, and there were attitudes both of triumph and despair as the fair followers, dashed with spray, gave up the chase, passionately kissing their hands god-speed and good-by. this was going to the indies through the golden gate! a breakage of dishes, that sounded as though the ship were going to pieces, belied the prophesy that beyond the bar there was to be no moaning; and the pacific would not be pacified. however, the reputation of the ocean was good enough to go to sleep on, but the berths squirmed in sympathy with the twisting and plunging ship. it was not a "sound of revelry by night," to which the wakeful listened through the dismal hours, and in the morning there was a high sea--grand rollers crowned with frothy lace, long black slopes rising and smiting like waves of liquid iron. the pacific was an average north atlantic, and it was explained by the tale that the peaceful part of this ocean is away down south where the earth is most rotund, and the trade winds blow on so serenely that they lull the navigators into dreams of peace that induce a state of making haste slowly and a willingness to forget and be forgotten, whether-- of those who husbanded the golden grain or those who flung it to the winds like rain, the gulls are not our snowy birds of the atlantic. we are lonesome out here, and the albatross sweeps beside us, hooded like a cobra, an evil creature trying to hoodoo us, with owlish eyes set in a frame like ghastly spectacle glasses. general merritt's blue eyes shone like diamonds through the stormy experiences while the young staff officers curled up as the scientists did on the floor, and smiled a sort of sickly smile! the highest compliment that can be paid them is that the group of officers and gentlemen surrounding the commander of the expedition to the philippines, express his own character. it was funny to find that the private soldiers were better served with food than the general and his staff. there was reform, so as to even up the matter of rations, but the general was not anxious and solicitous for better food. his idea of the correct supper after a hard day's service is a goodly sized sliced onion with salt, meat broiled on two sticks, hard tack, a tin cup of coffee, for luxuries a baked potato, a pipe of tobacco, a nip of whisky, a roll in a blanket and a sleep until the next day's duties are announced by the bugle. as the gentlemen of the staff got their sea legs, and flavored the narration of their experiences with humor, i found myself in a cloudy state and mentioned a small matter to the brigadier surgeon, who whipped out a thermometer and took my temperature, and that man of science gave me no peace night or day, and drove me from the ship into paradise--that is to say i was ordered to stay at honolulu. through a window of the queen's hospital i saw lumps of tawny gold that were pomegranates shaking in the breeze, another tree glowed with dates, and a broad, vividly green hedge was rich with scarlet colors. i was duly examined by physicians, who were thorough as german specialists. i had, in the course of a few hours, a nap, a dish of broth, a glass of milk, a glass of ice water and an egg nog. that broth flowed like balm to the right spot. it was chicken broth. when i guzzled the egg nog i would have bet ten to one on beating that fever in a week, and the next morning about : , when there was competitive crowing by a hundred roosters, i was glad of the concert, for it gave assurance of a supply of chickens to keep up the broth and the eggs that disguised the whiskey. two days later i gave up the egg nog because it was too good for me. i knew i did not deserve anything so nice, and suspected it was a beneficence associated with a cloud on my brow. i had the approval of the hospital physician as to egg nog, and he cut off a lot of dainties sent by the honolulu ladies, who must have imagined that i was one of the heroes of the war. their mission is to make heroes happy. i was detained under the royal palms, and other palms that were planted by the missionaries, four weeks, and got away on the ship peru with major-general otis, and when we had gone on for a fortnight, as far as from the baltic to lake erie, we saw some rocks that once were spanish property. as we left honolulu the air was already a-glitter with star spangled banners. there are three great points to be remembered as to the annexation of hawaii: . there is not to be a continuance of the slavery of asiatics in the new possession. . "manhood suffrage" is not to be extended to asiatics, often actually as under strictly conventional constitutional construction. . the archipelago is to be a united states territory, but not a state of the united states. ex-president harrison says in his most interesting book: "this country of ours," which should be one of our national school books: "out of the habit of dealing with the public domain has come the common thought that all territory that we acquire must, when sufficiently populous, be erected into states. but why may we not take account of the quality of the people as well as of their numbers, if future acquisitions should make it proper to do so? a territorial form of government is not so inadequate that it might not serve for an indefinite time." it is to be remarked of the hawaiian islands that they did not possess the original riches of timber that distinguished the west indies, especially cuba, where columbus found four varieties of oranges. one of the features of hawaiian forestry is the royal palm, but it was not indigenous to the islands. the oldest of the stately royalists is not of forty years' growth, and yet they add surprising grace to many scenes, and each year will increase their height and enhance their beauty. hawaiians will be saved from extinction by miscegenation. there will be no harm done these feeble people by the shelter of the flag of the great republic. the old superstitions prevail among them to an extent greater than is generally understood. i had the privilege of visiting an american home, the background of which was a rugged mountain that looked like a gigantic picture setting forth the features of a volcanic world. far up the steep is a cave in which the bones of many of the old savages were deposited in the days of civil war and inhuman sacrifices. the entrance was long ago--in the days the hawaii people describe as "before the missionaries." the hole going to the holy cavern was closed, but there is still pious watching over the place of bones, and if there are climbers of the mountain not to be trusted with the solemn secrets of ancient times, they are stalked by furtive watchmen of the consecrated bones, and no doubt the ever alert sentinels would resist violation of the sepulchre in the rocks; and the natives are careful to scatter their special knowledge that the spot is haunted by supernatural shapes and powers. the americans living in the midst of these mysteries are rather proud of the ghosts they never see, but have to put up with the haunting guard still ministering to the gods that dwelt in the shrines where the shadows of extinct volcanoes fall, long before the masterful missionaries planted their first steps in the high places. after twenty-two days' steaming from san francisco--queen's hospital time not counted--we were directly south of china's yellow sea, and within a few hours of sighting the isle of luzon. only at honolulu, all the way from san francisco, was there a sail or a smoke not of a vessel of the philippine expedition. all the long days and nights the eye swept the horizon for companionship, finding only that of our associates in adventure, and very little of them. even the birds seem to shrink from the heart of the watery world spread between america and asia; and the monsters of the deep are absent. one day, about a thousand miles from california, a story spread of a porpoise at play, but the lonely creature passed astern like a bubble. bryant sang of the water fowl that flew from zone to zone, guided in certain flight on the long way over which our steps are led aright, but the pacific zones are too broad for even winged wanderers. the fish that swarm on our coast do not seem to find home life or sporting places in this enormous sea. only the flying fish disturb the silky scene and flutter with silver wings over the sparkling laces that glisten where the winds blow gently, and woo the billows to cast aside the terrors of other climes and match the sky of blue and gold in beauty; but, unlike the stars, the waves do not differ in glory, and the spread of their splendor, when they seem to roll over a conquered universe, appeals to the imagination with the solemn suggestion not that order rules but that old chaos settles in solemn peace. the days terminate on this abyss in marvelous glories. the glowing spectacle is not in the west alone, but the gorgeous conflagration of the palaces we build in dreams spreads all around the sky. the scene one evening in the vicinity of the sun departing in asia to light up the morning of the everlasting to-morrow touching america with magical riches, was that of niagara falls ten thousand times magnified and turned to molten gold, that burned with inconceivable luster, while the south and north and east were illuminated with strange fires and soft lights, fading and merged at last in the daffodil sky. then the west became as a forest of amazing growth, and the ship entered its dusky recesses like a hunter for game such as the world never saw--and we looked upon the slow-fading purple islands that are the northern fringes of the greater one of the philippines, and studied the rather faint and obscure southern cross and the stately sheen of the superb constellation of the scorpion. it is a pity to have to say that the cross of the south is a disappointment--has to be explained and made impressive by a diagram. it is more like a kite than a cross; has a superfluous star at one corner, and no support at all of the idea of being like a cross unless it is worked up and picked into the fancy. the north star shines on the other side of the ship, and the great dipper dips its pointers after midnight, into the mass of darkness that is the sea when the sun and moon are gone. the voyage from honolulu to the farther pacific was not so long that we forgot the american send-off we got in that yankee city. the national airs sounded forth gloriously and grand. flags and hankerchiefs fluttered from dense masses of spectators, and our colors were radiant above the roofs. there was, as usual, a mist on the mountains, and over pearl harbor glowed the arch of the most vivid rainbow ever seen, and honolulu is almost every day dipped in rainbows. this was a wonder of splendor. the water changed from a sparkling green to a darkly luminous blue. from the moment the lofty lines of the coast--our mountains now--faded, till the birds came out of the west, the pacific ocean justified its name. the magnificent monotony of its stupendous placidity was not broken except by a few hours of ruffled rollers that tell of agitations that, if gigantic, are remote. the two thousand and one hundred miles from california to honolulu seemed at first to cover a vast space of the journey from our pacific coast to the philippines, but appeared to diminish in importance as we proceeded and were taught by the persistent trade winds that blew our way, as if forever to waft us over the awful ocean whose perpetual beauty and placidity were to allure us to an amazing abyss, from which it was but imaginative to presume that we, in the hands of infinite forces, should ever be of the travelers that return. similar fancies beset, as all the boys remember--the crews of the caravels that carried columbus and his fortunes. there were the splendors of tropical skies to beguile us; the sea as serene as the sky to enchant us! what mighty magic was this that put a spell upon an american army, seeking beyond the old outlines of our history and dreams, to guide us on unfamiliar paths? what was this awakening in the soft mornings, to the thrilling notes of the bugle? the clouds were not as those we knew in other climes and years. we saw no penciling of smoke on the edges of the crystal fields touched up with dainty ripples too exquisite to be waves--that which is a delight for a moment and passes but to come again, in forms too delicate to stay for a second, save in those pictures that in the universe fill the mind with memories that arc like starlight. the glancing tribes of flying fish became events. we followed the twentieth parallel of longitude north of the equator, right on, straight as an arrow's flight is the long run of the ship--her vapor and the bubbles that break from the waters vanishing, so that we were as trackless when we had passed one breadth after another of the globe, as the lonesome canoes of the indians on the great lakes. chapter iv interview with general aguinaldo. the insurgent leader's surroundings and personal appearance--his reserves and ways of talking--the fierce animosity of the filipinos toward spanish priests--a probability of many martyrs in the isle of luzon. practically all persons in the more civilized--and that is to say the easily accessible--portions of the philippine islands, with perhaps the exception of those leading insurgents who would like to enjoy the opportunities the spaniards have had for the gratification of greed and the indulgence of a policy of revenge, would be glad to see the americans remain in manila, and also in as large a territory as they could command. spaniards of intelligence are aware that they have little that is desirable to anticipate in case the country is restored to them along with their mausers and other firearms, great and small, according to the terms of capitulation. they get their guns whether we go and leave them or we stay and they go. it is obvious that the insurgents have become to the spaniards a source of anxiety attended with terrors. the fact that they allowed themselves to be besieged in manila by an equal number of filipinos is conclusive that their reign is over, and they are not passionately in favor of their own restoration. their era of cruel and corrupt government is at an end, even if we shall permit them to make the experiment. their assumed anxiety to stay, is false pretense. they will be hurt if they do not go home. the exasperation of the filipinos toward the church is a phenomenon, and they usually state it with uncandid qualifications of the inadequate definition of the opinions and policy made by general aguinaldo. representations of my representative character as an american journalist, that gave me an importance i do not claim or assume to have, caused the appearance at my rooms, in manila, of insurgents of high standing and comprehensive information, and of large fortunes in some cases. i was deeply impressed by their violent radicalism regarding the priests. at first they made no distinction, but said flatly the priests were the mischiefmakers, the true tyrants, and next to the half-breed filipinos crossed with chinese--who are phenomenal accumulators of pecuniary resources--the money-makers, who profited wrongfully by the earnings of others. and so "the priests must go," they said, and have no choice except that of deportation or execution. in few words, if they did not go away they would be killed. when close and urgent inquiry was made, the native priests were not included in the application of this rule. the spanish priests were particularly singled out for vengeance, and with them such others as had been "false to the people" and treacherous in their relations to political affairs. the number to be exiled or executed was stated at , . the priests are panicky about this feeling of the natives, as is in evidence in their solicitude to get away. they at least have no hope of security if the spaniards should regain the mastery of the islands. two hundred and fifty of them in vain sought to get passage to hongkong in one boat. i was informed on authority that was unquestionable that the eviction or extermination of the spanish priests was one of the inevitable results of filipine independence--the first thing to be done. it was with three objects in view that i had an interview with general aguinaldo: ( ) to ascertain exactly as possible his feeling and policy toward the united states and its assertion of military authority; ( ) to inquire about his position touching the priests, ( ) and to urge him to be at pains to be represented not only at washington, but at paris. as regards the latter point, it was clear that the people of the philippines, whatever they might be, ought to be represented before the paris conference. no matter what their case was, it should be personally presented, even if the representatives were witnesses against rather than for themselves. in the interest of fair play and the general truth the philippine population should put in an appearance at the seat of the government of the united states for the information of the president, and at the scene of the conference to testify; and i was sure it would appear in all cases that they were at least better capable of governing themselves than the spaniards to govern them. there could be no form of government quite so bad as that of the fatal colonial system of spain, as illustrated in the philippines and in the americas. general aguinaldo was neither remote nor inaccessible. his headquarters were in an indian village, just across the bay, named bacoor, and in less than an hour a swift steam launch carried major bell, of the bureau of information, a gallant and most industrious and energetic officer, and myself, to water so shallow that we had to call canoes to land in front of a church that before the days of dewey was riddled by the fire of spanish warships because occupied by insurgents. the walls and roof showed many perforations. the houses of the village were of bamboo, and there were many stands along the hot and dusty street on which fruit was displayed for sale. the general's house was about as solid a structure as earthquakes permit, its roof of red tile instead of the usual straw. his rooms were in the second story, reached by a broad stairway, at the top of which was a landing of liberal dimensions and an ante-room. the general was announced at home and engaged in writing a letter to general merritt--then his rather regular literary exercise. there were a dozen insurgent soldiers at the door, and as many more at the foot and head of the stairs, with several officers, all in military costume, the privates carrying spanish mausers and the officers wearing swords. we were admitted to an inner room, with a window opening on the street, and told the general would see us directly. meanwhile well-dressed ladies of his family passed through the audience room from the general's office to the living rooms, giving a pleasant picture of domesticity. the door from the study opened and a very slender and short young man entered with a preoccupied look that quickly became curious. an attendant said in a low voice, "general aguinaldo." he was unexpectedly small--could weigh but little over pounds--dressed in pure white, and his modesty of bearing would have become a maiden. the first feeling was a sort of faint compassion that one with such small physical resources should have to bear the weighty responsibilities resting upon him. major bell had often met him, and introduced me. the general was gratified that i had called, and waited for the declaration of my business. he had been informed of my occupation; the fact that i had recently been in washington and expected soon to be there again; was from ohio, the president's state, a friend of his, and had written a book on cuba, a task which gave me, as i had visited the island of cuba during the war, an acquaintance with the spanish system of governing colonies. the interpreter was a man shorter than the general, but not quite so slight. his hair was intensely black and he wore glasses. he is an accomplished linguist, speaks english with facility and is acknowledged by the priests to be the equal of any of them in reading and speaking latin. it is to be remarked that while aguinaldo is not a man of high education he has as associates in his labors for philippine independence a considerable number of scholarly men. it is related that in a recent discussion between a priest and an insurgent, the latter stated as a ground of rebellion that the spaniards did nothing for the education of the people, and was asked, "where did you get your education?" he had been taught by the jesuits. my first point in talking with aguinaldo was that the people of the philippines ought to be strongly represented in paris, and of the reasons briefly presented, the foremost was that they sought independence, and should be heard before the commission by which their fate would be declared for the present, so far as it could be, by a tribunal whose work was subject to revision. the general's information was that the paris conference would be opened september , an error of a fortnight, and his impression was that the terms regarding the philippines would be speedily settled, so that there could not be time to send to paris, but there had been a determination reached to have a man in washington. it is to be taken into account that this interview was before anything had been made known as to the mission which general merritt undertook, and that in a few days he set forth to perform, and that the terms of the protocol had not been entirely published in manila. i told the general it was not possible that the philippine problem could speedily be solved, and made known to him that the transport china, which holds the record of quick passage on the pacific, was to sail for san francisco in three days, and he would do well to have his men for washington and paris go on her if permission could be obtained, as there was no doubt it could, and i mentioned the time required to reach washington and paris--that one could be on a trans-atlantic steamer in new york six hours after leaving washington, that the philippine commissioners going to paris should make it a point to see the president on the way, and the whole matter one of urgency, but it was certainly not too late to act. the general said it had been thought a representative of the islands and of the cause of the people should go to washington, but the man was in hongkong. he could, however, be telegraphed, so that he could catch the china at nagasaka, japan, where she would have to stop two days to take coal. the washington commissioner might go to paris, but instructions could not reach him before he left hongkong, as it would not be desirable to telegraph them. upon this i stated if it suited his convenience and he would send instructions by me, i was going on the china, and would charge myself with the special confidential care of his dispatches and deliver them to the commissioner at the coaling station, when he should join the ship; and if it was the desire of the general to have it done i would telegraph the president that philippine commissioners were on the way. these suggestions were received as if they were agreeable, and esteemed of value. the conversation turned at this point to the main question of the future government of the philippines, and i inquired what would be satisfactory to the general, and got, of course, the answer, "philippine independence." but i said after the united states had sent a fleet and destroyed the spanish fleet and an army in full possession of manila she was a power that could not be ignored; and what would be thought of her assuming the prerogative of protector? she could not escape responsibility. his views as to the exact line of demarkation or distinction between the rights of the united states and those of the people of the islands should be perfectly clear, for otherwise there would be confusion and possibly contention in greater matters than now caused friction. i endeavored to indicate the idea that there might be an adjustment on the line that the people of the philippines could manage their local matters in their own way, leaving to the united states imperial affairs, the things international and all that affected them, the filipinos looking to the administration of localities. i had asked questions and stated propositions as if it were the universal consent that general aguinaldo was the dictator for his people and had the executive word to say; but when it came to drawing the fine lines of his relations with the united states as the embodiment of a revolutionary movement, he became shy and referred to those who had to be consulted. his words were equivalent to saying his counselors must, in all matters of moment, be introduced. it came to the same thing at last as to his commissioner or commissioners to washington or paris, one or both, and he also asserted the purpose of having the congress elected assemble at a railroad town--moroles, about fifty miles north of manila--a movement it is understood that is under the guidance of others than the general, the bottom fact being that if there should be a philippine republic aguinaldo's place, in the judgment of many who are for it, would be not that of chief magistrate, but the head of the army. there are others and many of them of the opinion that he is not a qualified soldier. the congress assembled at moroles, and has made slow progress. it may as well be remembered, however, that the distinctions of civil and military power have been always hard to observe, in central and south american states, whose early spanish education has been outgrown gradually, and with halting and bloody steps. general aguinaldo, then engaged in evolving a letter to general merritt, has since issued proclamations that yield no share to the united states in the native government of the islands. but there are two things definitely known, as if decreed in official papers, and probably more so; that the filipinos of influential intelligence would be satisfied with the direction of local affairs and gladly accept the protectorate of the united states on the terms which the people of the united states may desire and dictate. the greater matter is that whenever it is the fixed policy of the united states to accept the full responsibility of ruling the philippines, neither aguinaldo nor any other man of the islands would have the ability to molest the steady, peaceable, beneficent development of the potentiality of our system of justice to the people, and the preservation by and through the popular will of the union of liberty under the law, and order maintained peaceably or forcibly according to needs. in continuation of his explanation that he had to refer matters to others called his counselors, disclaiming the presumption in my questions of his personal responsibility for the conduct of the native insurrection, general aguinaldo said with the greatest deliberation and the softest emphasis of any of his sayings, that the insurgents were already suspicious of him as one who was too close a friend of the americans, and yielded too much to them, and that there was danger this feeling might grow and make way with his ability to do all that he would like in the way of keeping the peace. there were, he said, inquiries to the effect: what had the insurgents got for what they had done in the capture of manila? were they not treated by the americans with indifference? major bell interposed to say that the americans were in the philippines not as politicians, but as soldiers, and had the duty of preserving order by military occupation, and it was not possible there could be maintained a double military authority--two generals of equal powers in one city under martial law. there must be one master and no discussion. the united states could take no secondary attitude or position--would treat the insurgents with great consideration, but they of necessity were exclusively responsible for the carrying out of the provisions of the capitulation. this was exactly to the point, and the interpreter cut his rendering of it, using but few words, and they did not cheer up the general and those about him. evidently they want to know when and where they realize. it had been noticeable that the greater importance aguinaldo attaches to what he is saying the lower his voice and the more certainly he speaks in a half whisper with parted lips, show-in teeth and tongue; and he has a surprising faculty of talking with the tip of his tongue, extended a very little beyond his lips. there was something so reserved as to be furtive about his mouth, but his eyes were keen, straight and steady, showing decision, but guarding what he regarded the niceties of statement. however, his meaning that there were insurgents who were finding fault with him was not so much indicative of a rugged issue as a confession of impending inabilities. he had nothing to say in response to major bell's explicit remark about the one-man and one-country military power, but the action of the insurgents in removing their headquarters--or their capital, as they call it--to a point forty miles from manila, proves that they have come to an understanding that the soldiers of the united states are not in the philippines for their health entirely, or purely in the interest of universal benevolence. the filipinos must know, too, that they could never themselves have captured manila. it is not inapt to say that the real center of the rebellion against spain is, as it has been for years, at hongkong. i reserved what seemed the most interesting question of the interview with the philippine leader to the last. it was whether a condition of pacification was the expulsion of the catholic priests as a class. this was presented with reference to the threats that had been made in my hearing that the priests must go or die, for they were the breeders of all trouble. must all of them be removed in some way or another? if not, where would the line be drawn? the lips of the general were parted and his voice quite low and gentle, the tongue to a remarkable degree doing the talking, as he replied, plainly picking words cautiously and measuring them. the able and acute interpreter dealt them out rapidly, and his rendering gave token that the filipinos have already had lessons in diplomacy--even in the spanish style of polite prevarication--or, if that may be a shade too strong, let us say elusive reservation--the use of language that is more shady than silence, the framing of phrases that may be interpreted so as not to close but to continue discussion and leave wide fields for controversy. the general did not refer to his counselors, or the congress that is in the background and advertised as if it were a new force. the words of the interpreter for him were: "the general says the priests to whom objection is made, and with whom we have a mortal quarrel, are not our own priests, but the spaniards' and those of the orders. we respect the catholic church. we respect our own priests, and, if they are friends of our country, will protect them. our war is not upon the catholic church, but upon the friars, who have been the most cruel enemies. we cannot have them here. they must go away. let them go to spain. we are willing that they may go to their own country. we do not want them. there is no peace until they go." i said my information was that the objectionable orders expressly proscribed by the insurgents were the dominicans, augustines, franciscans and recollects, but that the jesuits were not included. this was fully recited to the general, and with his eyes closing and his mouth whispering close to the interpreter's cheek he gave his answer, and it was quickly rendered: "the jesuits, too, must go. they also are our enemies. we do not want them. they betray. they can go to spain. they may be wanted there, not here; but not here, not here." the question whether the friars must make choice between departure and death was not met directly, but with repetitions--that they might be at home in spain, but could not be a part of the independent philippines; and, significantly, they should be willing to go when wanted, and would be. two catholic priests--americans, not spaniards--were at this moment waiting in the ante room, to ask permission for the priests aguinaldo has in prison to go back to spain, and the general could not give an answer until he had consulted his council. probably he would not dare to part with the priests, and an order from him would be disregarded. they have many chances of martyrdom, and some of them have already suffered mutilation. something had been said about my cabling the president as to the filipinos' determination to send a representative to paris, and i had tendered my good offices in bearing instructions to a commissioner from hongkong to meet the china at nagasaki, the japanese railway station, where the american transports coal for their long voyage across the pacific. but that matter had been left in the air. general aguinaldo had said he would be obliged if i would telegraph the president, and i thought if the decision was that there was to be a philippine representative hurried to paris, it was something the president would be glad to know. i was aware there might be a difficulty in getting permission for a special messenger to go on the china to japan to meet the commissioners going from hongkong, and i would be willing to make the connection, as i had offered the suggestion. but it was necessary to be absolutely certain of general aguinaldo's decision before i could cable the president; therefore, as i was, of course, in an official sense wholly irresponsible, i could communicate with him without an abrasion of military or other etiquette. it was the more needful, as it would be a personal proceeding, that i should be sure of the facts. therefore i asked the general, whose time i had occupied more than an hour, whether he authorized me to telegraph the president that a commission was going to paris, and desired me to render any aid in conveying information. the general was troubled about the word "authorized," and instead of saying so concluded that i must have a deep and possibly dark design and so he could not give me the trouble to cable. the assurance that it would not be troublesome did not remove the disquiet. i could not be troubled, either, as a bearer of dispatches. the general could not authorize a telegram without consulting. in truth, the general had not made up his mind to be represented in paris, holding that it would be sufficient to have an envoy extraordinary in washington. others, without full consideration, in my opinion, concur in this view. i can imagine several situations at paris in which a representative filipino would be of service to the united states, simply by standing for the existence of a state of facts in the disputed islands. i dropped the matter of being a mediator, having planted the paris idea in the mind of the philippine leader, who is of the persuasion that he is the dictator of his countrymen, for the sake of his country, until he wishes to be evasive, and then he must consult others who share the burdens of authority, and told him when taking my leave i would like to possess a photograph with his autograph and the philippine flag. in a few minutes the articles were in my hands, and passing out, there were the american priests in the ante-room, the next callers to enter the general's apartment. their business was to urge him to permit the catholic priests held as prisoners by the insurgents--more than , perhaps nearly in number--to go home. when the news came that general merritt had been ordered to paris, and would pass through the red sea en route, taking the china to hongkong to catch a peninsular and oriental steamer, i telegraphed the fact to general aguinaldo over our military wires and his special wire, and his commissioner, duly advised, became, with general merritt's aid, at hongkong a passenger on the china. he is well known to the world as senor filipe agoncillo, who visited washington city, saw the president and proceeded to paris. chapter v the philippine mission. correspondence with aguinaldo about it--notes by senor felipe agoncillo--relations between admiral dewey and senor aguinaldo--terms of peace made by spanish governor-general with insurgents, december, --law suit between aguinaldo and artacho--aguinaldo's proclamation of may , . when general merritt decided to hold the china for a day to take him to hongkong on the way to paris, i telegraphed aguinaldo of the movements of the ship, arid received this dispatch from the general: "war department, united states volunteer signal corps, sent from bakoor august , .--to mr. murat halstead, hotel oriente, manila: thankful for your announcing china's departure. we are to send a person by her if possible, whom i recommend to you. being much obliged for the favor. "_a. g. escamilla_," "private secretary to general aguinaldo." on the same day the general sent the following personal letter: "dear sir: the bearer, dr. g. apacible, is the person whom was announced to you in the telegram. "i am desirous of sending him to hongkong, if possible, by the china, recommending him at the same time to your care and good will. thanking you for the favor, i'm respectfully yours, _emilio aguinaldo y famy_. "mr. murat halstead, manila. "bakoor, th august, ." general aguinaldo proceeded vigorously to make use of his knowledge that the china would go to hongkong for general merritt and sent his secretary and others to me at the hotel oriente, but they arrived after i had left the house. they came to the china and general merritt had not arrived and did not appear until within a few minutes of the start. then the deputation from the insurgent chieftain had an interview with him, asking that two of their number should go to hongkong on the china to express fully the views of the insurgent government to to the commissioner, don felipe agoncillo, chosen to represent the filipinos at washington and paris and to ask that he be allowed to go to the united states on the china. when the committee saw general merritt he was taking leave of admiral dewey, and the general, who had not heard of this movement until that moment--the question being entirely new--invited the opinion of the admiral, who said there was "certainly no objection," and on the contrary, it would be very well to permit the passage of the deputation to hongkong and of the commissioner appointed from that city to washington. general merritt at once in half a dozen words gave the order, and the journey began. general greene, who reads and translates spanish with facility and whose spanish speech is plain, treated with marked courtesy the filipino committee to hongkong and thence the commissioner and his secretary from hongkong to san francisco, on the way to washington and paris. general greene, while according distinction to the representatives of the insurgents, stated to them that his attentions were personal and he could not warrant them official recognition at washington or anything more than such politeness as gentlemen receive from each other. the commissioner was don felipe agoncillo, and his secretary, sixto lopez. saturday, september , the salt lake newspapers contained stories to the effect that the germans had entered into an alliance offensive and defensive with the aguinaldo government and would furnish equipments for an army of , men. we were on the union pacific railroad at the time, and i called the attention of don felipe agoncillo to this remarkable intelligence and asked him what he thought of it. he said emphatically that it was "nothing," "no true," "nothing at all," and he laughed at the comic idea. there was also in the salt lake newspapers a statement that the aguinaldo 'government' had sent to president mckinley a letter strongly expressing good-will and gratitude. there did not seem to be much news in this for don felipe, but it gave him much pleasure, and he, not perhaps diplomatically but enthusiastically, pronounced it good. _what agoncillo approved_. the dispatch marked with his approbation by the philippine commissioner was the following from washington, under date of september : "the president doubtless would be glad to hear any views these filipinos might care to set forth, being fresh from the islands and thoroughly acquainted with the wishes of the insurgents. but it would be plainly impolitic and inconsistent for the president, at this date and pending the conclusion of the peace conference at paris, to allow it to be understood, by according a formal reception to the delegates, that he had thereby recognized the philippine government as an independent nationality. his attitude toward the filipinos would be similar to that assumed by him toward the cubans. as the filipinos have repeatedly, by public declaration, sought to convey the impression that the united states representatives in manila have at some time during the progress of the war recognized aguinaldo as an independent ally, and entered into formal co-operation with him, it may be stated that the government at washington is unaware that any such thing has happened. admiral dewey, who was in command of all the united states forces during the most critical period, expressly cabled the secretary of the navy that he had entered into no formal agreement with aguinaldo. if general otis followed his instructions, and of that there can be no doubt, he also refrained from entering into any entangling agreements. as for consul-general wildman, any undertaking he may have assumed with aguinaldo must have been upon his own personal and individual responsibility, and would be without formal standing, inasmuch as he has not the express authorization from the state department absolutely requisite to negotiations in such cases. therefore, as the case now stands, the peace commissioners are free to deal with the philippine problem at paris absolutely without restraint beyond that which might be supposed to rise from a sense of moral obligation to avoid committing the filipinos again into the hands of their late rulers." senor agoncillo, the commissioner of the philippine insurgents at paris, made, in conversations on the steamer china, when crossing the pacific ocean from "nagasaka to san francisco, this statement in vindication of aguinaldo, and it is the most complete, authoritative and careful that exists of the relations between admiral dewey and the insurgent leader: _brief notes by senor agoncillo_. "on the same day that admiral dewey arrived at hongkong senor aguinaldo was in singapore, whither he had gone from hongkong, and mr. pratt, united states consul-general, under instructions from the said admiral, held a conference with him, in which it was agreed that senor aguinaldo and other revolutionary chiefs in co-operation with the american squadron should return to take up arms against the spanish government of the philippines, the sole and most laudable desire of the washington government being to concede to the philippine people absolute independence as soon as the victory against the spanish arms should be obtained. "by virtue of this argument senor aguinaldo proceeded by the first steamer to hongkong for the express purpose of embarking on the olympia and going to manila; but this intention of his was not realized, because the american squadron left hongkong the day previous to his arrival, admiral dewey having received from his government an order to proceed immediately to manila. this is what mr. wildman, united states consul-general in hongkong, said to senor aguinaldo in the interview which took place between them. a few days after the spanish squadron had been totally destroyed in the bay of manila by the american squadron, the latter obtaining a most glorious triumph, which deserved the fullest congratulations and praise of the philippine public, the mccullough arrived at hongkong and her commander said to senor aguinaldo that admiral dewey needed him (le necesitaba) in manila and that he brought an order to take him on board said transport, as well as other revolutionary chiefs whose number should be determined by senor aguinaldo, and, in fact, he and seventeen chiefs went to cavite on the mccullough. "senor aguinaldo began his campaign against the spaniards the very day that he received the , mauser guns and , cartridges, which came from hongkong. the first victory which he obtained from the spaniards was the surrender or capitulation of the spanish general, senor pena, who was the military governor of cavite, had his headquarters in the town of san francisco de malabon, and his force was composed of , soldiers, including volunteers. "the revolutionary army in six days' operations succeeded in getting possession of the spanish detachments stationed in the villages of bakoor, imus, benakayan, naveleta, santa cruz de malabon, rosario and cavite viejo. "on june last the whole province of cavite was under the control of the provisional revolutionary government, including many spanish prisoners and friars, , guns, great quantities of ammunition and some cannon. "at the same time that the province of cavite was being conquered other revolutionary chiefs were carrying on campaigns in the batangas, laguna, tayabas, nueva eziza, bulcau, batangas, pampanga and morong, which were under control of the revolutionary army by june , and such progress was made by the philippine revolution in the few days of campaign against the spaniards that by august last it held under conquest fifteen important provinces of the island of luzon; these provinces are being governed by laws emanating from the provisional revolutionary government and in all of them perfect order and complete tranquility reign. "it is to be noted that the spanish government has sent to senor aguinaldo various emissaries, who invited him to make common cause with spain against the united states, promising him that the government of the spanish nation would concede to him anything he might ask for the philippine people. but senor aguinaldo has invariably replied to those emissaries, that it was too late and that he could not consider any proposition from the spanish government, however beneficial it might be to the philippines, because he had already pledged his word of honor in favor of certain representatives of the government at washington. "in view of this positive resolution of senor aguinaldo there began forthwith the intrigues of the spanish enemy directed against the life of senor aguinaldo. _peace convention of december, ._ "senor aguinaldo, in his own name and in that of the other chiefs and subordinates, obligated himself to lay down their arms, which, according to an inventory, were to be turned over to the spanish government, thus terminating the revolution. his excellency the governor and captain-general, don fernando primo de rivera, as the representative of his majesty's government in the philippines, obligated himself on his side ( ) to grant a general amnesty to all those under charges or sentenced for the crime of rebellion and sedition and other crimes of that category; ( ) to introduce into the philippines all reforms necessary for correcting in an effective and absolute manner the evils which for so many years had oppressed the country, in political and administrative affairs; and ( ) an indemnity of $ , , payable at the following dates: a letter of credit of the spanish filipine bank for $ , against the hongkong and shanghai bank in hongkong was to be delivered to senor aguinaldo on the same day that he should leave biak-va-bato, where he had established his headquarters, and should embark on the steamer furnished by the spanish government (this letter of credit was in point of fact delivered); $ , was to be paid to the said senor aguinaldo as soon as the revolutionary general, senor ricarte, should receive his telegram ordering him to give up his arms, with an inventory thereof, to the commissioner designated by his excellency the governor and captain-general, don fernando primo de rivera; and the remaining $ , should be due and payable when the peace should be a fact, and it should be understood that peace was a fact when the te deum should be sung by order of his excellency the governor and captain-general of the philippines. "senor aguinaldo complied in every respect, so far as he was concerned, with the peace agreement. but the spanish government did not observe a similar conduct, and this has been deplored and still is deeply deplored by the philippine people. the general amnesty which was promised has remained completely a dead letter. many filipinos are still to be found in fernando po and in various military prisons in spain suffering the grievous consequences of the punishment inflicted upon them unjustly and the inclemencies of the climate to which they are not accustomed. some of these unfortunates, who succeeded in getting out of those prisons and that exile, are living in beggary in spain, without the government furnishing them the necessary means to enable them to return to the philippines. "in vain has the philippine public waited for the reforms also promised. after the celebration of the compact of june and the disposition of the arms of the revolutionists the governor-general again began to inflict on the defenseless natives of the country arbitrary arrest and execution without judicial proceedings solely on the ground that they were merely suspected of being secessionists; proceedings which indisputably do not conform to the law and christian sentiments. "in the matter of reforms the religious orders again began to obtain from the spanish government their former and absolute power. thus spain pays so dearly for her fatal errors in her own destiny! "in exchange for the loftiness of mind with which senor aguinaldo has rigidly carried out the terms of the peace agreement, general primo de rivera had the cynicism to state in the congress of his nation that he had promised no reform to senor aguinaldo and his army, but that he had only given them a piece of bread in order that they might be able to maintain themselves abroad. this was reechoed in the foreign press, and senor aguinaldo was accused in the spanish press of having allowed himself to be bought with a handful of gold, selling out his country at the same time. there were published, moreover, in those spanish periodicals caricatures of senor aguinaldo which profoundly wounded his honor and his patriotism. "senor aguinaldo and the other revolutionists who reside in hongkong agreed not to take out one cent of the $ , deposited in the chartered bank and the hongkong and shanghai bank, the only amount which senor aguinaldo received from the spanish government on account of the stipulated indemnity, but to use it for arms in order to carry on another revolution in the philippines, in case the spanish government should fail to carry out the peace agreement, at least in so far as it refers to general amnesty and reforms. all the above named revolutionists, senor aguinaldo setting the example, resolved to deny themselves every kind of comfort during their stay in hongkong, living in the most modest style, for the purpose of preventing a reduction by one single cent of the above named sum of $ , , which they set aside exclusively for the benefit of their country. _law suit between don j. artacho and don e. aguinaldo._ "senor artacho, induced by the father solicitor of the dominicans and the consul-general of spain, filed in the courts of that colony a summons against don e. aguinaldo, asking for a division of the above-mentioned $ , between those revolutionary chiefs who resided in hongkong. artacho and three others, who joined the revolution in its last days and rendered little service to it, were the only ones who desired a division of this money; whereas forty-seven revolutionaries, many of whom were most distinguished chiefs, were opposed to it, supporting the resolution which senor aguinaldo had previously taken in regard to it. senor aguinaldo, in order to avoid all scandal, did everything possible to avoid appearing in court answering the summons of artacho, who, realizing that his conduct had made himself hated by all filipinos, agreed in a friendly arrangement to withdraw his suit, receiving in exchange $ , ; in this way were frustrated the intrigues of the solicitor of the dominican order and of the spanish consul, who endeavored at any cost to destroy the $ , by dividing it up. "artacho is now on trial before a judicial court on charges preferred by various revolutionists for offenses which can be proved; he has no influence in the revolutionary party." _proclamation of general aguinaldo_. _may th_, . filipinos: the great nation north america, cradle of true liberty and friendly on that account to the liberty of our people, oppressed and subjugated by the tyranny and despotism of those who have governed us, has come to manifest even here a protection which is decisive, as well as disinterested, towards us considering us endowed with sufficient civilization to govern by ourselves this our unhappy land. to maintain this so lofty idea, which we deserve from the now very powerful nation north america, it is our duty to detest all those acts which belie such an idea, as pillage, robbery and every class of injury to persons as well as to things. with a view to avoiding international conflicts during the period of our campaign, i order as follows: article i. the lives and property of all foreigners, including chinese and all spaniards who either directly or indirectly have joined in taking arms against us are to be respected. article ii. the lives and property of those who lay down their arms are also to be respected. article iii. also are to be respected all sanitary establishments and ambulances, and likewise the persons and things which may be found either in one or the other, including the assistants in this service, unless they show hostility. article iv. those who disobey what is prescribed in the preceding articles will be tried by summary court and put to death, if such disobedience shall cause assassination, fire, robbery and violation. given at cavite, the th of may, . _emilio aguinaldo._ it is to be remarked of this semi-official statement that admiral dewey did not make any promises he could not fulfill to aguinaldo; did not assume to speak for the president or the army of the united states, but gave guns and ammunition to the insurgents, who aided him in maintaining a foothold on the shore. the insurgents did not win dewey's victory, but aided to improve it. without the aid of the american army manila might have been destroyed, but could not have been captured intact. general merritt settled the question of the status of the insurgent army with respect to the capture of manila in a summary and sound way when he said there could be but one military authority in a military government, and as the commanding general of the philippine expedition of the united states, he was that authority. chapter vi the proclamations of general aguinaldo. june th, , establishing dictatorial government--june th, , instructions for elections--june d, , establishing revolutionary government--june d, , message to foreign powers--june th, , instructions concerning details--july d, , letter from senor aguinaldo to general anderson--august st, , resolutions of revolutionary chiefs asking for recognition--august th, , message to foreign powers asking recognition. one of the most critical questions in the situation of the philippines is the precise position of the leader of the insurgents, general aguinaldo. his utterances in his official character of leader of the natives who for years have been in rebellion against spain, have been but fragmentary, as they have come before the people. we give for the public information the consecutive series of proclamations. no. . to the philippine public: circumstances have providentially placed me in a position for which i can not fail to recognize that i am not properly qualified, but since i can not violate the laws of providence nor decline the obligations which honor and patriotism impose upon me, i now salute you, oh, my beloved people! i have proclaimed in the face of the whole world that the aspiration of my whole life, the final object of all my efforts and strength is nothing else but your independence, for i am firmly convinced that that constitutes your constant desire and that independence signifies for us redemption from slavery and tyranny, regaining our liberty and entrance into the concert of civilized nations. i understand on the other hand that the first duty of every government is to interpret faithfully popular aspirations. with this motive, although the abnormal circumstances of the war have compelled me to institute this dictatorial government which assumes full powers, both civil and military, my constant desire is to surround myself with the most distinguished persons of each province, those who by their conduct, deserve the confidence of their province to the end that the true necessities of each being known by them, measures may be adopted to meet these necessities and apply the remedies in accordance with the desires of all. i understand moreover the urgent necessity of establishing in each town a solid and robust organization, the strongest bulwark of public security and the sole means of securing that union and discipline which are indispensable for the establishment of the republic, that is government of the people for the people, and warding off the international conflicts which may arise. following out the foregoing considerations i decree as follows: article i. the inhabitants of every town where the forces of the spanish government still remain, will decide upon the most efficacious measures to combat and destroy them, according to the resources and means at their disposal, according to prisoners of war the treatment most conformable to humanitarian sentiments and to the customs observed by civilized nations. article ii. as soon as the town is freed from spanish domination, the inhabitants most distinguished for high character, social position and honorable conduct both in the center of the community and in the suburbs, will come together in a large meeting in which they will proceed to elect by a majority of votes, the chief of the town and a head man for each suburb, considering as suburbs not only those hitherto known as such, but also the center of the community. all those inhabitants who fulfill the conditions above named, will have the right to take part in this meeting and to be elected, provided always that they are friendly to philippine independence and are twenty years of age. article iii. in this meeting shall also be elected by a majority of votes, three delegates; one of police and internal order, another of justice and civil registry and another of taxes and property. the delegate of police and internal order will assist the chief in the organization of the armed force, which for its own security each town must maintain, according to the measure of its resources and in the preservation of order, government and hygiene of its population. the delegate of justice and civil registry will aid the chief in the formation of courts and in keeping books of registry of births, deaths and marriage contracts, and of the census. the delegate of taxes and property will aid the chief in the collection of taxes, the administration of public funds, the opening of books of registry of cattle and real property, and in all work relating to encouragement of every class of industry. article iv. the chief, as president, with the head men and the above mentioned delegates, will constitute the popular assemblies who will supervise the exact fulfillment of the laws in force and the particular interests of each town. the head man of the center of the community will be the vice president of the assembly, and the delegate of justice its secretary. the head men will be delegates of the chief within their respective boundaries. article v. the chiefs of each town after consulting the opinion of their respective assemblies, will meet and elect by majority of votes the chief of the province and three councilors for the three branches above mentioned. the chief of the province as president, the chief of the town which is the capital of the province, as vice president, and the above named councilors will constitute the provincial council, which will supervise the carrying out of the instructions of this government in the territory of the province, and for the general interest of the province, and will propose to this government the measures which should be adopted for the general welfare. article vi. the above named chiefs will also elect by majority of votes three representatives for each one of the provinces of manila and cavite, two for each one of the provinces classified as terminal in spanish legislation, and one for each one of the other provinces and politico-military commands of the philippine archipelago. the above named representatives will guard the general interests of the archipelago and the particular interests of their respective provinces, and will constitute the revolutionary congress, which will propose to this government the measures concerning the preservation of internal order, and external security of these islands, and will be heard by this government on all questions of grave importance. the decision of which will admit of delay or adjournment. article vii. persons elected to any office whatsoever in the form prescribed in the preceding article can not perform the functions of the same without the previous confirmation by this government, which will give it in accordance with the certificates of election. representatives will establish their identity by exhibiting the above named certificates. article viii. the military chiefs named by this government in each province will not intervene in the government and administration of the province, but will confine themselves to requesting of the chiefs of provinces and towns the aid which may be necessary both in men and resources, which are not to be refused in case of actual necessity. nevertheless, when the province is threatened or occupied by the enemy in whole or in part, the military chief of highest rank therein may assume powers of the chief of the province, until the danger has disappeared. article ix. the government will name for each province a commissioner, specially charged with establishing therein the organization prescribed in this decree, in accordance with instructions which this government will communicate to him. those military chiefs who liberate the towns from the spanish domination are commissioners by virtue of their office. the above named commissioners will preside over the first meetings held in each town and in each province. article x. as soon as the organization provided in the decree has been established all previous appointments to any civil office, whatsoever, no matter what their origin or source, shall be null and void, and all instructions in conflict with the foregoing are hereby annulled. given at cavite, the th of june, . _emilio aguinaldo_. no. . for the execution and proper carrying out of what is prescribed in the decree of this government concerning the management of the provinces and towns of the philippine archipelago, i decree as follows: _instructions_. concerning the management of the provinces and towns. (then follow rules concerning the elections, formation of the police, the courts and the levying and collection of taxes.) given at cavite, th of june, . _emilio aguinaldo_. no. . _don emilio aguinaldo y famy_, president of the revolutionary government of the philippines, and general in chief of its army. this government desiring to demonstrate to the philippine people that one of its ends is to combat with a firm hand the inveterate vices of the spanish administration, substituting for personal luxury and that pompous ostentation which have made it a mere matter of routine, cumbrous and slow in its movements, another administration more modest, simple and prompt in performing the public service: i decree as follows: _chapter i._ _of the revolutionary government_. article i. the dictatorial government will be entitled hereafter the revolutionary government, whose object is to struggle for the independence of the philippines until all nations, including the spanish, shall expressly recognize it, and to prepare the country so that a true republic may be established. the dictator will be entitled hereafter president of the revolutionary government. article ii. four secretaryships of government are created; one of foreign affairs, navy and commerce; another of war and public works; another of police and internal order, justice, education and hygiene; and another of finance, agriculture, and manufacturing industry. the government may increase this number of secretaryships, when it shall find in practice that this distribution is not sufficient for the multiplied and complicated necessities of the public service. article iii. each secretaryship shall aid the president in the administration of questions concerning the different branches which it comprises. at the head of each one shall be a secretary who shall not be responsible for the decrees of the presidency, but shall sign them with the president, to give them authority. but if it shall appear that the decree has been promulgated on the proposition of the secretary of the department, the latter shall be responsible conjointly with the president. article iv. the secretaryship of foreign affairs will be divided into three bureaus, one of diplomacy, another of navy and another of commerce. the first bureau will study and dispose of all questions pertaining to the management of diplomatic negotiations with other powers and the correspondence of this government with them. the second will study all questions relating to the formation and organization of our navy and the fitting out of such expeditions as the necessities of the revolution may require; and the third will have charge of everything relating to internal and external commerce, and the preliminary work which may be necessary for making treaties of commerce with other nations. article v. the secretaryship of war will be divided into two bureaus; one of war, properly speaking, and the other of public works. the first bureau will be subdivided into four sections: one of campaigns, another of military justice, another of military administration, and another of military health. the section of campaigns will have charge of the appointment and formation of the certificates of enlistment and service of all who serve in the revolutionary militia; of the direction of campaigns; the preparation of plans, works of fortification, and preparing reports of battles; of the study of military tactics for the army and the organization of the general staff, artillery and cavalry; and finally, of the determination of all other questions concerning the business of campaigns and military operations. the section of military justice will have charge of everything relating to courts of war and military tribunals; the appointment of judges and counsel and the determination of all questions of military justice; the section of military administration will he charged with the furnishing of food and other supplies necessary for the use of the army; and the section of military health will have charge of everything relating to the hygiene and healthfulness of the militia. article vi. the other secretaryships will he divided into such bureaus as their branches may require and each bureau will be subdivided into sections according to the nature and importance of the work it has to do. article vii. the secretary will inspect and supervise all the work of his secretaryship and will determine all questions with the president of the government. at the head of each bureau will be a director and in each section an officer provided with such number of assistants as may be specified. article viii. the president will appoint the secretaries of his own free choice and in concert with them will appoint all the subordinate officials of each secretaryship. in order that in the choice of persons it may be possible to avoid favoritism, it must be fully understood that the good name of the country and the triumph of the revolution require the services of persons truly capable. article ix. the secretaries may be present at the revolutionary congress in order that they may make any motion in the name of the president or may be interpolated publicly by any one of the representatives; but when the question which is the object of the motion shall be put to vote or after the interpolation is ended they shall leave and shall not take part in the vote. article x. the president of the government is the personification of the philippine people, and in accordance with this idea it shall not he possible to hold him responsible while he fills the office. his term of office shall last until the revolution triumphs, unless, under extraordinary circumstances, he shall feel obliged to offer his resignation to congress, in which case congress will elect whomsoever it considers most fit. _chapter ii._ _of the revolutionary congress._ article xi. the revolutionary congress is the body of representatives of the provinces of the philippine archipelago elected in the manner prescribed in the decrees of the th, present month. nevertheless, if any province shall not be able as yet to elect representatives because the greater part of its towns shall have not yet succeeded in liberating themselves from spanish domination, the government shall have power to appoint as provisional representatives for this province those persons who are most distinguished for high character and social position, in such numbers as are prescribed by the above named decree, provided always that they are natives of the province which they represent or have resided therein for a long time. article xii. the representatives having met in the town which is the seat of the revolutionary government, and in the building which may be designated, will proceed to its preliminary labors, designating by plurality of votes a commission composed of five individuals charged with examining documents accrediting each representative, and another commission, composed of three individuals, who will examine the documents which the five of the former commission exhibit. article xiii. on the following day the above named representatives will meet again and the two commissions will read their respective reports concerning the legality of the said documents, deciding by an absolute majority of votes on the character of those which appear doubtful. this business completed, it will proceed to designate, also by absolute majority, a president, a vice president, and two secretaries, who shall be chosen from among the representatives, whereupon the congress shall be considered organized, and shall notify the government of the result of the election. article xiv. the place where congress deliberates is sacred and inviolable, and no armed force shall enter therein unless the president thereof shall ask therefor in order to establish internal order disturbed by those who can neither honor themselves nor its august functions. article xv. the powers of congress are: to watch over the general interest of the philippine people, and the carrying out of the revolutionary laws; to discuss and vote upon said laws; to discuss and approve prior to their ratification treaties and loans; to examine and approve the accounts presented annually by the secretary of finance, as well as extraordinary and other taxes which may hereafter be imposed. article xvi. congress shall also be consulted in all grave and important questions, the determination of which admits of delay or adjournment; but the president of the government shall have power to decide questions of urgent character, but in that case he shall give account by message to said body of the decision which he has adopted. article xvii. every representative shall have power to present to congress any project of a law, and every secretary on the order of the president of the government shall have similar power. article xviii. the sessions of congress shall be public, and only in cases which require reserve shall it have power to hold a secret session. article xix. in the order of its deliberations, as well as in the internal government of the body the instructions which shall be formulated by the congress itself shall be observed. the president shall direct the deliberations and shall not vote except in case of a tie, when he shall have the casting vote. article xx. the president of the government shall not have power to interrupt in any manner the meeting of congress, nor embarrass its sessions. article xxi. the congress shall designate a permanent commission of justice which shall be presided over by the auxilliary vice president or each of the secretaries, and shall be composed of those persons and seven members elected by plurality of votes from among the representatives. this commission shall judge on appeal the criminal cases tried by the provincial courts; and shall take cognizance of and have original jurisdiction in all cases against the secretaries of the government, the chiefs of provinces and towns, and the provincial judges. article xxii. in the office of the secretary of congress shall be kept a book of honor, wherein shall be recorded special services rendered to the country, and considered as such by said body. every filipino, whether in the military or civil service, may petition congress for notation in said book, presenting duly accredited documents describing the service rendered by him on behalf of the country, since the beginning of the present revolution. for extraordinary services, which may be rendered hereafter, the government will propose said notation accompanying the proposal with the necessary documents justifying it. article xxiii. the congress will also grant, on the proposal of the government rewards in money, which can be given only once to the families of those who were victims of their duty and patriotism, as a result of extraordinary acts of heroism. article xxiv. the acts of congress shall not take effect until the president of the government orders their fulfillment and execution. whenever the said president shall be of the opinion that any act is unsuitable or against public policy, or pernicious, he shall explain to congress the reasons against its execution, and if the latter shall insist on its passage the president shall have power to oppose his veto under his most rigid responsibility. _chapter iii._ _of military courts and justice._ article xxv. when the chiefs of military detachments have notice that any soldier has committed or has perpetrated any act of those commonly considered as military crimes, he shall bring it to the knowledge of the commandant of the zone, who shall appoint a judge and a secretary, who shall begin suit in the form prescribed in the instructions dated the th of the present month. if the accused shall be of the grade of lieutenant or higher, the said commandant shall himself be the judge, and if the latter shall be the accused, the senior commandant of the province shall name as judge an officer who holds a higher grade, unless the same senior commandant shall himself have brought the suit. the judge shall always belong to the class of chiefs. article xxvi. on the conclusion of the preliminary hearing, the senior commandant shall designate three officers of equal or higher rank to the judge and the military court shall consist of the said officers, the judge, the councilor and the president. the latter shall be the commandant of the zone, if the accused be of the grade of sergeant or less, and the senior commandant if he be of the grade of lieutenant or higher. this court shall conduct the trial in the form customary in the provincial courts, but the judgment shall be appealable to the higher courts of war. article xxvii. the superior court shall be composed of six members, who shall hold rank not less than brigadier generals, and the judge advocate. if the number of generals present in the capitol of the revolutionary government shall not be sufficient the deficiency shall be supplied by representatives designated and commissioned by congress. the president of the court shall be the general having the highest rank of all, and should there be more than one having equal rank, the president shall be elected from among them by absolute majority of votes. article xxviii. the superior court shall have jurisdiction in all cases affecting the higher commandants, the commandants of zones and all officers of the rank of major or higher. article xxix. commit military crimes: st. those who fail to grant the necessary protection to foreigners, both in their persons and property, and those who similarly fail to afford protection to hospitals and ambulances, including persons and effects which may be found in possession of one or the other, and those engaged in the service of the same, provided always they commit no hostile act. d. those who fail in the respect due to the lives, money and jewels of enemies who lay down their arms, and of prisoners of war. d. filipinos who place themselves in the service of the enemy acting as spies or disclosing to them secrets of war and the plans of revolutionary positions and fortifications, and those who present themselves under a flag of truce without justifying properly their office and their personality; and th, those who fail to recognize a flag of truce duly accredited in the forms, prescribed by international law. will commit also military crimes: st. those who conspire against the unity of the revolutionists, provoking rivalry between chiefs and forming divisions and armed bands. d. those who solicit contributions without authority of the government and misappropriate the public funds. d. those who desert to the enemy, or are guilty of cowardice in the presence of the enemy, being armed; and, th, those who seize the property of any person who has done no wrong to the revolution, violate women and assassinate or inflict serious wounds on unarmed persons and commit robberies or arson. article xxx. those who commit the crimes enumerated will be considered as declared enemies of the revolution, and will incur the penalties prescribed in the spanish penal code, and in the highest grade. if the crime shall not be found in the said code, the offender shall be imprisoned until the revolution triumphs unless the result of this shall be an irreparable damage, which in the judgment of the tribunal shall be a sufficient cause for imposing the penalty of death. _additional clauses._ the government will establish abroad a revolutionary committee, composed of a number not yet determined of persons most competent in the philippine archipelago. this committee will be divided into three delegations; one of diplomacy, another of the navy and another of the army. the delegation of diplomacy will manage and conduct negotiations with foreign cabinets with a view to the recognition of the belligerency and independence of the philippines. the delegation of the navy will be charged with studying and organizing the philippine navy and preparing the expenditures which the necessities of the revolution may require. the delegation of the army will study military tactics and the best form of organization for the general staff, artillery and engineers and whatever else may be necessary in order to fit out the philippine army under the conditions required by modern progress. article xxxii. the government will issue the necessary instructions for the proper execution of the present decree. article xxxiii. all decrees of the dictatorial government in conflict with the foregoing are hereby annulled. given at cavite, the d of june, . _emilio aguinaldo._ _instructions._ desiring to bring about a proper execution of the decree dated the d of the present month, and to provide that the administrative measures shall not result hereafter in the paralysis of public business, but that, on the contrary, it shall constitute the best guarantee of the regularity, promptitude and fitness in the transaction of public business, i give the following instructions and decree: (then follow ten rules concerning the details of installing the government.) cavite, the th of june, . _emilio aguinaldo._ _message of the president of the philippine revolution._ if it is true, as it is true, that political revolutions properly understood, are the violent means which people employ to recover the sovereignty which naturally belongs to them, usurped and trampled upon by a tyrannical and arbitrary government, no revolution can be more righteous than that of the philippines, because the people have had recourse to it after having exhausted all the pacific means which reason and experience could suggest. the ancient kings of castile felt obliged to consider the philippines as a brother people, united to the spanish in a perfect participation of aims and interests, so much so that when the constitution of was promulgated, at cadiz, on account of the war of spanish independence, these islands were represented in the spanish cortez; but the interests of the monastic corporations which have always found unconditional support in the spanish government, overcame this sacred duty and the philippines remained excluded from the spanish constitution, and the people at the mercy of the discretionary or arbitrary powers of the governor-general. in this condition the people claimed justice, begged of the metropolis the recognition and restitution of their secular rights by means of reforms which should assimilate in a gradual and progressive manner, the philippines to the spaniards; but their voice was quickly throttled and their sons received as the reward of their self-denial, deportation, martyrdom and death. the religious corporations with whose interests, always opposed to those of the philippine people, the spanish government has been identified, scoffed at these pretensions and answered with the knowledge of that government that spanish liberties have cost blood. what other recourse then remained to the people for insisting as in duty bound on regaining its former rights? no alternative remained except force and, convinced of that, it has had recourse to revolution. and now it is not limited to asking assimilation to the spanish political constitution, but it asks a definite separation from it; it struggles for its independence in the firm belief that the time has arrived in which it can and ought to govern itself. there has been established a revolutionary government, under wise and just laws, suited to the abnormal circumstances through which it is passing, and which, in proper time, will prepare it for a true republic. thus taking as a sole model for its acts, reason, for its sole end, justice, and, for its sole means, honorable labor, it calls all filipinos its sons without distinction of class, and invites them to unite firmly with the object of forming a noble society, not based upon blood nor pompous titles, but upon the work and personal merit of each one; a free society, where exist neither egotism nor personal politics which annihilate and crush, neither envy nor favoritism which debase, neither fanfaronade nor charlatanism which are ridiculous. and it could not be otherwise. a people which has given proofs of suffering and valor in tribulation and in danger, and of hard work and study in peace, is not destined to slavery; this people is called to be great, to be one of the strongest arms of providence in ruling the destinies of mankind; this people has resources and energy sufficient to liberate itself from the ruin and extinction into which the spanish government has plunged it, and to claim a modest but worthy place in the concert of free nations. given at cavite the d of june, . _emilio aguinaldo._ _to foreign governments._ the revolutionary government of the philippines, on its establishment, explained, through the message dated the d of june last, the true causes of the philippine revolution, showing, according to the evidence, that this popular movement is the result of the laws which regulate the life of a people which aspires to progress and to perfection by the sole road of liberty. the said revolution now rules in the provinces of cavite, batangas, mindoro, tayabas, laguna, morong, bulacan, bataan, pampanga, neuva-ecija, tarlac, pangasinan, union, infanta, and zambales, and it holds besieged the capital of manila. in these provinces complete order and perfect tranquility reign, administered by the authorities elected by the provinces in accordance with the organic decrees dated the th and d of june last. the revolution holds, moreover, about , prisoners of war, who are treated in accordance with the customs of war between civilized nations and humane sentiments, and at the end of the war it has more than , combatants organized in the form of a regular army. in this situation the chiefs of the towns comprised in the above mentioned provinces, interpreting the sentiments which animate those who have elected them, have proclaimed the independence of the philippines, petitioning the revolutionary government that will entreat and obtain from foreign governments recognition of its belligerency and its independence, in the firm belief that the philippine people have already arrived at that state in which they can and ought to govern themselves. this is set forth in the accompanying documents, subscribed by the above named chiefs. wherefore, the undersigned, by virtue of the powers which belong to him as president of the revolutionary government of the philippines and in the name and representation of the philippine people, asks the support of all the powers of the civilized world, and earnestly entreats them to proceed to the formal recognition of the belligerency of the revolution and the independence of the philippines; since they are the means designated by providence to maintain the equilibrium between peoples, sustaining the weak and restraining the strong, to the end that by these means shall shine forth and be realized the most complete justice in the indefinite progress of humanity. given at bacoor, in the province of cavite, the th day of august, . the president of the revolutionary government, _emilio aguinaldo_. _statement_. the undersigned chiefs of towns comprising the provinces hereinafter named, elected as such in the manner prescribed by the decree of the th and the instructions dated the th of june last, after having been confirmed in their respective offices by the president of the government and having taken the prescribed oath before him, have met in full assembly previously called for that purpose for the purpose of discussing the solemn proclamation of philippine independence. the discussion took place with the prudence and at the length which so important a question demands and, after suitable deliberation, the following declarations were unanimously adopted: the philippine revolution records on the one hand brilliant feats of arms, realized with singular courage by an improvised army almost without arms, and on the other the no less notable fact that the people, after the combat, have not entered upon great excesses nor pursued the enemy further; but have treated him, on the contrary, with generosity and humanity, returning at once to their ordinary and tranquil life. such deeds demonstrate, in an indisputable manner, that the philippine people was not created, as all believed, for the sole purpose of dragging the chains of servitude, but that it has a perfect idea of order and justice, shuns a savage life, and loves a civilized life. but what is most surprising in this people is that it goes on giving proofs that it knows how to frame laws, commensurate with the progress of the age, to respect them and obey them, demonstrating that its national customs are not repugnant to this progress; that it is not ambitious for power nor honors nor riches aside from the rational and just aspirations for a free and independent life, and inspired by the most lofty idea of patriotism and national honor; and that in the service of this idea and for the realization of that aspiration it has not hesitated in the sacrifice of life and fortune. these admirable--and more than admirable, these wonderful--deeds necessarily engender the most firm and ineradicable convictions of the necessity of leaving the philippines free and independent, not only because they deserve it, but because they are prepared to defend, to the death, their future and their history. filipinos are fully convinced that if individuals have need of material, moral and intellectual perfection in order to contribute to the welfare of their fellows peoples require to have fullness of life; they need liberty and independence in order to contribute to the indefinite progress of mankind. it has struggled and will struggle, with decision and constancy, without ever turning back or retrograding before the obstacles which may arise in its path, and with unshakable faith that it will obtain justice and fulfill the laws of providence. and neither will it be turned aside from the course it has hitherto followed by the unjustifiable imprisonment, tortures, assassinations, and the other vandal acts committed by the spaniards against the persons of peaceful and defenseless filipinos. the spaniards believe themselves released from every legal obligation toward the filipinos for the sole reason that the belligerency of the revolution has not been recognized, taking no account of the fact that over and above every law, whether written or prescriptive, are placed with imprescriptible characters, culture, national honor and humanity. no; the filipinos have no need ever to make use of reprisals because they seek independence with culture, liberty with unconditional respect for the law, as the organ of justice, and a name purified in the crucible of human sentiments. in virtue of the foregoing considerations the undersigned, giving voice to the unanimous aspiration of the people whom they represent, and performing the offices received from them and the duties pertaining to the powers with which they are invested, proclaim solemnly in the face of the whole world the independence of the philippines; recognize and respect senor don emilio aguinaldo y famy as president of the revolutionary government, organized in the manner prescribed by decree of the d and instructions of the th of june last, and beg the said president that he will ask and obtain from foreign governments the recognition of its belligerency and independence, not only because this act constitutes a duty of justice, but also because to no one is it permitted to contravene natural laws nor stifle the legitimate aspiration of a people for its amelioration and dignification. given in the province of cavite the st day of august, of the year of our lord , and the first year of philippine independence. follow the signatures of the local presidents of the provinces of cavite and many others. the undersigned, secretary of the interior, certifies, that the present document is a literal copy of the original, which is deposited in the secretaryship under his charge; in proof of which he signs it, with the approval of the president of the revolutionary government in bacoor, the th day of august, . el presidente del g. r., _emilio aguinaldo_. el secretano del interior, _leandro ibarra_. _letter from senor aguinaldo to general anderson._ july d, . to brigadier-general t. m. anderson, u. s. a., etc., etc., cavite. in answer to the letter of your excellency dated the nd of the present month, i have the honor to manifest to you the following: that even supposing that the effects existing in the storehouse of don antonio osorio were subject to capture, when i established myself in the plaza (town) of cavite, admiral dewey authorized me to dispose of everything that i might find in the same, including the arms which the spanish left in the arsenal. but as he was aware that said effects belonged to the personal property (ownership) of a filipino, who traded with them by virtue of a contribution to the spanish government, i would not have touched them had not the owner placed them at my disposition for the purposes of the war. i came from hong kong to prevent my countrymen from making common cause with the spanish against the north americans, pledging, before, my word to admiral dewey to not give place to (to allow) any internal discord because (being) a judge of their desires i had the strong conviction that i would succeed in both objects; establishing a government according to their desires. thus it is that at the beginning i proclaimed the dictatorship, and afterwards, when some of the provinces had already liberated themselves from spanish domination, i established a revolutionary government that to-day exists, giving it a democratic and popular character, as far as the abnormal circumstances of war permitted, in order that they (the provinces) might be justly represented and administered to their satisfaction. it is true that my government has not been acknowledged by any of the foreign powers; but we expect that the great north american nation, which struggled first for its independence and afterwards for the abolition of slavery, and is now actually struggling for the independence of cuba, would look upon it with greater benevolence than any other nation. because of this we have always acknowledged the right of preference as to our gratitude. debtor to the generosity of the north americans, and to the favors which we have received through admiral dewey, and being more desirous than any other of preventing any conflict which would have as a result foreign intervention which must be extremely prejudicial not alone to my nation, but also to that of your excellency, i consider it my duty to advise you of the undesirability of disembarking north american troops in the places conquered by the filipinos from the spanish, without previous notice to this government, because as no formal agreement yet exists between the two nations, the philippine people might consider the occupation of its territories by north american troops as a violation of its rights. i comprehend that without the destruction of the spanish squadron the philippine revolution would not have advanced so rapidly; because of this i take the liberty of indicating to your excellency the necessities that before disembarking troops you should communicate in writing to this government the places that are to be occupied, and also the object of the occupation, that the people may be advised in due form and (thus) prevent the commission of any transgression against friendship. i can answer for my people, because they have given me evident proofs of their absolute confidence in my government, but i cannot answer for that which another nation, whose friendship is not well guaranteed, might inspire in it (the people); and it is certain that i do this not as a menace, but as a further proof of the true and sincere friendship which i have always professed to the north american people in the complete security that it will find itself completely identified with our cause of liberty. i am, with respect, your obedient servant, _emilio aguinaldo_. chapter vii interview with the archbishop of manila. insurgents' deadly hostility to spanish priests--the position of the archbishop as he defined it--his expression of gratitude to the american army--his characterization of the insurgents--a work of philippine art--the sincerity of the archbishop's good words. the intense feeling by the philippine insurgents against the spanish priests made it seem very desirable to see the archbishop of manila, and he informed two american priests that he would have pleasure in making an expression of his views to me to be placed before the people of the united states. he had been charged with extreme vindictiveness and the responsibility of demanding that the city should be defended to the last extremity, when actually, in the consultation of dignitaries that took place, and the surrender of the capital was demanded by general merritt and admiral dewey, he declared the situation hopeless and that it was a plain duty to prevent the sacrifice of life. he was overruled by the peculiar folly that has caused spain in the course of the war to inflict heavy and avoidable losses upon herself. indeed, the war originated in the spanish state of mind that it was necessary to open fire and shed blood for the honor of the arms of spain. the spanish officers knew they could not save manila from the hands of the americans while the command of the sea by our fleet was indisputable and we had unlimited reserves to draw upon to strengthen the land forces, irrespective of the swarms of insurgents pressing in the rear and eager to take vengeance for centuries of mismanagement and countless personal grievances. it was the acknowledgment of the spanish captain-general, when he received the peremptory summons from merritt and dewey to give up the city, that there was no place of refuge for the women and children, the sick and the wounded; and yet it was insisted that the honor of spain required bloodshed--not much, perhaps, but enough to prove that the army of spain was warlike. when the american army had been reinforced so as to have , men ready to take the field, general merritt and admiral dewey had a conference and agreed to send the spaniards in authority a formal notification that in forty-eight hours they would bombard and assail the defenses of the city of manila if it were not surrendered. the spanish reply was that the americans could commence operations at once, but there was no place where the women and children, the wounded and the sick could go to find a place of security. this was tantamount to a declaration that the spaniards were sliding into a surrender, but wanted to make a claim to the contrary. the residence of the archbishop is within the walled city and a very substantial edifice, the stone work confined to the lower story and hardwood timber freely used in massive form instead of stone. his grace was seated at a small table in a broad hall, with a lamp and writing material before him. he is imposing as a man of importance and his greeting was cordial to kindliness. he said his acknowledgments were personally due the american people for the peace of mind he had enjoyed during the occupation of the city by the army of the united states, for its establishment of order and the justice in administration that relieved good citizens from oppression and alarm. he was glad to have americans know his sensibility on this subject, and wanted me to convey his sentiments to the president. when asked what it was that caused the insurgents to be so ferocious against the priests and resolved on their expulsion or destruction he said the rebels were at once false, unjust and ungrateful. they had been lifted from savagery by catholic teachers, who had not only been educators in the schools but teachers in the fields. the same catholic orders that were singled out for special punishment had planted in the islands the very industries that were sources of prosperity, and the leaders of the insurgents had been largely educated by the very men whom now they persecuted. some of the persecutors had been in europe and became revolutionists in the sense of promoting disorder as anarchists. it was the antagonism of the church to murderous anarchy that aroused the insurgents of the philippines to become the deadly enemies of priests and church orders. it was true in spain, as in the philippines, that the anarchists were particularly inflamed against the church. his grace did not seem to have heard of the american anarchist, but the european revolutionist has received a large share of his attention. he produced a box of cigars, also a bottle of sherry, and chatted comfortably and humorously. there was one thing then that he had in his heart--that his anxiety for peace and appreciation of order as enjoyed under the american military government should be recorded and responsibly reported to the people of the united states. the american priests had informed him that i was a friend of long standing of president mckinley, and he again enjoined that i should declare his sentiments to the president. a beautiful work of wood carving was shown on an easel, which had a frame of hard wood, the whole, easel and frame, with elaborately wrought ornamentation, cut out of one tree. it was at once strong and graceful, simple and decorative. the picture was a gold medallion, raised on a plate of silver, an excellent likeness of his grace. it was evident that the refinements of art were known to "these barbarians of the philippines," for their works testified. his grace announced that he would return my call, and his convenience being consulted, the time was fixed for him to appear at o'clock the next day, sunday, and he came accordingly, accompanied by three priests, the chaplain of the first california, father daugherty who sailed with general merritt to manila, and father boyle, the superintendent of the famous observatory founded by the jesuits, who was a typical irishman of a strong and humorously hearty type. father boyle had one of the most perfect methods of speaking english in the irish way that i have ever heard, and admitted that he had resided in england long enough to be born there; and this was great fun. it is not too much to say that the institution he represented is illustrious. the cathedral of manila is within the walled city and of immense proportions. it was shattered by an earthquake, and in its reconstruction wood rather than marble was used for the supporting pillars within, but no one would find out that the stately clusters of columns were not from the quarries rather than the forests, unless personally conducted to the discovery. here , spanish soldiers, held under the articles of capitulation, were quartered, consumed their rations and slept, munching and dozing all around the altar and pervading the whole edifice. the other great churches, five in number, in the walled city, were occupied in the same way. the archbishop was anxious to have the soldiers otherwise provided with shelter, and if not all of them could be restored to their ordinary uses it was most desirable, in his opinion, the cathedral should be. it is estimated that , of the american soldiers in the expeditionary force are catholics, and father daugherty was anxious to preach to them in english. during the call upon me by the archbishop this subject was discussed, and the suggestion made that the americans had tents in great number that they did not occupy and that would probably not be preserved by keeping them stored in that hot and trying climate. they might be pitched on the luneta, which is beside the sea, and the town thus relieved of , men, who, herded in churches, produced unsanitary conditions. this seemed reasonable, and the policy of the change would have a tendency to develop an element of good-will not to be despised and rejected. it might be that the cathedral alone could be cleared without delay or prejudice with a pleasant effect, and if so why not? his grace was certainly diplomatic and persuasive in stating the case, and his attendants were animated with zeal that the americans should have the credit of re-opening the cathedral for worship. it was true the spanish garrison first occupied it, but if the necessity that its ample roof should protect soldiers from the torrential rains had existed perhaps it had ceased to be imperative. the matter was duly presented to the military authorities, and the objection found to immediate action that the spanish prisoners of war should not for the time be located outside the walled city. they must be held where they could be handled. coincident with the call of the archbishop came captain coudert, of the distinguished family of that name in new york, and his grace was deeply interested in that young man and warmly expressed his gratification in meeting an american officer of his own faith. the archbishop is a man of a high order of capacity, and his influence has been great. his position is a trying one, for it would be quite impossible for him to remain in manila if the insurgents should become the masters of the situation. the claim of hostile natives that the spanish priests have an influence in matters of state that make them a ruling class is one that they urge when expressing their resolve that the friars must go. the spanish policy, especially in the municipal governments, has been to magnify the office of the priests in political functions. the proceedings of a meeting of the people in order to receive attention or to have legal standing must be certified by a priest. it is the spanish priest that is wanted in matters of moment, and the laws make his presence indispensable. the spanish priests are, therefore, identified in the public mind with all the details of misgovernment. the civilized filipinos profess christianity and faith in the native priests, carefully asserting the distinction. in his conversation with me, general aguinaldo repeatedly referred to the necessity of consulting his advisers, and said he had to be careful not to offend many of his followers, who thought he had gone very far in his friendship for the united states. he gave emphasis to the assertion that they were "suspicious" of him on that account. it was my judgment at first that the general, in stopping short when a question was difficult and referring to the council he had to consult, was showing a capacity for finesse, that he really had the power to do or to undo, though he has not a personal appearance of possible leadership. now this, even, has been modified. his council seems to be the real center of power. when i was talking with aguinaldo there were two american priests waiting to propose the deportation of his prisoners who were priests, and he had to refer that question. the council has decided to keep the priests in confinement, and it is remarked that the general desired to give up his prisoners and was false in saying he favored sending them to spain. there are misapprehensions in this association. he has no doubt thought well of holding fast his most important hostages. if he personally desired to release the priests, he probably would not venture to do it. he is not so silly as to believe in his own inviolability by bullets, and digestion of poisons; and those who are such savages as to confide in these superstitions are not unlikely to try experiments just to strengthen their faith. the potentiality of aguinaldo as a personage is not so great as has been imagined, and if he attempts a rally against the american flag he will be found full of weakness. the archbishop, i was told, had much pleasure in meeting an american he was assured would attempt to be entirely just, and present him according to his own declarations to the people of the united states. he knew very well, unquestionably, the stories circulated in the american camps, that his voice had been loudest and last in urging hopeless war, in telling impossible tales of visionary spanish reinforcements, and denouncing the americans as "niggers" and "pigs." it is a fact that spaniards have cultivated the notion among the rural filipinos, that americans are black men, and pigs is their favorite epithet for an american. the radical enemies of his grace are, no doubt, responsible for unseemly stories about his animosities, for that he and those around him were sincere in their respect for, and gratitude toward the american army of occupation, for its admirable bearing and good conduct, was in itself too obviously true to be doubted. chapter viii why we hold the philippines. the responsibility of admiral dewey--we owe it to ourselves to hold the philippines--prosperity assured by our permanent possession--the aguinaldo question--character study of the insurgent leader--how affairs would adjust themselves for us--congress must be trusted to represent the people and firmly establish international policy. if admiral dewey, after obeying the order of the president to destroy the spanish fleet at manila, had steamed away and sought a station to get coal to drive him somewhere else, there would have been no philippine question on the other side of the world from washington city. the admiral desired to keep open telegraphic communication, and made a proposition to that effect, but the spanish authorities curtly refused. then the cable was cut by order of the admiral, a section removed, and both ends marked by buoys. reflection caused the spaniards to regret that they had not consented to keep open the cable, that it might be used under restrictions by both belligerents. they mentioned their change of mind, and were told they were too late. the american admiral may have been apprehensive, and he had reason to be, that the spaniards, knowing they would be crushed in the west indies if they risked a decisive naval engagement there, might send all their available ships of war to the philippines, and secure a superiority of force, possibly to destroy their enemies at manila. it is clear now that this is what the spaniards ought to have tried to do. the americans were committed to the blockade of cuba, occupying all the vessels of war they had at hand, and the whole fleet of spain could have been in the suez canal, on the way to manila when the movement was known to our navy department. then admiral dewey would, of course, have been warned by way of hong kong and a dispatch boat, that he should put to sea and take care of his men and ships. the result might have been the temporary restoration of the philippines to spain. our admiral, six hundred miles from hongkong, the closest cable connection, could not afford to leave manila in direct communication with madrid. it was for this reason and not that he desired to keep out of way or orders, as some able publicists have kindly promulgated, that the admiral cut the cable. the gravest of his responsibilities came upon him after his victory freed the harbor of declared enemies, and placed the great city at his mercy. if the spaniards used their big krupp guns against his ships, he could bombard the city and burn it. he held the keys to the philippines, with manila under his guns, and the question before him then was the same before the country now. the question that incessantly presses is, whether the dewey policy is to be confirmed, and the logic of the stay in the harbor, and the dispatch of troops to take the town made good. we hold the keys of the philippines. shall we continue to do so? this question transcends in immediate importance--inevitable consequence--remote as well as near, all the war with spain has raised. so broad a matter should not be rested on narrow grounds, nor decided with haste. it ought to be scrutinized in all its bearings, and all susceptibilities and material affairs regarded, for it will affect all the people for all time. what are the philippines? they are the richest prize of soil and climate that has been at hazard in the world for many years--one that would be seized, if it could be done without war, by any of the great nations other than our own without hesitation. the only scruple we need entertain, the sole reason for deliberation, is because it is a duty of the government to be sure when there are imperial considerations to be weighed, that the people should be consulted. it was on this account distinctly, that the president knew the issue of the permanency of the possession of the philippines was one of peculiar novelty and magnitude, that he permitted it to exist. spain must have been as acquiescent in this as in yielding the independence of cuba, and the concession to us without any intermediate formality of porto rico. it is not inconsistent with the policy of magnanimity that is generally anticipated after the victory of a great power over a lesser one, that we should hold the philippines. we have only to keep the power we have in peace, and let it work as a wholesome medicine, and all the islands of the group of which manila is the central point, will be ours without conflict. in our system there is healing for wounds, and attraction for the oppressed. the holding of the islands by spain would signify the continued shedding of blood, and drainage of the vital resources of the peninsula. as against spain the philippines will be united and desperate unto death, while they would without coercion walk hand in hand with us, and become the greatest of our dependencies--not states, but territories. it would be an act of mercy to spain to send her soldiers and priests from the philippines, home. even if we consent that she may keep her south sea possession, she will lose it as she has all the rest, for the story of the philippines is that of spanish south and central america, and the modern story of cuba is the old one of all countries south and west of the gulf of mexico and around by way of the oceans to argentina, mexico, venezuela, peru, chili, and the rest had the same bloody stream of history to trace, and sooner or later the tale must all be told. since spain has already surrendered cuba and porto rico, the record of the philippines is the last chapter of her colonial experiences, by which she has dazzled and disgusted the world, attaining from the plunder of dependencies wealth that she invested in oppressive warfare to sustain a depraved despotism and display a grandeur that was unsound, sapping her own strength in colonial enterprises that could not be other than without profit, because the colonies were the property of the crown, and the prey of caste. the spanish nation was forbidden by their government, not of the people or for the people, to profit by the colonies, and the viceroys, the captain-generals, and the whole official class were corrupted, and inefficient in all things, except methods of tyranny to procure a harvest of gold and silver not from the mines of the metals alone, but from the industries, whatever they were. the people at large were allowed no share in their own earnings, beyond a subsistence so scanty that deep humiliation and grievous hardship were the fateful rewards of labor. it was because the colonial policy of spain impoverished and degraded the spaniards at home, through the injustice, greed and profligacy of those abroad, that the huge structure, once so great an imposition upon mankind, a rotten fabric so gilt that the inherent weakness was disguised, has finally fallen into universal and irretrievable ruin. it is well spain should retain the canaries and the balearic group, for they are as spanish as any peninsular province, and legitimately belong therefore to the kingdom. the application of this principle excludes spain from the philippines, and their des- [note: gap in original] been committed by the failure of war to our hands. there is no nation that will dispute our peaceable possession of the philippines. any other nation's proprietorship will be challenged. our authoritative presence in the islands will be a guarantee of peace. any other assertion of supremacy will be the signal for war. our assumption of sovereignty over the islands would quickly establish tranquility. any other disposition of the burning questions now smoldering will cause an outburst of the flames of warfare. the spaniards in manila have been transient. they are not rooted in the soil. they all come and go like captain-generals, a mere official class, with the orders of the church participating actively in secular concerns, more active as politicians than as teachers of religion. in the view of the native population it is as indispensable that the priests of spain shall return to their native land as that the soldiers should go. the deportation of these people would remove classes of consumers and not affect unfavorably a productive industry, or the prosperity of a self-sustaining community, and there would be but rare instances of the severance of family ties. it will be said of the affirmation that, the avowal of the possession of the philippines as a responsibility without end would be a peace measure, and anything else make for war, does not take into account the attitude of the philippine dictator, by proclamation, general aguinaldo, and his followers. we desire to speak with respect of the general, for he has shown in trying times, under strong temptations, the presence in his character of personal integrity in public matters, and reference is made to his refusal to consent to the division among insurgents alleged to be leaders, of the money paid by the spaniards for the disarmament of the rebels, when two years ago there was an agreement upon the terms of a truce. this money transaction has been referred to as the sale of their cause by aguinaldo and his associates, as if they, as individuals, had pocketed the usufruct of the bargain. the money was paid by spain as an earnest of her sincerity, the captain-general representing the force and good faith of the kingdom, in granting reforms to the philippines. on condition of insurgent disarmament the people of the island were to be allowed representation in the spanish cortes, the orders of the church were to be removed from relations to the government that were offensive to the people. there was a long list of articles of specification of the reforms that were to be granted, the usual liberality of words of promise always bestowed by spain upon her colonists. the representatives of spain denied nothing that was asked; and to give weight to the program of concessions, there was paid in hand to aguinaldo, through a transaction between banks in manila and hongkong, four hundred thousand dollars, the first installment of eight hundred thousand dollars agreed upon. [ ] the spaniards probably understood that they were bribing the insurgents and paying a moderate sum to cheaply end the war; and it did not cost the authorities of spain anything, for they exacted the money from the manila bank of spain, and still owe the bank. aguinaldo's understanding, acted upon, was different. he accepted the money as a war fund, and has held and defended it for the purchase of arms, and resumed hostilities when all promises of reform were broken, and nothing whatever done beyond the robbery of the bank to bribe the rebel chiefs, which was the spanish translation. of course, it was claimed by the enemies of aguinaldo that he was bought and paid for, but he has maintained the fund, though there were those professors of rebellion, who made claims to a share of the money. the second installment of the money that the rebels were to have been paid is yet an obligation not lifted, and the hostilities were revived as soon as the craft of the spanish negotiators in promising everything because they meant to do nothing, became obvious. the actual proceedings in this case can be summed up in a sentence: the spaniards took four hundred thousand dollars out of the bank of spain and gave it to the insurgents, for a temporary armistice. general aguinaldo, though he appears very well in refusing to employ the money paid by spain as a bribe for himself, has not the elements of enduring strength as the leader of the insurgents. as against the spaniards he can keep the field, and carry on a destructive guerilla warfare, hopeless on both sides, like that going on in cuba, when that island was invaded by the american army. but as against american rule the philippines would cease to be insurgents. the islanders will not be controlled by sentimentalism. government by the united states would differ from that by spain, as the two nations are different in character, in the nature of their political institutions, in their progressive movement. america is all active and free, and her freedom would be extended to the islanders. the transformation would be one from the paralysis of despotism to the life of liberty. the words despotism and freedom would instantly have a distinct business meaning. make known in the city of manila that the americans will abandon it, and the reviving hopes of the men of affairs would be instantly clouded, and the depression deepen into despondency and despair. let it be the news of the day that the americans will stay, and the intelligence of the city would regard its redemption as assured, every drooping interest revive, and an era of prosperity unknown under the dismal incompetency of spain, open at once. it is legitimate that there should be freedom of speech as to the details of the proceedings. if our government should do what admiral dewey did when he was the master of manila, because he had annihilated the spanish fleet and had the power to destroy the city--cast anchor and stay where we are already in command--the task is neither so complex nor costly as its opponents claim. our territorial system is one easy of application to colonies. we have had experience of it from the first days of our government. there is no commandment that a territory shall become a state in any given time, or ever. we can hold back a territory, as we have arizona and new mexico, or hasten the change to statehood according to the conditions, and the perfect movement of the machinery requires only the presence in congress of dominant good sense. congress is easily denounced, but no one has found a substitute for it, and it is fairly representative of the country. congress will never gamble away the inheritance of the people. it will probably, in spite of all shortcomings, have its average of ability and utility kept up. congress may go wrong, but will not betray. our outlying possessions must be territories until they are americanized, and we take it americans know what that word means. if a specification is wanted as a definition, we have to say the meaning is just what has happened in california since our flag was there. in the case of the philippines, if we stick, and we do not see how we can help doing so, the president will, in regular course, appoint a territorial governor, and as a strong government capable of quick and final decisions must be made, the governor should be a military man, and have a liberal grant, by special act of congress, of military authority. he should be a prompt, and all around competent administrator. he will not have to carry on war offensive or defensive. he need not be in a hurry to go far from manila. he will not be molested there. the country will gravitate to him. the opponents of the republican form of government, as it is in the united states and the territories of the nation will become insignificant in the philippines. they will have no grievances, except some of them may not be called at once to put on the trappings of personal potentiality. general aguinaldo would find all the reforms the spanish promised when they paid him four hundred thousand dollars to prove their good intentions, free as the air. he could not make war against the benignancy of a government, republican in its form and its nature, which simply needs a little time, some years maybe, before erasing the wrongs that have had a growth of centuries. the american governor-general need not send out troops to conquer districts, coercing the people. the people will soon be glad to see the soldiers of the united states, the representatives of the downfall and departure of the instruments of spain. aguinaldo and his party have a congress. it might be an approved beginning of a territorial legislature, and the insurgent general might be the presiding officer. there would be abundant reason for the auspicious exercise of all his rights in the public service. as for the cost of the philippines under our government, that would fall upon the treasury of the united states. there can be no doubt that it would be for several years a considerable sum, but the public men who favored peace for the liberation of cuba, did not make counting the cost the most prominent feature of the war they advocated, but accepted the fact that the national honor and fame, the glory of heroism and deeds of daring and sacrifice, are priceless, and their achievement beyond price. there is to be said under this head, that the philippine islands are of natural riches almost without parallel. the great isle of luzon teems with productions that have markets the world over, and it is commonplace for the savages in the mountains to come out of their fastnesses with nuggets of gold to make purchases. cotton, sugar, rice, hemp, coffee and tobacco, all tropical fruits and woods, are of the products. there is profusion of the riches that await the freedom of labor and the security of capital, and the happiness of the people. under american government the philippines would prosper, and it would be one of our tasks to frame legislation. the laws of congress would be the higher code of law, and the philippines would desire, and be invited, of course, to send their ablest men to be territorial representatives in the congress of the united states. in the name of peace, therefore, and in behalf of the dignity and authority of this nation--in mercy to the spaniards, in justice to the filipinos, it is due ourselves, and should have the favor of all who would see our country expand with the ages, and walking in the footsteps of washington and jefferson, finding the path of empire that of freedom and taking our place as a great power, accepting the logic of our history, and the discharge of the duties of destiny--we should hold on to the philippines--and when the great distance of those islands from this continent is mentioned, remember that the pacific may now be crossed in as few days as was the atlantic forty years ago. the labor questions and the silver questions even come into the philippines problem to be scanned and weighed. in eastern asia, which we have invaded, and a part of which we have appropriated for a time, the people use silver for the measure of value, and in the islands that interest us, as they do not deal in the mysteries of rupees, but in dollars, the facts in the case are plainly within the common understanding. in manila the mexican dollar goes in ordinary small exchanges, payment of wages and settlement of bills, for fifty cents; but the banks sell the mexicans twenty-one of them for ten gold dollars--an american eagle! so far as the native people go, labor and produce are counted in silver, and the purchaser, or employer gets as much for a silver dollar as for a gold dollar. the native will take ten dollars in gold for ten dollars only in all settlements of accounts, and would just as willingly--even more so, accept ten mexican dollars as ten american dollars in gold coin. salaries are paid and goods delivered according to the silver standard. of course, in due time this state of things will pass away, if we hold to the gold standard, but as the case stands the soldiers and sailors of our army and fleet, paid under the home standard, receive double pay, and get double value received for clothing, tobacco and whatever they find they want--indeed, for the necessaries and luxuries of life. the double standard in this shape is not distasteful to the boys. we have both theories and conditions confronting us in these aspects of the silver and labor questions. the oriental people are obdurate in their partiality for silver. it is the cheaper labor that adheres to the silver standard, partially, it is held, because silver is the more convenient money for the payment of small sums. but labor cannot be expected, at its own expense, to sustain silver for the profit of capital, or rather of the middle man between labor and capital. labor, so far as it is in politics in this country, should not, without most careful study and deliberation, conclude that its force in public affairs would be abated, and its policy of advancing wages antagonized by the absorption of the philippines in our country. on the contrary, the statesmanship that is representative of labor may discover that it is a great fact, one of the greatest of facts, that the various countries and continents of the globe are being from year to year more and more closely associated, and that to those intelligently interested, without regard to the application of their views of justice or expediency, in the labor and silver questions--the convictions, the fanaticisms, of the vast silver nations--and enormous multitudes of the people of asia, touching the silver standard--and the possible progress of labor, as a guiding as well as plodding ability increases incessantly in interest, and must grow in inheritance. as the conditions of progressive civilization are developed our interests cannot be wholly dissevered from those of the asiatics. we would be unwise to contemplate the situation of to-day as one that can or should perpetuate itself. suppose we accept, the governing responsibility in the philippines. it is not beyond the range of reasonable conjecture that american labor can educate the laborers of the philippines out of their state of servitude as cheap laborers, and lead them to co-operate rather than compete with us, and not to go into the silver question further than to consent that it exists, and is in the simplest form of statement, whether the change in the market value of the two money metals is natural or artificial. it is necessary in common candor to state that the most complete solution of the money metal embarrassments would be through the co-operation of asia and america. europe is for gold, asia for silver, and the americas divided. japan is an object lesson, her approximation to the gold standard has caused in the empire an augmentation of the compensation of labor. this is not wholly due to the change in the standard. the war with china, the increase in the army and navy, and the absorption of laborers in formosa, the new country of japan, have combined with the higher standard of value, to elevate wages. all facts are of primary excellence in the formation of the policies of nations. chapter ix the philippine islands as they are. area and population--climate--mineral wealth--agriculture--commerce and transportation--revenue and expenses--spanish troops--spanish navy--spanish civil administration--insurgent troops--insurgent civil administration--united states troops--united states navy--united states civil administration--the future of the islands. general frank v. greene made an exhaustive study of all reports of an official character regarding the area, population, climate, resources, commerce, revenue and expenses of the philippines islands, and prepared a memorandum for the general information that is the most thorough and complete ever made, and is the latest and highest authority on all the subjects to which it relates, and they include the solid information the business men of the united states want respecting our asiatic associations. the memorandum is herewith submitted in substance, and all the particulars of public concern. area and population. these islands, including the ladrones, carolinas and palaos, which are all under the government of manila, are variously estimated at from , to , in number. the greater portion of these are small and of no more value than the islands off the coast of alaska. the important islands are less than a dozen in number, and per cent. of the christian population live on luzon and the five principal islands of the visayas group. the total population is somewhere between , , and , , . this includes the wild tribes of the mountains of luzon and of the islands in the extreme south. the last census taken by the spanish government was on december , , and this stated the christian population to be , , (in round numbers). this is distributed as follows: per area. population. sq. mile. luzon , , , panay , , cebu , , leyte , , bohol . , negros , , ====== ========= === , , , the density of population in these six islands is nearly per cent. greater than in illinois and indiana (census of ), greater than in spain, about one-half as great as in france, and one-third as great as in japan and china, the exact figures being as follows: area. population. per sq. mile. illinois , , , indiana , , , ------ --------- --- , , , spain , , , france , , , japan , , , china , , , , the next most important islands, in the order of population, are: area. population. per sq. mile. mindanao , , samar , , mindoro , , nomblon , masbate , , ------ ------- -- , , various smaller islands, including the carolinas, ladrones and palaos, carry the total area and christian population to-- , , , this is considerably greater than the density of population in the states east of the rocky mountains. owing to the existence of mountain ranges in all the islands, and lack of communication in the interior, only a small part of the surface is inhabited. in many provinces the density of population exceeds per square mile, or greater than that of any of the united states, except massachusetts and rhode island. the total area of the philippines is about the same as that of japan, but its civilized population is only one-seventh. in addition to the christian population, it is estimated (in the official guide) that the islands contain the following: chinese (principally in manila) , moors or mohametans in paragon and jok , moors or mohametans in mindanao and basilan , heathen in the philippines , heathen in the carolinas and palaos , --------- , , the official guide gives a list of more than thirty different races, each speaking a different dialect; but five-sixths of the christian population are either tagalos or visayas. all the races are of the malay type. around manila there has been some mixture of chinese and spanish blood with that of the natives, resulting in the mestizos or half-breeds, but the number of these is not very great. as seen in the provinces of cavite and manila, the natives (tagalos) are of small stature, averaging probably feet inches in height, and pounds in weight for the men, and feet in height, and pounds in weight for the women. their skin is coppery brown, somewhat darker than that of the mulatto. they seem to be industrious and hard-working, although less so than the chinese. by the spaniards they are considered indolent, crafty, untruthful, cowardly and cruel, but the hatred between the spaniards and the native races is so intense and bitter that the spanish opinion of the natives is of little or no value. to us they seem industrious and docile, but there are occasional evidences of deceit and untruthfulness in their dealings with us. the bulk of the population is engaged in agriculture, and there were hardly any evidences of manufactures, arts or mining. the greater number seemed to be able to read and write, but i have been unable to obtain any exact figures on this subject. they are all devout roman catholics, although they hate the monastic orders. in manila (and doubtless also in cebu and iloilo) are many thousands of educated natives, who are merchants, lawyers, doctors and priests. they are well informed and have accumulated property. they have not traveled much, but there is said to be quite a numerous colony of rich filipinos in madrid, as well as in paris and london. the bibliography of the philippines is said to number , volumes, the greater part of which have been written by spanish priests and missionaries. the number of books on the subject in the english language is probably less than a dozen. climate. the climate is one of the best known in the tropics. the islands extend from to deg. north latitude, and manila is in d. m. the thermometer during july and august rarely went below or above . the extreme ranges in a year are said to be and , and the annual mean, . there are three well-marked seasons, temperate and dry from november to february, hot and dry from march to may, and temperate and wet from june to october. the rainy season reaches its maximum in july and august, when the rains are constant and very heavy. the total rainfall has been as high as inches in one year. yellow fever appears to be unknown. the diseases most fatal among the natives are cholera and smallpox, both of which are brought from china. low malarial fever is brought on by sleeping on the ground or being chilled by remaining, without exercise, in wet clothes; and diarrhea is produced by drinking bad water or eating excessive quantities of fruit. almost all of these diseases are preventable by proper precautions, even by troops in campaign. the sickness in our troops was very small, much less than in the cold fogs at camp in san francisco. mineral wealth. very little is known concerning the mineral wealth of the islands. it is stated that there are deposits of coal, petroleum, iron, lead, sulphur, copper and gold in the various islands, but little or nothing has been done to develop them. a few concessions have been granted for working mines, but the output is not large. the gold is reported on luzon, coal and petroleum on cebu and iloilo, and sulphur on leyte. the imports of coal in (the latest year for which the statistics have been printed) were , tons, and it came principally from australia and japan. in the same year the imports of iron of all kinds were , tons. if the cebu coal proves to be good quality there is a large market for it in competition with the coal from japan and australia. agriculture. although agriculture is the chief occupation of the philippines, yet only one-ninth of the surface is under cultivation. the soil is very fertile, and even after deducting the mountainous areas, it is probable that the area of cultivation can be very largely extended, and that the islands can support a population equal to that of japan ( , , ). the chief products are rice, corn, hemp, sugar, tobacco, cocoanuts and cacao. coffee and cotton were formerly produced in large quantities--the former for export and the latter for home consumption; but the coffee plant has been almost exterminated by insects, and the home made cotton clothes have been driven out by the competition of those imported from england. the rice and corn are principally produced in luzon and mindoro, and are consumed in the islands; the rice crop is about , tons; it is insufficient for the demand and , tons of rice were imported in , the greater portion from saigon, and the rest from hongkong and singapore; also , tons (say , barrels) of flour, of which more than two-thirds came from china and less than one-third from the united states. the cacao is raised in the southern islands, the best quality of it in mindanao. the production amounts to only tons, and it is all made into chocolate and consumed in the islands. the sugar cane is raised in the visayas. the crop yielded, in , about , tons of raw sugar, of which one-tenth was consumed in the islands and the balance, or , tons, valued at $ , , , was exported, the greater part to china, great britain and australia. the hemp is produced in southern luzon, mindoro, the visayas and mindanao. it is nearly all exported in bales. in the year the amount was , tons, valued at $ , , . tobacco is raised in all the islands, but the best quality and the greatest amount in luzon. a large amount is consumed in the islands, smoking being universal among the women as well as the men, but the best quality is exported. the amount, in , was , tons of leaf tobacco, valued at $ , , , and , tons of manufactured tobacco, valued at $ , , . spain takes per cent, and egypt per cent of the leaf tobacco. of the manufactured tobacco, per cent, goes to china and singapore, per cent. to england, and per cent. to spain. cocoanuts are grown in southern luzon and are used in various ways. the products are largely used in the islands, but the exports, in , were valued at $ , , . cattle, goats and sheep have been introduced from spain, but they are not numerous. domestic pigs and chickens are seen around every hut in the farming districts. the principal beast of burden is the carabac or water buffalo, which is used for ploughing rice fields, as well as drawing heavy loads on sledges or on carts. large horses are almost unknown, but there are great numbers of native ponies, from nine to twelve hands high, but possessing strength and endurance far beyond their size. commerce and transportation. the internal commerce between manila and the different islands is quite large, but i was unable to find any official records giving exact figures concerning it. it is carried on almost entirely by water, in steamers of to , tons. there are regular mail steamers, once in two weeks, on four routes, viz.; northern luzon, southern luzon, visayas and mindanao; also a steamer every two months to the carolines and ladrones, and daily steamers on manila bay. these lines are all subsidized. to facilitate this navigation extensive harbor works have been in progress at manila for several years, and a plan for lighting the coasts has been made, calling for forty-three principal lights, of which seventeen have already been constructed in the most substantial manner, besides sixteen lights of secondary importance. there is only one line of railway, built by english capital, running from manila north to dagupan, a distance of about miles. the roads in the immediate vicinity of manila are macadamized and in fairly good order; elsewhere they are narrow paths of soft, black soil, which becomes almost impassable in the rainy season. transportation is then effected by sledges, drawn through the mud by carabacs. there are telegraph lines connecting most of the provinces of luzon with manila, and cables to the visayas and southern islands, and thence to borneo and singapore, as well as a direct cable from manila to hongkong. the land telegraph lines are owned by the government, and the cables all belong to an english company, which receives a large subsidy. in manila there is a narrow gauge street railway, operated by horse-power, about eleven miles in total length; also a telephone system, and electric lights. communications with europe are maintained by the spanish trans-atlantic company (subsidized), which sends a steamer every four weeks from manila and barcelona, making the trip in about twenty-seven days. the same company also sends an intermediate steamer from manila to singapore, meeting the french messagoric each way. there is also a non-subsidized line running from manila to hongkong every two weeks, and connecting there with the english, french and german mails for europe, and with the pacific mail and canadian pacific steamers for japan and america. there has been no considerable development of manufacturing industries in the philippines. the only factories are those connected with the preparation of rice, tobacco and sugar. of the manufactures and arts, in which japan so excels, there is no evidence. the foreign commerce amounted, in , to $ , , in imports, and $ , , in exports, per cent, of which goes through manila. about per cent. of the trade is carried in british vessels, per cent. in spanish and per cent. in german. the value of the commerce with other countries in was as follows: in millions of dollars (silver). imports. exports. spain . . great britain . . china . . germany . --- saigon . --- united states . . france . . singapore . . japan . . australia . . other countries . . ---- ---- . . it is interesting to note that next to great britain we are the largest customers of the philippines, and that they export to us nearly three times as much as to spain. on the other hand spain sells to the philippines fifteen times as much as we do. the articles of import and their value in were as follows: in millions of dollars (silver). spain. great china. germany. united other total. britain. states. countries cotton goods . .o . . -- . . cotton yarns . . . . -- . . wines . -- -- -- -- . . russia. mineral oils -- -- . -- . . . iron . . -- . -- . . rice -- -- . -- -- . . flour -- -- . -- . -- . sweet meats . -- -- -- -- . . paper . -- -- . -- . . linen goods . . . -- -- . . hats . -- -- . -- . . other articles . . .o . . . . -- -- -- -- -- -- -- . . . . . . . the articles of export and their value in were as follows: in millions of dollars (silver). spain great china united austra- other total britain states lia countries hemp -- . . . . . [ ] . sugar . . .o . . . [ ] .o man'f. tobacco . . . .. . . [ ] . leaf tobacco . .. .. .. .. . . coffee . .. . .. .. .. . cocoanuts .. . . .. .. .. . other articles . .. .o . .. . . -- -- -- -- -- -- -- . . . . . . . with these islands in our possession and the construction of railroads in the interior of luzon, it is probable that an enormous extension could be given to this commerce, nearly all of which would come to the united states. manila cigars of the best quality are unknown in america. they are but little inferior to the best of cuba, and cost only one-third as much. the coffee industry can be revived and the sugar industry extended, mainly for consumption in the far east. the mineral resources can be explored with american energy, and there is every reason to believe that when this is done the deposits of coal, iron, gold and lead will be found very valuable. on the other hand, we ought to be able to secure the greater part of the trade which now goes to spain in textile fabrics, and a considerable portion of that with england in the same goods and in iron. revenue and expenses. the budget for the fiscal year ending june , , was as follows: income. st. direct taxes $ , , nd. indirect taxes (customs) , , rd. proceeds of monopolies , , th. lottery , , th. income of government property , th. sundry receipts , ----------- total $ , , expenses. st. general expenses, pensions and interest $ , , nd. diplomatic and consular service , rd. clergy and courts , , th. war department , , th. treasury department , , th. navy department , , th. civil administration , , th. education , ----------- total $ , , the direct taxes were as follows: st. real estate, per cent, on income $ , nd. industry and commerce , , rd. cedalas (poll tax) , , th. chinese poll tax , th. tribute from sultan of jolo , th. railroads, per cent. of passenger receipts , th. income tax, per cent. on public salaries , th. sundry taxes , ---------- total $ , , indirect taxes were as follows: st. imports $ , , nd. exports , , rd. loading tax , th. unloading tax , th. fines and penalties , th. special tax on liquors, beer, vegetables, flour, salt and mineral oils , ---------- total $ , , monopolies: st. opium contract $ , nd. stamped paper and stamps , ---------- total $ , , lottery: st. sale of tickets, less cost of prizes $ , nd. unclaimed prizes , rd. sundry receipts , ---------- total $ , , income of government property: st. forestry privileges $ , nd. sale and rent of public land and buildings , rd. mineral privileges , -------- total $ , sundry receipts: st. mint (seignorage) $ , nd. sundries , -------- total $ , the largest source of income is the cedala or poll tax. every man and woman above years of age, residing in the philippines, whether spanish subject or foreigner, is required to have in his or her possession a paper stating name, age, and occupation, and other facts of personal identity. failure to produce and exhibit this when called upon renders anyone liable to arrest and imprisonment. this paper is obtained from the internal revenue office annually, on payment of a certain sum, varying, according to the occupation and income of the person from $ . to $ . , and averaging about $ . for each adult. an extra sum of per cent. is paid for expense of collection. the tax is collected at the tribunal in each pueble, and per cent. is retained for expenses of local administration, and per cent. paid to the general treasury. this tax falls heavily on the poor and lightly on the rich. the tax on industry and commerce is similarly graded according to the volume of business transacted by each merchant or merchantile corporation. the tax on real estate is absurdly low and levied only on municipal property and on the rent, not the value. the tax on imports is specific and not ad valorum; it amounts to about per cent. of estimated values. the free list is very small, nearly everything of commercial value which is imported being subject to duty. the revenue from imports has increased from $ , in , to $ , , in . it was about the same in . on the other hand the export tax, which was nothing in , the loading tax, which was nothing in , and the unloading tax, which was nothing in , have all been increased in the last few years in order to meet the expenses of suppressing the insurrection. these three items yielded nearly $ , , in . the monopoly of importing and selling opium is sold, by auction, to the highest bidder for a term of three years. the present contract runs until , and yields $ , per month. every legal document must be drawn up on paper containing a revenue stamp, engraved and printed in spain, and every note, check, draft, bill of exchange, receipt or similar document must bear a revenue stamp in order to be valid. these stamps and stamped paper yielded a revenue of $ , in . the lottery is conducted by the government--the monthly drawings taking place in the treasury (hacienda) department. the sale of tickets yielded $ , , over and above prizes in . in a report to general merritt, on august th, i recommended that the opium contract be cancelled and the lottery abandoned during our occupation of manila; and as the poll tax and the tax on industry and commerce had been paid for the most part in the early part of the year, our chief sources of revenue were from the custom house, the sale of stamps and stamped paper, and the sale of such licenses as the law allowed (amusements, liquor saloons, etc.), for the benefit of the city of manila as distinguished from the general revenue. i estimated the total at about $ , per month. the expenses of administering the military government of occupation (apart from the expenses of the army) will consist of the current expenses of the office at the provost marshal general's office and its various bureaus--at the custom house, internal revenue office, and other offices--and the salaries of interpreters and minor employes who are anxious to resume work as soon as they dare do so. an estimate of these expenses was being prepared at the time i left, but was not completed. it can hardly exceed $ , per month and may be much less. this should leave $ , (silver) excess of income per month, to go towards the military expenses of occupation. as soon as it is decided that we are to retain the islands it will be necessary to make a careful study of the sources of revenue and items of expenses for all the islands, with a view to thoroughly understanding the subject, before introducing the extensive changes which will be necessary. currency. the standard of value has always, until within a few years, been the mexican milled dollar. the spanish dollar contains a little less silver and, in order to introduce it and profit by the coinage, the spaniards prohibited the importation of mexican dollars a few years since. large numbers of mexican dollars remained in that country, however, and others were smuggled in. the two dollars circulate at equal value. all valuations of goods and labor are based on the silver dollar, and a change to the gold standard would result in great financial distress and many failures among the banks and mercantile houses in manila. their argument is that while an american ten-dollar gold piece will bring twenty-one silver dollars at any bank or house having foreign connections, yet it will not buy any more labor or any more hemp and sugar from the original producer than ten silver dollars. the products of the country are almost entirely agricultural, and the agricultural class, whether it sells its labor or its products, would refuse to accept any less than the accustomed wages or prices, on account of being paid in the more valuable coin. the result of the change would be that the merchant or employe would have to pay double for what he buys, and would receive no increase for what he sells. while trade would eventually adjust itself to the change, yet many merchants would be ruined in the process and would drag some banks down with them. the mexican dollar is the standard also in hongkong and china, and the whole trade of the far east has, for generations, been conducted on a silver basis. japan has, within the last year, broken away from this and established the gold standard, but in doing so the relative value of silver and gold was fixed at / to , or about the market rate. public debt. i was unable to obtain any precise information in regard to the colonial debt. the last book on statistics of imports and exports was for the fiscal year , and the last printed budget was for - , which was approved by the queen regent in august, . subsequent to this date, according to the statements made to me by foreign bankers, the cortes authorized two colonial loans of $ , , (silver) each, known as series a and series b. the proceeds were to be used in suppressing the insurrection. both were to be secured by a first lien on the receipts of the manila custom house. series a is said to have been sold in spain and the proceeds to have been paid into the colonial office; but no part of them has ever reached the philippines. possibly a portion of it was used in sending out the , troops which came from spain to the philippines in the autumn of . series b was offered for sale in manila, but was not taken. an effort was then made to obtain subscribers in the provinces, but with little or no success. the government then notified the depositors in the public savings bank (a branch of the treasury department similar to the postal savings bureaus in other countries) that their deposits would no longer be redeemed in cash, but only in series b bonds. some depositors were frightened and took bonds, others declined to do so. then came the blockade of manila and all business was practically suspended. no printed report has been made concerning the debt, and i was unable to obtain any satisfactory statement of the matter from the treasury officials. the exact in regard to the series a bonds can be learned in madrid; but it will be difficult to learn how many of series b were issued and what consideration was received for them. as already stated, both series of bonds rest for security on the receipts of the manila custom house. spanish troops. the spanish prisoners of war number about , , including about officers. the infantry arms are about , , the greater part mauser model , caliber , and the others remingtons, model , caliber . the ammunition is about , , rounds. the field artillery consists of about twelve breech-loading steel guns, caliber - inches, and ten breech-loading mountain guns, caliber - inches. there are six horses (ponies) for each gun, but the harness is in bad order. ammunition, about sixty rounds per gun, with possibly more in the arsenals. there are about cavalry ponies, larger than the average of native horses, with saddles and equipments complete. there is also a battalion of engineers. the fortifications of the walled city are a fine sample of the vauban type, on which military engineers expended so much ingenuity years ago, and of which spain possessed so many in her flemish dominions. the first walls of manila were built about , but the present fortifications date from a short time after the capture and occupation of the place by the english, in - . they consist of bastions and curtains, deep, wet ditch, covered way, lunettes, demilunes, hornworks, and all the scientific accessories of that day. they are in a good state of preservation, and mount several hundred bronze guns, but they are chiefly of interest to the antiquarian. on the glacis facing the bay, and also on the open space just south of the walls, are mounted -inch breech loaders, four in all, made at hoatoria, spain, in . they are well mounted, between high traverses, in which are bomb-proof magazines. these guns are practically uninjured, and admiral dewey has the breech blocks. while not as powerful as the guns of the present day of the same caliber, they are capable of effective service. their location, however, is very faulty, as they are on the shore of the bay, with all the churches, public buildings and most valuable property immediately behind them. on the day after the naval battle admiral dewey sent word to the governor-general that if these guns fired a shot at any of his vessels he would immediately reply with his whole squadron. owing to their location, this meant a bombardment of the city. this threat was effective; these guns were never afterward fired, not even during the attack of august th, and in return the navy did not fire on them, but directed all their shells at the forts and trenches occupied by the troops outside of the suburbs of the city. within the walled city are the cathedral and numerous churches, convents and monasteries, the public offices, civil and military, military workshops and arsenals, barracks for artillery, cavalry and engineers, storehouses and a few dwellings and shops. the infantry barracks are outside of the walls, four in number; viz.: neysing, fortin, calzada and fruita. they are modern and well constructed, and will accommodate about , men. they are now occupied by the united states troops. under the terms of the armistice the arms laid down by the spanish troops on august th are to be returned to them whenever they evacuate the city, or the american army evacuates it. all other public property, including horses, artillery, public funds, munitions, etc., is surrendered to the united states unconditionally. the question of sending back the troops to spain is left absolutely to the decision of the authorities in washington. they are all within the walled city, but as the public buildings are insufficient to accommodate them, they are quartered in the churches and convents. these buildings are not adapted for this purpose; they have no sinks, lavatories, kitchens or sleeping apartments, and there is great danger of an epidemic of sickness if the troops are not soon removed. pending their removal they are being fed with rations furnished by the united states commissary department, and the officers receive from the united states sufficient money for their support. spanish navy. at the outbreak of the war the naval force in the philippines consisted of cruisers. gunboats. armed launches. transports. survey boat. of these admiral dewey destroyed, on may st, ten cruisers and one transport, and he has since captured two gunboats. the spaniards have sunk one transport and two or three gunboats in the pasig river. there remain thirteen or fourteen gunboats, which are scattered among the islands. they are of iron, from to tons each, are armed with one breech-loading rifle, caliber - inches, and two to four machine guns, each caliber - to inch. one of the captured boats, the callao, under command of lieutenant tappan, united states navy, and a crew of eighteen men, rendered very efficient service in the attack of august th. these boats would all be useful in the naval police of the islands. they will, however, probably be scuttled by the spaniards before the islands are surrendered. the navy yard at cavite has barracks for about , men (now occupied by united states troops) and has shops and ways for light work and vessels of less than , tons. many of the gunboats above mentioned were built there. the shallow depth of water in canacoa or cavite bay would prevent the enlargement of this naval station to accommodate large vessels, and the plan of the spaniards was to create a large naval station in subig bay, on which considerable money has already been spent. spanish civil administration. the government of the philippine islands, including the ladrones, carolinas and palaos, is vested in the governor-general, who, in the language of the spanish official guide, or blue book, "is the sole and legitimate representative in these islands of the supreme power of the government of the king of spain, and, as such, is the supreme head of all branches of the public service, and has authority to inspect and supervise the same, not excepting the courts of justice." the office is held by a lieutenant-general in the spanish army, and he is also vice royal patron of the indies, exercising in these islands the ecclesiastical functions conferred on the king of spain by various bulls of the popes of rome, captain-general-in-chief of the army of the philippines, inspector-general of all branches of the service, commander-in-chief of the naval forces, and president of all corporations and societies which partake of an official character. what corresponds to his cabinet, or ministry, consists of (a) the archbishop of manila and four bishops, who administer ecclesiastical affairs in the five dioceses into which the islands are divided for this purpose; the appointment of parish priests and curates, however, is vested in the governor-general. the various religious orders which exercise so large an influence in the politics and business of the islands, viz.: augustinians, dominicans, recollects. franciscans, capuchins, benedictines and jesuits, are all under the management of the bishops, subject to the supervision of the pope, and the prerogatives of the king as royal patron, which prerogatives are exercised by the governor-general as viceroy. (b) the high court of justice in manila, which is the court of appeals in civil and governmental cases for all the islands. there are two principal criminal courts in cebu and vigan (northern luzon) and appeal in criminal cases lies to these courts or to the high court of manila. in every province there is a court of primary jurisdiction in both civil and criminal cases. (c) the general, second in command, who is a general of division in the spanish army. he is the sub-inspector of all branches of the military service, is military governor of the province and city of manila and commands all the troops stationed therein, and in the absence or sickness of the captain general he commands all the military forces in the islands. (d) the general commandant of dock yards and squadron. this post is filled by a vice admiral in the spanish navy, and he commands the naval forces, ships and establishments in the islands. (e) the minister of finance, or intendente general de hacienda, who is charged with the collection of customs and internal taxes, the expenditures of public money, and the audit and control of public accounts. (f) the minister of the interior, or director general of civil administration, who is charged with all public business relating to public instruction, charities, health, public works, forests, mines, agriculture, industry and commerce, posts and telegraphs and meteorology. for the purpose of local administration the islands are divided into provinces and districts, classified as follows: civil governments. political-military governments. political-military commands. military commands. the most important of the provinces are manila, with a population of , (of which per cent. are chinese), and cebu, with , ; and the least important districts are balabas and corregidor, with and respectively. the governor or commandant has supreme control within his province or district of every branch of the public service, including the courts of justice, and each reports to the governor general. the guardia civil or gendarmerie, is subject only to his orders, and for arrests and imprisonment for political offenses, he is responsible, not to the law, but to the governor general and the king. the civil governments are governed by civil governors, of the rank in the spanish civil service of chiefs of administration of the second class. the political military governments and commands are in charges of military and naval officers of various grades, according to their size and importance; ranging from general of division at mindanao, brigadier-generals at cebu and iloilo, captain in the navy at paragua, down to lieutenant at balabas and corregidor. the civil or military governor is assisted by a secretary, a judge, an administrator of finances, a postmaster and a captain of police. the affairs of cities are managed by a council (ayuntamiento) consisting of a president, a recorder (sindico), one or more mayors (alcaldo), six to ten aldermen (regidores) and a secretary. outside of the cities each province or district is divided into a number of villages or parishes (pueblos); the total number of these is , ; in each there is a parish priest, a municipal captain, a justice of the peace, a school master and school mistress. the number of cities is very small, and the social life of the community depends almost wholly on the form of government of the pueblos, or villages. in this was reorganized with the alleged intention of giving local self-government. the scheme is complicated and curious and only an outline of it can be given here. it is contained in full in the royal decree of may , , a long document, supplemented by still longer regulations for carrying the same into effect. in brief every pueblo in which there are paid more than , cedulas (poll tax) shall have a municipal tribunal consisting of five members, by whom its local affairs and funds shall be managed. the members are a municipal captain. senior lieutenant. lieutenant of police. lieutenant of agriculture. lieutenant of cattle. and the village priest is required to attend all the important meetings. the captain holds office for four years, and is eligible for indefinite re-election; the lieutenants hold office for four years also, one-half of them going out of office every two years, and they are ineligible for re-election until two years after the expiration of their term. both captains and lieutenants are elected, on a day designated by the governor, and in presence of the village priest, and out going captain, by the principalia, or body of principal men of the village. the village is subdivided into barangayes, or group of about families each, and for each barangay there is a chief or headman (cabeza), who is appointed by the governor, on the recommendation of the municipal tribunal. the principalia is made up of former municipal captains. former municipal lieutenants. former gobernadorcilles. chiefs of barangayes. all inhabitants paying more than $ annually in taxes. the principalia choose the electors as follows: from the chiefs of barangayes. from former municipal captains. from the largest taxpayers. the electors hold office for six years, and one-third go out of office every two years. the municipal captain must be a resident of the village, more than years of age, read and speak spanish and be a chief of barangay. while the municipal tribunal nominally controls the local affairs, yet the captain has the right to suspend all its acts which he considers against the public welfare, and report the matter to the provincial governor, who has power to rescind them; the captain appoints all village employes, and removes them at will; he can also fine and punish them for petty offenses; he issues orders to the police and collects the taxes. he holds a commission as delegate or representative of the governor general, and, in fact, he exercises within his little bailiwick the same supreme power that the governor exercises in the province, and the governor general in the whole archipelago. in each province there is a junta or council, whose membership consists of the administrator of finance. two vicars. the public physician. the latter four members must be residents of the capital of the province, and they are elected by the municipal captains, from a list of names submitted to them by the junta with the approval of the governor. the functions of this junta or council are solely those of inspection and advice. it watches over affairs of the municipal tribunals, and reports to the governor its advice and recommendations concerning them. the municipal captain is obliged to deposit the taxes in the provincial treasury, the keys of which are held by three members of the council; he draws out the money in accordance with the municipal budget, and his accounts must be approved by his lieutenants, countersigned by the village priest, passed upon by the provincial council, and finally approved by the governor. the governor has power to suspend the municipal captain or any of his colleagues for a period of three months, and the governor general can remove one or all of them from office at will; and "in extraordinary cases or for reasons of public tranquility, the governor shall have power to decree, without any legal process, the abolition of the municipal tribunals." (article .) in december, , general polavieja issued a decree, suspending the elections which were to take place that month for one-third of the municipal electors, and directed the governors of provinces to send in names of persons suitable for appointment, together with the recommendations of the village priest in each case. an examination of this unique scheme of village government shows that one-half of the electors are to be chosen from persons holding a subordinate office and appointed by the governor; that the village priest must be present at all elections and important meetings; that the captain has all the responsibility, and he must also be of the class holding a subordinate office by appointment of the governor; that the acts of municipal tribunal can be suspended by the captain and rescinded by the governor; and, finally, if the municipal tribunal is offensive to the governor general he can either remove its members and appoint others in their place or can abolish it altogether. such is the spanish idea of self-government; the minister of the colonies, in submitting the decree to the queen regent, expatiated on its merits in giving the natives such full control of their local affairs, and expressed the confident belief that it would prove "most beneficent to these people whom providence has confided to the generous sovereignty of the spanish monarchs." this scheme of government by municipal tribunals was highly approved by the natives, except that feature of it which placed so much power in the hands of the governor and governor general. this, however, was the essence of the matter, from the spanish standpoint, and these portions of the decree were the ones most fully carried out. the natives complained, on the one hand, of the delay in putting the decree into operation, and on the other hand that so much of it as was established was practically nullified by the action of the governors. seeing that the tribunals had really no power, the members soon turned their sessions (which the decree required to be secret) into political meetings in favor of the insurrection. so the whole project is thus far a failure: and the local administration is in considerable disorder, apart from that caused by the insurgents. in point of fact self-government and representation are unknown in these islands. the archbishop and the four bishops are appointed by the pope; the governor general, military and naval officers and all officials with a salary exceeding about $ . (silver) are appointed by the king or the minister of the colonies. yet all the expenses are paid from the philippine treasury; the salaries of all officials, military, naval, civil and ecclesiastical, the expenses and pensions of the army, navy and church, the cost of the diplomatic and consular service in japan, china and singapore, even a portion of the expenses of the colonial office, madrid, and of pensions paid to the descendants of columbus--all come out of the taxes raised in the islands. the natives have no place in the government, except clerks in the public offices at manila and the petty positions in the villages and the ayentamientos of cities, where their powers and responsibilities, as we have seen, are at all times limited and subject to revocation whenever disapproved by the governor. though the population of the islands is per cent. of that of spain, they have no representation in the cortes. there is a widespread report, almost universally believed by native filipinos and by foreign merchants, and even acknowledged by many spaniards, that pecuniary dishonesty and corruption exist throughout the whole body of spanish office-holders, from the highest to the lowest. forced contributions are said to be levied on the salaries of minor officials; the regimental paymasters and commissaries are said to have sold part of the regimental stores for their own profit, the collector of customs and the minister of finance to have imposed or remitted fines at the custom house and internal revenue office, according to payment or non-payment of presents by merchants, the judges and court officials to have "borrowed" from attorneys large sums which are never paid, and even the governor general is reported to have organized a regular system of smuggling in mexican dollars, the importation of which was prohibited by law, on a fixed scale of payment to himself. the current report is that weyler carried away over $ , , as his savings during the three years from to that he held the office of governor general, on a salary of $ , a year. of the proof of these reports i have naturally no personal knowledge, but they are matters of common talk and belief, and they have been stated to me by responsible persons, who have long resided in the islands. as above stated, the governor general is supreme head of every branch of the public service, not excepting the courts of justice. how this power was exercised is shown in the hundreds of executions for alleged political offenses, which took place during the years , and , by the thousands deported to mindanao and fernando po, and by the number of political prisoners in jail at the time of our entry into manila. on the first examination which general mcarthur, as military governor, made of the jail, about august nd, he released over prisoners confined for alleged political offenses. one of them was a woman who had been imprisoned for eleven years, by order of the governor general, but without any charges ever having been presented against her; another was a woman who had been in jail for three years on a vague charge, never formulated, of having carried a basket of cartridges to an insurgent. the day of reckoning for three centuries of this sort of government came when admiral dewey destroyed the spanish squadron on may st, . an insurrection had been in progress from august, , to december, . unable to suppress it the government had made a written treaty with the insurgent leaders, paying them a large sum of money and promising to introduce various reforms on condition that they would leave the country. hardly had the spanish officials recovered from this when the appalling disaster of the destruction of their fleet occurred under their very eyes. then followed in rapid succession the naval blockade, the arrival of the insurgent leaders from hongkong, the raising of the insurgent army, which blockaded manila on the land side, and finally, the american troops. at the end of days after the destruction of the spanish fleet, the city surrendered to a combined land and naval attack of the american forces. on the day after the capitulation, the american commander in chief issued his proclamation establishing a military government, appointed a military governor, a minister of finance, a collector of customs, collector of internal revenue, postmaster and judge of the provost court; took possession of all public funds (about $ , ), and all public offices, and as rapidly as possible put this government in operation. the machinery of the spanish government was thoroughly disorganized when we entered manila. the courts of justice, except the inferior criminal courts, had not been in session since early in may; the officials had been cut off from communication with the other islands and with spain for over three months; there had been no customs to collect, and, owing to the entire suspension of business, but little internal revenue; a forced loan of $ , , for military purpose had been extracted from the spanish-philippine bank, and yet the troops were several months in arrears of pay; all government offices outside the walled city had been moved to temporary quarters within the walls and their records had been lost or thrown into confusion; the officials seeing the inevitable end in sight, were intent only on planning for their return to spain. this disorganization was completed when the american military officers took charge of the government, and every spanish official, without exception, refused absolutely to continue in service. they were immediately dismissed and dispersed. the situation thus created is without precedent in american history. when scott captured the city of mexico it was acknowledged on both sides that his occupation was only to be temporary, and there were no insurgents to deal with. when the americans entered california they found only a scanty population, who were soon outnumbered by the american immigrants. but in the philippine islands there is a population of more than , , , governed by an alien race, whose representatives present in the islands, including military and naval forces, clergy and civil employes do not exceed , in number. against this government an insurrection is in progress, which claims to have been successful in provinces containing a population of about , , . the city and province of manila, with a population of , more, have been captured and occupied by a foreign army, but whether its occupation is to be temporary or permanent has not yet been decided. finally, the government officials of all classes refuse to perform their functions; the desire of most of them is to escape to spain. it was stipulated in the capitulation that they should have the right to do so at their own expense, and numbers of them, as well as friars, have already taken their departure. the spanish officials have intense fear of the insurgents; and the latter hate them, as well as the friars, with a virulence that can hardly be described. they have fought them with success, and almost without interruption for two years, and they will continue to fight them with increased vigor and still greated prospects of success, if any attempt is made to restore the spanish government. in its present disorganized condition the spanish government could not successfully cope with them; on the other hand, it would not surrender to them. the result, therefore, of an attempted restoration of spanish power in any of the islands would simply be civil war and anarchy, leading inevitably and speedily to intervention by foreign nations whose subjects have property in the islands which they would not allow to be destroyed. insurgent troops. it is very difficult to give figures for the exact numbers of insurgent troops. in his message to foreign governments of august th, asking for recognition of belligerency and independence, aguinaldo claims to have a force of , men, organized into a regular army. this included the force in the provinces of luzon outside of manila. what was in evidence around manila varied from , to , . they were composed of young men and boys, some as young as fifteen years of age, recruited in the rural districts, having no property and nothing to lose in a civil war. they have received no pay and, although aguinaldo speaks in his proclamation of his intention and ability to maintain order wherever his forces penetrate, yet the feeling is practically universal among the rank and file that they are to be compensated for their time and services and hardships by looting manila. their equipment consists of a gun, bayonet and cartridge box; their uniform of a straw hat, gingham shirt and trousers and bare feet; their transportation of a few ponies and carts, impressed for a day or week at a time; for quarters they have taken the public building in each village or pueblo, locally known as the tribunal, and the churches and convents; from these details are sent out to man the trenches. their food while on duty consists of rice and banana leaves, cooked at the quarters and sent out to the trenches. after a few days or a week of active service they return to their homes to feed up or work on their farms, their places being taken by others to whom they turn over their guns and cartridges. their arms have been obtained from various sources, from purchases in hongkong, from the supply which admiral dewey found in the arsenal at cavite, from capture made from the spaniards. they are partly mausers and partly remingtons. their ammunition was obtained in the same way. they have used it freely and the supply is now rather short. to replenish it they have established a cartridge factory at the village of imus, about ten miles south of cavite, where they have people engaged in re-loading cartridges with powder and lead found at cavite, or purchased abroad. they have no artillery, except a few antique columbiads obtained from cavite, and no cavalry. their method of warfare is to dig a trench in front of the spanish position, cover it with mats as a protection against the sun and rain, and during the night put their guns on top of the trench above their heads and fire in the general direction of the enemy. when their ammunition is exhausted they go off in a body to get a fresh supply in baskets and then return to the trenches. the men are of small stature, from feet to feet inches in height, and weigh from to pounds. compared with them our men from colorado and california seemed like a race of giants. one afternoon just after we entered manila a battalion of the insurgents fired upon the outposts of the colorado regiment, mistaking them, as they claimed, for spaniards. the outpost retreated to their support, and the filipinos followed; they easily fell into an ambush and the support, numbering about fifty men, surrounded the filipinos, wrenched the guns out of their hands and marched them off as unarmed prisoners--all in the space of a few minutes. such a force can hardly be called an army, and yet the service which it has rendered should not be underestimated. between , and , spanish native troops surrendered to it during the months of june and july. it constantly annoyed and harrassed the spaniards in the trenches, keeping them up at night and wearing them out with fatigue; and it invested manila early in july so completely that all supplies were cut off and the inhabitants as well as the spanish troops were forced to live on horse and buffalo meat, and the chinese population on cats and dogs. it captured the water works of manila and cut off the water supply, and, if it had been in the dry season, would have inflicted great suffering on the inhabitants for lack of water. these results, it is true, were obtained against a dispirited army, containing a considerable number of native troops of doubtful loyalty. yet, from august, , to april, , they fought , of the best regular troops sent out from spain, inflicting on them a loss of over officers and , men, killed and wounded, and they suffered still greater losses themselves. nevertheless, from daily contact with them for six weeks, i am very confident that no such results could have been obtained against an american army, which would have driven them back to the hills and reduced them to a petty guerilla warfare. if they attack the american army this will certainly be the result, and, while these guerilla bands might give some trouble so long as their ammunition lasted, yet, with our navy guarding the coasts and our army pursuing them on land, it would not be long before they were reduced to subjection. insurgent civil administration. in august, , and insurrection broke out in cavite, under the leadership of emilio aguinaldo, and soon spread to other provinces on both sides of manila. it continued with varying successes on both sides, and the trial and execution of numerous insurgents, until december, , when the governor-general, primo de rivera, entered into written agreement with aguinaldo, the substance of the document, which is in possession of senor felipe agoncillo, who accompanies me to washington, being attached hereto and marked "a." in brief, it required that aguinaldo and the other insurgent leaders should leave the country, the government agreeing to pay them $ , in silver, and promising to introduce numerous reforms, including representation in the spanish cortes, freedom of the press, amnesty for all insurgents, and the expulsion of secularization of the monastic orders. aguinaldo and his associates went to hongkong and singapore. a portion of the money, $ , , was deposited in banks at hongkong, and a lawsuit soon arose between aguinaldo and one of his subordinate chiefs, named artacho, which is interesting on account of the very honorable position taken by aguinaldo. artacho sued for a division of the money among the insurgents, according to rank. aguinaldo claimed that the money was a trust fund and was to remain on deposit until it was seen whether the spaniards would carry out their promised reforms, and if they failed to do so it was to be used to defray the expenses of a new insurrection. the suit was settled out of court by paying artacho $ , . no steps have been taken to introduce the reforms, more than , insurgents who had been deported to fernando po and other places are still in confinement, and aguinaldo is now using the money to carry on the operations of the present insurrection. on the th day of april aguinaldo met the united states consul and others at singapore and offered to begin a new insurrection in conjunction with the operations of the united states navy at manila. this was telegraphed to admiral dewey and, by his consent, or, at his request, aguinaldo left singapore for hongkong on april th, and, when the mccullough went to hongkong early in may to carry the news of admiral dewey's victory, it took aguinaldo and seventeen other revolutionary chiefs on board and brought them to manila bay. they soon after landed at cavite, and the admiral allowed them to take such guns, ammunition and stores as he did not require for himself. with these and some other arms which he had brought from hongkong aguinaldo armed his followers, who rapidly assembled at cavite and, in a few weeks, he began moving against the spaniards. part of them surrendered, giving him more arms, and the others retreated to manila. soon afterwards two ships, which were the private property of senor agoncillo and other insurgent sympathizers, were converted into cruisers and sent with insurgent troops to subig bay and other places, to capture provinces outside of manila. they were very successful, the native militia in spanish service capitulating with their arms in nearly every case without serious resistance. on the th of june aguinaldo issued a proclamation from cavite establishing a dictatorial government, with himself as dictator. in each village or pueblo a chief (jefe) was to be elected, and in each ward a nendrum (cabeza); also in each pueblo three delegates, one of police, one of justice, and one of taxes. these were to constitute the junta, or assembly, and after consulting the junta the chiefs of pueblos were to elect a chief of province and three counsellors, one of police, one of justice, and one of taxes. they were also to elect one or more representatives from each province to form the bevolutionary congress. this was followed on june th by a decree giving more detailed instructions in regard to the elections. on june d another decree followed, changing the title of the government from dictatorial to revolutionary, and of the chief officer from dictator to president; announcing a cabinet with a minister of foreign affairs, marine and commerce, another of war and public works, another of police and internal order, justice, instruction and hygiene, and another of taxes, agriculture and manufactures; the powers of the president and congress were defined, and a code of military justice was formulated. on the same date a manifesto was issued to the world explaining the reasons and purposes of the revolution. on june th another decree was issued containing instructions in regard to elections. on august th an address was issued to foreign governments, stating that the revolutionary government was in operation and control in fifteen provinces, and that in response to the petition of the duly elected chiefs of these provinces an appeal is made for recognition of belligerency and independence. translations of these various documents are all apended, marked "b," "c," "d," "e," "f," "g" and "h." the scheme of government is set forth in the decree of june d, marked "d." an examination of this document shows that it provides a dictatorship of the familiar south american type. all power is centered in the president, and he is not responsible to any one for his acts. he is declared to be "the personification of the philippine public, and in this view cannot be held responsible while he holds office. his term will last until the revolution triumphs." he appoints not only the heads of the departments, but all their subordinates, and without reference to congress. this body is composed of a single chamber of representatives from each province. the election is to be conducted by an agent of the president, and the qualifications of electors are "those inhabitants most distinguished for high character, social position and honorable conduct." if any province is still under spanish rule its representative is to be appointed by the president. congress is to deliberate on "all grave and transcendental questions, whose decision admits of delay and adjournment, but the president may decide questions of urgent character, giving the reasons for his decision in a message to congress." the acts of congress are not binding until approved by the president, and he has power of absolute veto. congress was to hold its first session at saloles about september th. while this scheme of government is a pure despotism, yet it claims to be only temporary, and intended to "prepare the country so that a true republic may be established." it also provides a rude form of governmental machinery for managing the affairs of the provinces. to what extent it has actually gone into operation it is difficult to say. aguinaldo claims, in his address of august th, that it is in force in fifteen provinces, whose aggregate population is about , , . they include the island of mindoro and about half of luzon. none of those (except cavite) have yet been visited by americans, and all communication with them by the spanish government at manila has been cut off since may st. in the province of cavite and that portion of the province of manila outside of the city and of its suburbs, which was occupied by the insurgent troops as well as those of the united states, their military forces, military headquarters, etc., were very much in evidence, occupying the principal houses and churches in every village and hamlet, but there were no signs of civil government or administration. it was reported, however, that aguinaldo's agents were levying taxes or forced contributions not only in the outside villages, but (after we entered manila) by means of secret agents, in the market places of the city itself. at aguinaldo's headquarters, in bacoor, there were signs of activity and business, and it was reported that his cabinet officers were in constant session there. aguinaldo never himself failed to claim all the prerogatives due to his alleged position as the de facto ruler of the country. the only general officer who saw him or had any direct communication with him was general anderson. he did much to thwart this officer in organizing a native wagon train and otherwise providing for his troops, and he went so far, in a letter of july d (copy herewith marked "j"), as to warn general anderson not to land american troops on philippine soil without his consent--a notice which, it is hardly necessary to say, was ignored. the day before the attack on manila he sent staff officers to the same general, asking for our plans of attack, so that their troops could enter manila with us. the same request had previously been made to me by one of his brigade commanders, to which i replied that i was not authorized to give the information desired. aguinaldo did not call upon general merritt on his arrival, and this enabled the latter to avoid any communication with him, either direct or indirect, until after manila had been taken. general merritt then received one of aguinaldo's staff officers in his office as military governor. the interview lasted more than an hour. general merritt referred to his proclamation as showing the conditions under which the american troops had come to manila and the nature of the military government, which would be maintained until further orders from washington. he agreed upon the lines outside of the city of manila, up to which the insurgent troops could come, but no further with arms in their hands. he asked for possession of the water works, which was given, and, while expressing our friendship and sympathy for the philippine people, he stated very positively that the united states government had placed at his disposal an ample force for carrying out his instructions, and even if the services of aguinaldo's forces had been needed as allies he should not have felt at liberty to accept them. the problem of how to deal with aguinaldo's government and troops will necessarily be accompanied with embarrassment and difficulty, and will require much tact and skill in its solution. the united states government, through its naval commander, has, to some extent, made use of them for a distinct military purpose, viz.: to harass and annoy the spanish troops, to wear them out in the trenches, to blockade manila on the land side, and to do as much damage as possible to the spanish government prior to the arrival of our troops, and for this purpose the admiral allowed them to take the arms and munitions which he had captured at cavite, and their ships to pass in and out of manila bay in their expeditions against other provinces. but the admiral has been very careful to give aguinaldo no assurances of recognition and no pledges or promises of any description. the services which aguinaldo and his adherents rendered in preparing the way for attack on manila are certainly entitled to consideration, but, after all, they were small in comparison with what was done by our fleet and army. there is no reason to believe that aguinaldo's government has any elements of stability. in the first place, aguinaldo is a young man of twenty-three years. prior to the insurrection of he had been a schoolmaster, and afterward gobernadorcillo and municipal captain in one of the pueblos in the province of cavite. he is not devoid of ability, and he is surrounded by clever writers. but the educated and intelligent filipinos of manila say that not only is he lacking in ability to be at the head of affairs, but if an election for president was held he would not even be a candidate. he is a successful leader of insurgents, has the confidence of young men in the country districts, prides himself on his military ability, and if a republic could be established the post he would probably choose for himself would be general-in-chief of the army. in the next place, aguinaldo's government, or any entirely independent government, does not command the hearty support of the large body of filipinos, both in manila and outside, who have property, education and intelligence. their hatred of the spanish rule is very keen and they will co-operate with aguinaldo or any one else to destroy it. but after that is done they fully realize that they must have the support of some strong nation for many years before they will be in a position to manage their own affairs alone. the nation to which they all turn is america, and their ideal is a philippine republic, under american protection--such as they have heard is to be granted to cuba. but when it comes to defining their ideas of protection and the respective rights and duties of each under it, what portion of the government is to be administered by them and what portion by us; how the revenues are to be collected, and in what proportion the expenses are to be divided; they have no clear ideas at all; nor is it expected that they should have, after generations of spanish rule without any experience in self government. the sentiment of this class, the educated native with property at stake, looks upon the prospect of aguinaldo's government and forces entering manila with almost as much dread as the foreign merchants or the spaniards themselves. finally, it must be remembered that this is purely a tagalo insurrection. there are upwards of thirty races in the philippines, each speaking a different dialect, but five-sixths of the entire christian population is composed of the tagalos and visayas. the former live in mindoro and the southern half of luzon, and the latter in cebu, iloilo and other islands in the center of the group. the tagalos are more numerous than the visayas, but both races are about equal in civilization, intelligence and wealth. it is claimed by aguinaldo's partisans that the visayas are in sympathy with his insurrection and intend to send representatives to the congress. but it is a fact that the visayas have taken no active part in the present insurrection nor in that of , that the spanish government is still in full control at cebu and iloilo, and in the viscayas islands, and that aguinaldo has as yet made no effort to attack them. the visayas number nearly , , , or about as many as the population of all the tagalo provinces, which aguinaldo claims to have captured. there is no evidence to show that they will support his pretensions, and many reasons to believe that on account of racial prejudices and jealousies and other causes they will oppose him. upon one point all are agreed, except possibly aguinaldo and his immediate adherents, and that is that no native government can maintain itself without the active support and protection of a strong foreign government. this being admitted it is difficult to see how any foreign government can give this protection without taking such an active part in the management of affairs as is practically equivalent to governing in its own name and for its own account. united states troops and navy. i assume that the reports received at the war and navy departments give all the desired information in regard to the military forces of the united states. at the time i left (august th) the eighth corps consisted of two divisions, numbering in all about , men, with field guns and mountain guns. no wagons or animals had then arrived. one regiment was stationed within the walled city guarding its gates, and the captured guns and ammunition; a small force was at cavite, and the bulk of the troops were in manila, outside of the walled city. they were quartered in the spanish barracks, which were all in good condition, and in convents and private houses. the health of the troops was excellent, notwithstanding the extraordinary hardships to which they had been subjected in the trenches before entering manila. admiral dewey had under his command the charleston, monterey and monadnock, which arrived in july and august, the callao and leyte, which had been captured from the spaniards, and the ships which were in the battle of may st, viz: olympia, boston, baltimore, raleigh, concord, petrel and mccullough. the health of the squadron was excellent. the olympia and concord were being docked and cleaned at hongkong. permission to use the docks at nagansaki during the suspension of hostilities had been declined. united states civil administration. we entered manila on the afternoon of august th. on the th the capitulation was signed, and the same day general merritt issued his proclamation establishing a military government. on the th general mcarthur was appointed military commander of the walled city and provost marshal general of the city of manila and its suburbs, and on the th i was appointed to take charge of the duties performed by the intendente general de hacienda, or minister of finance, and all fiscal affairs. representatives of the postoffice department had arrived on the steamship china in july and they immediately took charge of the manila post-office, which was opened for business on the th. the custom house was opened on the th, with lieutenant-colonel whittier as collector, and the internal revenue office, with major bement as collector on the nd. captain glass of the navy was appointed captain of the port, or naval officer, and took charge of the office on august th. the collections of customs during the first ten days exceeded $ , . the collection of internal revenue was small owing to the difficulty and delay in ascertaining what persons had or had not paid their taxes for the current year. the administration of water works was put in charge of lieutenant connor, of the engineers, on august th, the provost court with lieutenant-colonel jewett, judge advocate united states volunteers, sitting as judge, was appointed and held its first session on august rd. the provost marshal general has charge of the police, fire, health and street cleaning departments, and the issuing of licenses. the guardia civil, or gendarmerie of the city, proving indifferent and inefficient, they were disarmed and disbanded; the th minnesota regiment was detailed for police duty, and one or more companies stationed in each police station, from which patrolmen were sent out on the streets to take the place of the sentries who had constantly patrolled them from the hour of entering the city. the shops were all closed when we entered on saturday afternoon, the th; on monday some of them opened, and by wednesday the banks had resumed business, the newspapers were published, and the merchants were ready to declare goods at the custom house, the tram cars were running and the retail shops were all open and doing a large business. there was no disorder or pillage of any kind in the city. the conduct of the troops was simply admirable, and left no ground for criticism. it was noted and commented upon by the foreign naval officers in the most favorable terms, and it so surprised the spanish soldiers that a considerable number of them applied for permission to enlist in our service. at the time i left general mcarthur fully established his office as provost marshal general, and was organizing one by one the various bureaus connected with it, all with united states military officers in charge; the provost court was in daily session, sentencing gamblers and persons guilty of petty disturbances, and a military commission had just been ordered to try a chinaman accused of burglary. in various public offices i collected the following spanish funds: at the general treasury $ , . at the mint , . at the internal revenue office , . ----------- $ , . of this amount there was in gold coin $ , . gold bars , . silver coin , . copper coin , . spanish bank notes , . accepted checks , . ----------- $ , . the money was counted by a board of officers and turned over to major c. h. whipple, paymaster u. s. a as custodian of spanish public funds. a few thousand dollars in other public offices were still to be collected. the money received at the custom house and other offices is turned in daily, at the close of business, to major whipple. money for current expenses is furnished to heads of departments on their requisition, by warrant drawn by the intendente general on the custodian of spanish public funds. the heads of the departments are to submit their vouchers and accounts monthly to an auditing department, which was being organized when i left. all these public offices and funds were surrendered to me only on threat of using force and on granting permission to file a formal written protest. none of these had been received at the time i left, but the ground of verbal protest was that the officials recognized no authority in these islands but the governor general appointed by the king of spain, and without his order they were unwilling to surrender them. on the other hand, i recognized no authority of the spanish governor general who was merely a prisoner of war; i acted under the orders of general merritt as the united states military governor, and in accordance with the terms of capitulation. the claim will probably be made by the spanish officials that as we captured manila a few hours after the peace protocol had been signed at washington, this property still belongs to the spaniards. but i believe that the law in such cases was clearly defined in decisions made by the united states supreme court in . we captured manila, and the capitulation (under which these funds became united states property) was signed by both parties, before either had received any notice of the protocol of suspension of hostilities. on the opening of the custom house several important questions arose for immediate decision. the first was in regard to mexican dollars. the importation of these has for several years been prohibited, with a view of forcing the spanish coinage (which contains less silver) into circulation. the large english banks represented that there was a scarcity of currency, owing to the amount which had been hoarded and sent away during the seige, and they agreed in consideration of being allowed to import mexican dollars free of duty, to guarantee the notes and accepted checks of the spanish bank, which should be received by us in payment of customs up to $ , at any one time. the spanish bank was in difficulty, owing to the enormous amount which the government had taken from it under the form of a forced loan, and any discrimination on our part against it would result in its failure, entailing widespread financial disturbance. as there seemed no reason against allowing the importation of mexican dollars and many in favor of it, i recommended that the custom house continue to receive the notes and checks of this bank in payment of customs (for which we were amply protected by the guarantee of the strong english banks) and with general merrill's approval wrote to these banks authorizing them to import mexican dollars free of duty until further notice. the next question was in regard to the rate of duties on imports and exports. after a careful consideration of the matter, i recommended that the tariff be not changed until the question had been fully studied and ample notice given. general merritt approved this and the customs are being collected on the spanish tariff. about a week after the custom house was opened certain parties came to me representing that consul general wildman, of hongkong, had informed them that united states goods would be admitted free of duty in manila, that acting on this they had purchased a cargo of american illuminating oil in hongkong, and that the payment of the heavy duty on it ($ per ton, or about c per gallon) would ruin them. on consulting lieutenant colonel crowder, judge advocate of the eighth army corps, he pointed out the language of paragraph of general merritt's proclamation, which followed literally the instructions of the president, viz: "the port of manila will be open while our military occupation may continue, to the commerce of all neutral nations as well as our own, in articles not contraband of war, and upon payment of the prescribed rates of duty which may be in force at the time of the importation." under this there was clearly no authority for discriminating in favor of american goods, either coming direct from a united states port or by transshipment at hongkong. the collector of customs was directed to act accordingly. another question was in regard to the importation of chinamen into manila. the consul at hongkong telegraphed to know if they would be admitted. as there had been no time for examining the treaties and laws in force on this subject, i replied with general merritt's approval that for the present it was not practicable to admit chinese laborers into manila. another very important question which arose was in regard to trade with the other philippine islands. nearly all the hemp and the greater part of the sugar is grown in the visayas. the hemp is bought by foreign merchants in manila, who bring it there from the other islands, and export it, paying large duties to the manila custom house. these merchants were anxious to bring up their stock, of which a large amount had accumulated during the war, and ship it abroad. the ships engaged in this island trade were idle in the pasig. they belonged to a spanish corporation, owned entirely by scotch capital, and had a spanish register. the owners were ready to transfer them to the american flag. could these vessels be allowed to clear for the ports of cebu and iloilo, which were in spanish possession? the judge advocate advised me that they could not, without the express authority of the president. i so notified the owners of the ships and the hemp merchants. the day before i left manila, however, admiral dewey received a cable from the navy department stating that spanish ships had been granted the privilege of trading to american ports during the suspension of hostilities, and that american ships could be granted a similar privilege for spanish ports. i understood that on the strength of this cable general otis intended to allow the united states consul at manila to grant these vessels an american register and then allow them to clear for the other islands. i do not know what the arrangement, if any was made, in regard to the payment of export duties at iloilo. clearly the hemp cannot pay export duties at both iloilo and manila, and the spaniards are not likely to allow it to leave iloilo free while we collect an export duty on it at manila. incidentally, this illustrates the complications and loss that will arise if the islands are subdivided. the principal merchants for all the islands are at manila, and per cent, of the duties in imports and exports are collected at its custom house. a large part of the imports are redistributed through the islands; and all the hemp and sugar, which form the principal exports, come to manila from other islands. if, then, we retain luzon and give the other islands back to spain or some other nation, that nation will impose import and export duties on everything coming from or to manila. the foreign trade of that city as a distributing and collecting point for all the islands will be lost, and its prosperity will be destroyed; moreover, the government revenue from that trade will be lost. in view of the fact that spanish officials declined to co-operate or assist in any way in the american government of manila, the ease and rapidity with which order was maintained, the machinery of government put in operation and business reestablished, after our entry into manila is very remarkable. for every position in the government service, legal, administrative, financial, mechanical, clerical, men could be found in our volunteer ranks who were experienced in just that class of work at home, and they took charge of their spanish positions with promptness and confidence. even in the matter of language no serious difficulty was encountered, for no less than good interpreters were found in the california and colorado regiments. the military government as now organized and administered, fulfills all the requirements of preserving order and collecting the public revenue. the civil courts, however, have yet to be organized, and their organization will present many difficulties. chapter x official history of the conquest of manila. the pith of the official reports of the capture of manila, by major-general wesley merritt, commanding the philippine expedition; general frank v. greene, general arthur mcarthur, and general thomas anderson, with the articles of capitulation, showing how , americans carried an intrenched city with a garrison of , spaniards, and kept out , insurgents--the difficulties of american generals with philippine troops. one of the most interesting events in the records of the fall of cities, that carried with them decisive factors affecting nations, is that of the conquest of manila, by the army and navy of the united states in the memorable year of . the victory of admiral george dewey may st, in the bay of manila, nigh cavite, has been celebrated in every clime and in all languages, and the great story if related in this book as one of universal fame, and given in outline and also in pen pictures meant to show the local coloring, and these are incidents most illustrative that are not familiar. the names of the ships and the officers of the victorious fleet, and the force of the contending squadrons in men and guns are herewith presented as an indisputable record. admiral dewey held on to his command of the bay and city of manila, braving all dangers--and they were many--and as fast as the army could be organized and equipped, reinforcements were forwarded. general wesley merritt was appointed the commander in chief of the expedition to the philippines, and arrived at cavite, july th. the official history of the operations that forced the surrender of the old spanish capital in the east indies has not received the public attention its unusual and instructive character demands, because the reports were not received in the states and given to the public until the paris peace commission was assembling, and this singularly suggestive detail has been almost neglected. it is here for the first time consecutively arranged, annotated and adjusted, so as to tell the whole story. the part played by the insurgents is one that has not been stated by authority and with precision combining narrative form with the internal evidence of authenticity. the first expeditionary force of the united states to arrive was that of general thomas anderson, on june , sixty days after dewey's victory. the second expeditionary force, under general frank v. greene, arrived july , and the third, under general mcarthur, july th, five days later than general merritt, who found rear admiral george dewey's war ships "anchored in line off cavite, and just outside of the transports and supply vessels engaged in the military service." he was "in full control of the navigation of the bay, and his vessels passed and repassed within range of the water batteries of the town of manila without drawing the fire of the enemy." this immunity of protected cruisers from the fire of nine-inch krupp guns with an abundance of ammunition that was, and some that was not serviceable, was due to the terrible prestige of the american admiral and the consequent power of his word that if fired upon he would destroy the city. anderson's americans were, general merritt reports, disposed as follows: the second oregon, detachments of california heavy artillery, twenty-third infantry, and fourteenth infantry occupied the town of cavite; while brigadier general f.v. greene, united states volunteers, was encamped with his brigade, consisting of the eighteenth infantry, third united states artillery, company a, engineer battalion, first colorado, first california, first nebraska, tenth pennsylvania, and batteries a and b of the utah artillery, along the line of the bay shore near the village of paranaque, about five miles by water and twenty-five miles by the roads from cavite. the major general commanding visited general greene's camp and made a reconnaissance of the position held by the spanish, and also the opposing lines of the insurgent forces, finding general greene's command encamped on a strip of sandy land running parallel to the shore of the bay and not far distant from the beach, but owing to the great difficulties of landing supplies "the greater portion of the force had shelter tents only, and were suffering many discomforts, the camp being in a low, flat place, without shelter from the heat of the tropical sun or adequate protection during the terrific downpours of rain so frequent at this season." the general commanding was at once struck "by the exemplary spirit of patient, even cheerful, endurance shown by the officers and men under such circumstances, and this feeling of admiration for the manner in which the american soldier, volunteer and regular alike, accept the necessary hardships of the work they have undertaken to do, has grown and increased with every phase of the difficult and trying campaign which the troops of the philippine expedition have brought to such a brilliant and successful conclusion." the left or north flanks of general green's camp extended to a point on the "calle real," about , yards from the outer line of spanish defenses of the city of manila. this spanish line began at the powder magazine, or old fort san antonio, within a hundred yards of the beach and just south of the malate suburb of manila, and stretched away to the spanish left in more or less detached works, eastward, through swamps and rice fields, covering all the avenues of approach to the town and encircling the city completely." general merritt defines with firmness and perspicuity his position regarding the filipinos in these terms: "the filipinos, or insurgent forces at war with spain, had, prior to the arrival of the american land forces, been waging desultory warfare with the spaniards for several months, and were at the time of my arrival in considerable force, variously estimated and never accurately ascertained, but probably not far from , men. these troops, well supplied with small arms, with plenty of ammunition and several field guns, had obtained positions of investment opposite to the spanish line of detached works throughout their entire extent; and on the particular road called the "calle real," passing along the front of general greene's brigade camp and running through malate to manila, the insurgents had established an earthwork or trench within yards of the powder-magazine fort. they also occupied as well the road to the right, leading from the village of passay, and the approach by the beach was also in their possession. this anomalous state of affairs, namely, having a line of quasi-hostile native troops between our forces and the spanish position, was, of course, very objectionable, but it was difficult to deal with, owing to the peculiar condition of our relations with the insurgents, which may be briefly stated as follows: "shortly after the naval battle of manila bay, the principal leader of the insurgents, general emilio aguinaldo, came to cavite from hongkong, and, with the consent of our naval authorities, began active work in raising troops and pushing the spaniards in the direction of the city of manila. having met with some success, and the natives flocking to his assistance, he proclaimed an independent government of republican form, with himself as president, and at the time of my arrival in the islands the entire edifice of executive and legislative departments and subdivision of territory for administration purposes had been accomplished, at least on paper, and the filipinos held military possession of many points in the islands other than those in the vicinity of manila. "as general aguinaldo did not visit me on my arrival, nor offer his services as a subordinate military leader, and as my instructions from the president fully contemplated the occupation of the islands by the american land forces, and stated that "the powers of the military occupant are absolute and supreme and immediately operate upon the political condition of the inhabitants," i did not consider it wise to hold any direct communication with the insurgent leader until i should be in possession of the city of manila, especially as i would not until then be in a position to issue a proclamation and enforce my authority, in the event that his pretensions should clash with my designs. "for these reasons the preparations for the attack on the city were pressed, and military operations conducted without reference to the situation of the insurgent forces. the wisdom of this course was subsequently fully established by the fact that when the troops of my command carried the spanish intrenchments, extending from the sea to the pasay road on the extreme spanish right, we were under no obligations, by prearranged plans of mutual attack, to turn to the right and clear the front still held against the insurgents, but were able to move forward at once and occupy the city and suburbs." general anderson was the first officer of the american army to arrive, and says admiral dewey gave him "every possible assistance," and favored him "with a clear statement of the situation." on the second day after he appeared at cavite, which was one day after general merritt's departure from san francisco, he had "an interview with the insurgent chief, aguinaldo, and learned from him that the spanish forces had withdrawn, driven back by his army as he claimed, to a line of defense immediately around the city and its suburbs. he estimated the spanish forces at about , men, and his own at about the same number. he did not seem pleased at the incoming of our land forces, hoping, as i believe, that he could take the city with his own army, with the co-operation of the american fleet. "believing that however successful the insurgents may have been in guerilla warfare against the spaniards, that they could not carry their lines by assault or reduce the city by siege, and suspecting, further, that a hearty and effective co-operation could not be expected, i had at once a series of reconnaissances made to exactly locate the enemy's lines of defense and to ascertain their strength." the date of the impression made on general anderson's mind as to the displeasure of aguinaldo is important. the insurgent chief would have preferred the military distinctions to have been reserved for himself. general anderson says of the spanish attacks on general greene's lines: "these conflicts began on the night of july , as soon as the enemy had realized that we had taken the places of the filipinos, and began a system of earthworks to the front of their old line. it may have been merely coincident, but these attacks and sorties began at the time the captain general of manila was relieved by his second in command. for more than six weeks the insurgents had kept up a bickering infantry fire on the spanish trenches, firing occasionally some old siege pieces captured by admiral dewey at cavite and given to aguinaldo. these combats were never serious, and the spaniards, so far as i know, made no sorties upon them. but there is no doubt of the fact that the spaniards attacked our lines with force and vindictiveness, until they were informed that the bringing on of a general engagement would lead to a bombardment of the city. after this there was for several days a tacit suspension of hostilities." as to the situation of general greene, brigadier general merritt says: "the difficulty in gaining an avenue of approach to the spanish line lay in the fact of my disinclination to ask general aguinaldo to withdraw from the beach and the 'calle real,' so that greene could move forward. this was overcome by instructions to general greene to arrange, if possible, with the insurgent brigade commander in his immediate vicinity to move to the right and allow the american forces unobstructed control of the roads in their immediate front. no objection was made, and accordingly general greene's brigade threw forward a heavy outpost line on the "calle real" and the beach and constructed a trench, in which a portion of the guns of the utah batteries was placed. "the spanish, observing this activity on our part, made a very sharp attack with infantry and artillery on the night of july . the behavior of our troops during this night attack was all that could be desired, and i have, in cablegrams to the war department, taken occasion to commend by name those, who deserve special mention for good conduct in the affair. our position was extended and strengthened after this and resisted successfully repeated night attacks, our forces suffering, however, considerable loss in wounded and killed, while the losses of the enemy, owing to the darkness, could not be ascertained. "the strain of the night fighting and the heavy details for outpost duty made it imperative to re-enforce general greene's troops with general macarthur's brigade, which had arrived in transports on the st of july. the difficulties of this operation can hardly be overestimated. the transports were at anchor off cavite, five miles from a point on the beach where it was desired to disembark the men. several squalls, accompanied by floods of rain, raged day after day, and the only way to get the troops and supplies ashore was to load them from the ship's side into native lighters (called 'cascos') or small steamboats, move them to a point opposite the camp, and then disembark them through the surf in small boats, or by running the lighters head on to the beach. the landing was finally accomplished, after days of hard work and hardship; and i desire here to express again my admiration for the fortitude and cheerful willingness of the men of all commands engaged in this operation. "upon the assembly of macarthur's brigade in support of greene's, i had about , men in position to attack, and i deemed the time had come for final action. during the time of the night attacks i had communicated my desire to admiral dewey that he would allow his ships to open fire on the right of the spanish line of intrenchments, believing that such action would stop the night firing and loss of life, but the admiral had declined to order it unless we were in danger of losing our position by the assaults of the spanish, for the reason that, in his opinion, it would precipitate a general engagement, for which he was not ready. now, however, the brigade of general macarthur was in position and the monterey had arrived, and under date of august admiral dewey agreed to my suggestion that we should send a joint letter to the captain general notifying him that he should remove from the city all non-combatants within forty-eight hours." the joint note of general merritt and admiral dewey was as follows: _headquarters u.s. land and naval forces_, manila bay, philippine islands, august , . the general in chief commanding spanish forces in manila. sir: we have the honor to notify your excellency that operations of the land and naval forces of the united states against the defenses of manila may begin at any time after the expiration of forty-eight hours from the hour of receipt by you of this communication, or sooner if made necessary by an attack on your part. this notice is given in order to afford you an opportunity to remove all non-combatants from the city. very respectfully, _wesley merritt_, major-general, united states army, commanding land forces of the united states. _george dewey_, rear-admiral, united states navy, commanding united states naval forces on asiatic station. the notable words in this are those "against the defenses of manila," instead of against the city itself--the usual way--the city was to be spared if possible. manila, august , . the governor-general and captain-general of the philippines to the major-general of the army and the rear admiral of the navy, commanding, respectively, the military and naval forces of the united states. gentlemen: i have the honor to inform your excellencies that at half-past to-day i received the notice with which you favor me, that after forty-eight hours have elapsed you may begin operations against this fortified city, or at an earlier hour if the forces under your command are attacked by mine. as your notice is sent for the purpose of providing for the safety of non-combatants, i give thanks to your excellencies for the humane sentiment you have shown, and state that, finding myself surrounded by insurrectionary forces, i am without places of refuge for the increased numbers of wounded, sick, women, and children who are now lodged within the walls. very respectfully, and kissing the hands of your excellencies, _formire jaudenes_, governor-general and captain-general of the philippines. the second paragraph of the governor-general and captain-general's letter indicates a sense of helplessness, and credits the insurgents with surrounding the city so that there was no refuge. august th there was a second joint note from major-general merritt and rear admiral dewey, in the terms following: "the governor-general and captain-general of the philippines. "sir: the inevitable suffering in store for the wounded, sick, women, and children, in the event that it becomes our duty to reduce the defenses of the walled town in which they are gathered, will, we feel assured, appeal successfully to the sympathies of a general capable of making the determined and prolonged resistance which your excellency has exhibited after the loss of your naval forces and without hope of succor. "we therefore, submit, without prejudice to the high sentiments of honor and duty which your excellency entertains, that surrounded on every side as you are by a constantly increasing force, with a powerful fleet in your front and deprived of all prospect of reinforcement and assistance, a most useless sacrifice of life would result in the event of an attack, and therefore every consideration of humanity makes it imperative that you should not subject your city to the horrors of a bombardment. accordingly, we demand the surrender of the city of manila and the spanish forces under your command." the captain-general wanted time to hear from madrid, and was refused. the language of general greene, in stating the fact that he took possession of the intrenchments of the insurgents, is in these words: "on the morning of july , in compliance with verbal instructions received the previous day from the adjutant-general of the eighth army corps, i occupied the insurgent trenches, from the beach to the calle real, with one battalion eighteenth united states infantry, one battalion first colorado infantry, and four guns--two from each of the utah batteries--these trenches being vacated at my request by the insurgent forces under brigadier-general noriel. as these trenches were badly located and insufficient in size and strength, i ordered another line constructed about yards in advance of them, and this work was completed, mainly by the first colorado, during the night of july - . the length of this line was only yards, and on its right were a few barricades, not continuous, occupied by the insurgents, extending over to the large rice swamp, just east of the road from pasay to paco (shown on the accompanying map). facing these was a strong spanish line, consisting of a stone fort, san antonio de abad, near the beach, intrenchments of sandbags and earth about seven feet high and feet thick, extending in a curved direction for about , yards and terminating in a fortified blockhouse, known as no , beyond our right on the pasay road. it faced our front and enveloped our right flank." general greene, reporting the fighting on his front, says of the spanish position and first attack. mounted in and near the stone fort were seven guns in all, viz., three bronze field guns of . inches caliber, four bronze mountain guns of . inches caliber, and in the vicinity of blockhouse no. were two steel mountain guns of . inches caliber. the line was manned throughout its length by infantry, with strong reserves at malate and at the walled city in its rear. shortly before midnight of july -august the spaniards opened a heavy and continuous fire with both artillery and infantry from their entire line. our trenches were occupied that day by the two battalions of the tenth pennsylvania infantry, one foot battery (h), nearly strong, of the third artillery, and four guns, two of battery a and two of battery b, utah artillery. for about an hour and a half the firing on both sides, with artillery and infantry, was very heavy and continuous, our expenditure of ammunition being rounds of artillery and about , rounds of infantry. that of the spaniards was nearly twice as much. the american loss was ten killed and forty-three wounded. general greene says: "major cuthbertson, tenth pennsylvania, reports that the spaniards left their trenches in force and attempted to turn our right flank, coming within yards of his position. but as the night was intensely dark, with incessant and heavy rain, and as no dead or wounded were found in front of his position at daylight, it is possible that he was mistaken and that the heavy fire to which he was subjected came from the trenches near block house , beyond his right flank, at a distance of about yards. the spaniards used smokeless powder, the thickets obscured the flash of their guns, and the sound of the mauser bullets penetrating a bamboo pole is very similar to the crack of the rifle itself. "this attack demonstrated the immediate necessity of extending our intrenchments to the right and, although not covered by my instructions (which were to occupy the trenches from the bay to calle real, and to avoid precipitating an engagement), i ordered the first colorado and one battalion of the first california, which occupied the trenches at a. m., august , to extend the line of trenches to the pasay road. the work was begun by these troops, and continued every day by the troops occupying the trenches in turn, until a strong line was completed by august , about , yards in length, extending from the bay to the east side of the pasay road. its left rested on the bay and its right on an extensive rice swamp, practically impassible. the right flank was refused, because the only way to cross a smaller rice swamp, crossing the line about yards from the beach, was along a cross-road in rear of the general line. as finally completed the works were very strong in profile, being five to six feet in height and eight to ten feet in thickness at the base, strengthened by bags filled with earth. "the only material available was black soil saturated with water, and without the bags this was washed down and ruined in a day by the heavy and almost incessant rains. the construction of these trenches was constantly interrupted by the enemy's fire. they were occupied by the troops in succession, four battalions being usually sent out for a service of twenty-four hours, and posted with three battalions in the trenches, and one battalion in reserve along the crossroad to pasay; cossack posts being sent out from the latter to guard the camp against any possible surprise from the northeast and east. the service in the trenches was of the most arduous character, the rain being almost incessant, and the men having no protection against it; they were wet during the entire twenty-four hours, and the mud was so deep that the shoes were ruined and a considerable number of men rendered barefooted. until the notice of bombardment was given on august , any exposure above or behind the trenches promptly brought the enemy's fire, so that the men had to sit in the mud under cover and keep awake, prepared to resist an attack, during the entire tour of twenty-four hours. "after one particularly heavy rain a portion of the trench contained two feet of water, in which the men had to remain. it could not be drained, as it was lower than an adjoining rice swamp, in which the water had risen nearly two feet, the rainfall being more than four inches in twenty-four hours. these hardships were all endured by the men of the different regiments in turn, with the finest possible spirit and without a murmur of complaint." this is a vivid picture of hard service. general greene continues: "august the notice of bombardment after forty-eight hours, or sooner if the spanish fire continued, was served, and after that date not a shot was fired on either side until the assault was made on august . it was with great difficulty, and in some cases not without force, that the insurgents were restrained from opening fire and thus drawing the fire of the spaniards during this period. "owing to the heavy storm and high surf it was impossible to communicate promptly with the division commander at cavite, and i received my instructions direct from the major-general commanding, or his staff officers, one of whom visited my camp every day, and i reported direct to him in the same manner. my instructions were to occupy the insurgent trenches near the beach, so as to be in a good position to advance on manila when ordered, but meanwhile to avoid precipitating an engagement, not to waste ammunition, and (after august ) not to return the enemy's fire unless convinced that he had left his trenches and was making an attack in force. these instructions were given daily in the most positive terms to the officer commanding in the trenches, and in the main they were faithfully carried out. "more ammunition than necessary was expended on the nights of august and , but in both cases the trenches were occupied by troops under fire for the first time, and in the darkness and rain there was ground to believe that the heavy fire indicated a real attack from outside the enemy's trenches. the total expenditure of ammunition on our side in the four engagements was about , rounds, and by the enemy very much more. "after the attack of july -august i, i communicated by signal with the captain of the u. s. s. raleigh, anchored about , yards southwest of my camp, asking if he had received orders in regard to the action of his ship in case of another attack on my troops. he replied: "both admiral dewey and general merritt desire to avoid general action at present. if attack too strong for you, we will assist you, and another vessel will come and offer help. "in repeating this message, lieutenant tappan, commanding u. s. s. callao, anchored nearer the beach, sent me a box of blue lights, and it was agreed that if i burned one of these on the beach the raleigh would at once open fire on the spanish fort." general merritt speaks of the colorado skirmishers leaving their breastworks when the navy ceased firing on the th of august, and advancing swiftly, finding the spanish trenches deserted, "but as they passed over the spanish works they were met by a sharp fire from a second line, situated in the streets of malate, by which a number of men were killed and wounded, among others the soldier who pulled down the spanish colors still flying on the fort and raised our own." general greene is complimentary to the officers and who conducted the reconnaissances while he was at camp dewey twenty-five days, and states: "captain grove and lieutenant means, of the first colorado, had been particularly active in this work and fearless in penetrating beyond our lines and close to those of the enemy. as the time for attack approached, these officers made a careful examination of the ground between our trenches and fort san antonio de abad, and, finally, on august , major j. f. bell, united states volunteer engineers, tested the creek in front of this fort and ascertained not only that it was fordable, but the exact width of the ford at the beach, and actually swam in the bay to a point from which he could examine the spanish line from the rear. with the information thus obtained it was possible to plan the attack intelligently. the position assigned to my brigade extended from the beach to the small rice swamp, a front of about yards. "after the sharp skirmish on the second line of defense of the spaniards, and after greene's brigade moved through malate, meeting a shuffling foe, the open space at the luneta, just south of the walled city, was reached about p. m. a white flag was flying at the southwest bastion, and i rode forward to meet it under a heavy fire from our right and rear on the paco road. at the bastion i was informed that officers representing general merritt and admiral dewey were on their way ashore to receive the surrender, and i therefore turned east to the paco road. the firing ceased at this time, and on reaching this road i found nearly , spanish troops who had retreated from santa ana through paco, and coming up the paco road had been firing on our flank. i held the commanding officers, but ordered these troops to march into the walled city. at this point, the california regiment a short time before had met some insurgents who had fired at the spaniards on the walls, and the latter in returning the fire had caused a loss in the california regiment of killed and wounded. "my instructions were to march past the walled city on its surrender, cross the bridge, occupy the city on the north side of the pasig, and protect lives and property there. while the white flag was flying on the walls yet, very sharp firing had just taken place outside, and there were from , to , men on the walls, with arms in their hands, only a few yards from us. i did not feel justified in leaving this force in my rear until the surrender was clearly established, and i therefore halted and assembled my force, prepared to force the gates if there was any more firing. the eighteenth infantry and first california were sent forward to hold the bridges a few yards ahead, but the second battalion, third artillery, first nebraska, tenth pennsylvania, and first colorado were all assembled at this point. while this was being done i received a note from lieutenant-colonel whittier, of general merritt's staff, written from the captain-general's office within the walls, asking me to stop the firing outside, as negotiations for surrender were in progress." and general greene continues: "i then returned to the troops outside the walls and sent captain birkhimer's battalion of the third artillery down the paco road to prevent any insurgents from entering. feeling satisfied that there would be no attack from the spanish troops lining the walls, i put the regiments in motion toward the bridges, brushing aside a considerable force of insurgents who had penetrated the city from the direction of paco, and were in the main street with their flag expecting to march into the walled city and plant it on the walls. after crossing the bridges the eighteenth united states infantry was posted to patrol the principal streets near the bridge, the first california was sent up the pasig to occupy quiapo, san miguel, and malacanan, and with the first nebraska i marched down the river to the captain of the port's office, where i ordered the spanish flag hauled down and the american flag raised in its place." the insurgents were disposed to disregard the white flag and the process of the capitulation, but "a considerable force" of them was "brushed aside." general greene's losses before manila were killed and wounded: his force , . he remarks: "the resistance encountered on the th was much less than anticipated and planned for, but had the resistance been greater the result would have been the same, only the loss would have been greater. fortunately, the great result of capturing this city, the seat of spanish power in the east for more than three hundred years, was accomplished with a loss of life comparatively insignificant." captain t.b. mott, detached from general merritt's temporarily, served on general greene's staff, and received this mention: "in posting troops in the trenches, in making reconnaissances, in transmitting orders under fire, and in making reports, he has uniformly exhibited courage, military ability, and sound judgment, the qualities, in short, which are most valuable in a staff officer." captain bates, lieutenant schieflie, and captain d.f. millet, artist and author, are praised for activity, intelligence and valuable service. millet was with greene before plevna, during the russo-turkish campaign. greene was appointed the senior member of the committee to arrange the terms of the capitulation. general anderson had instructions to extend his line to crowd the insurgents out of their trenches with their consent, but this was not attempted, for that would have brought on an engagement prematurely. anderson had purchased wire-cutters with insulated handles in san francisco, and they were useful! anderson had his trenches with the insurgents. mcarthur's division was before a "circulated line of earthworks faced with sand bags," and the problem of the advance was made difficult because "we could not be sure whether our first attack was to be tentative or serious, this depending on action of the navy; second, from our orders not to displace the insurgents without their consent from their position to the right of their guns on the pasay road. this to the very last the insurgent leaders positively refused to give. yet, if we could not go far enough to the right to silence their field guns and carry that part of their line, they would have a fatal cross fire on troops attacking blockhouse no. . i therefore directed general macarthur to put the three . inch guns of battery b, utah volunteer artillery, in the emplacement of the insurgent gun and to place the astor battery behind a high garden wall to the right of the pasay road, to be held there subject to orders. "i assumed that when the action became hot at this point, as i knew it would be, that the insurgents would voluntarily fall back from their advanced position, and that the astor battery and its supports could take position without opposition." general anderson got a message from general macarthur. "i knew from this that he wished to push the insurgents aside and put in the astor battery. i then authorized him to attack, which he did, and, soon after, the twenty-third infantry and the thirteenth minnesota carried the advance line of the enemy in the most gallant manner, the one gun of the utah battery and the astor battery lending most effective assistance." it was general anderson's opinion that macarthur should counter march and go to malate by the beach, but he had gone too far, for "the guns of the astor battery had been dragged to the front only after the utmost exertions, and were about being put into battery. at the same time i received a telegram stating that the insurgents were threatening to cross the bamboo bridge on our right; and to prevent this and guard our ammunition at pasay, i ordered an idaho battalion to that point." again the insurgents were making mischief, and general anderson, as well as general greene had the experience of the continuance of fire when the white flag was flying. the loss of general anderson in the taking of the city was nineteen men killed and one hundred and three wounded. he concludes by saying: "the opposition we met in battle was not sufficient to test the bravery of our soldiers, but all showed bravery and dash. the losses show that the leading regiments of the first brigade--thirteenth minnesota, twenty-third infantry, and the astor battery--met the most serious opposition and deserve credit for their success. the colorado, california, and oregon regiments, the regulars, and all the batteries of the second brigade showed such zeal that it seems a pity that they did not meet foemen worthy of their steel." general macarthur says: "several hours before the operations of the day were intended to commence, there was considerable desultory firing from the spanish line, both of cannon and small arms, provoked no doubt by filipino soldiers, who insisted upon maintaining a general fusilade along their lines." general macarthur's personal mention is remarkably spirited, and makes stirring reading. we quote: "the combat of singalong can hardly be classified as a great military event, but the involved terrain and the prolonged resistance created a very trying situation, and afforded an unusual scope for the display of military qualities by a large number of individuals. "the invincible composure of colonel ovenshine, during an exposure in dangerous space for more than an hour, was conspicuous and very inspiring to the troops; and the efficient manner in which he took advantage of opportunities as they arose during the varying aspects of the fight was of great practical value in determining the result. "the cool, determined, and sustained efforts of colonel reeve, of the thirteenth minnesota, contributed very materially to the maintenance of the discipline and marked efficiency of his regiment. "the brilliant manner in which lieutenant march accepted and discharged the responsible and dangerous duties of the day, and the pertinacity with which, assisted by his officers and men, he carried his guns over all obstacles to the very front of the firing line, was an exceptional display of warlike skill and good judgment, indicating the existence of many of the best qualifications for high command in battle. "the gallant manner in which captain sawtelle, brigade quartermaster, volunteered to join the advance party in the rush; volunteered to command a firing line, for a time without an officer, and again volunteered to lead a scout to ascertain the presence or absence of the enemy in the blockhouse, was a fine display of personal intrepidity. "the efficient, fearless, and intelligent manner in which lieutenant kernan, twenty-first united states infantry, acting assistant adjutant-general of the brigade, and second lieutenant whitworth, eighteenth united states infantry, aid, executed a series of dangerous and difficult orders, was a fine exemplification of staff work under fire. "the splendid bravery of captains bjornstad and seebach, and lieutenant lackore, of the thirteenth minnesota, all wounded, and, finally, the work of the soldiers of the first firing line, too, all went to make up a rapid succession of individual actions of unusual merit." major general merritt's account of the capture of the city must be given in full, for there are no words wasted, and he clears the field of all confusion. "the works of the second line soon gave way to the determined advance of greene's troops, and that officer pushed his brigade rapidly through malate and over the bridges to occupy binondo and san miguel, as contemplated in his instructions. in the meantime the brigade of general macarthur, advancing simultaneously on the pasay road, encountered a very sharp fire, coming from the blockhouses, trenches, and woods in his front, positions which it was very difficult to carry, owing to the swampy condition of the ground on both sides of the roads, and the heavy undergrowth concealing the enemy. with much gallantry and excellent judgment on the part of the brigade commander and the troops engaged these difficulties were overcome with a minimum loss (see report of brigade commander appended), and macarthur advanced and held the bridges and the town of malate, as was contemplated in his instructions. "the city of manila was now in our possession, excepting the walled town, but shortly after the entry of our troops into malate a white flag was displayed on the walls, whereupon lieutenant-colonel c. a whittier, united states volunteers, of my staff, and lieutenant brumby, united states navy, representing admiral dewey, were sent ashore to communicate with the captain-general. i soon personally followed these officers into the town, going at once to the palace of the governor-general, and there, after a conversation with the spanish authorities, a preliminary agreement of the terms of capitulation was signed by the captain-general and myself. this agreement was subsequently incorporated into the formal terms of capitulation, as arranged by the officers representing the two forces, a copy of which is hereto appended and marked. "immediately after the surrender the spanish colors on the sea front were hauled down and the american flag displayed and saluted by the guns of the navy. the second oregon regiment, which had proceeded by sea from cavite, was disembarked and entered the walled town as a provost guard, and the colonel was directed to receive the spanish arms and deposit them in places of security. the town was filled with the troops of the enemy driven in from the intrenchments, regiments formed and standing in line in the streets, but the work of disarming proceeded quietly and nothing unpleasant occurred. "in leaving the subject of the operations of the th, i desire here to record my appreciation of the admirable manner in which the orders for attack and the plan for occupation of the city were carried out by the troops exactly as contemplated. i submit that for troops to enter under fire a town covering a wide area, to rapidly deploy and guard all principal points in the extensive suburbs, to keep out the insurgent forces pressing for admission, to quietly disarm an army of spaniards more than equal in numbers to the american troops, and finally by all this to prevent entirely all rapine, pillage, and disorder, and gain entire and complete possession of a city of , people filled with natives hostile to the european interests, and stirred up by the knowledge that their own people were fighting in the outside trenches, was an act which only the law-abiding, temperate, resolute american soldier, well and skillfully handled by his regimental and brigade commanders, could accomplish. the trophies of manila were nearly $ , , , of which $ , , were copper coin, , prisoners and , arms. three days after the surrender, general merritt received news of the protocol, and soon was ordered to paris. in parting he says of the insurgent chief that he had written communication with him on various occasions, and "he recognized my authority as military governor of the town of manila and suburbs, and made professions of his willingness to withdraw his troops to a line which i might indicate, but at the same time asking certain favors for himself. the matters in this connection had not been settled at the date of my departure. doubtless much dissatisfaction is felt by the rank and file of the insurgents that they have not been permitted to enjoy the occupancy of manila, and there is some ground for trouble with them owing to that fact, but notwithstanding many rumors to the contrary, i am of the opinion that the leaders will be able to prevent serious disturbances, as they are sufficiently intelligent and educated to know that for them to antagonize the united states would be to destroy their only chance of future political improvement. the commanding general's personal acknowledgments are very handsome, as follows: "brigadier-general e.p. hughes, my inspector-general at san francisco, was especially noticeable in accomplishing the instruction of the green troops that came to the city, many of them without arms, clothing, or equipment of any kind. his services will undoubtedly be duly recognized by major-general otis, with whom i left him to continue the good work. "i desire especially to express my acknowledgments to brigadier-general babcock, my adjutant-general and chief of staff, for his most valuable services from the inception of the campaign in san francisco to the close of the work at the present time. this officer is too well known to require special mention of his services in any one direction. he was my right arm, not only in the office but in the field, and much of the success that has attended the expedition is due to his individual efforts. "i desire especially to mention major mcclure and major whipple, of the pay department, who volunteered their services after they had completed their legitimate duties, and performed excellent work whenever called upon. major mcclure was especially important in his services immediately after the surrender, taking long rides under my orders to the spanish lines, and bearing instructions to them which resulted in effecting their withdrawal in such manner as to prevent the incursion of the insurgents in the northern portions of the city. other officers have been named in my special reports and have been recommended for brevets and promotion. "i especially call attention to the services of captain mott, as mentioned in the report of brigadier-general greene. he was cheerful, willing, intelligent, and energetic in the discharge of the multifarious duties imposed upon him in connection with our troops and trenches during the rainy season, and in the final action showed these rare characteristics which stamp him as a very superior soldier." _the terms of capitulation_ the undersigned having been appointed a commission to determine the details of the capitulation of the city and defenses of manila and its suburbs and the spanish forces stationed therein, in accordance with the agreement entered into the previous day by major general wesley merritt, united states army, american commander in chief in the philippines, and his excellency don fermin jaudenes, acting general in chief of the spanish army in the philippines, have agreed upon the following: . the spanish troops, european and native, capitulate with the city and its defenses, with all the honors of war, depositing their arms in the places designated by the authorities of the united states, and remaining in the quarters designated and under the orders of their officers, and subject to the control of the aforesaid united states authorities, until the conclusion of a treaty of peace between the two belligerent nations. all persons included in the capitulation remain at liberty, the officers remaining in their respective homes, which shall be respected as long as they observe the regulations prescribed for their government and the laws in force. . officers shall retain their side arms, horses, and private property. . all public horses and public property of all kinds shall be turned over to staff officers designated by the united states. . complete returns in duplicate of men by organizations, and full lists of public property and stores shall be rendered to the united states within ten days from this date. . all questions relating to the repatriation of officers and men of the spanish forces and of their families, and of the expenses which said repatriation may occasion, shall be referred to the government of the united states at washington. spanish families may leave manila at any time convenient to them. the return of the arms surrendered by the spanish forces shall take place when they evacuate the city or when the american army evacuates. . officers and men included in the capitulation shall be supplied by the united states, according to their rank, with rations and necessary aid as though they were prisoners of war, until the conclusion of a treaty of peace between the united states and spain. all the funds in the spanish treasury and all other public funds shall be turned over to the authorities of the united states. . this city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its educational establishments, and its private property of all descriptions are placed under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the american army. _f.v. greene_, brigadier-general of volunteers, united states army. _b.p. lamberton_, captain, united states navy. _charles a. whittier_, lieutenant-colonel and inspector-general. _e.h. crowder_, lieutenant-colonel and judge-advocate. _nicholas de la petra_, auditor general excmo. _carlos_, coronel de ingenieros. _jose_, coronel de estado major. the spaniards wanted a long array of specifications as to what the americans might and should not do, but finally were struck with the sufficiency of the shining simple words, "under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the american army." chapter xi the administration of general merritt. the official gazette issued at manila--orders and proclamations showing the policy and detail of the administration of major-general wesley merritt, who, as commander of the philippine expedition, became, under the circumstances of the capture of manila, the governor of that city. _general merritt's proclamation to the filipinos._ headquarters department of the pacific, august , . to the people of the philippines: i. war has existed between the united states and spain since april of this year. since that date you have witnessed the destruction by an american fleet of the spanish naval power in these islands, the fall of the principal city, manila, and its defenses, and the surrender of the spanish army of occupation to the forces of the united states. ii. the commander of the united states forces now in possession has instructions from his government to assure the people that he has not come to wage war upon them, nor upon any part or faction among them, but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights. all persons who, by active aid or honest submission, co-operate with the united states in its efforts to give effect to this beneficent purpose, will receive the reward of its support and protection. iii. the government established among you by the united states is a government of military occupation; and for the present it is ordered that the municipal laws such as affect private rights of persons and property, regulate local institutions, and provide for the punishment of crime, shall be considered as continuing in force, so far as compatible with the purposes of military government, and that they be administered through the ordinary tribunals substantially as before occupation, but by officials appointed by the government of occupation. iv. a provost-marshal-general will be appointed for the city of manila and its outlying districts. this territory will be divided into sub-districts, and there will be assigned to each a deputy-provost-marshal. the duties of the provost-marshal-general and his deputies will be set forth in detail in future orders. in a general way they are charged with the duty of making arrests of military, as well as civil offenders, sending such of the former class as are triable by courts-martial to their proper commands, with statements of their offenses and names of witnesses, and detaining in custody all other offenders for trial by military commission, provost courts, or native criminal courts, in accordance with law and the instructions hereafter to be issued. v. the port of manila, and all other ports and places in the philippines which may be in the actual possession of our land and naval forces, will be open, while our military occupation may continue, to the commerce of all neutral nations as well as our own, in articles not contraband of war, and upon payment of the prescribed rates of duty which may be in force at the time of the importation. vi. all churches and places devoted to religious worship and to the arts and sciences, all educational institutions, libraries, scientific collections, and museums are, so far as possible, to be protected; and all destruction or intentional defacement of such places or properly, of historical monuments, archives, or works of science and art, is prohibited, save when required by urgent military necessity. severe punishment will be meted out for all violations of this regulation. the custodians of all property of the character mentioned in this section will make prompt returns thereof to these headquarters, stating character and location, and embodying such recommendations as they may think proper for the full protection of the properties under their care and custody, that proper orders may issue enjoining the co-operation of both military and civil authorities in securing such protection. vii. the commanding general, in announcing the establishment of military government, and in entering upon his duty as military governor in pursuance of his appointment as such by the government of the united states, desires to assure the people that so long as they preserve the peace and perform their duties toward the representatives of the united states they will not be disturbed in their persons and property, except in so far as may be found necessary for the good of the service of the united states and the benefit of the people of the philippines. _wesley merritt_, major-general, united states army, commanding. the general orders following are full of curious interest, as they declare the true intent and meaning of the philippine expedition, and define the situation at manila, with extraordinary precision, and are in the strictest sense by authority: _headquarters department of the pacific and eighth army corps_ manila bay, august th, . _general orders_, no. . . in view of the extraordinary conditions under which this army is operating, the commanding general desires to acquaint the officers and men composing it, with the expectations which he entertains as to their conduct. you are assembled upon foreign soil situated within the western confines of a vast ocean separating you from your native land. you have come not as despoilers and oppressors, but simply as the instruments of a strong free government, whose purposes are beneficent and which has declared itself in this war, the champion of those oppressed by spanish misrule. it is therefore the intention of this order to appeal directly to your pride in your position as representatives of a high civilization, in the hope and with the firm conviction that you will so conduct yourselves in your relations with the inhabitants of these islands, as to convince them of the lofty nature of the mission which you come to execute. it is not believed that any acts of pillage, rapine, or violence will be committed by soldiers or other in the employ of the united states, but should there be persons with this command who prove themselves unworthy of this confidence, their acts will be considered not only as crimes against the sufferers, but as direct insults to the united states flag, and they will be punished on the spot with the maximum penalties known to military law. by command of major-general merritt: _j.b. babcock_, adjutant-general. official: _bentley mott_, aid. _headquarters department of the pacific and eighth army corps._ manila, p. i., august th, . _general orders_, no. . . in addition to his duties as division commander, brigadier-general t.m. anderson, u. s. vols., is hereby assigned to the command of the district of cavite and will remove his headquarters to that point. the garrison of the district of cavite will be augmented upon the arrival of the next transports containing troops for this command. . in addition to his duties as brigade commander, brigadier-general arthur macarthur, u. s. vols., is hereby appointed military commandant of the walled city of manila, and provost-marshal-general of the city of manila, including all the outlying districts within the municipal jurisdiction. general macarthur will remove his headquarters within the walled city and will bring with him one strong regiment of his command to take station within the walled town. the commanding officer of the nd oregon vol. inf., now stationed in the walled city, will report to general macarthur, and the companies of the nd oregon vol. inf., now at cavite, will, upon being relieved by other troops, be sent to manila to join the regiment. general macarthur will relieve the civil governor of his functions, and take possession of the offices, clerks and all machinery of administration of that office, retaining and employing the present subordinate officers of civil administration until, in his judgment, it is desirable to replace them by other appointments. . colonel james s. smith, st california vol. inf., in addition to his duties as regimental commander, is appointed deputy provost-marshal for the districts of the city north of the pasig river, and will report to general macarthur. colonel s. ovenshine, rd u. s. inf., is appointed deputy provost-marshal for the districts of the city, including ermita and malate, outside of the walled town and south of the pasig river, and will report to general macarthur. . under paragraphs " " and " " of the terms of capitulation, full lists of public property and stores, and returns in duplicate of the men by organizations, are to be rendered to the united states within ten days, and public horses and public property of all kinds are to be turned over to the staff officers of the united states designated to receive them. under these paragraphs the chief of artillery at these headquarters, and the chiefs of the staff departments, will take possession of the public property turned over as above, pertaining to their respective departments. the returns of the prisoners will be submitted to the military commandant of the city, who will assign the men for quarters in such public buildings and barracks as are not required for the use of united states troops. the horses and private property of the officers of the spanish forces are not to be disturbed. the chief paymaster at these headquarters will turn over such portion of the spanish public funds received by him, by virtue of this order, to the administration of his office. . all removals and appointments of subordinate officers of civil administration, and transfers of funds authorized by this order, must receive the approval of the commanding general, before action is taken. . the chief quartermaster and chief commissary of subsistence at these headquarters will establish depots of supply in manila with as little delay as possible. quartermaster and subsistence depots will also be retained at cavite. by command of major-general merritt: _j. b. babcock_, adjutant-general. official: _bentley mott_, aid. _headquarters department of the pacific and eighth army corps._ manila, p. i., august th, . _general orders_ no. . . in addition to the command of his brigade, brigadier-general f. v. greene, u. s. vols., will perform the duties hitherto performed by the intendente general de hacienda, and will have charge, subject to instructions of the major general commanding, of all fiscal affairs of the government of manila. . lieutenant-colonel c. a. whittier, u. s. vols., is appointed collector of customs, and the chief paymaster, department of the pacific, will designate a bonded officer of the pay department as custodian of all public funds. both of these officers will report to brigadier-general greene for instructions. by command of major-general merritt: _j. b. babcock_, adjutant-general. official: _bentley mott_, aid. _headquarters department of the pacific and eighth army corps._ manila, p. i., august th, . _general orders_, no. . the major-general commanding desires to congratulate the troops of this command upon their brilliant success in the capture, by assault, of the defenses of manila, on saturday, august , a date hereafter to be memorable in the history of american victories. after a journey of seven thousand miles by sea, the soldiers of the philippine expedition encountered most serious difficulties in landing, due to protracted storms raising high surf, through which it was necessary to pass the small boats which afforded the only means of disembarking the army and its supplies. this great task, and the privations and hardships of a campaign during the rainy season in tropical lowlands, were accomplished and endured by all the troops, in a spirit of soldierly fortitude, which has at all times during these days of trial, given the commanding general the most heartfelt pride and confidence in his men. nothing could be finer than the patient, uncomplaining devotion to duty which all have shown. now it is his pleasure to announce that within three weeks after the arrival in the philippines of the greater portion of the forces, the capital city of the spanish possessions in the east, held by spanish veterans, has fallen into our hands, and he feels assured that all officers and men of this command have reason to be proud of the success of the expedition. the commanding general will hereafter take occasion to mention to the home government, the names of officers, men and organizations, to whom special credit is due. by command of major-general merritt: _j. b. babcock_, adjutant-general official: _bentley mott_, aid. _headquarters of the provost-marshal-general and military commandant._ city of manila, p. i., august th, . _general orders_, no. . . in obedience to the provisions of general orders, no. , dated headquarters department of the pacific and eighth army corps, manila, p. i., august l th, , the undersigned hereby assumes the office and duties of military commandant of the walled city of manila; provost-marshal-general of the city of manila, including the outlying districts within the municipal jurisdiction, and also the functions of civil governor. . until further orders the preservation of law and order throughout the city will be maintained according to the arrangements which now obtain. . the location of these headquarters will be at the office of the civil governor, corner of san juan de letran and anda streets, and to the above address will be referred all papers requiring action by the undersigned. to insure prompt investigation, all claims, complaints, and petitions should be presented in the english language. . major harry c. hale, assistant adjutant-general u. s. volunteers; aide de camp to the commanding general, having been assigned for temporary duty at these headquarters, is hereby appointed adjutant-general to the undersigned. . colonel s. overshine having been appointed by proper authority deputy provost-marshal of the districts of the city (including ermita and malate) outside of the walled town and south of the pasig river, will organize and establish his office as soon as possible, and report the location thereof to these headquarters. . colonel james s. smith, st california volunteer infantry, having been appointed by proper authority deputy provost-marshal of the districts of the city north of the pasig river, will organize and establish his office as soon as possible and report location thereof to these headquarters. (sgd.) _arthur macarthur_, brigadier-general u. s. volunteers. military commandant and provost-marshal-general. the official gazette of aug. is a record of the organization of the military government of manila. _office chief of police._ _manila_, p. i. _order_ no. . by command of brigadier-general macarthur and military commandant, the thirteenth regiment minnesota volunteer infantry is designated to perform the police duty of this city and the commanding officer thereof is appointed chief of police, and major ed. s. bean, inspector of police. companies d, g, j and s are hereby detailed to at once take charge of the police stations and perform the necessary duties pertaining to the position of police and maintenance of order. c. mcc. _reeve_, colonel th regiment minnesota volunteer infantry and chief of police. aug. d. . _office chief of police._ _manila_, p. i. _order_ no. . . the following is published for the information of the police of this city: . bulletin hoards will be kept in all stations and all orders issued from this office will be posted thereon. . armed native and spanish soldiers must be disarmed before being allowed to pass through gates, either way. . arrest drunk and disorderly persons. . spanish officers are allowed to wear their side arms. . commanding officers will have their respective districts patroled at least once each hour during the day and night. . shoes must be blacked and all brasses bright and shining at all times. . be courteous in your contact with both natives and spaniards and see that all soldiers of other commands observe this rule. . particular attention must be given by men at the gates to the saluting of officers in passing through, and particularly so to the general officers. ed. s. bean, major th regiment minnesota volunteer infantry, and inspector of police. aug. d, . approved, _reeve_, colonel th regiment minnesota volunteer infantry and chief of police. _headquarters of the provost-marshal and military commandant._ adjutant-general's office, city of manila, p. i., august nd, . _general orders_, no. . colonel mcc. reeve, th minnesota volunteer infantry, is hereby directed to relieve the commandante of the guardia civil veterana of his functions, and will take possession of his office and will employ such officers and soldiers of his regiment _as may_ be necessary for the adequate police protection of this city. by command of brigadier-general macarthur, provost-marshal-general and military commandant, harry c. hale, assistant adjutant-general. _order_ no. . _office chief of police. manila_, p.i. to commanding officer. _stations_. notify all livery stables and other places in your districts, depositing large quantities of manure and other refuse in the streets, that they must cart it away daily, themselves. failure to do so will result in the arrest of the offending party. _ed. s. bean_, major th minnesota volunteers, and inspector of police. august d, . approved _reeve_, colonel th minnesota volunteers, and chief of police. _headquarters department of the pacific and eighth army corps._ manila, philippine islands, august nd, . _general orders_, no. . i. for the maintenance of law and order in those portions of the philippines occupied or controlled by the army of the united states, and to provide means to promptly punish infraction of the same, military commissions and provost courts, composed and constituted in accordance with the laws of war, will be appointed from time to time as occasion may require. ii. the local courts, continued in force for certain purposes in proclamation from these headquarters, dated august th, , shall not exercise jurisdiction over any crime or offense committed by any person belonging to the army of the united states, or any retainer of the army, or person serving with it, or any person furnishing or transporting supplies for the army; nor over any crime or offense committed on either of the same by any inhabitant or temporary resident of said territory. in such cases, except when courts martial have jurisdiction, jurisdiction to try and punish is vested in military commissions and the provost court, as hereinafter set forth. iii. the crimes and offenses triable by military commission are murder, manslaughter, assault and battery with intent to kill, robbery, rape, assault and battery with intent to rape, and such other crimes, offenses, or violations of the laws of war as may be referred to it for trial by the commanding general. the punishment awarded by military commission shall conform, as far as possible, to the laws of the united states, or the custom of war. its sentence is subject to the approval of the commanding general. iv. the provost court has jurisdiction to try all other crimes and offenses, referred to in section ii of this order; not exclusively triable by courts martial or military commission, including violations of orders or the laws of war, and such cases as may be referred to it by the commanding general. it shall have power to punish with confinement, with or without hard labor, for not more than six ( ) months, or with fine not exceeding two hundred and fifty dollars ($ . ) or both. its sentence does not require the approval of the commanding general, but may be mitigated or remitted by him. v. the judge of the provost court will be appointed by this commanding general. when in the opinion of the provost court its power of punishment is inadequate, it shall certify the case to the commanding general for his consideration and action. by command of major-general merritt: _j.b. babcock_, adjutant-general. official: _bentley mott_, aid. _headquarters department of the pacific and eighth army corps._ manila, p.i., august nd, . _special orders_, no. . . upon the recommendation of the intendente general de hacienda, major r.b.c. bement, engineer officer, u.s. volunteers, is hereby appointed administrator de hacienda (collector of internal revenue), and will report without delay to brigadier-general f.v. greene, u.s. volunteers, intendente general, manila. . the following orders are confirmed: special orders no. , headquarters second division, eighth army corps, august th, , placing first lieutenant w.g. haan, rd u. s. artillery, in command of a separate battery to be organized by details from batteries of rd u.s. artillery, to man the hotchkiss revolving cannon brought on the transport ohio. . private h.j. green, company e, nd oregon volunteer infantry, detailed on special duty at these headquarters, will be paid commutation of rations at the rate of seventy-five cents per diem, it being entirely impracticable for him to cook or utilize rations. he will also be paid commutation of quarters at the usual rate. both commutations to be paid while this man is employed on his present duty and stationed in this city, and to date from and inclusive of the th inst. . corporal jerome patterson, company h, rd u.s. infantry, corporal james maddy, company f, nd oregon volunteer infantry, private emmett manley, company d, rd u.s. infantry, private robert m. nichols, company a, st idaho volunteer infantry, private p.h. sullivan, company f, rd u.s. infantry, are hereby detailed on special duty at these headquarters., and will report at once to the adjutant-general for duty. . lieutenant-colonel charles l. jewett, judge advocate, u.s. volunteers, is hereby appointed judge of the provost court, for the city of manila. he will hold the sessions of his court at the headquarters of the provost-marshal-general. the quartermaster department will provide the necessary offices and office furniture. the provost court will be attended by one or more assistant provost-marshal, to be detailed by the provost-marshal-general, who will be charged with the duty of enforcing its orders and executing its processes. the form of accusation in the provost court will be substantially the same as that used in courts martial, and a record of all cases tried, assimilated to that of the summary court, will be kept. . upon the recommendation of the chief commissary of the department of the pacific, the issue to spanish prisoners by major s.a. cloman, c.s., u.s. vols., depot commissary, cavite, p.i., of one ( ) box of soap ( lbs. net) is hereby confirmed. . sergeant charles h. burritt, company c, st wyoming volunteer infantry, will report to lieutenant morgareidge, st wyoming volunteer infantry, on board steamer ohio, for temporary duty in unloading commissary supplies. upon completion of this duty sergeant burritt will rejoin his company. . lieutenant charles h. sleeper, st colorado volunteer infantry, is hereby appointed deputy collector of internal revenue, and will report to major r.b.c. bement, u.s. vols., administrator de haciena (collector of internal revenue), for instructions. . lieutenant-colonel charles l. potter, u.s. vols., chief engineer officer, eighth army corps, will assume charge of the water supply of this city, and will report to brigadier-general arthur macarthur, u.s. vols., military commandant of manila, for instructions. by command of major-general merritt: _j.b. babcock_, adjutant-general. official: _bentley mott_, aid. the responsibilities of general merritt in his manila, campaign were graver than the country understands, and his success was regarded as so much a matter of course that there has been forgetfulness to take into account the many circumstances that gave anxiety preceding decisions that seem easy now that they have been vindicated by events. the departure from san francisco of the major-general commanding the philippine expedition was as well known to the spanish as to the american cabinet, and there is reason to think there were no important particulars of the sailing of the third division of our philippine soldiers unknown to enemies. there were in gold coin, a million and a half dollars in the strong box of merritt's ship, the newport. the spanish spies were not as well posted as an average hackman, if they did not report the shipment of gold. it would have been a triumph for spain to have captured the commanding general and the gold, the astor battery and the regular recruits with the headquarters ship, the spanish were known to have a gunboat or two lurking in the islands within striking distance of our transports, unarmed vessels--except a few deck pieces of field artillery--with more than a thousand men on each. general merritt wanted the escort of ships of war to make all secure, and application to admiral dewey to send one of his war boats, brought the statement that he could not spare a ship. just at that time he heard of the run by camara with the cadiz fleet eastward on the mediterranean, and soon he had word that the pelayo and her companions were in the suez canal. general greene had not arrived at manila at that time, and the monitors monterey and monadnock were getting along slowly. dewey knew he would have to evacuate the scene of his victory in case camara was fully committed to go to manila, and wait for the monitors, and when he got them he said he would return and sink another spanish fleet, but that was something it might be critical to explain, and general merritt, after leaving san francisco, did not get any news for twenty-six days. all that time he would have had no justification for surprise if he had been attacked by a spanish gunboat, and if the spaniards had pushed on their rapide--the converted german liner the normania--she could have been handled to cut off the american reinforcements on the way to the camps of the little american army already landed. when general merritt reached cavite, he found the situation difficult for the army and pushed things as the only way to get out of trouble. he had two armies to deal with, one the spaniards, fiercely hostile, and the other, the filipinos, factional and jealous, each outnumbering by five thousand the american forces with which the city was assailed and finally captured. there was no time lost, and if there had been any delay, even two days, the peace protocol would have found our army in the trenches, and the city belonging to the spaniards. it was the energy of general merritt, heartily shared by his division commanders, that prevented this embarrassment, which would have been a moral and military misfortune. we have given the general's orders to his troops and the filipinos after the fall of the city--also his original statement of policy, and noted how cleverly they supported each other, and how smoothly the work of organization and administration is carried on the world is well aware. the orders deputing the officers to discharge certain duties are plain business. there was no departure from the strict, straight line of military government, and the threatened entanglements firmly touched passed away. there was nothing omitted, or superfluous, and the purpose and programme of policy was made clear by events. the confusion overcome by the genius of common sense there was order, all rights respected, the administration was a success from the beginning and continued, and is to be continued--security is established, there is public confidence in the air--the "faith and honor of the army" are inviolable, manila is ours, and there is peace. if war comes in that quarter of the globe we shall stand on ground that earthquakes cannot shake. chapter xii the american army in manila. why the boys had a spell of home sickness--disadvantages of the tropics--admiral dewey and his happy men--how our soldiers passed the time on the ships--general merritt's headquarters--what is public property--the manila water supply--england our friend--major-general otis, general merritt's successor. the american soldiers in the philippines were most devoted and cheerful, patient under hardship and pleasantly satisfied that they were as far to the front as anybody and seeing all there was to see during the siege of manila. they were out in tropical rains, and the ditches they waded were deep with mud unless filled with water. they were harassed by the spanish with the long-range mausers at night and insufficiently provided a part of the time with rations. at best they had a very rough experience, but kept their health and wanted to go into the city with a rush. they would rather have taken chances in storming the place than sleep in the mud, as they did for twenty days. when the defenders of manila concluded that the honor of spain would be preserved by the shedding of only a little blood in a hopeless struggle and fell back from very strong positions before the advance of skirmish lines, and the american columns entered the city, keeping two armies--the spaniards and the insurgents--apart, and, taking possession, restored order and were sheltered in houses, it soon began to occur to the boys, who came out of the wet campaign looking like veterans and feeling that they had gained much by experience, that they were doing garrison duty and that it was objectionable. the soldiers who arrived on the peru, city of pueblo and pennsylvania were shocked that they had missed the fight and disgusted with the news of peace. they had made an immense journey to go actively into war, and emerged from the ocean solitude to police a city in time of peace. it was their notion that they lacked occupation; that their adventure had proved an enterprise that could not become glorious. the romance of war faded. unquiet sensations were produced by the stories that there was nothing to do but go home, and they would soon be placed aboard the transports and homeward bound. besides, the climate was depressing. the days were hot and the nights were not refreshing. the rations were better and there were dry places to sleep, but there was no inspiring excitement, and it was not a life worth living. war--"the front"--instead of offering incomparable varieties, became tedious--it was a bore, in fact. how could a crowded city and thronged streets be attractive in a military sense, or the scene of patriotic sacrifice, when the most arduous duty was that of police? was it for this they had left homes in oregon, montana, pennsylvania, wisconsin, tennessee, nebraska, utah, california and colorado? there came an episode of homesickness. it was about time in a soldier's life to contrast it with the farms and the villages, the shops, mines and manufactories. they were kept busy on guard and in caring for themselves, in activities as the masters of a strange community, but the novelties of the tropics lost their flavor. what did a man want with oranges when there were apples? what was a rice swamp compared with a corn field? think of the immeasurable superiority, as a steady thing, of an irish potato to a banana, or a peach to a pineapple! what was a chinese pony alongside a kentucky horse, or a water buffalo with the belly of a hippopotamus and horns crooked as a saber and long as your arm to one who had seen old-fashioned cows, and bulls whose bellowing was as the roaring of lions? the miserable but mighty buffaloes were slower than oxen and, horns and all, tame as sheep--the slaves of serfs! as for the chinese, if there were no other objection, they should be condemned because too numerous--faithful, perhaps, in a way, but appearing with too much frequency in the swarming streets. and the women, with hair hanging down their backs, one shoulder only sticking out of their dresses, the skin shining like a scoured copper kettle; a skirt tight around the hips and divided to show a petticoat of another tint, a jacket offering further contrasts in colors, slippers flapping under naked heels, faces solemn as masks of death heads--oh, for the rosy and jolly girls we left behind us in tears! how beautiful were the dear golden-haired and blue-eyed blondes of other days! the boys wanted at least tobacco and aerated waters to soothe themselves with, and if there was not to be any more fighting, what was the matter with going home? they also serve, however, who only stand and wait--there are no soldiers or sailors in the world who are in a position of greater interest and usefulness than those of the american army and navy who hold fast with arms the capital city of the philippines. the army, though much exposed, has not suffered severely from sickness. there has been an intense and protracted strain upon the men of the ships, but they have recovered from the amiable weakness for home, and they are not merely well; they are more than plain healthy--they are hearty and happy! there is the light of good times in their faces. one thing in their favor is they have not been allowed to eat unwholesome food, and the floors of the warboats and every piece of metal or wood that is in sight is polished and glistening with cleanliness. the soldiers will feel better when the postoffice is in working order and they will do better by their organs of digestion when they are not deluged with fizz--that is, pop, and beer made without malt, and the strange, sweetish fruits that at first were irresistible temptations. "come with me and see the men of the olympia," said admiral dewey, "and see how happy they are, though they have been shut up here four months." and the men did look jolly and bright, and proud of the admiral as he of them, and they were pleased when he noticed, kindly, the hostile little monkey, who is the mascot, and the other day bit the captain. the health of the boys was preserved at sea by systematic exercise. not a transport crossed the pacific that was not converted into a military school, and each floating schoolhouse had about , pupils. they were put through gymnastics and calisthenics when, as a rule, they were barefooted and wore no clothes but their undershirts and trousers. there was even a scarcity of suspenders. the drill-masters were in dead earnest, and their voices rang out until the manifestation of vocal capacity excited admiration. the boys had to reach suddenly for heaven with both hands and then bring their arms to their sides with swinging energy. then they had to strike out right and left to the order "right!" "left!" until the sergeant was satisfied. next each foot had to be lifted and put down quickly at the word of command; then it was needful that the legs should he widely separated in a jump and closed up with vigor; then the spinal columns swayed forward and back and all the joints and muscles had something to do. this was no laughing matter to any one, though it was funny enough from the ordinary standpoint of civil life. this medicine was taken day after day, and seemed to vindicate itself. it was esteemed a good thing for the boys to perspire from exercise. there was no trouble, though, when south and west of honolulu, in having substantially turkish baths in the bunks at night, and there were queer scenes on deck--men by hundreds scantily clothed and sleeping in attitudes that artists might have chosen to advantage for life studies. it was necessary for those who walked about, during the hours thus given to repose, where the enlisted men took their rest with their undershirts and drawers around them, to be careful not to tramp on the extended limbs. once i feared i had hit a soldier's nose with my heavy foot when stepping over him in a low light, and was gratified that my heel had merely collided with a big boy's thumb. he had gone to sleep with his head protected by his hand. i paused long enough to note that the sheltering hand if clinched would have been a mighty and smiting fist; and i was doubly pleased that i had not tramped on his big nose. not infrequently, when we were steaming along the th parallel of north latitude--that is to say, well in the torrid zone--and were wafted by the trade winds that were after us at about our own speed, heavy showers came up in the night and spoiled the luxurious content of those who were spread on the decks. the boys got in good form through the longest journey an army ever made--for the distance is greater from the united states to the philippines than from spain--and every week the skill of a soldier in acquiring the lessons of the climate and the best methods of taking care of himself will become more useful, and the tendency will be to settle down to the business of soldiering, make the best of it and accept it as educational--an experience having in it the elements of enduring enjoyments. "the days when i was in manila, away down in the south seas, but a little way from the island from which came the wild man of borneo," will be pleasant in remembrance, and there will be perpetually an honorable distinction in identification with an ambitious yet generous enterprise, one of the most remarkable a nation can undertake--not excepting the roman conquests all around the mediterranean, and that touched the northern sea, invading england. in the later days of august there were in the prisons of manila, which answer to the penitentiary and jail in the american states, , prisoners, one of whom was a spaniard! the prisons are divided only by a high wall and contain many compartments to assist in classification. there are considerable spaces devoted to airing the prisoners, and one in which the privileged are permitted to amuse themselves with games. the guard consisted, when i visited the place, of sixty-three soldiers from pennsylvania. there were many women imprisoned. one who had been shut up for more than a year was taken into custody because she had attempted rather informally to retake possession of a house of which she had been proprietor and out of which she had been fraudulently thrown. her crime was a hysterical assertion of her rights and her uninvited tenants were spaniards. one of the buildings contained the criminals alleged to be desperate, and as they stood at the windows the chains on their right legs were in sight. it was plainly seen in several cases that the links of the chains used were about three inches long and that three or four turns were taken around the right ankle. in a group of prisoners waiting for supper to be handed them in pans in the open air a large number wore chains. many of the prisoners were incarcerated as insurgents, having offended by refusing to espouse the spanish cause or by some other capital criminality in that line of misconduct! a commission was investigating their cases and the filipinos who had not satisfied the spanish requirements were represented by an able lawyer who was well informed and disposed to do justice. sixty-two of the inmates of the penitentiary held for discontent with the spanish system of government were to be discharged as soon as the papers could be made out. many most interesting questions arise in connection with the capitulation of the spanish army. it was agreed that the spaniards, upon surrendering and giving up the public property, should be entitled to the honors of war. it was expressly understood that the arms the troops gave up were to be retained. in case the americans abandoned the islands or the spaniards departed the rifles should be given them, and usage would seem to determine that this return of weapons must include the mausers in the hands of the troops now prisoners of war and the cartridges they would carry if they took the field. then arises a difficulty as to the precise meaning of the words "public property." there were laid down by the spaniards about , mausers and remingtons, and there were , in the arsenals-- , in all. it is admitted that , personally surrendered rifles go back to the spaniards, whether they or we go away from the islands--as one or the other is sure to do--but the , stand of arms in the arsenals come under the head of "public property," and so should be retained permanently by the americans. the number of ball cartridges a soldier starting out to make a march carries is . there were surrendered more than rounds to the man. the public money was public property, of course, and general greene demanded the keys to the vault containing it. the spanish authorities objected, but yielded after presenting a written protest. the money consisted of spanish and mexican dollars, a lot of silver bars and change fused into one mass, and some gold in the same state, also $ , in copper coin, which was regarded, under the old dispensation, good stuff to pay poor wages to poor men and women. there are some fine points about customs. the american flag floats over the city, and the importers and exporters want to know what the charges are and how much the private concessions must be. some of these people ran around for several days with the object of placing a few hundred mexican dollars in the hands of officials, where they would do the most good, and could not find anybody ready to confer special favors for hard cash. these pushing business men had been accustomed to meet calls for perquisites, and did not feel safe for a moment without complying with that kind of formality. they turned away embarrassed and disappointed, and were surprised to learn that they were on a ground floor that was wide enough to accommodate everybody. it should be mentioned in this connection, also, a mexican dollar passes in manila for cents american. the price of mexican dollars in the banks of san francisco and honolulu is and cents. the way it works is illustrated in paying in a restaurant for a lunch--say for two. if the account is $ you put down a $ united states gold piece and receive in change eight mexican dollars. if you buy cigars at $ per , a $ american gold piece pays the $ bill. there is now pretty free coinage of mexican dollars and they answer admirably as -cent coins. that is one of the ways in which free coinage of silver removes prejudices against the white metal; no one thinks of objecting to a mexican dollar as a half-dollar, and our boys, paid in american gold, have a feeling that their wages are raised because all over the city one of their dollars counts two in the settlement of debts. these useful american dollars are admitted free of duty. the headquarters of the american administration in manila are in the city hall, situated in the walled city, with a park in front that plainly has been neglected for some time. it also fronts upon the same open square as the cathedral, while beyond are the jesuit college and the archbishop's palace. just around the corner is a colossal church, and a triangular open space that has a few neglected trees and ought to be beautiful but is not. a street railroad passes between the church and the triangle, and the mule power is sufficient to carry at a reasonable rate a dozen spanish officers and as many chinamen. the fare is cent american--that is, cents philippine--and the other side of the river you are entitled to a transfer, but the road is short and drivers cheap. there is a system of return coupons that i do not perfectly understand. the truth about the street railway system is that there is very little of it in proportion to the size of the city, but the average ride costs about cent. if the americans stay there is an opening for a trolley on a long line. there is no matter of business that does not depend upon the question: will the americans stay? if they do all is well; if they do not all is ill, and enterprise not to be talked of. the most important bridge across the pasig is the bridge of spain. the street railway crosses it. the carriages and the coolies, too, must keep to the left. it is the thoroughfare between the new and old cities, and at all hours of the day is thronged. it is a place favored by the native gig drivers to whip heavily laden coolies out of the way. a big chinaman with powerful limbs, carrying a great burden, hastens to give the road to a puny creature driving a puny pony, lashing it with a big whip, and scrambles furiously away from a two-wheeler whirling along a man able to pay a -cent fare. in other days when one passed this bridge he faced the botanical gardens, which had a world-wide reputation, an attraction being a wonderful display of orchids. there were also beautiful trees; now there are only stumps, disfigurements and desolation--some of the horrors of war. the gardens were laid waste by the spaniards as a military precaution. as they seem to have known that they could not or would not put up a big fight for the city, what was the use of the destructiveness displayed in the gardens, parks and along the boulevards? the fashion of taking a garden and making a desert of it and calling it one of the military necessities of war is, however, not peculiar to the chieftains of spain. crossing the bridge of spain to the walled city and turning to the right there are well-paved streets bordered with strips of park beside the river, that is rushing the same way if you are going to headquarters; and the object that tells where to turn off to find the old gateway through the wall, with a drawbridge over the grassy moat, is a monument to alphonse, whose memory it is the habit of these people to celebrate. approaching the city hall (headquarters) there is a white-walled hospital to note; then comes a heavy mass of buildings on a narrow street, and the small square already styled in this article a park, and we arrive at the grand entrance of the official edifice. the room devoted to ceremony is so spacious that one must consent that magnitude is akin to grandeur. there is the usual double stairway and a few stone steps to overcome. on the right and left under the second lift of stairs were corded the spanish mausers and remingtons and many boxes of cartridges. i have several times noticed soldiers tramping on loose cartridges as though they had no objection at all to an explosion. you can tell the mauser ammunition, because the cartridges are in clips of five, and the little bullets famous for their long flight are covered with nickel. the remington bullets are bigger and coated with brass. something has been said to the effect that the remington balls used by the spaniards are poisonous and that it is uncivilized to manufacture them. the object of the mauser and remington system in covering the bullets, the one with nickel and the other with brass, is not to poison, but to prevent the lead from fouling the rifles. the point is almost reached in modern guns of , and , yards range where the friction of the gun barrel and the speed of the missile at the muzzle are sufficient to fuse unprotected lead, and at any rate so much of the soft material would soon he left in the grooves as to impair accuracy and endanger the structure of the arm. right ahead when the first stairs are cleared is a splendid hall, with a pair of gilded lions on a dais, and some of the boys had adorned these beasts with crowns of theatrical splendor. the arms of spain are conspicuous, and in superb medallions illustrious warriors, statesmen, authors, artists and navigators, look down from the walls upon desks now occupied by american officers. above this floor the stairs are blocks of hardwood, the full width of the stairway and the height of the step, and this earthquake precaution does not detract from the dignity of the building, for the woodwork is massive and handsome. a marvelous effect might be produced in some of the marble palaces of private citizens in our american cities by the construction of stairways with the iron-hard and marble-brilliant wood that is abundant in puerto rico, cuba and luzon. the hall in which the city council met, now the place of the provost-marshal's court, is furnished in a style that puts to shame the frugality displayed in the council chambers of our expensively governed american cities, where men of power pose as municipal economists. in the elevated chair of the president, faced by the array of chairs of the spanish councilmen, or aldermen, sits the provost-marshal judge, and before him come the soldiers who have forgotten themselves and the culprits arrested by the patrol. on the wall above him is a full-length likeness of the queen regent--a beautiful, womanly figure, with a tender and anxious mother's solicitous face. she looks down with sad benignity upon the american military government. there is also a portrait of the boy king, who becomes slender as he gains height, and rather sickly than strong. it may be that too much care is taken of him. in the corner room at the end of the corridor major-general otis received at his desk the news that generals merritt and greene were ordered home, and that he was the major-general commanding and the chief of the civil, as well as the military department of the government. he had already found much to do and tackled the greater task with imperturbable spirit and a habit of hard work with, his friends say, no fault but a habit that is almost impracticable of seeing for himself almost everything he is himself held responsible for. if he has a weakness of that sort he has a rare opportunity to indulge it to the full extent of his personal resources. he certainly dispatches business rapidly, decides the controverted points quickly and has a clear eye for the field before him. his record is a good one. when the war of the states came on he was a new york lawyer--his home is at rochester. near the close of the war he was wounded on the weldon road, along which grant was extending his left wing to envelop petersburg. he was struck by a musket ball almost an inch from the end of the nose, and the course of it was through the bones of the face under the right eye, passing out under the right ear. he was "shot through the head," and suffered intensely for a long time, but maintained his physical vitality and mental energy. his face is but slightly marked by this dreadful wound. he has been a hard student all his life, and is an accomplished soldier, as well as an experienced lawyer. his judicial services in court-martials have been highly estimated. altogether he is well equipped for executing the various duties of his position. he will "hold the fort in good shape." in an adjacent room, assistant adjutant-general strong, son of the ex-mayor of new york, a young man of much experience in the national guard and a sharp shooter, sticks to business with zeal and knowledge, and in a very few days established a reputation as a helper. so much has been said in disparagement of the "sons of somebodies" that it is a pleasure to put in evidence the cleverness and intelligent industry of captain strong, late of the th new york, and of captain coudert, of new york. general merritt took possession of the palace of the governor-general, overlooking the river, a commodious establishment, with a pretentious gate on the street, a front yard full of shrubbery and rustling with trees, a drive for carriages and doors for their occupants at the side and a porte cochere, as the general said with a twinkle of his eye, for the steam launch which was a perquisite of the governor. the commanding general of the philippine expedition enjoyed the life on the river, along which boats were constantly passing, carrying country supplies to the city and returning. the capacity of canoes to convey fruit and vegetables and all that the market called for was an unexpected disclosure. there were unfailing resources up the river or a multitude of indications were inaccurate. the general's palace is more spacious than convenient; the dining room designed for stately banquets, but the furniture of the table was not after the manner of feasts, though the best the country afforded, and the supply of meat improved daily, while the fruit told of the kindly opulence of the tropics. there was a work of art in the palatial headquarters that the commanding general highly appreciated--a splendid but somber painting of the queen regent in her widow's weeds, holding the boy king as a baby on her right shoulder, her back turned to the spectator, gloomy drapery flowing upon the carpet, her profile and pale brow and dark and lustrous hair shown, her gaze upon the child and his young eyes fixed upon the spectator. this picture has attracted more attention than any other in manila, and the city is rich in likenesses of the queen mother and the royal boy, who, without fault have upon them the heavy sorrows of spain in an era of misfortune and humiliation; and it will take some time for the spanish people, highly or lowly placed, to realize that the loss of colonies, as they have held them, is a blessing to the nation and offers the only chance of recuperation and betterment in spain's reputation and relations with the world. the governor-general's palace, with general merritt for general, was a workshop, and the highly decorated apartments, lofty and elaborate, were put to uses that had an appearance of being incongruous. the cot of the soldier, shrouded in a mosquito bar, stood in the midst of sumptuous furniture, before towering mirrors in showy frames, and from niches looked down marble statues that would have been more at home in the festal scenes of pompous life in the sleepy cities of dreamy lands. there was no more striking combination than a typewriting machine mounted on a magnificent table, so thick and resplendent with gold that it seemed one mass of the precious metal--not gilt, but solid bullion--and the marble top had the iridescent glow of a sea shell. this was in the residence of the general, his dining and smoking rooms and bedrooms for himself and staff, the actual headquarters being next door in the residence of the secretary-general. here was a brilliant exhibition of mirrors, upon some of which were paintings of dainty design and delicate execution, queerly effective. the tall glasses stood as if upon mantles. there were other glasses that duplicated their splendors; through the open doors down the street, which was the one for the contemplation of the gorgeous--and down the street means into the modern end of the city--was the residence of the spanish admiral of the annihilated fleet, montijo. it had been the property of and was the creation of a german, who got rich and got away in good time with $ , , or more, selling his house to one of the rich chinese, who had the fortune, good, bad or indifferent, to become the landlord of the admiral whose ships disappeared in a vast volume of white vapor on the may morning when the americans came and introduced themselves. general greene's headquarters were in the house the german merchant built, the chinese millionaire bought, and the admiral, without a fleet since the st of may, rented. the furnishing was rich; there were frescoes that were aglow with the tropic birds and window curtains that were dreams. the vast mansions of the ex-officials were not, however, such as would have been sought as accommodations for the management of the military and other affairs, and there was much lacking to comfort; but as the hotels after the siege were not tolerable, the officers had to discover houses in which they could develop resources, and the public property was that of those who conquered to the extent to which it had belonged to those displaced. the americans got out of the chaotic hotels soon as possible, for there were some things in them simply not endurable. they rent houses and employ servants and set up housekeeping. the newspaper correspondents have been driven to this, and they are comparatively happy. they have found ponies almost a necessary of life, and food that is fair is attainable, while the flowing hydrants remove a good deal of privation and apprehension. the water is from an uncontaminated stream, and though slightly soiled after heavy rainfalls, it is not poisonous, and that is what many american and european cities cannot truthfully say of their water supplies. the demand for houses by the americans has raised the views of the proprietors. the street on which the official spaniards meant to flourish, as weyler, blanco and others had done before them, and had not time to reap a harvest of plunder before the days of doom came, would be called by the citizens of cleveland, o., the euclid avenue of the town. it runs out to the old fort where the spaniards made their stand "for the honor of the arms of spain." the english and german and chinese successful men reside in this quarter. the majority of those who have provided themselves with houses by the river and fronting on the street most approved, looking out through groves and gardens, are chinese half-castes, claiming chinese fathers and philippine mothers. these are the most rapacious and successful accumulators, and they would all be glad to see the americans stay, now that they are there, and have shown themselves so competent to appreciate desirable opportunities and understand the ways and means, the acquirements and the dispensations of prosperity as our troops entered the city by the principal residence street, it was noticed that guards were left at all the houses that displayed the british flag--a reward for english courtesy, and the feeling of the troops that the british are our friends. chapter xiii the white uniforms of our heroes in the tropics. the mother hubbard street fashion in honolulu, and that of riding astride--spoiling summer clothes in manila mud--the white raiment of high officers--drawing the line on nightshirts--ashamed of big toes--dewey and merritt as figures of show--the boys in white. recent experiences of the united states excite attention to the fashions of the tropics. in florida our soldiers who invaded cuba were in a degree and sense acclimated for the temperature of the island that has been for so long "so near, and yet so far," so wet and yet so hot. but the troops of the philippine expedition were not prepared by the chilly blasts from the mountains of california for the exceedingly soft airs of hawaii, though honolulu was a pleasant introductory school to manila. our new possession two thousand miles from the continent, has been preparing for the destiny realized for two generations, and the american ladies who dwell in the islands of perpetual summer in the pacific, have not submitted wholly to the dominion of the climate and composed themselves to languish in loose and gauzy garments when on the streets. but the honolulu women, in general, who largely are in the possession of luxuriant proportions, are enveloped in the blandishments of mother hubbards, and do not even tie strings about themselves to show where they would have spectators to infer their waists ought to be. they go about flowing and fluttering in freedom, and have all the advantages due the total abandonment of corsets, and suffer none of the horrors of tight lacing recorded in medical publications. the mother hubbard gown is not without its attractions, but we can hardly say they are too obvious, and slender figures are lost in voluminous folds that are billowy in the various ways and means of embracing the evolutions of beauty. and the native singers seem fully justified in throwing the full force of their lungs and the rapture of their souls into the favorite chorus, "the honolulu girls are good enough for me." the refrains of the hawaiian songs are full of a flavor of pathos, and there is the cry of sorrows, that seem to be in the very air, but belong to other ages. the honolulu females of all races have flung away side saddles with their corsets, and bestride horses and mules with the confidence in the rectitude of their intentions that so besets and befits the riders of bicycles. people would stare with disapproval in honolulu to see a woman riding with both legs on the same side of a horse, and those wandering abroad in the voluminous folds of two spacious garments disapprove the unusual and unseemly spectacle. it is as hot in some parts of texas, arizona and california as in any of the islands of the seas of the south, but we had not been educated in the art of clothing armies for service in the torrid zone, until the philippine expedition was undertaken, and we were making ready for challenging the spaniards in their cuban fastnesses, when it speedily was in evidence that we wanted something more than blue cloth and blankets. the spanish white and blue stuff and straw hats were to our eyes unsightly and distasteful, and we began with a variety of goods. our army hats were found good, but we tried nearly all things before holding onto anything as sufficient for trousers and coats. the officers on long journeys speedily resolved, if we may judge from the results, that the suit most natty and nice for wear within twenty degrees of the equator was the perfect white, and so the snowy figures below shoulder straps became familiar. this did not, of course, indicate acute stages of active service. never were campaigns more destructive of good looks in clothing, than those in assailing santiago and manila, in which the thin stuffs were tested in torrential rain and ditches full of mud. the compensation was that the volunteers fresh from the camps of instruction, put on in a few days the appearance of veteran campaigners. in manila there was an edifying contrast between the spaniards who had surrendered and the americans who did not pause when the mausers were fired into their ranks, not with the faintest hope of successful resistance, but for the "honor of spain." the spanish soldiers had been well sheltered and came out in fairly clean clothes, while the soldiers of our nation closed up dingy ranks, suited for hunting in swamps and thickets, their coats, hats and trousers the color of blasted grass and decayed leaves. the passage of the line from the new to the old clothes was sudden, and the gallant boys in blue were not in the least disconsolate over the discoloration of their uniforms, having reached the stage where it was a luxury to sleep on a floor or pavement, without wasting time to find a soft or quiet spot. the sombre taste of the spanish ladies in dress, so famous and effective that the black mantillas and skirts, and the fans that do such execution in the hands of the dark-eyed coquettes, as to have sway where empires have been lost and won--control cuba, but does not dominate the philippines. the pope of the period, it will be remembered, divided the new worlds discovered by the navigators of spain and portugal, awarding to the best of his knowledge, by a line drawn south from the southern shore of the caribbean sea. portugal holding that to the eastward and spain that to the westward. hence the separation of south america between brazil and the rest of the central and south american states, to await the inevitable end of the evolutions that were the revolutions of independence. magellines, a portuguese, who, being slighted in his own country, went over to the spaniards, and pointed out that by sailing west the east would be attained, and so found the straits that bear his name, and the ladrones and philippines, annihilating the papal boundary line by taking and breaking it from the rear. the conquest of the philippines by the spaniards has not been complete as a military achievement or the enforcement of the adoption of customs and costumes according to the habits and taste of the conquerors, who have nibbled at the edges of the vast archipelago, greater in its length and breadth and its natural riches than the west indies. the spanish ladies in the philippines are dressed as in the ancient cities of their own renowned peninsula. the filipinos are of the varied styles that adorn africans and the asiatics. they are gay in colors and curious in the adjustment of stuffs, from the flimsy jackets to the fantastic skirts. the first essential in the dress of a filipino is a jacket cut low, the decolette feature being obscured to some extent by pulling out one shoulder and covering the other, taking the chances of the lines that mark the concealment and disclosure of breast and back. there is no expression of immodesty. the woman of the philippines is sad as she is swarthy, and her melancholy eyes are almost always introspective, or glancing far away, and revising the disappointed dreams of long ago. profounder grief than is read in the faces of bronze and copper no mourning artist has wrought nor gloomy poet written. below the jacket, the everlasting blazer, is a liberal width of cloth tightly drawn about the loins, stomach and hips, making no mistake in revelations of the original outline drawings, or the flexibilities which the activities display. there are two skirts, an outer one that opens in front, showing the tunic, which is of a color likely to be gaudy and showing strangely with the outer one. the feet are exposed, and if not bare, clothed only in clumsy slippers with toe pieces, and neither heels nor uppers. women carry burdens on their heads, and walk erect and posed as if for snap photographs. the young girls are fond of long hair, black as cannel coal, and streaming in a startling cataract to the hips. it seems that the crop of hair is unusually large, and it shines with vitality, as the breeze lifts it in the sunshine. the philippine boys are still more lightly clad than the girls, who have an eye to queer combinations of colors, and the revelation of the lines that distinguish the female form without flagrant disclosure. there is much philippine dressing that may under all the surroundings be called modest, and the prevalent expression of the filipino is that of fixed but bewildered grief. the males are rather careless, and display unstinted the drawings of legs, that are copper-colored and more uniform in tint than symmetry. two or three rags do a surprisingly extensive service, and all the breezes cause the fluttering of fantastic but scanty raiment. it is a comfort to return to a country where people wear clothing not as a flimsy and inadequate disguise. what will be the influence of our armies bent to the tropics, upon the dress of americans? it is a question that may be important. the "wheel" has introduced knickerbockers and promises to result in knee breeches. on the transports that have traversed the pacific the soldiers were fond of taking exercise in undershirts and drawers only and they swarmed from their bunks at night, to sleep on deck, sometimes condescending to spread blankets to take the edge off the cruelty of the hard wood, but reluctant to be encumbered with undershirts. their favorite night dress was drawers only, and they acted upon the false theory that one cannot take cold at sea. the authority of officers was often necessary to impress the average soldier that he ought to have an undershirt between his skin and the sky. the boys were during their long voyage very sparing in the use of shoes and stockings, and it has perhaps never before occurred in american experiences that there was such an opportunity to study the infinite variety of the big toe, and, indeed, of all the toes. in active army service the care of the feet is essential. the revelations on shipboard disclose the evils of ill-fitting shoes to be most distrusting. one of the claims of west point for high consideration is in teaching the beauty of white trousers, and our tropical army experiences will extend the fashion. when general merritt and admiral dewey parted on the deck of the china in manila harbor, both were clad in spotless white, their caps, coats and trousers making a showy combination. there was also a group of sea captains who had gathered to give the captain of the china a good send-off, and they with the staff officers, were all in radiant white. there was not a boy in blue among them. the illustrious general and admiral reminded me of gabriel ravel, when in his glory as the white knight. it would be hard to say which wore the nattier cap, but that of the admiral was of the more jaunty cut, while the general--gold cord for a band and gold buttons, especially became his blue eyes. if the officers of the army, navy and transports could be photographed as they stood in dazzling array, as if hewn from marble, the fashion plate resulting would be incomparably attractive, and in the summers to come we shall find among the influences of our tropical adventure and possessions a heightening of the colors worn by american ladies, and a whitening of the suits of gentlemen, involving the necessity of "calling in" white coats, as well as straw hats on stated days in early september. chapter xiv a martyr to the liberty of speech. dr. jose rizal, the most distinguished literary man of the philippines, writer of history, poetry, political pamphlets, and novels, shot on the luneta of manila--a likeness of the martyr--the scene of his execution, from a photograph--his wife married the day before his death--poem giving his farewell thoughts, written in his last hours--the works that cost him his life--the vision of friar rodriguez. there is history, romance and tragedy in the martyrdom of dr. rizal, whose execution by shooting on the luneta two years ago is a notable incident of the cruelties of spanish rule. this was on account of the scholarship, the influence, the literary accomplishments, and the personal distinction of the man. dr. rizal was easily the foremost writer his race and country has produced. he was a poet, novelist, political essayist, and historian, and his execution was for the crime of loving his country, opposing the spaniards, criticising and lampooning the priests. he is called the tagalo martyr, for he was of the tribe of malay origin, the most numerous and rebellious in the philippine islands. his fate was shocking. he was an intelligent, learned man, an enthusiastic patriot, who had been educated in spain and france. for writing a book against spanish oppression he was exiled to the island of dapitan. there he met a young woman of irish parentage, with whom he fell in love. they were engaged to be married, when, on some pretext, the doctor was brought back to manila, sent to madrid to be tried, and then sent back to manila. the unhappy girl to whom he was betrothed tells the rest of the story: "everyone knew that dr. rizal was innocent. all that could be brought against him was the publication of his book, and the spanish officials who tried him had never even read it. nevertheless, he was condemned to death. i then asked permission to be married to him, and they granted my request, thinking to add to the horror of his martyrdom. the marriage was celebrated by a friar the same day on which he was sentenced. i passed the whole night on my knees in prayer before the prison door, which shut my husband from me. when morning dawned, the doctor came out, surrounded by soldiers, his hands bound behind his back. they took him to the luneta, the fashionable promenade of the city, where all military executions take place. the lieutenant in command of the firing party asked my husband where he would prefer to be shot. he replied 'through the heart.' 'impossible,' said the lieutenant. 'such a favor is granted only to men of rank. you will be shot in the back.' a moment after my husband was dead. the soldiers shouted, 'hurrah for spain,' and i, 'hurrah for the philippines and death to spain.' i asked for the body. it was refused me. then i swore to avenge his death. i secured a revolver and dagger and joined the rebels. they gave me a mauser rifle, and the philippines will be free." in his poem, filled with his last thoughts--his exalted dreams that had faded, his patriotic sentiments that were bloody dust and ashes, his love for the woman he was allowed to marry a few hours before he was shot, his woeful love for his troop of devoted friends, who would have died for him and with him if the sacrifice then and there had not been hopeless--it will be discovered that he was a true poet, and we give one of his stories that was hostile to the orders of the church, and a satire on spanish rule, showing why he was a martyr. the following is a prose translation from the spanish of the poem dr. rizal wrote the night before he was executed: _my last thoughts._ farewell! my adored country; region beloved of the sun; pearl of the orient sea; our lost eden! i cheerfully give for thee my saddened life, and had it been brighter, happier and more rosy, i would as willingly give it for thy sake. unhesitatingly and without regret others give thee their lives in frenzied fight on the battlefield. but what matter the surroundings! be they cypress, laurel or lilies, scaffold or open country, combat or cruel martyrdom, it is all the same, when for country and home's redress. i die while watching the flushing skies announce through dark mantle the advent of a day. should it need purple to tint its dawn, here is my blood; i gladly will shed it if only it be gilded by a ray of new-born light. my dreams while only a boy, and when of vigor full, a youth, were always to see thee, jewel of the orient sea! thy black eyes dry, thy frownless face uplifted, and spotless thine honor. dream of my life! my fervent anxiety! shouts the soul that soon is to depart, hail! it is glorious to fall to give thee flight; to die to give thee life; to die under thy skies, and in thy maternal bosom eternally to sleep. shouldst thou find some day over my grave, a lonesome, humble flower, blossoming through the dense foliage, take it to your lips and kiss my soul. let me feel upon my forehead under the cold tomb your warm and tender breath. let the moon with her soft and silent light watch over me; let dawn spread its fulgent splendor; let the wind moan with solemn murmur. and should a bird descend and repose upon my cross, let it there proclaim a canticle of peace. let the burning sun evaporate the dew, spreading through space the notes of my songs. let a friendly being mourn my early end, praying on calm evenings, when thou also, oh, dear country! should pray to god for me. pray for all those who died unhonored; for those who suffered unequaled torments; for our poor mothers who silently grieve; for orphans and for widows; for prisoners in torture; and pray for thyself that thou mayest attain thy final redemption. and when the dark shades of night enwrap the cemetery, and the dead are left alone to watch, do not disturb their rest, do not disturb their mystery. shouldst thou hear chords of a zither, it is i, beloved country! who sings to thee. and when my grave, by all forgotten, is marked by neither cross nor stone, let the ploughman scatter its mould; and my ashes before returning to nothing will become the dust of your soil. then, i will not mind if thou castest me into oblivion. thy atmosphere, thy space, thy valleys i will cross. a vibrating, limpid note i will be in your ear; aroma, color, rumor, song, a sigh, constantly repeating the essence of my faith. my idolized country! grief of my griefs! my adored philippines! hear my last farewell. i leave them all with thee; my fathers and my loves. i go where there are no slaves, no oppressors, no executioners; where faith is not death; where he who reigns is god. farewell! fathers and brothers, parts of my soul! friends of my infancy in the lost home. give thanks that i should rest from the fatiguing day. farewell, sweet stranger, my friend, my joy. farewell, beloved beings. to die is to rest. _jose rizal._ _the vision of friar rodriguez._ comfortably seated in an arm chair one night, satisfied with himself as well as with his supper, friar jose rodriguez dreamed of the many pennies that the sale of his little books was drawing from the pockets of the filipinos, when suddenly, and as if by enchantment, the yellow light of the lamp gave a brilliant, white flash, the air was filled with soft perfume, and without his being able to explain how or wherefrom, a man appeared. this was an old man of medium height, dark complected and thin, whose white beard was a contrast to his glittering vivacious eyes, which gave his face extreme animation. over his shoulder he wore a long cape; a mitre on his head and a crosier in his hand gave him the aspect of a bishop. at sight of him, friar rodriguez yawning, murmured: "dreams of my fertile imagin--!" the vision did not permit him to finish the exclamation, but gave him a whack between the shoulders. "eh! this is no joke!" exclaimed friar rodriguez, stroking with one hand the afflicted part while with the other he rubbed his eyes. "i see! it is no dream! but partner!" incensed at such familiarity, the strange personage began poking friar rodriguez severely with his crosier on the stomach. the latter, satisfied by this time that the thrashing was in earnest, exclaimed: "here! here! friar pedro (peter)--is that the way you cancel indulgencies? that was not the agreement." the strange bishop, aroused to a high pitch of anger, stopped his poking and started to knock friar rodriguez on the head, believing it to be a more sensitive part. unfortunately, friar rodriguez's head was too hard for anything, and the crosier fell, broken in two pieces. at last! said the poor friar, who, pale and deadly frightened, had fallen on his knees and was trying to creep away on all fours. at sight of his pitiful condition, the stranger seeded satisfied, and, placing on a table the broken crosier, said with contempt: "homo sine homine, membra sine spiritu! et iste appellatur filius meus!" at the sound of that potent voice and language, unknown to him, friar rodriguez appeared confounded. the stranger could not be friar pedro (peter) nor any brother in disguise! impossible! "et tamen (the stranger continued), tanta est vanita vestra, ut ante me patrem vestrum--sed video, loguor et non audis!" and shaking in disgust his head, the vision continued speaking in castillian, but with a foreign accent. "and are you they who call themselves my sons? has your haughtiness reached such a degree that you not only pretend to be feared and worshiped by governors and governed, but neither recognize nor respect me, whose name you dishonor, and whose condignity you abuse? how do i find you? insolent with the unfortunate and cowardly towards those who do not fear you! surge et audi!" his voice was so imperative and his command so expressive, that friar rodriguez, although shaking with tremor, made every effort to stand against a corner of the room. moved by this proof of obedience, so rarely found amongst those who make a vow of humility, the stranger, full of contempt, repressed a sigh and proceeded in a more familiar manner, but without losing dignity. "for you and for your nonsense i have been obliged to leave that region, and come here! and what trouble i had to distinguish and find you amongst the others! with but little difference, you are all alike. 'empty heads and replete stomachs!' _up there_, they did not cease to tease me about you all and most especially on your account. it was useless to appear unconcerned. it was not only lopez de recalde (ignatius of loyole) who with his eternal smile and humble looks made fun of me; nor domingo (dominic) with his aristocratic pretensions and little stars of false jewelry on his forehead, who laughed at me; but even the great simpleton of francisco (francis), do you understand? tried to poke fun at me; at me, who has thought, argued and written more than all of them together! "your order is great and powerful," said ignatius, bending his head. "it resembles one of the egyptian pyramids; great at the base (you are the base), but the higher it goes the smaller it becomes--what a difference between the base and the apex!" he murmured, while walking away. "doctor," said dominic, "why did you not do with your science as i did with the nobility i left as inheritance to my sons? we would all be better off!" "mon ami, came and said francis. if god should order me again to earth, to preach as before amongst brutes and animals, i would preach in your convents." and after saying this he roared in such a manner that although small and thin, it seemed as though he would burst. "in vain i answered them that their sons were no better than you are, and that were we to look for skeletons in the closets, we had better wall every crevice. but of no use. how could i argue against three, moreover, having you to defend! three, did i say? why! even peter, the old fisherman, attracted by the laughter, left his porter's lodge and came to upbraid me for the trick you have played on his priests, taking away from them all their parishes, regardless of the fact that they had been in these islands long before you, and that they were the first to baptise in cebu and in luzon. "of course," he said, "as my sons are lazy and in dissension among themselves, and yours lie and shout louder, they make themselves believed by the ignorant. but i shall be glad when my descendants are extinct." "and so shall i! and i! i wish it was all over with mine!" shouted at once several voices. "but old peter's revenge did not stop at that. yesterday he played a hard joke on me. he not only confiscated a package that a tagalo [ ] brought with him, but instead of directing him to the imbecile's department, he took him where we all were. the poor tagalo carried with him a large collection of little books written by you, which were given him by his priest, who told him they represented so much indulgency for his next life. as soon as the indian had arrived everyone _up there_ knew he had brought books written by an augustinian monk, and they were snatched away. i tried to hide myself, but i could not. what laughter and what jokes! the little angels came in a body; the celestial father's orchestra lost its time; the virgins, instead of watching their music sheets read the books and sang most discordantly, and even old anthony's little pig began grunting and twisting his tail. "i felt ashamed; i could see every one point their finger at me and laugh. but, in spite of all this zarathustra, the grave and serious zarathustra, did not laugh. with a humiliating pride he asked me: "'is that your son, he who pretends that my religion is paganish, and that i am a pagan? have your sons degenerated to such a degree as to confound my pure religion, root of the most perfect creeds, with polytheism and idolatry? do they know that paganism is derived from pagani, which means inhabitant of the fields, who always were faithful to the greek and roman polytheism? you may answer that they do not know latin! if so, make then speak more modestly. tell them that paganus comes from pagus, from which the words pages, payes, paien, paese, pais (country), are derived. tell those unfortunate that the zend-avesta religion was never professed by the rural inhabitants of the roman country. tell them that my religion is monotheist, even more so than the roman catholic religion, which not only accepted the dualism of my creed, but has deified several creatures. tell them that paganism in its widest and most corrupted sense, duly meant polytheism; that neither my religion nor that of moses nor mohammed were ever pagan religions. tell them to read your own works, where in every page you refer to the pagans. repeat to them that which you said in speaking of the religion of the manechees (a corruption of my doctrine by you professed) which influenced your works and prevails yet in your religion, and which at one time caused the roman catholic church to vacillate. yes: i linked the principle of good and evil together--ahura-mazda; god! but this is not to admit of two gods, as you, yourself said. to speak of health and sickness is not to admit two healths. and what? have they not copied my principle of evil in satan, prince of darkness? tell them that if they do not know latin to at least study the religions, since they fail to recognize the true one!' "thus spoke zarathustra, or zoroaster. then, voltaire--voltaire, who had heard what you were saying about his death, accosted me, and grasping me by the hand, effusively thanked me. "'why so?' i asked him. "'your sons, mon cher docteur de l'eglise,' he answered, 'have proved and continue proving by facts, that which i maintained. and what was it that you maintained? that besides being ignorant, they were liars.' "to this i could not reply, for he was right. you should know that he died when years of age, possessed of all his faculties, and with so lucid a mind that when nearing his end and being importuned to make confession, he said: 'let me die in peace'--and died. but the worst of it all is, that voltaire has been pleading with god to take you to heaven alive and clothed, and when asked why so, he answered 'so that we may have some fun.' "on learning of all the indulgences that the archbishop had allowed on your books, to allure buyers, old peter, thumping his bald head, exclaimed: "'why did i not think of granting indulgencies with the fish i sold, when a fisherman? we would have been rich, and judas, instead of selling the master, would have sold sardines and tinapa! [ ] i would not have been obliged to cowardly apostatize, and would not have suffered martyrdom. verily, i say, that my friend down _below_ leaves me behind in the matter of knowing how to make money; and yet i am a jew.' "'of course, don't you know that your friend _below_ is a gallego?' [ ] said a little old man who had been _up there_ but a few years. his name was tasio, and, addressing himself to me, he continued: "'you are a great doctor, and although you have contradicted yourself many times, i hold you as a privileged character of vast erudition, for, having written your books, retractationum, and confesiones; and since you are so different from your sons who try, when defending themselves, to make black appear white, and white green, i will state my complaints, so that you, as their father, may put a stop to it all. "'there exists on earth an unfortunate, who, amongst many foolish acts, has committed the following: "' st. he holds solidary of all that i have said during my earthly life, an indian called rizal, only because said indian has quoted my words in a book that he wrote. as you can see, should we follow such a system of reasoning, rizal would also agree with the views expressed by friars, policemen, etc., and you, yourself, holy doctor, would also be solidary of all that you ascribe to heretics, pagans, and above all, to manichees. "' nd. he wants me to think as he himself does, since he quotes me as saying 'the bible and the holy gospel.' it may be well that he, as all fanatics, should believe that these are one and the same thing. but i, having studied the original hebraic bible, know, that it does not contain the gospel. that the jewish bible, being a history of creation, treasure and patrimony of jewish people, the jews, who do not accept the gospel, should be authority. that as the latin translation is incorrect, the catholics could not lay down the law, notwithstanding their habit of appropriating everything to themselves, and of misconstruing to their advantage the translation of the original text. besides, the gospels, with the exception of that written by saint mathew, were written in greek later than the bible, and conflict in every respect with the law of moses, as proved by the enemity between jews and christians. how, then, could i, knowing all this, express myself as a fanatic, or as an ignorant monk? i do not exact from any monk the speech of a free-thinker and therefore, they should not exact that i express myself as a monk would. why do they want me to consolidate under one name two distinct things, which, to a certain extent contradict each other? let the christians do so, but i must not, and cannot. if i call them separately, it is in accordance with the thought inspiring two works, two legislations, two religions, on which they want to found the catholic religion. your son, moreover, reasons finely, when he says: 'i did not know that the gospels were different from the bible, and not a principal part of it.' tell him, holy father, that in every country a part, no matter how principal may it be, is always different from the whole, for instance: the principal thing in friar rodriguez is his habit: but his habit is different from friar rodriguez, as otherwise there would be one dirty friar rodriguez, another shining, another creased, another wide, short, long, greasy, etc. on the other hand, the habit is different from the monk, because a piece of cloth, no matter how dirty, could never be presumptuous, despotic, ignorant or obscurantistic. "' d. to prove the existence of a purgatory, he quotes: 'saint mathew says in chapter twelfth, thirty-sixth verse----.' but he quotes wrongly, as from that verse cannot be derived the existence of a purgatory, nor anything of its kind. the hebrew text says: 'wa 'ebif 'omar lakam kij 'al kal abar reg ashar idabbru 'abaschim yittbu heschboun biom hammischphat'; the greek text, 'lego de hynun hote pan rema argon, ho ean lalesosin hoi anthropoi, apodosousi peri auton logon en hemera kriseos.' all these translated into latin say: 'dicto autem vobis, quoniam omne verbum otiosum quod locuti fucrint homines, reddent rationem de co in die judicii,' which, translated into english means, '_and i say to you, that on the day of judgment, men shall have to account for every idle word_.' from all these texts, you can see, holy doctor, that the only thing to be derived is that on the day of judgment, friar rodriguez will have to give such an account of himself, that very likely it will take him two days to account for all the nonsense he has said. "'i imagine that your son, instead of the thirty-sixth verse, meant to quote the thirty-second, which says: "and all who shall say word against the son of man will be forgiven; but he who says word against the holy ghost, shall not be pardoned; neither in this life nor in the next." from this they have tried to derive the existence of a purgatory. what a fertile imagination! "' th. because saint ireneus, st. clement of alexandria, and origenes, three in all, although not being the first christian, had some remote idea of purgatory, it does not follow that the christians of the first century did believe in it, unless it could be previously established that three persons represent a totality, even if amongst such a totality existed, contradictory ideas. but, as a proof that was it not so, you, yourself, holy doctor, being their father, having flourished in the fourth and fifth century, and supposed to be the greatest amongst the fathers of the church, denied most emphatically, in various instances, the existence of a purgatory. in your ccxcv cermon, beginning by: 'frecuenter charitatem vestra,' etc., you said very decidedly: 'nemo se slecipiat fratres; _duo_ cuim _loca_ sunt et _terius_ non est ullus. qui cum christo reguare non meruerit, cum diabolo _absque dubitatione ulla_ perebit.' this translated means, 'do not deceive yourselves, brethren; there are but two places for the soul and there is no third place. he who should not deserve to live with christ, _undoubtedly_ will perish.' "'further on, in de consolatione mortuorum, you say: 'sed recedus anima quoe carnalibus oculis non videtur, ab angelis susciptur et collocatur, aut in sinu, abrahae, si fidelis est, aut in carcerio inferni custodia si peccatrix est.' this means, 'but at the departure of that soul which the eyes of the flesh cannot see, the angels will receive and carry it to the bosom of abraham, if it has been faithful; or to hell, if sinful.' on the other hand, i could quote a large number of your own texts showing that for you, purgatory was not an impossibility. add to all this what saint fulgentius, who flourished after you during the fifth and sixth century, says in chapter xiv., of his 'de incarnatione et gratia,' etc.: 'quicumque regnum dei non ingreditur, poenis oeternis cruciatur.' that is to say, 'he who could not enter the kingdom of god, will suffer eternal punishment.' "' th. your son either cannot read, or else acts in bad faith; otherwise, how could he, from my estatement, 'the protestants _do not believe_ in it; neither do the greek fathers, because they miss,' etc., try to make 'the greek fathers did not believe in a purgatory?' "'how could he deduct from a present, a past tense and twist the sentences to make from it 'the holy greek fathers?' "'i used '_believe_,' the present tense, although in my time the _holy greek fathers_ did not exist, but simply the fathers belonging to the greek church. moreover, as i was following an historical order, how could i refer to the protestants, first, and to the _holy greek fathers_ afterwards, who believed what they wished, and who at the time of my earthly life were a past to me? "'and enwrapped in such bad faith, he dares to qualify as a slanderer, imposter and ignoramus, the man who only quoted me! "'but such proceeding is worthy of friar rodriguez, who, following his system of confusing a part with the whole, tries to condemn another's book, and mistakes the rays of the sun for the sun itself, all with the purpose of slandering the author and calling him freemason. "'tell me, holy doctor, after what i have told you, who is the real ignoramus, impostor and slanderer? "' th. instead of accusing others of ignorance, and presuming to know everything, he should be careful, because he has not even read your books, notwithstanding you are his father, and that it is his duty to know what you have said. should he have done so, he would neither have written so much nonsense nor would he have shown the shallowness of his knowledge, which, by the way, he derives from some little books, which, to propagate and maintain obscurantism, were published in cataluna, [ ] by sarda y salvany.' "thus was old tasio expressing himself, when the voice of the almighty was heard summoning me to his presence. "trembling, i approached, and prostrated myself at his feet.' "'go to earth,' said the voice, 'and tell those who call themselves your sons that i, having created millions of suns, around which, thousands of worlds, inhabited by millions of millions of beings, created by my infinite mercy, gyrate, cannot be an instrument to the fulfilment of a few ungrateful creatures' passions, simply handfuls of dust carried away by a gust of wind; insignificant particles of the inhabitants of one of my smallest worlds!' "'tell them that my name must not be used to extend the misery or ignorance of their brothers, nor shall they restrain in my name, intelligence and thought, which i created free. that they must not commit abuses in my name, cause a tear, nor a single drop of blood to be shed. that they must not represent me as being cruel, revengeful, subject to their whims and executor of their will. not to represent me, the fountain of goodness, as a tyrant, or an unkind father, pretending that they are the only possessors of light and eternal life. how? i, who have given to each being air, light, life and love, that he may be happy, could i deny to one of the most transcendental, true happiness, for the sake of others? impious! absurd! tell them that i, who am all, and apart from whom nothing exists, nor could exist, i have not and cannot have enemies. nothing equals me, and no one can oppose my will! "'tell them that their enemies are not my enemies; that i have never identified myself with them, and that their maxims are vain, insensible, blasphemous! tell them that i pardon error, but punish iniquity; that i will forgive a sin against me, but will prosecute those who should torture an unfortunate. that being infinitely powerful, all the sins of all the inhabitants of all the worlds, thousands of times centuplicated, can never dim an atom of my glory. but the least injury to the poor and oppressed i will punish, for i have not created man to make him unhappy nor the victim of his brothers. i am the father of all existent; i know the destiny of every atom; let me love all men, whose miseries and needs i know. let each one perform his duty, that i, the god of mercy, know my own will.' "thus spoke the almighty; and i came here to fulfill his command. now, i say to you: "that the miseries of the unhappy indian whom you have impoverished and stupefied, have reached the throne of the highest. _there_ have arrived so many intelligences obscured and impaired by you! the cry of so many exiles, tortured, and killed at your instigation! the tears of so many mothers and the miseries of so many orphans, combined with the noise of your orgies! know that there is a god, (perhaps you doubt his existence, and only use his name to advance your ends) who will some day call you to account for all your iniquities. know that he needs not the money of the poor, nor is it necessary to worship him by burning candles and incense, saying masses or believing blindly what others say, contrary to common sense. "no! his luminary is greater than your own sun; his flowers more fragrant than those on earth. he suffices to himself. he created intelligence for no subservient purpose; but that with its use, man could be happy in raising himself to him. he needs no one. he created man, not for his sake, but for man's own. he is happy for all eternity! "you obstinately uphold the existence of a purgatory, using even the most ignoble weapons and means to defend your belief. why, instead of wasting your time in affirming the existence of that which you never saw, do you not preach and practice love and charity amongst yourselves? why not preach words of comfort and hope, to somewhat soothe the miseries of life, instead of frightening your brothers by tales of future punishment? why? because christ's true doctrine would bring you no earthly wealth, and all that you look for is gold, and gold! and to satisfy your end and bleed the timid souls, of money, you have invented a purgatory! why afflict orphans and widows with dreadful tales of the next life, only to extort from them a few cents? have you forgotten what the apostle said? 'nolo vos ignorare, fratres, de dormientibus, ut non contristenuni, sicut qui spem non habent,' which means, 'i do not wish you to ignore, brethren, that which concerns those who sleep, that you may not be saddened, like those who have lost all hope.' also, that i, myself, have said? 'hoec enim est christianoe fidei summa: vitam veram expectare post mortem,' that is 'here is then the summary of the christian faith: to hope for a true life after death.' but you, lacking in charity, and for a vile, greedy interest, live in opposition to christ, and pretend to be able to mould divine judgment. all the strength of your philosophy seems to be derived from your own theory, which denies the existence of souls sufficiently sinners to be condemned, or pure enough to enter the kingdom of god! by whose authority do you pretend to oppose the judgment of him who weighs and considers the smallest thought? who knows it is impossible to expect perfection from beings made of clay, subject to the miseries and oppressions of earthly life? who told you that he will judge as you, with your narrow, limited intelligence, do? that the miseries of this life are not expiations of sins? "cease in your avaricious hoarding of wealth! you have now enough. do not wrench from the poor his last mouthful of bread. "remember what saint fulgentius said: 'et si mithetur in stagnum ignis et sulphuris qui nudum vestimento non tegit, quid passures est qui vestimento crudelis expoliat? et si rerum suarem avarus possessor requiem non habebit, quomodo aliaenarum rerum insatiabilis raptor?' meaning, 'and if he who never clothed the naked is sent to the pond of fire and sulphur, where will he, who cruelly stripped them, go? and if the greedy possessor of his own wealth may never rest, how shall it be with the thief, insatiable in his greed for the wealth of others?' "preach then, the religion of hope and promises, as you, above all, are in need of pardon and forgiveness. do not speak of rigor, nor condemn others, lest god should hear and judge you according to the laws by you formulated. bear always in mind christ's words, 'vae vobis scribae et pharisae hypocrite qui clauditis regnum coelorum ante homines; vos non intratis, nec introeunts sinitis intrare!' this means, 'woe to you, scribes and pharisees, who close to men the kingdom of god, and neither enter nor allow others to enter!' "now, to you personally, i will say: you are an unfortunate fool, who speak numberless absurdities, although i could not expect aught else from you, and would not punish you for them. but you have had the audacity of not only insulting others, by which you forgot truth and charity, but praised yourself and called attention to your own praise. "referring to yourself, you said. this father, whom i well know (liar, you do not even know yourself), although he may appear a little hard headed (a little hard-headed? ask my crosier if your head is not harder than stone), never speaks in vain (this is true; every word you say causes as much laughter on earth as in heaven), nor uses words without first thinking (if such is true, your intelligence is very limited). "for such foolish vanity i ought to punish you severely, so that you would stop forever your senseless writings, saving me the trouble of coming to reprimand you at every instance. "were i to judge you according to your own theory, you should at least go to your purgatory. but, after all, you are not so bad, as many learned persons are made to laugh at your writings. "it would be well for your pride if you allowed the indians to pass by you without taking off their hats or kissing your hand. but then, they would be imprisoned or exiled, and it would not do to increase the wrong you do them. "shall i make you lame and dumb? no! your brothers would claim it was a trial of your forbearance, to which god had submitted you. no; you won't catch me on that! "what shall i do with you?" the old bishop meditated for a few moments, and then, he exclaimed: "ah! now i know! your own sin shall be your punishment! "i condemn you to continue saying and writing nonsense for the rest of your life, so that the world may laugh at you, and also, that on the day of judgment you may be judged according to your deserts!" "amen!" replied friar rodriguez. the vision then disappeared; the light of the lamp regained its yellowish flame, and the soft perfume dispersed. on the following day friar rodriguez started writing greater nonsense, with renewed energy. amen! _jose rizal._ note.--the foregoing admirable translations from the writings of dr. rizal were made by mr. f.m. de rivas, of chicago. chapter xv events of the spanish-american war. no mystery about the cause of the war--the expected and the inevitable has happened--the tragedy of the maine--vigilant wisdom of president mckinley--dewey's prompt triumph--the battles at manila and santiago compared--general shafter tells of the battle of santiago--report of wainwright board on movements of sampson's fleet in the destruction of cervera's squadron--stars and stripes raised over porto rico--american and spanish fleets at manila compared.--text of peace protocol. the war between spain and the united states was a long time coming, and there is no more mystery about its cause than doubt as to its decisions. it was foretold in every chapter of the terrible stories of the conflicts between the spaniards and their colonists, largely of their blood, in central and south america. the causes of war in cuba, and the conduct of warfare by spain in that island were the same that resulted in revolutionary strife in mexico and peru, and, indeed, all the nations in the americas that once were swayed by the sovereignty of spain. the last of the islands of the spanish possessions in the hemisphere introduced to the civilized world by columbus were lost by the western peninsula of europe, symbolized and personified in the crown, as the first crumbling fragments of the colonial empires of spain fell away from her. only in the case of cuba there was the direct intervention of the united states to establish "a stable government" in the distracted island, desolated by war, pestilence and famine, that had evolved conditions, of terrible misery incurable from within, and of inhumane oppression that should be resented by all enlightened people. it had long been realized by the thoughtful men of spain capable of estimating the currents of events, that the time must come, and was close at hand, when the arms of the united states would be directed to the conquest of cuba. it was not only in the air that this was to be, it was written in the history of spanish america, and more than that, there was not an atlas that did not proclaim in the maps of the continents of the western world, that cuba would and in the largest sense of right should, become a part of the united states, and must do so in order to be redeemed from the disabilities deeply implanted, and released from having the intolerable burdens imposed by the rule of spain. the consciousness of the spaniards, that the shadow of the united states lowered over the misgovernment of cuba, and that there was a thunder-cloud in the north that must burst--with more than the force of the hurricanes that spin on their dizzy way of destruction from the caribbean sea--aroused the fury of passion, of jealous hatred and thirst for revenge, in anticipation of the inevitable, that caused the catastrophe of the blowing up of the maine, and kindled with the flame of the explosion, the conflagration of warfare in the indies west and east, that has reddened the seas and the skies with the blood of spain and the glow of america's victory both in the antilles and the philippines, wiping from the face of the earth the last vestiges of the colonial imperialism of spain that gave her mediaeval riches and celebrity, for which--as the system always evil became hideous with malignant growth, so that each colony was a cancer on the mother country--there has been exacted punishment of modern poverty, and finally the humiliation of the haughty, with no consolation for defeat, but the fact that in desperate and forlorn circumstances there were seen glimpses of the ancient valor in spanish soldiers, that was once their high distinction among the legions of embattled europe. the united states was not ready for war. our regular army was a to spanish troops in cuba, our field guns to of blanco's batteries, our siege train nowhere, and fortified cities to assail; and the ability and industry of the spaniards as well as their skill and strength in surveying and fortifying military lines, and their food resources were dangerously undervalued. the war was rushed upon the country, contrary to the calm executive judgement of the president. the army and navy were admirable but faulty in hasty equipment, the navy a perfect machine in itself, but without docks and arsenals in the right place for the supply of a fleet in the old battle field of european navies, the west indies. the energies of the government were put forth as soon as the war was seriously threatened, and the mighty people arose and swiftly as the aptitudes of americans in emergencies could be applied, deficiencies were supplied. the first stroke of arms came as a dazzling flash from the far southwest, in the story of the smashing victory of dewey at manila. that splendid officer, gentleman and hero did not signal his fleet as nelson at trafalgar, that every man was expected to do his duty, but he reported that every man did his duty; and the east indian fleet of spain vanished, smashed, burned and sunken by a thunderbolt! the theory of war countenanced by the impetuous and demanded by the presumptuous, was that our aggressive forces must attack havana. in and around that city were an enormous garrison, abundant military stores, forty miles of trenches defended by sixty thousand men; and far more to be dreaded the deadly climate, the overwhelming rains, the deep rank soil soaked under the tropical sun and the dense vegetation, and still more the pestilence--the ghastly yellow fever, and scarcely less poisonous and fatal pernicious malarial fevers, and dysenteries that exhausted as fast as fever consumed. fortunately, it was decided that the place to attack havana was santiago, and there the regular army, with the exception of the regiments sent to the philippines, was ordered and in due time reinforced by volunteers, safely embarked and disembarked, to become the winners on bloody fields and receive the surrender of the spanish garrisons of the city and province of santiago. the vaunted fleet of cervera, having attempted flight, perished--the wrecks of his fine ships strewing the southern coast of cuba, where they remain as memorials, like and unlike the distorted iron that was the maine, in the harbor of havana, and as the shattered and charred remnants of the fleet of montejo, at manila, still cumber the waters of the bay off cavite, telling the story of the glory of our victorious heroes there. the responsibility of the chief magistrate of the united states in the late war was remarkable. everything of moment was referred to him from the cabinet officers of the government, and he gave all the closest attention, making, after conscientious consideration, the decisions that determined the course of action taken. this was true in unusual measure of the treasury, state, war and navy departments. it is well the president resisted while he could the "rush line" in congress, that strove headlong for war, and strenuously urged in the time gained essential preparations, and that he pressed the war the day it was declared with a hurry message to admiral dewey, who won his immortal victory on the other side of the world within a week of his orders by cable to "destroy" the squadron of the enemy that might be found somewhere on the west coast of luzon. nearer home there was a harder task. the spanish army in cuba was much more formidable on the defensive than in the offensive. there were greater numbers of soldiers of a better class in the service of spain on the island, than had been supposed, and they did not lack, in the degree believed, discipline, ammunition or provisions. the spaniards had an effective field artillery, more than one hundred guns, and their mauser rifles were excellent, far-reaching; and, in field ammunition, they were ahead of us in smokeless powder. our regiments would have given way before the spanish rifles, that told no tales except with bolts, that flew invisible, fatal arrows, from the jungles, if the american soldier had not been of stuff that was like pure steel, and marched unflinchingly through the deadly hail, regarding the bitter pelting as a summons to "come on" and carry the trenches and ambuscades by storm. the incapacity of the spaniards to put down the cuban rebellion caused grave misapprehensions, both as to the spanish and cuban soldiery, for few americans understand the conditions of the interminable guerilla warfare, the particular military accomplishment of the spanish race, impotent in all save the destructive effect upon those not engaged in it. in congress no impression could be made of the real feebleness of the cubans, except in bushwhacking, and it is still a puzzle that the immense masses of spanish troops should be so helpless against the insurgents, and yet so troublesome in harassing invaders. the cuban army was not a myth, certainly, but it has been a disappointment to those who were swift in shouting its praises, upon information given by the cuban key west bureau of news novelettes. it was well that the attack on spain in the west indies was directed upon santiago and porto rico. the former manifestly was a point that commanded the central waters of the west indies; recently there have been expressions of surprise that the expedition to porto rico, finally and handsomely led by major general miles, commanding the army of the united states, was so delayed. investigation from the inside will duly determine that no harm was done in that case by loss of time. santiago was pointed out by many circumstances as the vital spot of spanish power in america, where a mortal blow might be delivered. it was in the province where the insurgents had greater strength than in any other part of the island. it was so situated that our fleet in that locality was close to the windward passage, east of cuba, where columbus was at once perplexed and triumphant, and to hayti, jamaica and porto rico; and there were several landings where it would be possible to disembark troops, protected by the fire of our ships. more than that, santiago is the old capital of cuba, the place where the head of the cuban church abides, and the scene of the virginius massacre--altogether having a place in history almost equal to that of havana. it was not doubted the sanitary situation of the east end of cuba was better than that of the west end. experience shows that this easy assumption was questionable. if we omit the great plague spot, the city of havana, it will appear that santiago is in a region as pestilential as can be found in the provinces of havana and pinar del rio. more than all other associations and conspicuities, the attention of the world was directed to santiago because cervera's elusive fleet, short of coal and provisions, and overmatched by the united states navy, took refuge in the deep harbor, hoping to clean his ships, get supplies and escape with coal enough to open a new career. the spaniards were too slow, and the only ships of spain that showed a sign of the spirit of enterprise and the capacity of adventure, were bottled up by a relentless blockade. lieutenant hobson became famous in a night in his most hazardous effort to use the merrimac as a cork for the bottle, but fortunately left a gap through which the spaniards made haste to their doom. when the second fleet of spain was destroyed, all chance of disputing our supremacy at sea, or of doing anything to guard spanish interests either in the east or west indies, was extinguished. there has been no marked features of contention as to the battles of manila, except in the case of the gratuitous observations of critical persons, whose feelings have been disturbed, that the storming of the town was not bloody enough. the victory, however, was all the greater, for the casualty lists were not long, owing to the management of the commanding general and the heroic admiral, who won a battle famous as that at new orleans, with less bloodshed, but as jackson's victory was not belittled because he lost but half a dozen men killed, the victories at manila should not be slighted. the santiago battles, however, have stirred controversies, and there is a great mass of literature, official and other, subject to endless examination, and perhaps so voluminous as to confuse readers for some generations. the leading and indisputable facts are, that the spaniards fought well on land, but were ineffectual afloat, in their attempts to inflict injuries, though they put to sea in dashing style, and did not flinch in efforts to evade a superior force, until the fire of the americans crushed them. in the incidents of warfare on the hills around and the waves before santiago, it is fair to say that the spaniards redeemed themselves from imputation of timidity, and fought in a manner not unworthy of the countrymen of the garrison of morro castle, havana, whose gallantry in resisting the army and fleet of england, in , commanded the respectful regard of their conquerors, and is a glorious chapter in the story of spain. the santiago events were most honorable to american arms, and it would lessen the splendor of the reputation of the american soldiers if one failed to do justice to the sturdy fighters they overcame. it is too early or too late for participation in the debates whether civil or acrimonious, as to the merits or faults of those engaged at santiago, further than to quote that golden sentence from the report of commodore schley, that there was "glory enough to go around." we, whatever is said, remember what was done on those hills that have an everlasting place in history. there forever is to be application of marvelous propriety, of the mournful and noble lines of kentucky's poet, theodore o'hara: "on fame's eternal camping ground their silent tents are spread, and glory guards with solemn round the bivouac of the dead." there was a speedy realization by the country, and all the intelligent peoples of the earth, when our troops were embarked for the santiago campaign, that the crisis of the war was at hand. no american thought of failure. the only questions were as to the power of the defense of cuba by spain, and the cost to us in men and money to overcome the defenders. those who knew the most about the conditions in cuba had the least confidence in the efficiency of the cuban army. the only body of organized cubans of importance was that under command of garcia, and it was the province of which he was in partial occupation that we invaded in force. the public had been considerably interested and entertained by the rousing accounts of the various naval bombardments of spanish shore fortresses. but the firing from our ships had not materially shaken the spanish defenses. the sea power had not shattered the shore lines, but found abundant occupation in guarding transports and protecting the troops when landing. it would have been an act of the most gross imprudence and incompetency to have put an army ashore unless the supremacy of the navy on the sea was absolute. more than that, our own cities had to be assured that they were secure from attack. on the st of may orders were issued for the embarkation of the army of invasion as follows: . the fifth army corps. . the battalion of engineers. . the detachment of the signal corps. . five squadrons of cavalry, to be selected by the commanding general of the cavalry division, in accordance with instruction previously given. . four batteries of light artillery, to be commanded by a major, to be selected by the commanding officer of the light artillery brigade. . two batteries of heavy artillery, to be selected by the commanding officer of the siege artillery battalion, with eight ( ) siege guns and eight ( ) field mortars. . the battalion of engineers, the infantry, and cavalry, will be supplied, with rounds of ammunition per man. . all troops will carry, in addition to the fourteen ( ) days' field rations now on hand, ten ( ) days' travel rations. . the minimum allowance of tentage and baggage as prescribed in general orders , a.g.o., current series, will be taken. . in addition to the rations specified in paragraph of this order, the chief commissary will provide sixty ( ) days' field rations for the entire command. . all recruits and extra baggage, the latter to be stored, carefully piled and covered, will be left in camp, in charge of a commissioned officer, to be selected by the regimental commander. where there are no recruits available the necessary guard only will be left. . travel rations will be drawn, at once, by the several commands, as indicated in paragraph . this was by command of major-general shafter. there were delays on account of inadequate facilities for embarkation at tampa and port tampa. orders for general shafter to move with not less than , men were issued on the th, and there was delay on account of reports of spanish ships of war ready to strike a blow at the transports. twelve squadrons of cavalry not mounted were added to the troops designated in the general order, and june th the expedition sailed with officers and , enlisted men, and had a smooth and uneventful passage. there were several demonstrations for the deception of the enemy, in one of which cubans were employed. general shafter was committed by the movements and the ground, as he says in his official report: "to approach santiago from the east over a narrow road, at first in some places not better than a trail, running from daiquiri through siboney and sevilla, and making attack from that quarter, was, in my judgment, the only feasible plan, and subsequent information and results confirmed my judgment." the disembarkation commenced june nd, and all men were ordered to carry "on the person the blanket roll (with shelter tent and poncho), three days' field rations (with coffee, ground), canteens filled, and rounds of ammunition per man. additional ammunition, already issued to the troops, tentage, baggage, and company cooking utensils left under charge of the regimental quartermaster, with one non-commissioned officer and two privates from each company," two days were occupied in getting the troops ashore, and the first engagement was on the morning of the th, general young's brigade taking the advance, and finding a spanish force strongly intrenched on the santiago road three miles from siboney. young's force was officers and men. the enemy were driven from the field. our loss, officer and men killed, and officers and men wounded. spanish loss reported killed and wounded. general shafter says the engagement had "an inspiring effect" upon the men, and "gave us a well-watered country further to the front, on which to encamp our troops," and the rest of the month was occupied in attempting to land rations enough to have a reserve, and "it was not until nearly two weeks after the army landed that it was possible to place on shore three days' supplies in excess of those required for the daily consumption." general shafter reconnoitered, and formed his plan of battle june th, and reports that in the opening of the engagement on july st "the artillery fire from el pozo was soon returned by the enemy's artillery. they evidently had the range of this hill, and their first shells killed and wounded several men. as the spaniards used smokeless powder it was very difficult to locate the position of their pieces, while, on the contrary, the smoke caused by our black powder plainly indicated the position of our battery." the advantages the spaniards had in the use of smokeless powder were conspicuous throughout the scenes of fighting both at santiago and manila. we had, however, at santiago a war balloon of the actual service, of which general shafter says: "general kent forced the head of his column alongside of the cavalry column as far as the narrow trail permitted, and thus hurried his arrival at the san juan and the formation beyond that stream. a few hundred yards before reaching the san juan the road forks, a fact that was discovered by lieutenant-colonel derby of my staff, who had approached well to the front in a war balloon. this information he furnished to the troops, resulting in sumner moving on the right-hand road, while kent was enabled to utilize the road to the left." general shafter officially makes the following reference to his illness at the time: "my own health was impaired by overexertion in the sun and intense heat of the day before, which prevented me from participating as actively in the battle as i desired; but from a high hill near my headquarters i had a general view of the battlefield, extending from el caney on the right to the left of our lines on san juan hill. my staff officers were stationed at various points on the field, rendering frequent reports, and through them by the means of orderlies and the telephone, i was enabled to transmit my orders. "after the brilliant and important victory gained at el caney, lawton started his tried troops, who had been fighting all day and marching much of the night before, to connect with the right of the cavalry division. night came on before this movement could be accomplished. in the darkness the enemy's pickets were encountered, and the division commander being uncertain of the ground and as to what might be in his front halted his command and reported the situation to me. this information was received about : a. m., and i directed general lawton to return by my headquarters and the el pozo house as the only certain way of gaining his new position. "this was done, and the division took position on the right of the cavalry early next morning, chaffee's brigade arriving first, about half-past , and the other brigades before noon." of the hottest of the fight on the st of july, general shafter reports: "great credit is due to brigadier-general h. s. hawkins, who, placing himself between his regiments, urged them on by voice and bugle calls to the attack so brilliantly executed. "in this fierce encounter words fail to do justice to the gallant regimental commanders and their heroic men, for, while the generals indicated the formations and the points of attack, it was, after all, the intrepid bravery of the subordinate officers and men that planted our colors on the crest of san juan hill and drove the enemy from his trenches and blockhouses, thus gaining a position which sealed the fate of santiago. "in this action on this part of the field most efficient service was rendered by lieutenant john h. parker, thirteenth infantry, and the gatling gun detachment under his command. the fighting continued at intervals until nightfall, but our men held resolutely to the positions gained at the cost of so much blood and toil. "i am greatly indebted to general wheeler, who, as previously stated, returned from the sick list to duty during the afternoon. his cheerfulness and aggressiveness made itself felt on this part of the battlefield, and the information he furnished to me at various stages of the battle proved to be most useful." the report of the general commanding of the further fighting is a model of forcible brevity, in these paragraphs: "soon after daylight on july the enemy opened battle, but because of the intrenchments made during the night, the approach of lawton's division, and the presence of bates' brigade, which had taken position during the night on kent's left, little apprehension was felt as to our ability to repel the spaniards. "it is proper here to state that general bates and his brigade had performed most arduous and efficient service, having marched much of the night of june -july , and a good part of the latter day, during which he also participated in the battle of el caney, after which he proceeded, by way of el pozo, to the left of the line at san juan, reaching his new position about midnight. "all day on the d the battle raged with more or less fury, but such of our troops as were in position at daylight held their ground, and lawton gained a strong and commanding position on the right. "about p..m., the enemy made a vigorous assault to break through my lines, but he was repulsed at all points. "on the morning of the d the battle was renewed, but the enemy seemed to have expended his energy in the assault of the previous night, and the firing along the lines was desultory;" and this was stopped by a letter sent by general shafter, saying he would be obliged to "shell santiago," if not surrendered, and non-combatants would be given until o'clock july th to leave the city. the reply of the spanish general was that he would not surrender. then foreign consuls came within our lines asking more time to remove the women and children. the language of general shafter reporting the situation at the time and the events following, is here reproduced as of permanent interest: "my first message went in under a flag of truce at : p.m. i was of the opinion that the spaniards would surrender if given a little time, and i thought this result would be hastened if the men of their army could be made to understand they would be well treated as prisoners of war. acting upon this presumption, i determined to offer to return all the wounded spanish officers at el caney who were able to bear transportation, and who were willing to give their paroles not to serve against the forces of the united states until regularly exchanged. this offer was made and accepted. these officers, as well as several of the wounded spanish privates, in all, were sent to their lines under the escort of some of our mounted cavalry. our troops were received with honors, and i have every reason to believe the return of the spanish prisoners produced a good impression on their comrades. "the cessation of firing about noon on the d practically terminated the battle of santiago. "a few cubans assisted in the attack at el caney, and fought valiantly, but their numbers were too small to materially change the strength, as indicated above. the enemy confronted us with numbers about equal to our own; they fought obstinately in strong and intrenched positions, and the results obtained clearly indicate the intrepid gallantry of the company, officers and men, and the benefits derived from the careful training and instruction given in the company in recent years in rifle practice and other battle exercises. our losses in these battles were officers and men killed, and officers and , men wounded; missing, . the missing, with few exceptions, reported later. "the arrival of general escario on the night of july , and his entrance into the city was not anticipated, for although it was known, as previously stated, that general pando had left manzanillo with reinforcements for the garrison of santiago, it was not believed his troops could arrive so soon. general garcia, with between four and five thousand cubans, was intrusted with the duty of watching for and intercepting the reinforcements expected. this, however, he failed to do, and escario passed into the city along on my extreme right and near the bay." on the th, when the firing ceased and was not resumed "the sickness in the army was increasing very rapidly, as a result of exposure in the trenches to the intense heat of the sun and the heavy rains. moreover, the dews in cuba are almost equal to rains. the weakness of the troops was becoming so apparent i was anxious to bring the siege to an end, but in common with most of the officers of the army i did not think an assault would be justifiable, especially as the enemy seemed to be acting in good faith in their preliminary propositions to surrender. "july i informed the spanish commander that major-general miles, commander-in-chief of the american army, had just arrived in my camp, and requested him to grant us a personal interview on the following day. he replied he would be pleased to meet us. the interview took place on the th." the spanish raised many points, as is their habit, and were tenacious about retaining their arms, but yielded, and "the terms of surrender finally agreed upon included about , spanish troops in the city and as many more in the surrendered district." july th "we met midway between the representatives of our two armies, and the spanish commander formally consummated the surrender of the city and the , troops in santiago and the surrendered district. "after this ceremony i entered the city with my staff and escort, and at o'clock noon the american flag was raised over the governor's palace." the men and material surrendered by the spaniards at santiago largely exceeded the two english armies and their equipments at saratoga and yorktown. the yellow fever appeared in the american camp at siboney july th, and the fact was soon known to the army. general shafter says of the wounded and sick: "they received every attention that it was possible to give them. the medical officers without exception worked night and day to alleviate the suffering, which was no greater than invariably accompanies a campaign. it would have been better if we had more ambulances, but as many were taken as was thought necessary, judging from previous campaigns." general joe wheeler's report of the action of july st is a paper full of striking points. the movement into battle began in wading the san juan river under heavy fire, and the general says: "we were as much under fire in forming the line as we would be by an advance, and i therefore pressed the command forward from the covering which it was formed. it merged into open space, in full view of the enemy, who occupied breastworks and batteries on the crest of the hill which overlooked santiago, officers and men falling at every step. the troops advanced gallanty, soon reached the foot of the hill and ascended, driving the enemy from their works and occupying them on the crest of the hill. "colonel carroll and major wessels were both wounded during the charge, but major wessels was enabled to return and resume command. general wyckoff, commanding kent's third brigade, was killed at : . lieutenant-colonel worth took command and was wounded at : . lieutenant-colonel liscum then took command and was wounded at : , and the command then devolved upon lieutenant-colonel ewers, ninth infantry. "upon reaching the crest i ordered breastworks to be constructed, and sent to the rear for shovels, picks, spades, and axes. the enemy's retreat from the ridge was precipitate, but our men were so thoroughly exhausted that it was impossible for them to follow. their shoes were soaked with water by wading the san juan river; they had become drenched with rain, and when they reached the crest they were absolutely unable to proceed further. notwithstanding this condition these exhausted men labored during the night to erect breastworks, furnished details to bury the dead and carry the wounded back in improvised litters." wheeler's loss was officers and men killed, officers and men wounded, and men missing--total , out of a force of officers and , men. general bates says that after his brigade remained for some time in the first cross road after wading the san juan river: "we moved to the right to assault a small hill, occupied upon the top by a stone fort and well protected by rifle pits. general chaffee's brigade charged them from the right, and the two brigades, joining upon the crest, opened fire from this point of vantage, lately occupied by the spanish, upon the village of el caney. "from this advantageous position the spanish were easily driven from place to place in the village proper, and as fast as they sought shelter in one building were driven out to seek shelter elsewhere. the sharpshooters of my command were enabled to do effective work at this point. the town proper was soon pretty thoroughly cleaned out of spanish, though a couple of blockhouses upon the hill to the right of the town offered shelter to a few, and some could be seen retreating along a mountain road leading to the northwest. a part of these made a stand in a field among some bowlders. general lawton observes: "the light battery first opened on a column of spanish troops, which appeared to be cavalry moving westward from el caney, and about miles range, resulting, as was afterwards learned, in killing in the column." the general has much to say of a pleasing personal nature. the report of general kent is of extraordinary merit for the exact detail and local color. colonel mcclernand, he says, "pointed out to me a green hill in the distance which was to be my objective on my left," and as he moved into action, "i proceeded to join the head of my division, just coming under heavy fire. approaching the first brigade i directed them to move alongside the cavalry (which was halted). we were already suffering losses caused by the balloon near by attracting fire and disclosing our position. "the enemy's infantry fire, steadily increasing in intensity, now came from all directions, not only from the front and the dense tropical thickets on our flanks, but from sharpshooters thickly posted in trees in our rear, and from shrapnel apparently aimed at the balloon. lieutenant-colonel derby, of general shafter's staff, met me about this time and informed me that a trail or narrow way had been discovered from the balloon a short distance back leading to the left to a ford lower down the stream. i hastened to the forks made by this road, and soon after the seventy-first new york regiment of hawkins' brigade came up. i turned them into the by path indicated by lieutenant-colonel derby, leading to the lower ford, sending word to general hawkins of this movement. this would have speedily delivered them in their proper place on the left of their brigade, but under the galling fire of the enemy the leading battalion of this regiment was thrown into confusion and recoiled in disorder on the troops in the rear." the second and third battalions "came up in better order," but there was some delay, and general kent says: "i had received orders some time before to keep in rear of the cavalry division. their advance was much delayed, resulting in frequent halts, presumably to drop their blanket rolls and due to the natural delay in fording a stream. these delays under such a hot fire grew exceedingly irksome, and i therefore pushed the head of my division as quickly as i could toward the river in column files of twos parallel in the narrow way by the cavalry. this quickened the forward movement and enabled me to get into position as speedily as possible for the attack. owing to the congested condition of the road, the progress of the narrow columns was, however, painfully slow. i again sent a staff officer at a gallop to urge forward the troops in rear." the second brigade and third "moved toward fort san juan, sweeping through a zone of most destructive fire, scaling a steep and difficult hill, and assisting in capturing the enemy's strong position (fort san juan) at : p.m. this crest was about feet above the general level, and was defended by deep trenches and a loop-holed brick fort surrounded by barbed-wire entanglements." general hawkins, after general kent reached the crest, "reported that the sixth and sixteenth infantry had captured the hill, which i now consider incorrect. credit is almost equally due the sixth, ninth, thirteenth, sixteenth, and twenty-fourth regiments of infantry. owing to general hawkins' representations, i forwarded the report sent to corps headquarters about p.m. that the sixth and sixteenth infantry regiments captured the hill. the thirteenth infantry captured the enemy's colors waving over the fort, but, unfortunately, destroyed them, distributing the fragments among the men, because, as was asserted, 'it was a bad omen,' two or three men having been shot while assisting private arthur agnew, company h, thirteenth infantry, the captor. all fragments which could be recovered are submitted with this report. "i have already mentioned the circumstances of my third brigade's advance across the ford, where in the brief space of ten minutes it lost its brave commander (killed) and the next two ranking officers by disabling wounds. yet, in spite of these confusing conditions the formations were effected without hesitation, although under a stinging fire, companies acting singly in some instances, and by battalion and regiments in others, rushing through the jungle, across the stream waist deep, and over the wide bottom thickly set with barbed wire." general kent says: "the bloody fighting of my brave command can not be adequately described in words. the following list of killed, wounded, and missing tells the story of their valor: "july st the loss was officers and men killed, officers and men wounded, men missing. total loss, ." the following day the spaniards resumed the battle, and the losses of kent's command on the nd and d of july made up a total loss in three days of killed and wounded, and missing. general shafter said that before closing his report he desired to dwell upon "the natural obstacles i had to encounter, and which no foresight could have overcome or obviated. the rocky and precipitous coast afforded no sheltered landing places, the roads were mere bridle paths, the effect of the tropical sun and rains upon unacclimated troops was deadly, and a dread of strange and unknown diseases had its effect on the army. "the san juan and aguadores rivers would often suddenly rise so as to prevent the passage of wagons, and then the eight pack trains with the command had to be depended upon for the victualing of my army, as well as the , refugees, who could not in the interests of humanity be left to starve while we had rations." during the chicago peace jubilee, general shafter made an address at the armory of the first illinois volunteers, and, released from the continual forms of official reports, added much of interest to the story of santiago. he says of the send-off: "we were twice embarked and twice taken back to tampa and disembarked. on the first occasion the cause was the appearance of admiral cervera's fleet; it requiring the entire navy that was disposable to go after that fleet, and the second time by a report that afterwards turned out to be incorrect, that in the st. nicholas channel, through which we would have to go, some spanish cruisers had been seen." when ordered to tampa to command the first cuban expedition, he continued: "i took the troops that i thought best fitted and prepared for that service. there were some magnificent regiments of volunteers, but to part of them i had issued arms only two or three days before. they were not properly equipped, and lacked experience. as i had the choice, i took all of the regulars that were there, and with them three regiments of volunteers. they were magnificent men, as perfect as men could be, but, as you know who served in ' , poorly prepared to take care of themselves at first. you recollect it was months before we were prepared, and we made numerous mistakes that led to sickness and death. the same things have occurred again, and they always will continue with troops that are not used to the field, and in this campaign men were taken directly from their camps immediately after being mustered in, and put into the most difficult campaign of modern military history. "i practically had the entire regular army of the united states, twenty of the twenty-five regiments of infantry, five of the ten regiments of cavalry, and five batteries of artillery, with three regiments of volunteers, the seventy-first new york, the second massachusetts, and the regiment known as roosevelt's rough riders. the last were practically seasoned soldiers. they were men from the frontier, men who had been accustomed for years to taking a little sack of corn meal on their saddles, and a blanket, and going out to sleep out of doors for a week or a month at a time. of course, they knew how to care for themselves in camp. "early in june i was called to the telephone in tampa, and told from the president's mansion in washington to proceed immediately with not less than , men to santiago; that news had been received that day that the fleet of cervera was surely within that harbor, and that if , men could be placed there at once the fleet and the city could be captured in forty-eight hours. the horses and mules had been taken off from the ships as well as the men, and the time consumed in reloading the horses and mules allowed me to embark , men nearly. that was very fortunate for me and our cause." on arrival off santiago, he, "with admiral sampson, went down the coast about twenty miles, and saw general garcia, and asked him his opinion of the country, what his force was, and whether he was disposed to assist. i found him very willing and very glad to offer his services at once, with , men that he had with him and another thousand that he had up the country a little further, which were to join us immediately. in sailing along the coast, looking for a landing place, i selected two places--siboney, a little indentation in the coast about twelve or thirteen miles east of santiago, and another little bay about eight miles further east, where small streams entered into the sea, making a valley and a sandbar about to yards in extent. all the rest of the coast is abrupt, perpendicular walls of rock from ten to thirty feet high, against which the waves were dashing all the time, and where it is utterly impossible to land. "we had the earnest and able support of the navy and their assistance in disembarking, and the next morning were bombarding the two little places and driving the few hundred spanish soldiers, that were there away. we began disembarking, and before the end of the day the men were on shore, with , horses and mules that we had to throw overboard to get ashore, and the artillery." the general noted the loss of , troops out of , in the english army that besieged havana in , at the same time of year that he landed at santiago, and remarked: "i knew that my entire army would be sick if it stayed long enough; that it was simply a question of getting that town just as soon as possible. i knew the strength, the courage, and the will of my men, or i thought i did, and the result shows that i was not mistaken. it was a question of starting the moment we landed and not stopping until we reached the spanish outposts, and, therefore, as soon as a division was put on shore it was started on the march. "on the th the first engagement took place, in which we had between and men on the american side and probably , or , on the spanish. the enemy was strongly intrenched, showing only their heads, while the american forces had to march exposing their whole bodies to the fire of the enemy. "it is announced by military experts as an axiom that trained troops armed with the present breech-loading and rapid-firing arm cannot be successfully assailed by any troops who simply assault. of course you can make the regular approaches and dig up to them. the fallacy of that proposition was made very manifest that day when the men composing the advance marched as deliberately over those breastworks as they ever did when they fought with arms that you could only load about twice in a minute and of the range of only or yards. "this army was an army of marksmen. for fifteen years the greatest attention has been paid to marksmanship, and i suppose four-fifths of all the men in that army wore on their breasts the marksman's badge. i had given orders, knowing that the noise of firing is harmless and that shots put in the air are harmless--i had given the strictest orders to all officers that their men should be told not to fire a shot unless they could see something moving, and the firing was to be by individuals, what is called file firing, individual firing. the spanish troops, not so well drilled in firing as ours, used volley firing, which is very effective against large bodies of troops massed and moving over a plain, but utterly inefficient when used against skirmishers moving over a rough country. in that battle, which lasted two hours, less than ten rounds of ammunition per man was fired by my men, and the losses, notwithstanding my men were exposed, their whole bodies, while the enemy were in trenches, where only their heads could be seen, were about equal. "i saw the commander of that force a few days later in santiago, and in talking about it he said to me: 'your men behaved very strange. we were much surprised. they were whipped, but they didn't seem to know it; they continued to advance (laughter and applause), and we had to go away.' he was quite right about it. they did have to go away. "on the th we had reached the immediate vicinity of the peaks in front of santiago, about a mile and a half from the city. on the th i carefully reconnoitered the ground as much as one could in the dense undergrowth, and determined where i would make my attack, which was simply directed in front, and to make a direct assault. there was no attempt at strategy, and no attempt at turning their flanks. it was simply going straight for them. in that i did not misjudge my men, and that is where i succeeded so well. (applause.) if we had attempted to flank them out or dig them out by regular parallels and get close to them my men would have been sick before it could have been accomplished, and the losses would have been many times greater than they were. "the only misfortune, as i judged it, of the first day's fight,but which i have since learned was for the best, was that immediately on our right, and what would be in our rear when we attacked the town, was a little village called el caney, four miles and a half from santiago, and whence the best road in the country connected with santiago. i did not know the exact force there, but it was estimated to be , , and perhaps a little more, and it would, of course, have been very hazardous to have left that force so near in our rear. "instead of finishing the affair by o'clock, as we expected, it took until : o'clock in the afternoon before the last shot was fired, and then after a loss of nearly a hundred killed and wounded on our side and the almost total annihilation of the force opposed to us. they had an idea that they would be killed, and when men believe that it is hard to capture them. just at the close of the battle three or four hundred did attempt to escape, but ran out in front of a brigade that they did not see, and in the course of about three or four hundred yards most of them were dead or mortally wounded, so that probably not more than twenty men on the other side escaped from that battle. it was a most desperate struggle. "men were killed in the trenches by being knocked on the head with muskets, and one man i was shown two days later with what would be called a tremendous head on him, and the interpreter asked him how that had occurred, and he doubled up his fist and spoke of the soldier that had hit him as a black man, that he had dropped his gun and hit him in the head with his fist. that was pretty close work. "meanwhile the battle in front of santiago progressed, with three divisions on our side, one of dismounted cavalry and two of infantry. it was beautifully fought. every man knew what he had to do, and so did every officer. the orders were that immediately upon being deployed they were to attack. they did it. every man kept going, and when one's comrade dropped the rest kept going. the result was that in about two hours the line was taken, and practically that afternoon the battle of santiago was ended, for those men never advanced beyond that point. "during the night i brought up the division of general lawton that had been on the right at caney and put them on the extreme right, where i had intended to have them the day before, and where, had they been, we should probably have taken the town and have gotten only the men that were there, and not the , that were far beyond our reach who were surrendered a few days later. "on the morning of the d a weak attempt was made upon our lines. in that the spaniards had to expose themselves, while my men were covered. the fight lasted but a little while, and they retreated. "on the morning of july i thought we had so much of an advantage that i could notify the enemy, first, that i wanted a surrender, and, second, if they declined to surrender that they could have twenty-four hours to get the women and children out of town. of course, civilized people do not fire on towns filled with women and children if they will come out if it can be avoided. the spanish commander declined very promptly to surrender, but said he would notify the women and children and those that desired to go, but he wanted twenty-four hours more, and said there were a great many people to go out. they began to stream out at once, and for forty-eight hours old men, women, and children poured out until it was estimated that at least , people passed through our lines and out into the woods in the rear. of course, there was an immense amount of suffering, and numbers died, especially of the old. fortunately we were enabled to give them some food, enough so that they existed, but at that time, with the cuban forces that i had, i was issuing daily , rations. forty-five thousand people are a good many to feed when you have such fearful roads and food could only be carried on the backs of mules. "on that morning of the d, about an hour after the time for surrendering, cervera's fleet left the harbor, and went out, as you know, to total annihilation. it was not more than twenty or thirty minutes after they left the mouth of the harbor before, so far as we could hear, the firing had ceased, and , men were prisoners, were killed, and three or four battleships and some torpedo boats were either on the rocks or in the bottom of the sea--a most wonderful victory, never equaled before in naval history, and due mainly to the magnificent marksmanship of our men, which covered the spanish decks with such a hail of iron that no sailors on earth could stand against it. "two days after this i saw general toral, and i was convinced from conversation with him that he was going to surrender. i had no one but myself to take the responsibility, in fact, i did not want anyone else to do it, but while i was convinced myself it was hard to convince others. i knew that we could capture the town at any time, that we had it surrounded so that they could not possibly get away, although on the night of july , men marched in. i had understood there were , , but when we counted them a few days afterward there were only , . i knew that if we carried that town by force a thousand men at least would be lost to the american army, and a thousand good american men are a good many to expend in capturing a spanish town (applause), and i did not propose to do it if i could possibly talk them out of it. "general toral knew just as well as i did that i knew just what he had--that he was on his last rations, and that nothing but plain rice, that we had his retreat cut off, that we had the town surrounded, that he could not hurt us, while we could bombard him and do some little damage, perhaps, and that it was only a question of a few days. "i found out a few days later what the hitch was which caused the delay, for general toral had told me that he had been authorized by blanco, the governor-general, to enter into negotiations and make terms for surrender, and in cuba you know general blanco was in supreme command. his authority was such that he could even set aside a law of spain. knowing that, i felt sure that after very little delay they would surrender. they desired to get permission from the madrid government to return to spain. it was that that delayed them. immediately upon receiving the permission to return to spain they surrendered. "i had in line when the fighting was going on, about , men--not more than that at any time. inside the spanish trenches there were about , . there were , surrendered, and i think about , of them were sick. the disproportion, considering the difference of situation, is not very great. in fact, i think that , american soldiers could have kept , spaniards out had they been in the same position (applause), although i do not wish to disparage the bravery of the spanish troops. they are gallant fellows, but they have not the intelligence and do not take the initiative as do the american soldiers; and they have not the bull-dog pluck that hangs on day after day. "toral made the first proposition to surrender. he said if i would let him take his men and such things as they could carry on their persons and on a few pack mules that they had and guarantee him safe conduct to holguin, which was fifty-two miles away to the north and in the interior, they would march out. i told him, of course, that was out of the question; that i could not accept any such terms as that, but i would submit it to the president. i did so, and was very promptly informed that only unconditional surrender would be received, but i was at liberty to say to general toral that if they would surrender they would be carried, at the expense of the united states government, back to spain. when that proposition was made to him i could see his face lighten up and the faces of his staff, who were there. they were simply delighted. those men love their country intensely, they had been brought to cuba against their will, and had stayed there three years, poorly clad, not paid at all, and not well fed, and the prospect of going back to their homes had as much to do with conforming their views to our wishes as anything that was done during the campaign. "meanwhile ten or twelve days had elapsed and i had received quite a number of volunteer regiments--two from michigan, the first district of columbia, a massachusetts regiment, and an ohio regiment, the eighth ohio--all splendid troops and well equipped, and while they were not there at the hardest of the fighting they were there during the suffering, and everything that soldiers were called upon to do they did like men. "it is a great deal harder to stand up day after day and see companions go from sickness and disease than it is to face the perils of battle. "when i told general toral that we would carry his men back he said: 'does that include my entire command?' i said: 'what is your command and where are they?' he replied the fourth army corps; , men in the city, , twenty miles in the rear of us; , he said were up the coast less than sixty miles, and about , to miles off on the northeastern coast. "there were , odd, and at a place less than sixty miles east there were , and a few over, because we counted them and took their arms. the result of that surrender was as unexpected to us as probably it was to every person in the united states. there was simply a little army there, which had gone down to assist the navy in getting the spanish fleet out and capturing that town, and we expected no other result from it than victory at the spot at the utmost, but in attacking the limb we got the whole body. it was expected that, beginning about the first of october, the objective point of the campaign was to be havana, where we knew there were from , to , men, and it was expected that about the first of october a large army would be sent over there, and the battle that would decide the war would be fought in the vicinity of havana. i think that was the universal feeling. the loss of that city and of those , men-- , , to be accurate--so dispirited them that within a week the proposition of spain to close the war was made, and, happily, the war was ended. "the difficulties of that campaign were not in the fighting. that was the easiest part of it. the difficulties were in getting food and medicine to the front. there was but a single road, a muddy and terrible road, and with five or six wagons going over it the sixth wagon would be on the axle tree, and in taking up some artillery i had fourteen horses on one battery that was usually drawn by four, and even with that number it went out of sight, and we had to leave it and dig it out after the water had subsided." admiral sampson's report, dated august d, was published october d, and covers the conduct of the fleet under his command, in its operations in the west indies, for about two months prior to the destruction of admiral cervera's ships on july . it was made up largely of official dispatches and the movements of the fleet, with explanations and comment by the admiral, and begins with a statement of the determination reached by the navy department to send a squadron to the windward passage for the purpose of observation, because of the information received of the sailing, on april , of admiral cervera's squadron from the cape verde islands. on the voyage eastward from the naval base at key west, which began on may , admiral sampson reports there was experienced endless trouble and delay because of the inefficiency of the two monitors accompanying the other ships, and which had to be taken in tow. their coal supply was so small that it was at once evident that they must either frequently coal or be towed. the admiral says: "had the sea been rough, or had the enemy appeared at this juncture, the squadron would have been in a much better position for an engagement had the monitors been elsewhere. subsequently, when engaging the batteries of san juan, it was evident that their shooting was bad. "owing to the quick rolling of these vessels, even in a moderate sea, they were unable to fire with any degree of accuracy." among the telegrams received by the admiral from the department at washington when off cape haytien was the following: washington, d.c., may .--do not risk or cripple your vessels against fortifications as to prevent from soon afterwards successfully fighting spanish fleet, composed of pelayo, carlos v., oquendo, vizcaya, maria teresa, cristobal colon, four deep sea torpedo boats, if they should appear on this side. _long_. it was determined to go to porto rico, and the squadron arrived off san juan on the morning of the th and the bombardment of that place ensued. regarding his action at this place the admiral says: "it was clear to my own mind that the squadron would not have any great difficulty in forcing the surrender of the place, but the fact that we should be held several days in completing arrangements for holding it; that part of our force would have to be left to await the arrival of troops to garrison it; that the movements of the spanish squadron, our main objective, were still unknown; that the flying squadron was still north and not in a position to render any aid; that havana, cervera's natural objective, was thus open to entry by such force as his, while we were a thousand miles distant, made our immediate movement toward havana imperative. "i thus reluctantly gave up the project against san juan and stood westward for havana." several telegrams are here presented, based on reports that cervera's squadron had returned to cadiz and they had in view "to return and capture san juan, the desire to do so and occupy the place being assured in the event of admiral cervera's failure to cross the atlantic." shortly after news was received that the spanish fleet had appeared off curacao, west indies, and the squadron under orders from the department proceeded to key west, to which place the flying squadron under commodore (now admiral) schley had already been ordered. arrangements were then hurriedly made and the flying squadron, augmented by the other vessels under commodore schley, was sent off cienfuegos, where it was believed the enemy would go, in which case an effort was to be made to engage and capture him. sampson was given the choice either of the command of the blockading squadron off havana or at cienfuegos, schley in either case to remain with his own squadron. from messages received by the admiral from the department about may it appears that reports had reached the united states that the spanish fleet was at santiago, so the department advised sampson to send immediately word to schley to proceed to that place, leaving one small vessel off cienfuegos. on may instructions were written by samnson for commodore schley and sent to him via the marblehead regarding the possibility of the spanish fleet being at santiago. they are in part as follows: united states flagship new york, first rate, key west, fla., may .--sir: spanish squadron is probably at santiago de cuba--four ships and three torpedo boat destroyers. if you are satisfied they are not at cienfuegos proceed with all dispatch, but cautiously, to santiago de cuba, and if the enemy is there blockade him in port. you will probably find it necessary to establish communication with some of the inhabitants--fishermen or others--to learn definitely that the ships are in port, it being impossible to see into it from the outside. the admiral said he felt much concerned as to the delivery of these orders and sent a duplicate by the hawk with an additional memorandum. the admiral suggested that if the information did not reach commodore schley before daylight of may to mask the real direction he should take as much as possible. he adds: "follow the spanish squadron whichever direction they take." the admiral off havana gives copies of orders of battle which were to be followed in the event that cervera left santiago on the approach of schley's fleet from cienfuegos and attempted to cruise around the coast to havana, in which case the havana squadron would attempt to intercept him by going east about miles beyond the junction of santiren and nicholas channels. strict orders were given for screening lights and to see that none were accidentally shown. the squadron was to cruise generally to the eastward in the day and westward during the night. on may , as shown by the report, commodore schley expressed the belief that the spaniards were at cienfuegos. on the th the admiral sent word to schley, directing him to proceed with all possible speed to santiago because of information received that the spaniards were there. the same time orders were sent to have the collier sterling dispatched to santiago with an expression of opinion that the commodore should use it to obstruct the channel at its narrowest part leading into the harbor. the details of the plan were left to the commodore's judgment, as he (sampson) had "the utmost confidence in his ability to carry this plan to a successful conclusion, and earnestly wished him good luck." sampson apparently felt certain of the presence of the spaniards at santiago and urged that the harbor must be blockaded at all hazards. schley in the meantime had proceeded to santiago, although it appears not the same day admiral sampson expected. at one time commodore schley contemplated going to key west with the squadron for coal, but this was abandoned, his collier having been temporarily repaired, and the necessity for a trip to key west being avoided santiago was then blockaded. admiral sampson arrived at santiago june st. june the admiral urged upon the department, as he had previously done, to expedite the arrival of the troops for santiago, the difficulty of blockading the spanish ships daily increasing. in a memorandum dated june , the admiral says: "the commander-in-chief desires again to call the attention of the commanding officers to the positions occupied by the blockading fleet, especially during the daytime, and it is now directed that all ships keep within a distance of the entrance to santiago of four miles, and this distance must not be exceeded. "if the vessel is coaling or is otherwise restricted in its movements it must nevertheless keep within this distance. if at any time the flagship makes signal which is not visible to any vessel, such vessel must at once approach the flagship or retreating vessel to a point where it can read the signal. "disregard of the directions which have already been given on this head has led to endless confusion. many times during the day the fleet is so scattered that it would be perfectly possible for the enemy to come out of the harbor and meet with little opposition. "the commander-in-chief hopes that strict attention will be given this order." in the order of battle incidental to the landing of shafter's army corps june , when ships were sent to shell the beach and cover the landing of the men" the following occurs: "the attention of commanding officers of all vessels engaged in blockading santiago de cuba is earnestly called to the necessity of the utmost vigilance from this time forward, both as to maintaining stations and readiness for action and as to keeping a close watch upon the harbor mouth. if the spanish admiral ever intends to attempt to escape that attempt will be made soon." the admiral says trouble was experienced in the landing of shafter's army on account of the wandering proclivities of some of the transports. the progress of the disembarkation was rendered somewhat difficult by a heavy sea, the heaviest during the three weeks the fleet had been stationed there, owing to a stiff blow off the coast of jamaica. according to a dispatch to secretary long, dated june , the channel at santiago not having been obstructed by the sinking of the merrimac, admiral sampson was preparing a torpedo attack to hasten the destruction of the spanish vessels, although he regretted resorting to this method because of its difficulties and small chance of success. he would not do this, he says, were the present force to be kept there; as it then insured a capture, which he believed would terminate the war. there was contemplated at this time sending a fleet to the spanish coast; and this expedition was to consist of the iowa, oregon, newark, yosemite, yankee, and dixie, and they were to go to the azores for orders, en route to tangier, morocco. the colliers were to join the fleet at the azores. on june the admiral received a communication from major-general shafter announcing that he expected to attack santiago the following morning, and asking that he (sampson) bombard the forts at aguadores in support of a regiment of infantry, and make such demonstrations as he thought proper at the harbor's mouth, so as to keep as many of the enemy there as possible. this request was complied with, and on july general shafter asked that the admiral keep up his fight on the santiago water front. on july the following was received from general shafter. "terrible fight yesterday, but my line is now strongly intrenched about three-fourths of a mile from town. i urge that you make effort immediately to force the entrance to avoid future losses among my men, which are already heavy. you can now operate with less loss of life than i can. please telephone answer." a reply was telephoned general shafter from admiral sampson, through lieutenant stanton, which said the admiral had bombarded the forts at the entrance of santiago and also punta gorda battery inside, silencing their fire, and asked whether he (shafter) wanted further firing on the admiral's part. the explanation was made that it was impossible to force an entrance until the channel was cleared of mines--a work of some time after the forts were taken possession of by the troops. to this general shafter replied: "it is impossible for me to say when i can take batteries at entrance of harbor. if they are as difficult to take as those which we have been pitted against it will be some time and at great loss of life. i am at a loss to see why the navy cannot work under a destructive fire as well as the army. my loss yesterday was over men. by all means keep up fire on everything in sight of you until demolished. i expect, however, in time and with sufficient men to capture the forts along the bay." on the nd of july, sampson wrote to shafter. "an officer of my staff has already reported to you the firing which we did this morning, but i must say in addition to what he told you that the forts which we silenced were not the forts which would give you any inconvenience in capturing the city, as they cannot fire except to seaward. they cannot even prevent our entrance into the harbor of santiago. our trouble from the first has been the channel to the harbor is well strewn with observation mines, which would certainly result in the sinking of one or more of our ships if we attempted to enter the harbor, and by the sinking of a ship the object of attempting to enter the harbor would be defeated by the preventing of further progress on our part. "it was my hope that an attack on your part of these shore batteries from the rear would leave us at liberty to drag the channel for torpedoes. "if it is your earnest desire that we should force our entrance i will at once prepare to undertake it. i think, however, that our position and yours would be made more difficult if, as is possible, we fail in our attempt. "we have in our outfit at guantanamo forty countermining mines, which i will bring here with as little delay as possible, and if we can succeed in freeing the entrance of mines by their use i will enter the harbor. "this work, which is unfamiliar to us, will require considerable time. "it is not so much the loss of men as it is the loss of ships which has until now deterred me from making a direct attack upon the ships within the port." the admiral says he began making preparations to countermine, and, with the object of arranging an attack upon the batteries at the entrance a visit was arranged to general shafter, so that the matter might be thoroughly discussed, and combined action take place. he adds: "i had in view the employment of the marines for an assault an either the morro or socapa battery, while at the same time assaulting the defenses at the entrance with the fleet." the admiral says of the sortie and destruction of cervera's fleet: "this event closes the purely naval campaign, crowning with complete success the anxious work of almost exactly two months." the error of commodore schley as to the location of cervera's fleet, his hesitation in accepting the report of the spaniards' presence at santiago, appears to have caused the advancement of admiral sampson and subordinated schley. out of this came differences of opinion about facts among the close friends of the two distinguished officers. schley was close at hand when cervera's run from santiago took place, while sampson was out of the way on other duty, and schley has been charged with an evasive movement of the new york just then that lost valuable time. it is related by the washington staff correspondent of the chicago times-herald that just after the battle of santiago, commodore schley went aboard the iowa and hailed captain evans with the remark that it had been a great day for the american navy. "but why didn't you obey orders and close in on the mouth of the harbor instead of heading out to sea?" inquired evans. commodore schley's reply was that he was afraid the vizcaya would ram the brooklyn. this colloquy referred to a striking maneuver of the flagship brooklyn early in the engagement at santiago, which has been commented on before. in justice to commodore schley the navy department officers admit the spanish officers after the battle said that it had been their purpose, on emerging from the harbor, to have the vizcaya ram the brooklyn, believing that the spanish cruisers could outrun the remaining vessels in the american fleet, most of which were battleships, supposed to be of a lower rate of speed than the spanish cruisers. the action of the vizcaya as she headed toward the brooklyn indicated her determination to carry out this programme. but the remark of captain evans to the nominal commander of the squadron would under ordinary circumstances have been an act of insubordination and only illustrates the feeling of some of the captains of the fleet toward the commodore. it has been said that schley, being ordered to key west when cervera appeared in cuban waters, "proceeded to cienfuegos, which was thought to be the destination of the spanish warships. that port commanded the only direct railroad connection with havana, and had the spanish fleet gone there admiral cervera could have relieved general blanco with money and munitions of war and received in return supplies necessary for his squadron. it is believed even now that had the spanish ships been properly supplied and equipped they would have gone to cienfuegos instead of to santiago. but subsequent developments have shown that admiral cervera was permitted to take only enough coal to carry him to the nearest port, santiago." schley credited cervera with knowing enough to know that cienfuegos was the better port for his purposes, and therefore adhered to his opinion, and sampson was made his superior officer. so important have the differences seemed that the wainwright board was convened to investigate the parts taken in the santiago naval battle respectively by admiral sampson and admiral schley. but in official phrase this board was convened for the purpose of determining the position and courses of the ships engaged in the action at santiago july , and reporting to the secretary of the navy. the report is: "u.s.f.s. new york, first rate, navy yard, new york, oct. , .--sir: in obedience to your order of sept. , , appointing us a board to plot the positions of the ships of admiral cervera's squadron and those of the united states fleet in the battle of july , off santiago de cuba, we have the honor to submit the following report, accompanied by a chart, showing the positions of the ships at seven different times. "these times, as taken by the united states ships engaged, with the incidents noted, are as follows: "no. , : a.m.--maria teresa came out of the harbor. "no. , : a.m.--pluton came out. "no. , : a.m.--maria teresa turned to run ashore. "no. , : a.m.--oquendo turned to run ashore. "no. , : a.m.--furor blew up and pluton turned to run ashore. "no. , : a.m.--vizcaya turned to run ashore. "no. , : p.m.--colon surrendered. "the chart selected by the board for plotting is h.o. chart no. , , west indies, eastern part of bahama islands, with part of cuba and north coast of san domingo. this selection was made after a careful comparison with all other charts at hand, as the positions of the principal headlands and inlets and the distances between them on it agree more nearly with the observation of members of the board than those given by any other. "the positions of the united states ships were established by known bearings and distances from the morro at no. , with the exception of the new york, whose position is plotted by the revolutions of its engines during a run of forty-five minutes cast from its position, southeast half south of the morro, , yards. position at no. is plotted by all ships according to their relative bearings from each other, the operations of their engines from : to : , the evidence of the officers on board them, and the ranges used in firing at the spanish ships. position no. is plotted from observations of the officers of the united states ships, with regard to their nearness to each other, and relative bearings of themselves from teresa, with ranges in use at the time, the performance of the engines, and general heading of the ships. position no. same as no. , substituting oquendo for teresa. position nos. , , and are plotted on the same general plan. "before plotting these positions the board took each ship separately and discussed the data for the position under consideration--this data being obtained from the report of the commanding officers, notes taken during the action, and the evidence of the members of the board. in reconciling differences of opinion in regard to distances, bearings, ranges, etc., full liberty was given to the representative of the ships under discussion to bring in any argument or data he considered necessary, and the board submits this report with a feeling that, under the circumstances, it is as nearly correct as is possible so long after the engagement. very respectfully, "_richard wainwright_, "lieutenant commander, u.s.n., senior member. "_s.p. comly_, "lieutenant, u.s.n. "_l.c. heilner_, "lieutenant, u.s.n. "_w.h. schuetze_, "lieutenant, u.s.n. "_a.c. hodgson_, "lieutenant, u.s.n. "_w.h. allen_, "lieutenant, u.s.n. "_edward e. capehart_, "lieutenant, u.s.n. "to the commander-in-chief." measurements upon the chart showing the positions of the vessels at the specified times named in the report will give as fair an idea of the work of the board as can be made without the chart itself. "position no. , : a.m. when the maria teresa came out of the harbor the new york was nine miles east of morro, accompanied by the hist and ericsson. the brooklyn was three miles southwest of morro, being two and two-tenths miles from the shore west of the mouth of the harbor. the texas was eight-tenths of a mile east of the brooklyn; the iowa one and eight-tenths miles east and south of the brooklyn, and the oregon a half mile east of the iowa, the iowa being three miles directly south of morro. the indiana was two and two-tenths miles southwest of morro and the gloucester one mile almost directly north of the indiana, a mile and four-tenths from morro. "position no. , : a.m. when the pluton came out all the spanish vessels had come out of the harbor and their positions were: maria teresa two and a half miles southwest of morro, the vizcaya, colon and oquendo, in the order named, behind the teresa and from four-tenths to half a mile apart. the position of the american vessels were: the new york had moved up two and one-tenth miles westward. the brooklyn had started north, swerved to the northeast and toward the mouth of the harbor, and was turning east on the swing it made to the right and around to the westward course; it was eight-tenths of a mile from the vizcaya. at position no. the texas first went east a half mile, swinging toward the harbor, then turning to the left it is at no. a half mile directly north of the first position. the iowa moved by a varying course northwest and was a mile and four-tenths from the vizcaya, the oregon being two-tenths of a mile behind the iowa, the indiana three-tenths behind the iowa. the gloucester's first start was half a mile directly away from the harbor, but swinging to the right, had advanced toward the spanish ships, being one and seven-tenths miles from the nearest, the oquendo. "position no. , : a.m. maria teresa turned to run ashore. it was five and one-half miles from morro. the vizcaya was two and three-tenths miles westward from the teresa, the oquendo one and two-tenths miles, and the colon one and four-tenths miles in advance of the teresa. the american vessels were as follows: the new york had come within three miles of morro, being southeast of that point. the brooklyn had made its swing to the westward, crossing its track, and was two and one-half miles south and west of the teresa, and one and three-tenths miles directly south of the colon, and one and one-tenth miles and a little behind the vizcaya, one and three-tenths miles and a little in advance of the oquendo. the texas was one and two-tenths miles from the teresa, a little behind it, and one and four-tenths miles from and behind the next spanish ship, the oquendo. the iowa was one and one-tenth miles from the teresa and a little closer in, but not quite as far west as the texas. the oregon had pulled up and passed the texas and iowa, being a little further in shore than the texas and a little further out than the iowa. it was in advance of the teresa, being one and seven-tenths miles from that vessel, six-tenths of a mile from and directly in the line of the oquendo, seven-tenths of a mile from the colon, and one and two-tenths miles behind the vizcaya. the indiana was two miles from the texas and two and six-tenths miles from the oquendo, the nearest spanish vessel. the gloucester had moved up six-tenths of a mile and was just a mile directly south of morro. "position no. , : a. m. oquendo turned to run ashore. only five minutes elapsed from position no. . all vessels had been running westward without material changes in their positions. the colon had run one and three-tenths miles, the vizcaya about one-tenth of a mile less, and swerved to the left, bringing it to within one and one-tenth miles of the brooklyn. the iowa was the same distance, but almost directly astern, and the oregon was one and three-tenths miles from the vizcaya, but farther out to sea. the iowa was eight-tenths of a mile from the oquendo, the oregon nine-tenths of a mile from the same vessel, and both somewhat in advance of the doomed spanish ship. the indiana had advanced eight-tenths of a mile and was two and six-tenths miles away from the oquendo, the nearest spanish ship. the new york had advanced nearly a mile, but was not yet abreast of morro. the gloucester had run over two miles and was now well west of morro, but five miles east of the oquendo. "position no. , : a. m. furor blew up and pluton turned to run ashore. this is ten minutes later than position no. . the gloucester had run a little more than two miles, and was four-tenths of a mile from the furor and but little further from the pluton. the new york had run two and two-tenths miles, and was three and three-tenths miles from the furor, the nearest spanish ship, and two and two-tenths miles south and a little west of morro. the colon had run two and nine-tenths miles, and the vizcaya two and seven-tenths miles. the brooklyn had run two and three-tenths miles, and was one and two-tenths miles from the vizcaya and one and six-tenths miles from the colon, which was running nearer the shore. the oregon had sailed two and a half miles, and was one and one-half miles from the vizcaya, and about the same distance from the colon. the texas was one and two-tenths miles astern of the oregon, two and four-tenths miles from the oregon. the indiana was one and one-half miles astern of the texas. "position no. , : a.m. vizcaya turned to run ashore. in thirty-five minutes the vizcaya had sailed about seven miles, and was off the mouth of the aserradero river. the colon had run five and one-half miles further, and was more than that distance in advance of any of the american vessels. the brooklyn was one and three-tenths miles distant from the vizcaya and slightly behind it. the oregon was one and a half miles from the vizcaya, but nearer the shore and somewhat more astern of the enemy. the texas was two and seven-tenths miles from the vizcaya and directly astern of the oregon. the iowa was three and two-tenths miles directly astern of the vizcaya. the new york was five miles behind the iowa. the ericsson had kept along with the new york all the time, and was, at this position, one-half a mile in advance of it. the indiana was nearly four miles behind the iowa. "position no. , : p.m. the colon surrendered. in the two hours and ten minutes from the last position given the vessels had coursed westward a great distance. the colon had run twenty-six and one-half miles and was off the tarquino river. the brooklyn was the nearest american vessel. it had sailed twenty-eight and one-half miles and was three and four-tenths miles from the colon. the oregon was four and one-half miles from the colon and more in shore than the brooklyn. the texas was three and four-tenths miles behind the oregon. the new york was nine and one-half miles from the colon. no one of the other vessels had come up save the vixen, which was abreast of the new york. this little vessel in the beginning of the fight steamed out to sea and sailed westward on a course about two and one-quarter miles from that of the nearest spanish ships. "the tracings of the chart show that the spanish vessels sailed on courses not more than three-tenths of a mile apart until the oquendo ran ashore. then the vizcaya veered out to sea and the colon kept nearer the shore, their courses being about seven-tenths of a mile apart. up to the time the oquendo went ashore the iowa, indiana, oregon, and texas sailed on courses within three-tenths of a mile of each other, the iowa being the nearest and the texas the farthest from the course of the spanish ships. the brooklyn's course was from three-tenths to one-half of a mile outside that of the texas. the swing to the right which the brooklyn made at the beginning of the engagement shows an oval four-tenths of a mile across. it crossed the courses of the texas, oregon, and indiana twice while making the turn, but before these vessels had gone over them. the course of the new york after passing morro was nearer the shore than any other united states vessel except the gloucester, and a mile behind where the oquendo turned to run ashore it passed inside the courses of the spanish vessels. ten miles west of the vizcaya disaster it crossed the colon's track, but followed close the course of that vessel until the latter surrendered. "the iowa, indiana, and ericsson did not go further west than where the vizcaya ran ashore. the gloucester stopped by the maria teresa and oquendo, as also did the hist. the latter vessel was not able to keep pace with the new york and ericsson, the vessels it was with at the beginning of the battle." major general nelson a. miles was carrying on, as master of the art and science of war, a prospering campaign in porto rico, when the protocol of peace between the united states and spain was signed, and "the war drum throbbed" no longer. it is the testimony of those who have studied the management of the invasion of porto rico by the military head of the army, that it was going on guided with consummate skill when the war closed. the american forces had the pleasure in porto rico of moving in a country that had not been desolated as cuba was. the island was a tropical picture of peace, only the glitter of armies breaking the spell. the defenders had the help of good roads, by which they could, on the inner lines, shift their columns with rapidity and ease. but the porto rico people were largely favorable to united states sovereignty--just as the cubans would be if it were not for the selfishness and jealousies, hatreds and scheming, regardless of the favor or prosperity of the people, that the most deplorable warfare known in the later years of the earth has engendered. it was on october , , that the american flag was raised over san juan de porto rico. the telegram of the associated press contained this announcement of the ceremony and symbol by which was announced the glorious initial chapter of a new dispensation that adds to america's territory one of the loveliest islands of the sea: san juan de porto rico, oct. .--promptly at noon to-day the american flag was raised over san juan. the ceremony was quiet and dignified, unmarred by disorder of any kind. the eleventh regular infantry, with two batteries of the fifth artillery, landed this morning. the latter proceeded to the forts, while the infantry lined up on the docks. it was a holiday for san juan, and there were many people in the streets. rear admiral schley and general gordon, accompanied by their staffs, proceeded to the palace in carriages. the eleventh infantry regiment and band, with troop h of the sixth united states cavalry, then marched through the streets and formed in the square opposite the palace. at : a. m. general brooke, admiral schley, and general gordon, the united states evacuation commissioners, came out of the palace, with many naval officers, and formed on the right side of the square. the streets behind the soldiers were thronged with townspeople, who stood waiting in dead silence. at last the city clock struck the hour of and the crowds, almost breathless and with eyes fixed upon the flagpole, watched for developments. at the sound of the first gun from fort morro, major dean and lieutenant castle, of general brooke's staff, hoisted the stars and stripes, while the band played the "star spangled banner." all heads were bared and the crowds cheered. fort morro, fort san cristobal, and the united states revenue cutter manning, lying in the harbor, fired twenty-one guns each. senor munoz rivera, who was president of the recent autonomist council of secretaries, and other officials of the late insular government, were present at the proceedings. congratulations and handshaking among the american officers followed, ensign king hoisted the stars and stripes over the intendencia, but all other flags on the various public buildings were hoisted by military officers. simultaneously with the raising of the flag over the captain general's palace many others were hoisted in different parts of the city. washington, d. c., oct. .--the war department has received the following to-day: "san juan, porto rico, oct. .--secretary of war, washington, d. c.: flags have been raised on public buildings and forts in this city and saluted with national salutes. the occupation of the island is now complete. "_brooke_, chairman." the two spanish fleets--of the east and west indies, were annihilated, the former may st, and the latter july nd, two months and two days between the events. the respective fleets in manila bay were as follows: _american fleet_. name class armanent men and officers olympia protected cruiser four -in., ten -in., r.f. baltimore protected cruiser four -in., six -in., r.f. boston par. ptd. cruiser two -in., six -in., r.f. raleigh protected cruiser one -in., ten -in., r.f. concord gunboat six -in., r.f. petrel gunboat four -in., r.f. mcculloch revenue cutter four -in _spanish fleet_. name. class. armament. men and officers *rema cristina steel cruiser six . -in., two . , r.f. castilla wood cruiser four . , two . , two . , two . , r.f. don antonio de ulloa iron cruiser four . , r.f. don juan de austria iron cruiser four . , two . , r.f. isla de luzon steel ptd. cruiser six . , r.f isla de cuba steel ptd. cruiser six . , r.f velasco iron cruiser three -in., two . , two r.f. marques del duero gunboat one . , two . , r.f. general lezo gunboat one . , r.f. el correo gunboat three . , r.f. quiros gunboat r.f. villalobos gunboat r.f. two torpedo boats and two transports. the american squadron was thus officered: acting rear admiral george dewey, commander-in-chief. commander b.p. lamberter, chief-of-staff. lieutenant l.m. brumby, flag lieutenant. ensign h.h. caldwell, secretary. _olympia_ (flagship). captain, charles v. gridley. lieutenant-commander, s. c. paine. lieutenants: c.g. calkins, v.s. nelson, g.s. morgan, s.m. strite. ensigns: m.m. taylor, f.b. upham, w.p. scott, a.g. kavanagh, h.v. butler. medical inspector, a.f. price; passed assistant surgeon, j.e. page; assistant surgeon, c.h. kindleberger; pay inspector, d.a. smith; chief engineer, j. entwistle; assistant engineer, s.h. delany; assistant engineer, j.f. marshall, jr.; chaplain, j.b. frazier; captain of marines, w.p. biddle; gunner, l.j.g. kuhlwein; carpenter, w. macdonald; acting boatswain, e.j. norcott. _the boston_. captain, f. wildes. lieutenant-commander, j.a. norris. lieutenants: j. gibson, w.l. howard. ensigns: s.s. robinson, l.h. everhart, j.s. doddridge. surgeon, m.h. crawford; assistant surgeon, r.s. balkeman; paymaster, j.r. martin; chief engineer, g.b. ransom; assistant engineer, l.j. james; first lieutenant of marines, r. mcm. dutton; gunner, j.c. evans; carpenter, l.h. hilton _u. s. steamship baltimore_. captain, n. m. dyer. lieutenant-commander, g. blocklinger. lieutenants: w. braunersreuther, f. w. kellogg, j. m. ellicott, c. s. stanworth. ensigns: g. h. hayward, m. j. mccormack, u. e. irwin. naval cadets, d. w. wurtsbaugh, i. z. wettersoll, c. m. tozer t. a. karney; passed assistant surgeon, f. a. heiseler; assistant surgeon, e. k. smith; pay inspector, e. bellows; chief engineer, a. c. engard; assistant engineers, h. b. price, h. i. cone; naval cadet (engineer), c. p. burt; chaplain. t. s. k. freeman; first lieutenant of marines, d. williams; acting boatswain, h. r. brayton; gunner, l. j. connelly; acting gunner, l. j. waller; carpenter, o. bath. _u. s. steamship raleigh_. captain, j. b. coghlan. lieutenant-commander, f. singer. lieutenants: w. winder, b. tappan, h. rodman, c. b. morgan, ensigns: f. l. chidwick, p. babin. surgeon, e. h. marsteller; assistant surgeon, d. n. carpenter; passed assistant paymaster, s. e. heap; chief engineer, f. h. bailey; passed assistant engineer, a. s. halstead; assistant engineer, j. e. brady; first lieutenant of marines, t. c. treadwell; acting gunner, g. d. johnstone; acting carpenter, t. e. kiley. _the concord_. commander, a. s. walker. lieutenant-commander, g. p. colvocoreses. lieutenants: t. b. howard, p. w. hourigan. ensigns: l. a. kiser, w. c. davidson, o. s. knepper. passed assistant surgeon, r. g. broderick; passed assistant paymaster, e. d. ryan; chief engineer, richard inch; passed assistant engineer, h. w. jones; assistant engineer, e. h. dunn. _the petrel_. commander, e. p. wood. lieutenants: e. m. hughes, b. a. fiske, a. n. wood, c. p. plunkett. ensigns: g. l. fermier, w. s. montgomery. passed assistant surgeon, c. d. brownell; assistant paymaster, g. g. siebells; passed assistant engineer, r. t. hall. the marvel of the naval engagements that disarmed spain in both the indies, is that only one american was killed in the santiago action, and the only man who lost his life on dewey's fleet was overcome by heat. the spaniards were deceived as well as surprised at manila, the deception being their dependence upon the belief that the americans would take it for granted that the falsified official charts were correct, and stand off. the course of the american fleet, finding with the lead on the first round feet of water where the chart said , dismayed the enemy. the spanish had but one chance to cripple dewey, and that was by closing with him, but they never seem, except in the case of the flagship, to have contemplated taking the offensive. in the course of the war crowded with victory, two spanish fleets were destroyed, two spanish armies surrendered, thirty-six thousand soldiers and sailors of spain made prisoners of war, the only heavy losses of americans were at santiago, and they happened because in the terrible climate of cuba in summer, for those unaccustomed to it and forced to be in the rain and sleep on the ground, it was necessary to carry the enemy's lines of defense by assault, because it was certain that delay would be destruction of the troops. the campaign was hurried and short, but such was the effect of the few weeks spent in cuba that, bloody as were the first days of july, the weeks succeeding witnessed the death from sickness of more soldiers than fell in battle. not until november , , did the state department make public the complete text of the protocol between the united states and spain for the preliminary settlement of the war. a copy was cabled to this country from the french translation, but the department here never gave out the text of the document in official form. the protocol textually is as follows: "protocol of agreement between the united states and spain, embodying the terms of a basis for the establishment of peace between the two countries, signed at washington aug. , . protocol: william r. day, secretary of state of the united states, and his excellency, jules cambon, ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the republic of france at washington, respectively possessing for this purpose full authority from the government of the united states and the government of spain, have concluded and signed the following articles, embodying the terms on which the two governments have agreed in respect to the matters hereinafter set forth, having in view the establishment of peace between the two countries--that is to say: _article_ i. "spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title to cuba. _article_ ii. "spain will cede to the united states the island of porto rico and other islands now under spanish sovereignty in the west indies, and also an island in the ladrones, to be selected by the united states. _article_ iii. "the united states will occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbor of manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace, which shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the philippines. _article_ iv. "spain will immediately evacuate cuba, porto rico, and other islands now under spanish sovereignty in the west indies, and to this end each government will, within ten days after the signing of this protocol, appoint commissioners, and the commissioners so appointed shall, within thirty days after the signing of this protocol, meet at havana for the purpose of arranging and carrying out the details of the aforesaid evacuation of cuba and the adjacent spanish islands; and each government will, within ten days after the signing of this protocol, also appoint other commissioners, who shall, within thirty days after the signing of this protocol, meet at san juan, porto rico, for the purpose of arranging and carrying out the details of the aforesaid evacuation of porto rico and other islands now under, spanish sovereignty in the west indies. _article_ v. "the united states and spain will each appoint not more than five commissioners to treat of peace, and the commissioners so appointed shall meet at paris not later than oct. , , and proceed to the negotiation and conclusion of a treaty of peace, which treaty shall be subject to ratification according to the respective constitutional forms of the two countries. _article_ vi. "upon the conclusion and signing of this protocol hostilities between the two countries shall be suspended, and notice to that effect shall be given as soon as possible by each government to the commanders of its military and naval forces. "done at washington in duplicate, in english and in french, by the undersigned, who have hereunto set their hands and seals, the th day of august, . "william r. day. jules cambon." chapter xvi the peace jubilee. the lessons of war in the joy over peace in the celebrations at chicago and philadelphia--orations by archbishop ireland and judge emory speer--the president's few words of thrilling significance--the parade of the loyal league, and clover club banquet at philadelphia--address by the president--the hero hobson makes a speech--fighting bob evans' startling battle picture--the destruction of cervera's fleet--the proclamation of thanksgiving. the lessons of war--that which has been through it accomplished for the country--the new lands over which our sovereignty is established--the gain in the national character--the increased immensity of the outlook of destiny, found impressive expression in the peace jubilee, the president of the united states participating, and interpreting history with dignity, in great chicago, the giant of the west and north, and philadelphia, the holy city of independence hall and the liberty bell. of the celebrations of peace with honor and victory, the first was that at chicago, and it will be memorable for remarkable speeches in which many orators rose to the height of the occasion, their speeches worthy of celebrity and certain to give imperishable passages to the school books of the future. we have to pass over much of meritorious distinction, and confine ourselves in the selections for these pages, to the utterances of the president--archbishop ireland, whose golden periods of americanism ring through the land, and the southern orator, judge emory speer, of georgia, whose patriotism springs forth and elevates the nobility of his thought, and touches with sacred fire the ruddy glow of his eloquence. "lead, my country, in peace!" was archbishop ireland's passionate exclamation, the key-note of his oration. he said: "war has passed; peace reigns. stilled over land and sea is the clang of arms; from san juan to manila, fearless and triumphant, floats the star spangled banner. america, 'be glad and rejoice, for the lord hath done great things.' america, with whole heart and soul, celebrate thy jubilee of peace. "welcome to america, sweet, beloved peace; welcome to america, honored, glorious victory. oh, peace, thou art heaven's gift to men. when the savior of humanity was born in bethlehem the sky sang forth, 'glory to god in the highest, and on earth peace and good will to men.' peace was offered to the world through christ, and when the spirit of christ is supreme, there is universal peace--peace among men, peace among nations. "oh, peace, so precious art thou to humanity that our highest ideal of social felicity must ever be thy sovereignty upon earth. pagan statesmanship, speaking through pagan poetry, exclaims: 'the best of things which it is given to know is peace; better than a thousand triumphs is the simple gift of peace.' the regenerated world shall not lift up sword against sword; neither shall they he exercised any more in war. "peace is the normal flow of humanity's life, the healthy pulsation of humanity's social organism, the vital condition of humanity's growth and happiness. "'o first of human blessings and supreme, fair peace! how lovely, how delightful thou. oh peace! thou soul and source of social life, beneath whose calm inspiring influence science his views enlarges, art refines, and swelling commerce opens all her ports. blessed be the man divine who gave us thee.' "the praise of peace is proclaimed beyond need of other words, when men confess that the only possible justification of war is the establishment of peace. peace, we prize thee. "'but the better thou, the richer of delight, sometime the more inevitable war.' "'pasis imponero morem'--to enforce the law of peace: this, the sole moral argument which god and humanity allow for war. o peace, welcome again to america. "war--how dreadful thou art! i shall not, indeed, declare thee to be immoral, ever unnecessary, ever accursed. no; i shall not so arraign thee as to mete plenary condemnation to the whole past history of nations, to the whole past history of my own america. but that thou art ever dreadful, ever barbarous, i shall not deny. war! is it by cunning design--in order to hide from men thy true nature--that pomp and circumstance attend thy march; that poetry and music set in brightest colors, the rays of light struggling through thy heavy darkness, that history weaves into threads of richest glory the woes and virtues of thy victims? stripped of thy show and tinsel, what art thou but the slaying of men?--the slaying of men by the thousands, aye, often by the tens, by the hundreds of thousands. "with the steady aim and relentless energy tasking science to its utmost ingenuity, the multitudes of men to their utmost endurance, whole nations work day and night, fitting ourselves for the quick and extensive killing of men. this preparation for war. armies meet on the field of battle; shot and shell rend the air; men fall to the ground like leaves in autumnal storms, bleeding, agonizing, dying; the earth is reddened by human blood; the more gory the earth beneath the tread of one army the louder the revel of victory in the ranks of the other. this, the actual conflict of war. from north to south, from east to west, through both countries whose flags were raised over the field of battle, homes not to be numbered mourned in soul-wrecking grief, for husband, father, son or brother who sank beneath the foeman's steel or yielded life within the fever tent, or who, surviving shot and malady, carries back to his loved ones a maimed or weakened body. this, the result of war. "reduced to the smallest sacrifice of human life the carnage of the battlefields, some one has died and some one is bereft. 'only one killed,' the headline reads. the glad news speeds. the newsboys cry: 'killed only one.' 'he was my son. what were a thousand to this one--my only son.' "it was wellington who said: 'take my word for it, if you had seen but one day of war you would pray to almighty god that you might never see such a thing again.' it was napoleon who said: 'the sight of a battlefield after the fight is enough to inspire princes with a love of peace and a horror of war.' "war, be thou gone from my soul's sight! i thank the good god that thy ghastly specter stands no longer upon the thresholds of the homes of my fellow countrymen in america, or my fellow beings in distant andalusia. when, i ask heaven, shall humanity rise to such heights of reason and of religion that war shall be impossible, and stories of battlefields but the saddening echoes of primitive ages of the race? "and yet, while we await that blessed day, when embodied justice shall sit in judgment between peoples as between individuals, from time to time conditions more repellant than war may confront a nation, and to remove such conditions as the solemn dictates of reason and religion impose was as righteous and obligatory. let the life of a nation or the integrity of its territory be menaced, let the honor of a nation be assailed, let the grievous crime against humanity be perpetrated within reach of a nation's flag or a nation's arm, reiterated appeals or argument and diplomacy failing, what else remains to a nation which is not so base as to court death or dishonor but to challenge the fortunes of war and give battle while strength remains in defense of 'its hearthstones and its altars'? war, indeed, is dreadful; but let it come; the sky may fall, but let justice be done. war is no longer a repudiation of peace, but the means to peace--to the soul peace a self-sacrificing people may enjoy--peace with honor. "a just and necessary war is holy. the men who at country's call engage in such a war are the country's heroes, to whom must be given unstinted gratitude and unstinted praise. the sword in their hands is the emblem of self-sacrifice and of valor; the flag which bears them betokens their country and bids them pour out in oblation to purest patriotism the life blood of their hearts; the shroud which spreads over the dead of the battlefield is the mantle of fame and of glory. "happy the nation which has the courage of a just war, no less than that of a just peace, whose sons are able and willing to serve her with honor alike in war and in peace. happy the nation whose jubilee of peace, when war has ceased, is also a jubilee of victory. "'we love peace, not war, but when we go to war we send it the best and bravest of the country.' these words, spoken a few days ago by the chief magistrate of america, embody a great principle of american life. six months ago the congress of the united states declared that in the name of humanity war should be waged in order to give to the island of cuba a stable and independent government. magnificent patriotism of america. the people of the united states at once rose in their might. they argued not, they hesitated not. america had spoken; theirs was not to judge but to obey. in a moment the money of america, the lives of america, were at the disposal of the chief magistrate of the nation, whose embarrassment was the too generous response to his appeal for means to bring victory to the nation's flag. america had spoken. partisan politics, sectional disputes instantly were stilled beneath the majesty of her voice. oft it had been whispered that we had a north and a south. when america spoke we knew that we were but one people; that all were americans. it had been whispered that social and economic lines were hopelessly dividing the american people, and that patriotism was retreating before the growth of class interests and class prejudices. "but when america spoke there was no one in the land who was not an american; the laborer dropped his hammer; the farmer turned from his plow; the merchant forgot his counting-room; the millionaire closed the door of his mansion; and side by side, equal in love of country; their resolve to serve her, they marched to danger and to death. america can never doubt the united loyalty of her whole population, nor the power which such united loyalty puts into her hand. "and what may i not say in eulogy of the sentiment of humanity, that in union with their patriotism swayed the hearts of the american people, and in their vision invested the war with the halo of highest and most sacred duty to fellow-men? i speak of the great multitude, whom we name the american people. they had been told of dire suffering by neighboring people--struggling for peace and liberty; they believed that only through war could they acquit themselves of the sacred duty of rescuing that people from their sufferings. i state a broad, undeniable fact. the dominating, impelling motive of the war in the depths of the national heart of america was the sentiment of humanity. the people of america offered their lives through no sordid ambition of pecuniary gain, of conquest of territory, of national aggrandizement. theirs was the high-born ambition to succor fellowmen. "what strength and power america was found to possess. when war was declared, so small was her army, so small her navy that the thought of war coming upon the country affrighted for the moment her own citizens and excited the derisive smiles of foreigners. of her latent resources no doubt was possible; but how much time was needed to utilize them, and, meanwhile, how much humiliation was possible. the president waved his wand; instantly armies and navies were created as by magic. within a few weeks a quarter of a million of men were formed into regiments and army corps; vessels of war and transport ships were covering the seas; upon water and land battles were fought and great victories won, from one side of the globe to the other. i know not of similar feats in history. what if in this bewildering rush of a nation to arms one department or another of the national administration was unable to put in a moment its hand upon all the details which a thoroughly rounded equipment required? the wonder is that the things that were done could at all have been done, and that what was done so quickly could have been done so well. the wonder is that this sudden creation of such vast military forces was possible, even in america. "what prowess in action, what intellect in planning, what skill in execution, were displayed by soldiers and seamen, by men and officers. magnificent the sweep of dewey's squadron in manila harbor. magnificent the broadsides from sampson's fleet upon cervera's fleeing ships. magnificent the charge of regiments of regular infantry, and of roosevelt's riders up the hills of el caney. never daunted, never calculating defeat, every man determined to die or conquer, every man knowing his duty, how to do it--the soldiers and seamen of america were invincible. spanish fleets and spanish armies vanished before them as mists before the morning sun; the nations of the earth stood amazed in the presence of such quick and decisive triumphs, at what america had done and at what, they now understood, america could do. the war is ended. it would ill become me to say what details shall enter into the treaty of peace which america is concluding with her vanquished foe. i stand in the presence of the chief magistrate of the republic. to him it belongs by right of official position and of personal wisdom to prescribe those details. the country has learned from the acts of his administration that to his patriotism, his courage, his prudence, she may well confide her safety, her honor, her destiny, her peace. whatever the treaty of sapin, america will be pleased when appended to this treaty is the name of william mckinley. "what i may speak of on this occasion is the results of the war, manifest even in this hour to america and to the world, transcending and independent of all treaties of peace, possessing for america and the world a meaning far mightier than mere accumulation of material wealth or commercial concessions or territorial extension. "to do great things, to meet fitly great responsibilities, a nation, like a person, must be conscious of its dignity and its power. the consciousness of what she is and what she may be has come to america. she knows that she is a great nation. the elements of greatness were not imparted by the war; but they were revealed to her by the war, and their vitality and their significance were increased through the war. "to take its proper place among the older nations of the earth a nation must be known as she is to those nations. the world to-day as ne'er before knows and confesses the greatness and the power of america. the world to-day admires and respects america. the young giant of the west, heretofore neglected and almost despised in his remoteness and isolation, has begun to move as becomes his stature; the world sees what he is and pictures what he may be. "all this does not happen by chance or accident. an all-ruling providence directs the movements of humanity. what we witness is a momentous dispensation from the master of men. 'magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo--with the revolution of centuries there is born to the world a new order of things,' sang the mantuan poet at the birth of the augustan age. so to-day we proclaim a new order of things has appeared. "america is too great to be isolated from the world around her and beyond her. she is a world power, to whom no world interest is alien, whose voice reaches afar, whose spirit travels across seas and mountain ranges to most distant continents and islands--and with america goes far and wide what america in the grandest ideal represents--democracy and liberty, a government of the people, by the people, for the people. this is americanism more than american territory, or american shipping, or american soldiery. where this grandest ideal of american life is not held supreme america has not reached, where this ideal is supreme america reigns. the vital significance of america's triumphs is not understood unless by those triumphs is understood the triumph of democracy and of liberty. "if it was ever allowed to nations to rejoice over the result of their wars, america may rejoice to-day. shall we then chant the praises of war and change this jubilee of peace into a jubilee of war? heaven forbid! "'we love peace, not war.' the greatness of america makes it imperative upon her to profess peace--peace to-day, peace to-morrow. her mission as a world power demands that she be a messenger, an advocate of peace before the world. fain would we make her jubilee of peace a jubilee of peace for all nations. at least the message from it to the world shall be a message of peace. "that at times wonderful things come through war, we must admit; but that they come through war and not through the methods of peaceful justice, we must ever regret. when they do come through war, their beauty and grandeur are dimmed by the memory of the sufferings and carnage which were their price. "we say in defense of war that its purpose is justice; but is it worthy of christian civilization that there is no other way to justice than war, that nations are forced to stoop to the methods of the animal and savage? time was when individuals gave battle to one another in the name of justice; it was the time of social barbarism. tribunals have since taken to themselves the administration of justice, and how much better it is for the happiness and progress of mankind. "it is force, or chance, that decides the issue of the battle. justice herself is not heard; the decision of justice is what it was before the battle, the judgment of one party. must we not hope that with the widening influence of reason and of religion among men, the day is approaching when justice shall be enthroned upon a great international tribunal, before which nations shall bow, demanding from it judgment and peace? say what we will, our civilization is a vain boast. "'till the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle flags are furled in the parliament of man, the federation of the world. there the common sense of most shall hold a fretful realm in awe, and the kindly earth shall slumber, wrapt in universal law.' "it is america's great soldier who said: "'though i have been trained as a soldier, and have participated in many battles, there never was a time when, in my opinion, some way could not have been found of preventing the drawing of the sword. i look forward to an epoch when a court, recognized by all nations, will settle international differences, instead of keeping large standing armies, as they do in europe.' shall we not allow the words of general grant to go forth as the message of america? "some weeks ago the czar of russia said: 'the maintenance of general peace and possible reduction of the excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations present themselves in the existing condition of the whole world as an ideal towards which the endeavors of all governments should be directed,' and in accordance with those views he invited all nations to send representatives to an international peace congress, in which the question of reducing the armaments of the several countries of the world and otherwise preparing some plan for the prevention of wars might be discussed. "shall not america send to st. petersburg a message of good will, a promise of earnest co-operation? america, great and powerful, can afford to speak of peace. words of peace from her will be the more gracious and timely, as they who do not know her say that, maddened by her recent triumphs, she is now committed beyond return to a policy of militarism and of conquest. "lead, my country, in peace--in peace for thyself, in peace for the world. when war is necessary, lead, we pray thee, in war; but when peace is possible, lead, we pray thee yet more, lead in peace; lead in all that makes for peace, that prepares the world for peace. "america, the eyes of the world are upon thee. thou livest for the world. the new era is shedding its light upon thee, and through thee upon the whole world. thy greatness and thy power daze me; even more, thy responsibilities to god and to humanity daze me--i would say affright me. america, thou failing, democracy and liberty fail throughout the world. "and now know, in the day of thy triumphs and victories, what guards democracy and liberty, what is thy true grandeur. not in commerce and industry, not in ships and in armies, are the safety and the grandeur of nations, and, more especially, of republics. intelligence and virtue build up nations and save them; without intelligence and virtue, material wealth and victorious armies bring corruption to nations and precipitate the ruin of liberty. "and now, america, the country of our pride, our love, our hope, we remit thee for to-day and for to-morrow into the hands of the almighty god, under whose protecting hand thou canst not fail, whose commandments are the supreme rules of truth and righteousness." the archbishop was followed by judge speer, of georgia: "mr. president, ladies and gentlemen: spain had long been our near and dangerous neighbor. its people have a degree of reverence almost superstitious for monarchy, and regard republican institutions with great disfavor. it has been said of spain that some incurable vice in her organization, or it may be in the temper of her people, neutralizes all of the advantages she ought to derive from her sturdy hardihood, her nearly perfect capacity for endurance and the somber genius alike for war, for art and for literature, which has so often marked her sons. while this seems to be true, the spaniard is not only a formidable antagonist, but there is a wealth of interest and charm in his rich, romantic history which commands the admiration of a generous foeman. this must be accorded, whether we contemplate that ancient people as they alternately resist the aggressions of carthage and of rome, the fierce cavalry of hamilcar, the legions of scipio, of pompey and of caesar, or in more recent times the achievements of their renowned infantry which broke to fragments the best armies of europe, or the infuriated people in arms against the hitherto unconquered veterans of napoleon, or but now as with patient and dogged courage, with flaming volleys, they vainly strive to hold the works of caney and san juan against the irresistible and rushing valor of the american soldier. in art the spaniard has been not less famous. in the royal collection of madrid, in the venerable cathedrals of seville, in the louvre, in the london national gallery, the lover of the beautiful may be charmed by the warmth of color, the accuracy of technique, the rounded outline and saintly salvation of murillo. "many a quaint moralist, many a stately poet, many a priestly chronicler attests the genius of spanish literature, but if these had not been, don quixote and sancho panza had been its title to immortality. the admirable attributes of spanish character nowhere found warmer appreciation than with our own countrymen. what prescott did for the statecraft, and stern martial renown of the spaniards, washington irving, with melodious prose and gentle humor, surpassed in his kindly portrayal of spanish character in his charming romance, the conquest of granada. it is perhaps due to the drollery and addisonian humor of that gifted american that we have never been able to estimate the spaniard quite so seriously as he estimates himself, or, indeed, as his stern and uncompromising nature deserves. the truth is, spanish policy has ever been insidiously and persistently inimical to the american people, and has culminated in deeds more atrocious than those which have rendered infamous the baleful memory of pedro the cruel. "we all know how in his holiness, alexander vi., in order to prevent unseemly collisions between christian princes, published a bull by which he assigned to spain all discoveries lying west of an imaginary line drawn leagues to the westward of the cape verde islands. all discoveries to the east were confined to portugal. "all of south america save brazil and the two guineas, all central america, mexico, the entire territory west of the mississippi, now embraced by the united states, beautiful cuba, from whose eastern province of santiago ponce de leon across the lucent waves of the tropical sea coveted the ambrosial forests and fertile meadows of porto rico, whence he was to sail to the floral empire of florida. but this was not all of spain's magnificent domain. far across the waters of the south pacific was the now famous cluster of islands bearing the name of the spanish king. and from their great cities, via guam, and hawaii, and san francisco, to acapulco, sailed the famous manila fleet, huge galleons, loaded to the gunwales with the silken and golden wealth of the orient. where are her colonies now? the declaration of the senior senator from the noble state of illinois has been fulfilled: no race outside of her own borders, even if spanish by origin, has ever been able to endure her reign, and every race which has resisted her ultimately succeeded in withdrawing from her control. "in the meantime the americans, as declared by the german philosopher, lessing, were building in the new world the lodge of humanity. the determined malignity of the spaniard toward the adventurous men of our race who were fringing the atlantic coast with sparsely peopled and widely separated settlements was promptly disclosed. they had threatened to send an armed ship to remove the virginia planters. they laid claim to carolina, and they directed powerful armed expeditions against the young colony of georgia. they were now to meet, not the helpless savages who had been their victims, but men of that same fighting strain who in this good year breasted the hail of death, swarmed up the heights and planted the colors on the intrenchments of santiago. "that field where the georgian and spaniards on that momentous day in met is yet called the blood marsh. the commander of our colonial forces was james edward oglethorpe. to his military genius and the heroism of his slender force is due the fact that the southern territory of the united states was not added to the dependencies of spain. that illustrious englishman should ever live in the memory and veneration of the american people. he did more to exclude the spaniards from american soil than any other man of the english speaking race, save that successor of washington, the president, who evinces his fervid love of country and graces the occasion by his presence to-day. "defeated in their scheme of invasion, the spaniards remained intensely inimical to our fathers. what more striking demonstration of that superintending providence, which administers justice, not only to individuals, but to nations, than the spectacle in this mighty city, builded on the heritage of which spain would have deprived this people of this gathering of americans to mark the epoch when the last spanish soldier has been driven from the last foot of soil of that hemisphere discovered by columbus. may we not justly exclaim with the psalmist of old: 'oh, clap your hands, all ye people; shout unto god with the voice of triumph.' "it is perhaps impossible for americans of this day and time to conceive how vast was the control spain might have exerted over the destinies of our republic. the independence of the united states had been recognized, the constitution had been adopted and the government organized, and yet for many years she claimed without dispute the peninsula of florida, thence a strip along the gulf extending to and including the city of new orleans, and she held all of that territory west of the mississippi extending from the father of waters to the pacific ocean, and from the gulf of mexico northward to the undefined boundaries of the british possessions. "even as it is to-day, that empire mentioned in bishop berkely's prophetic stanza, 'westward the course of empire takes its way,' which sprang into being with the first shot of the simple, god-fearing husbandmen on the green at lexington extends more than half way across the pacific ocean, and the miner or the fisherman standing on the ultimate island of alaska and gazing eastward across the icy waters may with the naked eye behold the dominions of the czar. nor in this do we include those distant islands, where one may morning, ever to be famous in the annals of our race, the spicy breezes that blow o'er manila bay were rent by the guns of the noble dewey as they proclaimed that the genius of liberty had come to rid of cruelty and avarice and crime that charming land 'where every prospect pleases and only man is vile.' "in this connection may it not be well for us and for some of our distinguished representatives now in paris to consider if it can be ever possible for men with the american and spanish ideas of government to live in proximity and in peace? contrast the character of the average american citizen with that of the spaniard. the native and distinctive modesty of the national character forbids me to pronounce an extravagant eulogium upon the american citizen, but behold him and see what he has done and can do. "while the human intellect has been making prodigious and unheard-of strides, while the world is ringing with the noise of intellectual achievements, spain sleeps on untroubled, unheeding, impassive, receiving no impression upon it. there she lies at the farther extremity of the continent, a huge and torpid mass, the sole representative now remaining of the feelings and knowledge of the middle ages. and, what is the worst symptom of all, she is satisfied with her own condition. though she is the most backward country in europe she believes herself to be the foremost. she is proud of everything of which she ought to be ashamed. "how incompatible is the temperament of the american and the spaniard. "may the worn and wasted followers of gomez and garcia come to appreciate the blessings of liberty under the law. no other wish is in consonance with the aims of the american people. we would not, if we could, be their masters. the gigantic power of the country has been put forth for their salvation and for their pacification. connected with them by bonds of genuine sympathy and indissoluble interest, we will labor with them to secure for them established justice, domestic tranquility, general welfare and the blessings of liberty to themselves and to their posterity. for the common defense, in the blue ether above the beautiful island of cuba is poised the eagle.' 'whose golden plume floats moveless on the storm and in the blaze of sunrise gleams when earth is wrapt in gloom.' "it was not enough, however, for the american people to recognize the independence of the spanish-american republics. it soon became our duty to notify the world that in certain eventualities it was our purpose to defend their national existence. the holy alliance, as it was termed, had been formed. the great powers who signed the famous compact declared its purpose to maintain as christian doctrine the proposition that useful or necessary changes in legislation, or in the administration of states, can only emanate from the free will and well-weighed convictions of those whom god has rendered responsible for power. whom had god made responsible for power? what is a well-weighed conviction? these are questions about which the irreverent americans might perchance differ with royalty. we had been lead to believe, and yet believe, that the voice of the people is the voice of god. when, therefore, the absolution of the holy alliance, not content with smothering a feeble spark of liberty in spain, initiated a joint movement of their arms against the spanish-american republics, it gave the people of our country the gravest concern. in the meantime our relations with great britain had grown cordial. that they may grow ever stronger and more cordial should be the prayer of every man of the english speaking race. an unspeakable blessing to mankind of the struggle from which we are now emerging is the genuine brotherly sympathy for the people of the united states flowing from that land. "and it is returned in no unstinted measure. but two months ago the flagship of admiral dewey steamed slowly into the battle line at manila. as she passed the british flagship immortalite its band rang out the inspiring air 'see the conquering hero comes,' and as the gorgeous ensign of the republic was flung to the breeze at the peak of the olympia there now came thrilling o'er the waters from our kinsmen's ship the martial strains of the 'star spangled banner.' "finally, when our gallant seamen, reposing in fancied security in the scorching blast of the treacherous explosion were cruelly and remorselessly slain, and calm investigation had developed the truth, we had been despicable on the historic page had we not appealed to the god of battle for retribution. the pious rage of seventy millions of people cried aloud to heaven for the piteous agony, for the shameful slaughter of our brethren. our noble navy was swiftly speeding to its duty. poetic genius bodied forth the spirit of our gallant seamen as the mighty ships sped on their way. "let the waters of the orient as they moan through the shell-riven wrecks at cavite, the booming waves of the caribbean as fathoms deep it sweeps over pluton and furor and breaks into spray on the shapeless and fire-distorted steel of vizcaya and oquendo, tell how the navy has paid our debt to spain. nor is the renown which crowns the standards of our army one whit less glorious. nothing in the lucid page of thucydides nor in the terse commentaries of caesar, nothing in the vivid narrative of napier or the glowing battle scenes of allison, can surpass the story how, spurning the chapparal and the barbed wire, pressing their rifles to their throbbing hearts, toiling up the heights, and all the while the machine guns and the mausers mowing the jungle as if with a mighty reaper, on and yet right on, they won the fiery crests, and santiago fell. well may we exclaim with the royal poet of israel: "'oh, sing unto the lord a new song, for he hath done marvelous things; his right hand and his holy arm hath gotten him the victory.' "america! humane in the hour of triumph, gentle to the vanquished, grateful to the lord of hosts, a reunited people forever: "'great people. as the sands shalt thou become; thy growth is swift as morn, when night must fade the multitudinous earth shall sleep beneath thy shade.'" the band burst into the strains of "dixie" in honor of the southern birth of judge speer, as he concluded his oration. president mckinley, as on other occasions during the program, joined in the hearty applause. cries of "mckinley," "mckinley," "the president," "the president," were heard all over the hall, and in a moment it was seen that the president was going to respond. every one stood up. ex-governor oglesby approached the front of the box, and said, "i have the honor to introduce the guest of the occasion, the president." "leaning forward," we quote the tribune, "from his box in the earnestness of his utterance, speaking in the tones of emotion having birth in the fullness of heart, president william mckinley, at the auditorium jubilee meeting yesterday morning gave to the people a message of simple thanks and significant augury. save for a wave of applause at the mention of american charity, the terse, reverent address was heard in silence. an added hush fell upon the intent throng when the president began the portentous concluding paragraph, and when he ceased speaking and stood before them grave and masterful, the quiet was breathless, tense under the force of repression. then the meaning of the words of the executive coursed from heart to brain, and men's minds grasped the fact that they had heard the president's lips declare that he had seen the direction of the flow of the currents of destiny, that he recognized their majesty, and that his purpose was in harmony with the common will--the force working for the retention of the conquered islands in the distant pacific and for the policy of national growth. "the applause broke the louder for the preceding calm and the deeper for the inspiring motive. hats were swung and handkerchiefs waved. men climbed on chairs to lead the cheering and women forgot gloved hands and applauded with energy. at the last, ex-governor richard j. oglesby, who had a seat in the president's box, led in three cheers." the message of the president was: "my fellow citizens: i have been deeply moved by this great demonstration. i have been deeply touched by the words of patriotism that have been uttered by the distinguished men so eloquently in your presence. it is gratifying to all of us to know that this has never ceased to be a war of humanity. the last ship that went out of the harbor of havana before war was declared was an american ship that had taken to the suffering people of cuba the supplies furnished by american charity, and the first ship to sail into the harbor of santiago was another american ship bearing food supplies to the suffering cubans. "i am sure it is the universal prayer of american citizens that justice and humanity and civilization shall characterize the final settlement of peace as they have distinguished the progress of the war. "my countrymen, the currents of destiny flow through the hearts of the people. who will check them? who will divert them? who will stop them? and the movements of men, planned by the master of men, will never be interrupted by the american people." the philadelphia celebration was a scene of a demonstration of popular interest and patriotic feeling amazing in its multitudinous enthusiasm. the loyal league was out in full force, the parade was a prodigy of display, and the clover club gave a brilliant dinner, and the cleverness of the president's speech carried the club by storm. he said: "i cannot forego making acknowledgment to this far-famed club for the permission it has granted me to meet with you here to-night. you do not seem half so bad at this stage as you have been pictured. no one can unfold the future of the clover club. (laughter.) it has been so gratifying to me to participate with the people of the city of philadelphia in this great patriotic celebration. it was a pageant the like of which i do not believe has been seen since the close of the great civil war, when the army of grant, sherman and sheridan, and the navy of dupont, dahlgren and porter gave the great review in the capital city of the nation. and i know of no more fitting place to have a patriotic celebration than in this great city, which witnessed the first consecration of liberty and of the republic. as i stood on the great reviewing stand, witnessing the soldiers and sailors passing by, my heart was filled only with gratitude to the god of battles, who has so favored us, and gratitude to the brave soldiers and sailors who had won such signal victories on land and on sea, and had given a new meaning to american valor. "it has been especially gratifying to me to participate not only with the people of philadelphia, but with the people of the great west, where i have recently visited, in doing honor to the american army and the american navy. no nobler soldiers or sailors ever assembled under any flag. you had with you to-day the leaders of santiago, porto rico and guantanamo. we unfortunately had none of the heroes of manila with us. but i am sure that our hearts go out to them to-night and to the brave dewey and otis and merritt, and all the other gallant men that are now sustaining the flag in the harbor city of manila." (a voice, "how about hobson?") "the american people are always ready for any emergency, and if the merrimac is to be sunk there is an american officer to do it. he succeeded in doing what our foe has been unable to do, sink an american ship. (applause.) "i ask you, gentlemen of the clover club, to unite with me in toasting the army and navy of the united states, without whose valor and sacrifice we could not celebrate the victory we have been celebrating to-day. not only the men at the front, not only the men on the battleships and in the battle line, but the men at home with ambition to go to fight the battles of american civilization, should be the recipients of the gratitude of the american people." hobson and his men were a great feature of the parade in the four-in-hand. hobson, during this visit to philadelphia was caught, surrounded and captured at his hotel and was forced to make a speech, of which there is this report: "the young officer was plainly embarrassed. his red face suggested it, his trembling voice told it. in a low tone and frequently pausing, as if from a loss of a word, he said: "'your reception has been so very kind that it seems almost as if i had lost the power to say anything.' "someone called out: 'never mind, you had nerve enough to go into santiago harbor,' and then the crowd gave three cheers for hobson. "he began again. 'the incident you have referred to is one you unduly magnify. believe me, it was really nothing more than a little bit of work, which came to my men and to me to do in the ordinary course of strategy in warfare. that was all it was, a little bit of work, and it is sheer exaggeration to say anything else.' "'can't agree with you! can't agree with you!' was the shouted answer from the crowd." at the clover club jubilee dinner, captain "fighting bob" evans gave a wonderfully interesting account of the destruction of cervera's fleet, closing with a grim picture of war the celebration of peace. he had been speaking of the blockade of cuba, and insistently called upon to tell about santiago, said: "of our little scrap, it was the prettiest mix-up that was ever seen. i want to say that no fleet ever met a braver enemy than we did at santiago. those spaniards stood up and got killed in the best possible shape. six hundred of them died in less than thirty minutes, so you can see that there was very little flinching on cervera's ships. "during the fight there were two very interesting moments, the first when the four big cruisers of the enemy came outside of the harbor, firing away with mechanical regularity and presenting a most magnificent spectacle. they were not hitting anything, but that made little difference at that time, they tried hard enough. as we closed in, there came a moment when the fleeing spanish ships had an almost perfect chance to use their rams on our vessels. i submit now that not a single one changed his course a single inch. they came out of that harbor and ran away, and that was all they attempted to do, fighting as they went. "the second point was when 'dick' wainwright misread a signal. i know he won't admit that he did misread it; however, i'll tell you the incident. in the gloucester wainwright was just off the harbor mouth when the two spanish torpedo boat destroyers were noticed making straight at him. the indiana signaled 'the enemy's torpedo boats are coming out.' wainwright read it 'close in and attack enemy's torpedo boats,' and you know the rest of the story. "there was a dramatic picture which i want to call your attention to. it was after the vizcaya had run ashore, and i had to stop the iowa, some yards away. i saw the survivors on a sand bar, which was merely a narrow strip of about yards from shore, on either side of a small inlet. on one side a school of hungry sharks were making fierce rushes toward the men, and on the other, the cubans were shooting away, utterly regardless of the fact that they were fighting a helpless foe. out in front we were not supposed to be very friendly. "finally, i saw captain eulate, of the destroyed ship, coming toward my vessel in a small boat. now eulate is what you call a black spaniard, one of those fellows that would cry as though his heart would break every few minutes when in trouble. he sat in the stern of a small boat that had belonged to his vessel. she was partly stove in and had about a foot of water, or i should say blood and water, in her bottom. "as i looked down in the gangway i think it was the most horrible sight that i ever witnessed. in the bottom of the boat lay two dead spaniards, one with his head completely shot away. the spanish captain was wounded in three places, and each of the four men who rowed his boat was more or less cut up. we slung a chair over the side and carefully hauled him on board. "as he came up to the starboard gangway the marine guard saluted and he was received with all the honors of his rank. as he stepped toward me he burst into tears, threw his hands up in the air, and then, with a gesture of utter despair, but with all the grace of the pretty gentleman, loosed his sword belt and pressing a fervent kiss on the hilt of the weapon he extended it toward me. every man on that ship knew that that spaniard was giving up something of value equal to his life. i am not very good-natured, but i could not take that sword." this met with loud cries of "you did right, bob," and one lusty-lunged individual announced that there was not a man in the country that would take it. captain evans, who recognized the speaker, a friend from the rural districts, answered: "oh, you don't know what some of those up-country pennsylvanians would do. it was a pretty good sword." continuing, captain evans said: "i didn't know exactly what to do with the spanish captain to get him into our sick bay. as i was about to ask him of his wound he stepped toward the gangway and looked shoreward. about a quarter of a mile off lay the once magnificent vessel in which he had boasted he would tow the brooklyn back to spain. "she was burning fore and aft, terrific columns of flame shooting up around her, and suddenly, with a burst of tears, captain eulate kissed his hand and bade fond farewell to the burning hulk and said with impassioned voice, 'adios viscaya.' as he did this the very same instant there came a tremendous roar and the vizcaya's magazine blew her superstructure hundreds of feet into the air. had the incident occurred that way on the stage anybody would have said it was too well timed. "he turned back and we got him into the ship's hospital, where the surgeons placed him on his stomach to shave the hair around a small cut on the back of his head. i stood alongside of him, and rolling his eyes into the starboard corner he said to me, with a rather comical expression, 'i think i have heard of you before.' i told him i did not know how that could have been, and he asked: 'did you not command the indiana?' 'yes,' i said; then he said, shaking his head as well as circumstances would permit, 'yes, i have heard of you. you are "bob" evans.' "i have often wondered just what he referred to. i have a notion that it would fit certain remarks regarding certain language that i was credited with having used in reference to an attack on havana; language, by the way, which i never used. as i said before, the battle before santiago was the prettiest imaginable kind of effect. why, two torpedo boat destroyers came out, and inside of ten minutes we had them sounding. one sounded in fathoms of water and sunk to rest there. the other preferred a berth with her nose on the beach. "the maria teresa and admiral oquendo were on fire inside of five minutes after the fight had started. they made beautiful sweeps toward the shore, and were regular fourth of july processions as they swept in on the beach. we helped them along a bit by landing a few shells in the stern. it was a pretty fight, but it should never be forgotten that the spaniards fought their ships as hard and with as much valor as any men in any ships ever fought." after the first cabinet meeting succeeding the peace jubilee, the president issued his annual thanksgiving proclamation: "_by the president of the united states_. _a proclamation_. "the approaching november brings to mind the custom of our ancestors, hallowed by time and rooted in our most sacred traditions, of giving thanks to almighty god for all the blessings he has vouchsafed to us during the past year. "few years in our history have afforded such cause for thanksgiving as this. we have been blessed by abundant harvests, our trade and commerce have been wonderfully increased, our public credit has been improved and strengthened, all sections of our common country have been brought together and knitted into closer bonds of national purpose and unity. "the skies have been for a time darkened by the cloud of war; but as we were compelled to take up the sword in the cause of humanity, we are permitted to rejoice that the conflict has been of brief duration and the losses we have had to mourn, though grievous and important, have been so few, considering the great results accomplished, as to inspire us with gratitude and praise to the lord of hosts. we may laud and magnify his holy name that the cessation of hostilities came so soon as to spare both sides the countless sorrows and disasters that attend protracted war. "i do, therefore, invite all my fellow citizens, as well those at home as those who may be at sea or sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe thursday, the twenty-fourth day of november, as a day of national thanksgiving, to come together in their several places of worship, for a service of praise and thanks to almighty god for all the blessings of the year, for the mildness of seasons and the fruitfulness of the soil, for the continued prosperity of the people, for the devotion and valor of our countrymen, for the glory of our victory and the hope of a righteous peace, and to pray that the divine guidance, which has brought us heretofore to safety and honor, may be graciously continued in the years to come. "in witness whereof, etc. (signed) "_william m'kinley_. "by the president: "_john hay_, secretary of state." chapter xvii early history of the philippines. the abolishment of the st of december, , in manila--the mystery of the meridian degrees west--what is east and west?--gaining and losing days--the tribes of native filipinos--they had an alphabet and songs of their own--the massacre of magellan--his fate like that of captain cook--stories of long ago wars--an account by a devoted spanish writer of the beneficent rule of spain in the philippines--aguinaldo a man not of a nation, but of a tribe--typhoons and earthquakes--the degeneracy of the government of the philippines after it was taken from mexico--"new spain"--the perquisites of captain-generals--the splendor of manila a century ago. the st of december was abolished in manila in . up to that time it had been retained as the discoverers fixed it by pure piety and patriotism. pope alexander vi had issued a bull on the th of may, , dividing the world into two hemispheres, which was quite correct, though it did not correspond to the secular lines of more modern days. the gracious object of his holiness was to keep the peace of the world by dividing the lands taken from the heathen between the spaniards and portuguese. the east was to belong to portugal. the line was drawn to include brazil. the west was the hunting ground for heathen of spain. the claim of spain for the philippines was that they were west. that was the way magellenas (magellan), the portuguese navigator sailed through the straits named for him, and westward found the alleged oriental islands, in which we, the people of the united states, are now so much interested. when sailing into the sunset seas he picked up a day, and never discovered his error for he did not get home, and the captain who navigated his ship did not know he was out of time with the european world until he got as far around as the cape verde islands. an added day was held in manila, as a kind of affirmation of clear title, or trade mark of true righteousness, on the part of spain. it is one of the enduring puzzles in going around the world that a day is gained or lost, and it is not always a sure thing whether there is a loss or gain. the perplexing problem is increased in its persistence if one sails westward over the meridian west from greenwich, and goes beyond that line (which is not the one drawn by alexander vi)--say to the philippines, and turns back, as is done in the voyage from san francisco to manila, and vice versa. in this case, the mystery of the meridian becomes something dreadful. one loses a day going west and gains one coming east, and it is a difficulty for a clear mind not to become cloudy over the account of loss and gain--or perhaps we may say profit and loss, when the account is closed. "the historian of the philippine expedition" lost a wednesday going out, jumping from tuesday to thursday, and found an extra thursday on the return--celebrated his birthday on another day than that on which he was born, and had to correct the ship account of his board bill, by adding a day. the captain's clerk had forgotten it because it was not in the almanac. ship time begins a day at noon (and ends another), so when we crossed the meridian degrees west at p. m. by the sun, and the day was thursday and to-morrow was thursday also, the forenoon was yesterday by the ship. therefore, thursday was yesterday, to-day and to-morrow on the same day. the forenoon was yesterday--from to p. m. was to-day--and from p. m. to midnight was to-morrow! it is no wonder "the historian," whose birthday was september the nd, found as he was on the west side of the meridian with the mystery that the folks at home in the states had celebrated it for him two days ago--one day he had lost, and the other they had gained. jagor, the historian of the philippines, before the days when admiral dewey grasped the reins of a thousand islands, and a thousand to spare, says in his "philippine islands," that "when the clock strikes in madrid, it is hours minutes and seconds past in the evening at manila. the latter city lies degrees min. sec. east of the former, h. min. sec. from paris. but it depends upon whether you measure time by moving with the sun or the other way. if westward the course of empire takes its way, manila is a third of a day catching up with madrid time. if we face the morning and go to meet it manila is ahead. the absence of the right day for sunday has long been gravely considered by the missionaries who have gone to heathen lands beyond the mysterious meridian that spoils all the holidays. one might establish a bank on that line and play between days, but there is only one little speck of land on the degree meridian from pole to pole. it may be very well worth considering whether the united states should not reestablish the st of december in manila, and assert that we hold title to the philippines not only by the victories of the fleet and armies of the united states, but by the favor of alexander vi, whose bull the spaniards disregarded after it had grown venerable with three centuries of usage. we quote a spanish historian who colors his chapters to make a favorable show for his country on this subject, as follows: "from the spaniards having traveled westwards to the philippines, there was an error of a day in their dates and almanacs. this was corrected in , when, by order of the captain-general and the archbishop, the st of december, , was suppressed, and the dates of manila made to agree with those of the rest of the world. a similar correction was made at the same time at macao, where the portuguese who had traveled eastward had an error of a day in an opposite direction." it will be noticed that the authority of the archbishop was carefully obtained and quoted, but it was beyond his prerogative. the early history of the philippines bears few traces of the traditions and romances of the natives, but they were in possession of an alphabet when "discovered," and were then, as now, fond of music, singing their own melodies. the hawaiians were enabled to get their old stories into print because they suddenly fell into the hands of masterful men who had a written language. the icelanders were too literary for their own good, for they spoiled their history by writing it in poetry and mixing it with fiction, losing in that way the credit that belongs to them of being the true discoverers of america. the filipinos were spared this shape of misfortune, not that they lacked imagination within a narrow range of vision, but they were wanting in expression, save in unwritten music. their lyrical poetry was not materialized. the study of the natives must be studied as geology is. geology and native history have been neglected in the tagala country. the rocks of the philippines have not been opened to be read like books. more is known of the botany of the islands than of the formation of the mountains and their foundations. the original inhabitants were negritos--a dwarfish race, very dark and tameless, still in existence, but driven to the parts of the country most inaccessible. they are of the class of dark savages, who smoke cigars holding the fiery ends between their teeth! the islands were invaded and extensively harassed by malay tribes--the most numerous and active being the tagala. of this tribe is general aguinaldo, and it is as a man with a tribe not a nation that he has become conspicuous. the other tribes of malays will not sustain him if he should be wild enough to want to make war upon the united states. the tagalas are cock fighters and live on the lowlands. they eat rice chiefly, but are fond of ducks and chickens, and they have an incredibly acute sense of smell, not a bad taste in food, and do not hanker to get drunk. the visayas are also a tribe. the igolatas are next to the tagala in numbers and energy. they show traces of chinese and japanese blood. there are no africans in the philippines, no sign of their blood. this may be attributed to phillip's prohibition of negro slavery. general greene, of new york, took with him to manila a full-blooded black manservant, and he was a great curiosity to the filipinos. when the english conquered manila in they had sepoy regiments, and held the city eighteen months. a good deal of sepoy blood is still in evidence. the chinese have been growing in importance in the philippines. their men marry the women of the islands and have large families, the boys of this class being wonderfully thrifty. the children of englishmen by the native women are often handsome, and of strong organization. the females are especially comely. the early history of the islands consists of accounts of contests with frontier rebels, attacks by pirates, and reprisals by the spaniards, great storms and destructive earthquakes. it is remarkable that magellan was, like captain cook, a victim of savages, whose existence he made known to civilized people, falling in a sea-side contest. magellan had converted a captive chief to christianity and baptised him as king charles. more than two thousand of his subjects were converted in a day, and the great navigator set forth to conquer islands for the dominion of the christian king, who lived on the isle of zebu. the christian monarch was entertained and received many presents, making return in bags of gold dust, fruit, oil and wine. his queen was presented with a looking glass, and then she insisted upon baptism, and so great was the revival that magellan set out to capture more people for the newly made christian couple--invaded the island of matau, and with forty-two men landed where the water was shallow, his allies remaining afloat by invitation of magellan, to see how the spaniards disposed of enemies. the spanish landed at night, and on the morning found a great multitude of savages opposed to them, and fought for life, but were overwhelmed by thousands of warriors. the admiral was in white armor, and fighting desperately, was at last wounded in his sword arm, and then in the face, and leg. he was deserted by his men, who sought to save themselves in the water, and killed many of his enemies, but his helmet and skull were crushed at one blow by a frantic savage with a huge club. there were thirty-two spaniards killed, and one of the squadron of three ships was burned as there were not men enough to sail all the vessels. there is in manila, in the walled city, where it is seen every day by thousands of american soldiers, a stately monument to the navigator who found the philippines, and whose adventurous discoveries insured him immortality. his first landing on the philippines was march th, , less than thirty years after columbus appeared in the west indies, believing that he was in the midst of the ancient east indies, and judging from the latitude in the neighborhood of the island empire of the great kahn. [ ] "after the death of magellan, duarte barbosa took the command and he and twenty of his men were treacherously killed by the christian king, with whom they had allied themselves, one juan serrano was left alive amongst the natives. magellan's 'victory' was the first ship that circumnavigated the globe. "magellanes passed over to the service of the king of castile, from causes which moved him thereto; and he set forth to the emperor charles v., our sovereign, that the islands of maluco fell within the demarcation of his crown of castile, and that the conquest of them pertained to him conformably to the concession of pope alexander; he also offered to make an expedition and a voyage to them in the emperor's name, laying his course through that part of the delimitation which belonged to castile, and availing himself of a famous astrologer and cosmographer named ruyfarelo, whom he kept in his service. "the emperor (from the importance of the business) confided this voyage and discovery of magellanes, with the ships and provisions which were requisite for it, with which he set sail and discovered the straits to which he gave his name. through these he passed to the south sea, and navigated to the islands of tendaya and sebu, where he was killed by the natives of matan, which is one of them. his ships went on to maluco, where their crews had disputes and differences with the portuguese who were in the island of terrenate; and at last, not being able to maintain themselves there, they left maluco in a ship named the victory, which had remained to the castilians out of their fleet, and they took as chief and captain juan sebastian del cano, who performed the voyage to castile, by the way of india, where he arrived with very few of his men, and he gave an account to his majesty of the discovery of the islands of the great archipelago, and of his voyage." the work of de morga has value as a novelty, as it is more than a defense--a laudation of the spanish rule in the philippines in the sixteenth century. the title page is a fair promise of a remarkable performance, and it is here presented: the philippine islands, moluccas, siam, cambodia, japan and china, at the close of the sixteenth century by _antonio de morga_. translated from the spanish, with notes and a preface, and a letter from luis vaez de torres, describing his voyage through the torres straits, by the _hon. henry e. j. stanley_. the original work of de morga was printed in mexico in , and has become extremely rare; there is no copy of it in the bibliotheque imperiale of paris. this translation is from a transcription made for the hakluyt society from the copy in the grenville library of the british museum; the catalogue of which states that "this book, printed at mexico, is for that reason probably unknown to bibliographers, though a book of great rarity." the translator gives a new view to americans of the part that spaniards have played in the philippines. he plunges deep into his subject, saying: "the great point in which manila has been a success, is the fact that the original inhabitants have not disappeared before the europeans, and that they have been civilized, and brought into a closer union with the dominant race than is to be found elsewhere in similar circumstances. the inhabitants of the philippines previous to the spanish settlement were not like the inhabitants of the great indian peninsula, people with a civilization as old as that of their conquerors. excepting that they possessed the art of writing, and an alphabet of their own, they do not appear to have differed in any way from the dayaks of borneo as described by mr. boyle in his recent book of adventures amongst that people. indeed, there is almost a coincidence of verbal expressions in the descriptions he and de morga give of the social customs, habits, and superstitions of the two peoples they are describing; though many of these coincidences are such as are incidental to life in similar circumstances, they are enough to lead one to suppose a community of origin of the inhabitants of borneo and luzon." mr. consul farren, manila, march th, , wrote and is quoted in support of this view as follows: "the most efficient agents of public order throughout the islands are the local clergy, many of whom are also of the country. there are considerable parts of these possessions in which the original races, as at ceylon, retain their independence, and are neither taxed nor interfered with; and throughout the islands the power of the government is founded much more on moral than on physical influence. the laws are mild, and peculiarly favorable to the natives. the people are indolent, temperate and superstitious. the government is conciliatory and respectable in its character and appearance, and prudent, but decisive in the exercise of its powers over the people; and united with the clergy, who are shrewd, and tolerant, and sincere, and respectable in general conduct, studiously observant of their ecclesiastical duties, and managing with great tact the native character." march , , mr. consul farren wrote: "without any governing power whatever, the greatest moral influence in these possessions is that which the priests possess, and divide among the monastic orders of augustines, recoletos, dominicans, and franciscans (who are all spaniards), and the assistant native clergy. a population exceeding , , souls is ranged into pueblos or parishes, without reckoning the unsubdued tribes. in of those pueblos there are churches, with convents or clerical residences attached, and about of them are in the personal incumbency of those spanish monks. the whole ecclesiastical subdivisions being embraced in the archbishopric of manila and three bishoprics." "the philippines were converted to christianity and maintained in it by the monastic orders, energetically protected by them (and at no very past period) against the oppressions of the provincial authorities, and are still a check on them in the interests of the people. the clergy are receivers in their districts of the capitation tax paid by the natives, and impose it; they are the most economical agency of the government." the archbishop of manila is substantially of this judgment. de morga opens his address to the reader: "the monarchy of kings of spain has been aggrandized by the zeal and care with which they have defended within their own hereditary kingdoms, the holy catholic faith, which the roman church teaches, against whatsoever adversaries oppose it, or seek to obscure the truth by various errors, which faith they have disseminated throughout the world. thus by the mercy of god they preserve their realms and subjects in the purity of the christian religion, deserving thereby the glorious title and renown which they possess of defenders of the faith. moreover, by the valor of their indomitable hearts, and at the expense of their revenues and property, with spanish fleets and men, they have furrowed the seas, and discovered and conquered vast kingdoms in the most remote and unknown parts of the world, leading their inhabitants to a knowledge of the true god, and to the fold of the christian church, in which they now live, governed in civil and political matters with peace and justice, under the shelter and protection of the royal arm and power which was wanting to them. this boast is true of manila, and of manila alone amongst all the colonies of spain or the other european states. if the natives of manila have been more fortunate than those of cuba, peru, jamaica, and mexico, it has been owing to the absence of gold, which in other places attracted adventurers so lawless that neither the church nor courts of justice could restrain them." it is against the orders named as worthy exalted praise that the insurgents are most inflamed, and whose expulsion from the islands is certain in case of philippine jurisdiction. the truth appears to be that the spanish colonial system was slower in the east indies than in the west indies and south america in producing the revolutionary rebellion that was its logical consequence, and the friars more and more became responsible for official oppression and gradually became odious. it was new spain--mexico--that ruled the philippines, until mexican independence restricted her sovereignty. when a commander-in-chief died in the philippines, it was sufficient to find amongst his papers a sealed dispatch, as morga records, "from the high court of mexico, which carried on the government when the fleet left new spain, naming (in case the commander-in-chief died) a successor to the governorship." it was in virtue of such an appointment that guido de labazarris, a royal officer, entered upon those duties, and was obeyed. he, with much prudence, valor, and tact, continued the conversion and pacification of the islands, and governed them, and morga states that in his time there came the corsair limahon from china, with seventy large ships and many men-at-arms, against manila. he entered the city, and having killed the master of the camp martin de goiti, in his house, along with other spaniards who were in it, he went against the fortress in which the spaniards, who were few in number, had taken refuge, with the object of taking the country and making himself master of it. the spaniards, with the succor which captain joan de salzado brought them from vigan, of the men whom he had with him (for he had seen this corsair pass by the coast, and had followed him to manila), defended themselves so valiantly, that after killing many of the people they forced him to re-embark, and to leave the bay in flight, and take shelter in the river of pangasinam, whither the spaniards followed him. there they burned his fleet, and for many days surrounded this corsair on land, who in secret made some small boats with which he fled and put to sea, and abandoned the islands. the change of the name of the islands from lazarus, which magellan called them, to the philippines and the capture of the native town of manila and its conversion into a spanish city is related by morga in these words: "one of the ships which sailed from the port of navidad in company with the fleet, under the command of don alonso de arellano, carried as pilot one lope martin, a mulatto and a good sailor, although a restless man; when this ship came near the islands it left the fleet and went forward amongst the islands, and, having procured some provisions, without waiting for the chief of the expedition, turned back to new spain by a northerly course; either from the little inclination which he had for making the voyage to the isles, or to gain the reward for having discovered the course for returning. he arrived speedily, and gave news of having seen the islands, and discovered the return voyage, and said a few things with respect to his coming, without any message from the chief, nor any advices as to what happened to him. don alonzo de arellano was well received by the high court of justice, which governed at that time, and was taking into consideration the granting of a reward to him and to his pilot; and this would have been done, had not the flagship of the commander-in-chief arrived during this time, after performing the same voyage, and bringing a true narrative of events, and of the actual condition of affairs, and of the settlement of sebu; also giving an account of how don alonzo de arellano with his ship, without receiving orders and without any necessity for it, had gone on before the fleet on entering among the isles, and had never appeared since. it was also stated that, besides these islands, which had peacefully submitted to his majesty, there were many others, large and rich, well provided with inhabitants, victuals and gold, which they hoped to reduce to subjection and peace with the assistance which was requested; and that the commander-in-chief had given to all these isles the name of philippines, in memory of his majesty. the succor was sent to him immediately, and has been continually sent every year conformably to the necessities which have presented themselves; so that the land was won and maintained. "the commander-in-chief having heard of other islands around sebu with abundance of provisions, he sent thither a few spaniards to bring some of the natives over in a friendly manner, and rice for the camp, with which he maintained himself as well as he could, until, having passed over to the island of panay, he sent thence martin de goiti, his master of the camp, and other captains, with the men that seemed to him sufficient, to the side of luzon, to endeavor to pacify it and bring it under submission to his majesty; a native of that island, of importance, named maomat was to guide them. "having arrived at the bay of manila, they found its town on the sea beach close to a large river, in the possession of, and fortified by a chief whom they called rajamora; and in front across the river, there was another large town named tondo; this was also held by another chief, named rajamatanda. these places were fortified with palms, and thick arigues filled in with earth, and a great quantity of bronze cannon, and other large pieces with chambers. martin de goiti having began to treat with the chiefs and their people of the peace and submission which he claimed for them, it became necessary for him to break with them; and the spaniards entered the town by force of arms, and took it, with the forts and artillery, on the day of sta. potenciana, the th of may, the year ; upon which the natives and their chiefs gave in, and made submission, and many others of the same island of luzon did the same. "when the commander-in-chief, legazpi, received news in panay of the taking of manila, and the establishment of the spaniards there he left the affairs of sebu, and of the other islands which had been subdued, set in order; and he entrusted the natives to the most trustworthy soldiers, and gave such orders as seemed fitting for the government of those provinces, which are commonly called the visayas de los pintados, because the natives there have their whole bodies marked with fire. he then came to manila with the remainder of his people, and was very well received there; and established afresh with the natives and their chiefs the peace, friendship and submission to his majesty which they had already offered. the commander-in-chief founded and established a town on the very site of manila (of which rajamora made a donation to the spaniards for that purpose), on account of its being strong and in a well provisioned district, and in the midst of all the isles (leaving it its name of manila, which it held from the natives). he took what land was sufficient for the city, in which the governor established his seat and residence; he fortified it with care, holding this object more especially in view, in order to make it the seat of government of this new settlement, rather than considering the temperature or width of the site, which is hot and narrow, from having the river on one side of the city, and the bay on the other, and at the back large swamps and marshes, which make it very strong. "from this post he pursued the work of pacification of the other provinces of this great island of luzon and of the surrounding districts; some submitting themselves willingly, others being conquered by force of arms, or by the industry of the monks who sowed the holy gospel, in which each and all labored valiantly, both in the time and governorship of the adelantado miguel lopez de legazpi, and in that of other governors who succeeded him. the land was entrusted to those who had pacified it and settled in it, and heads named, on behalf of the crown, of the provinces, ports, towns, and cities, which were founded, together with other special commissions for necessities which might arise, and for the expenses of the royal exchequer. the affairs of the government, and conversion of the natives, were treated as was fit and necessary. ships were provided each year to make the voyage to new sapin, and to return with the usual supplies; so that the condition of the philippine islands, in spiritual and temporal matters, flourishes at the present day, as all know. "the commander-in-chief, miguel lopez de legazpi, as has been said, discovered the islands, and made a settlement in them, and gave a good beginning to their subjection and pacification. he founded the city of the most holy name of jesus in the provinces of the pintados, and after that the city of manila in the island of luzon. he conquered there the province of ylocos; and in its town and port, called vigan, he founded a spanish town, to which he gave the name of villa fernandina. so also he pacified the province of pangasinan and the island of mindoro. he fixed the rate of tribute which the natives had to pay in all the islands, and ordered many other matters relating to their government and conversion, until he died, in the year of , at manila, where his body lies buried in the monastery of st. augustine. "during the government of this guido de labazarris, trade and commerce were established between great china and manila, ships coming each year with merchandise, and the governor giving them a good reception; so that every year the trade has gone on increasing." the encyclopaedia britannica says that the island samai was called filipina by vellalohos, who sailed from mexico in february, . the capital was fixed at manila in , a distinction enjoyed three hundred and twenty-seven years. it was in a letter of lagozpis in that the name ilas filipinos appeared for the first time. the dutch became very enterprising and venturesome in the asiatic archipelagoes and gave the philippines much attention, having many fights with the spaniards. the ladrones became well known as a resting place between the islands of philip and new spain--mexico. the chinese pirates were troublesome, and the spaniards, between the natives, the pirates and the dutchmen, kept busy, and had a great deal of naval and military instruction. there were other varieties of life of an exciting character, in terrible storms and earthquakes. the storm season is the same in the philippines as in the west indies, and the tempests have like features. october is the cyclone and monsoon month. the most destructive storm in the island of luzon of record was october st, . floods rolled from the mountains, and there was a general destruction of roads and bridges, and it is reported six thousand persons were killed. so extensive and exposed is the bay of manila, it is one hundred and twenty knots in circumference--that it is not properly a harbor, but a stormy sheet of water. admiral dewey's fleet has had low steam in the boilers all the while to quickly apply the power of the engines for safety in case of a visitation from the dreaded typhoon, which comes on suddenly as a squall and rages with tornado intensity. there are many volcanoes in the islands, and they exist from the north of luzon to the sulus in the extreme south, a distance as great as from scotland to sicily. there is one on luzon that bears a close resemblance both in appearance and phenomena to vesuvius. the likeness in eruptions is startling. the city of manila has repeatedly suffered from destroying shocks, and slight agitations are frequent. within historic times a mountain in luzon collapsed, and a river was filled up while the earth played fountains of sand. the great volcano taal, miles south of manila, is only feet high, and on a small island in a lake believed to be a volcanic abyss, having an area of square miles. monte cagua, , feet high, discharges smoke continually. in , persons lost their lives on luzon, the earth being disordered and rent in an appalling way. there were awful eruptions july and october , , forests of great trees buried in discharges of volcanoes. june , , at minutes after in the evening, after a day of excessive heat, there was a shock at manila lasting seconds, in which people were killed, , wounded, and public and private houses seriously damaged. the greater structures made heaps of fragments. that these calamities have taught the people lessons in building is apparent in every house, but one wonders that they have not taken even greater precautions. the forgetfulness of earthquake experiences in countries where they are familiar, always amazes those unaccustomed to the awful agitations and troubled with the anticipations of imagination. however, there never has been in the philippines structural changes of the earth as great as in the center of the united states in the huge fissures opened and remaining lakes in the new madrid convulsions. in a surprising extent the spanish government in the philippines has been in the hands of the priests, especially the orders of the church. in the early centuries there was less cruel oppression than in mexico and peru. and yet there is in the old records a free-handed way of referring to killing people that shows a somewhat sanguinary state of society even including good citizens. blas ruys de herman gonzales wrote to dr. morga from one of his expeditions, addressing his friend: "to dr. antonio de morga, lieutenant of the governor of the filipine isles of luzon, in the city of manila, whom may our lord preserve. from camboia." this was in cochin china, one of the kings being in trouble, called upon gonzales, who sympathized with him and wrote of the ceremony in which he assisted: "i came at his bidding, and he related to me how those people wished to kill him and deprive him of the kingdom, that i might give him a remedy. the mambaray was the person who governed the kingdom, and as the king was a youth and yielded to wine, he made little account of him and thought to be king himself. at last i and the spaniards killed him, and after that they caught his sons and killed them. after that the capture of the malay cancona was undertaken, and he was killed, and there was security from this danger by means of the spaniards. we then returned to the war, and i learned that another grandee, who was head of a province, wished to rise up, and go over to the side of chupinanon; i seized him and killed him; putting him on his trial. with all this the king and kingdom loved us very much, and that province was pacified, and returned to the king. at this time a vessel arrived from siam, which was going with an embassy to manila, and put in here. there came in it padre fray pedro custodio. the king was much delighted at the arrival of the priest, and wished to set up a church for him." unquestionably there was degeneracy that began to have mastery in high places, and this can be distinctly made out early in this century, becoming more obvious in depravity, when spain fell into disorder during the later years of the napoleonic disturbances, and the authority and influence of mexico were eliminated from spain. i may offer the suggestion and allow it to vindicate its own importance, that if we have any philippine islands to spare, we should turn them over to the republic of mexico, taking in exchange lower california and sonora, and presenting those provinces to california to be incorporated in that state as counties. it was under mexican rule that the philippines were most peaceable and flourishing. the late government of the islands as revealed to the american officers who came into possession of manila, was fearfully corrupt. it was proven by documents and personal testimony not impeachable, that a captain-general's launch had been used to smuggle mexican dollars, that the annual military expedition to the southern islands was a stated speculation of the captain-general amounting to $ , , in one case raised to $ , , that the same high official made an excursion to all the custom houses on the islands ordered the money and books aboard his ship and never returned either, that one way of bribery was for presents to be made to the wives of officials of great power and distinction; one lady is named to whom business men when presenting a splendid bracelet, waited on her with two that she might choose the one most pleasing, and as she had two white arms, she kept both. the frequent changes in spanish rulers of the islands are accounted for by the demand for lucrative places, from the many favorites to whom it was agreeable and exemplary to offer opportunities to make fortunes. it goes hard with the deposed spaniards that they had no chance to harvest perquisites, and must go home poor. this is as a fountain of little tears. the city of manila is not lofty in buildings, because it has been twice damaged to the verge of ruin by earthquakes and many times searched and shaken by tremendous gales, and is situated on the lands so low that it is not uplifted to the gaze of mankind--is not a city upon a hill, and yet it is "no mean city." antonio de morga says: "the entrance of the spaniards into the philippines since the year , and the subjection and conversion which has been effected in them, and their mode of government, and that which during these years his majesty has provided and ordered for their good, has been the cause of innovation in many things, such as are usual to kingdoms and provinces which charge their faith and sovereign. the first has been that, besides the name of philippines, which they took and received from the beginning of their conquest, all the islands are now a new kingdom and sovereignty, to which his majesty philip the second, our sovereign, gave the name of new kingdom of castile, of which by his royal privilege, he made the city of manila the capital, giving to it, as a special favor among others, a coat of arms with a crown, chosen and appointed by his royal person, which is a scutcheon divided across, and in the upper part a castle on the red field, and in the lower part a lion of gold, crowned and rampant, with a naked sword in the dexter hand, and half the body in the shape of a dolphin upon the waters of the sea, signifying that the spaniards passed over them with arms to conquer this kingdom for the crown of castile. "the commander-in-chief, miguel lopez de legazpi, first governor of the philippines, founded the city of manila, in the isle of luzon, in the same site in which rajamora had his town and fort (as has been said more at length), at the mouth of the river which pours out into the bay, on a point which is formed between the river and the sea. he occupied the whole of it with this town and divided it among the spaniards in equal building plots, with streets and blocks of houses regularly laid out, straight and level leaving a great place, tolerably square, where he erected the cathedral church and municipal buildings; and another place of arms, in which stood the fort and there also the royal buildings; he gave sites to the monasteries and hospital and chapels, which would be built, as this was a city which would grow and increase every day, as has already happened; because in the course of time which passed by, it has become as illustrious as the best cities of all those parts. "the whole city is surrounded by a wall of hewn stone of more than two and a half yards in width, and in parts more than three, with small towers and traverses at intervals; it has a fortress of hewn stone at the point, which guards the bar and the river, with a ravelin close to the water, which contains a few heavy pieces of artillery which command the sea and the river, and other guns on the higher part of the fort for the defense of the bar, besides other middling-sized field guns and swivel guns, with vaults for supplies and munitions, and a powder magazine, with its inner space well protected, and an abundant well of fresh water; also quarters for soldiers and artillerymen and a house for the commandant. it is newly fortified on the land side, in the place of arms, where the entrance is through a good wall, and two salient towers furnished with artillery which command the wall and gate. this fortress named santiago, has a detachment of thirty soldiers, with their officers, and eight artillerymen, who guard the gate and entrance in watches, under the command of an alcalde who lives within, and has the guard and custody of it. "there is another fortress, also of stone, in the same wall, at the ditance of the range of a culverin, at the end of the wall which runs along the shore of the bay; this is named nuestra senora de guia; it is a very large round block, with its courtyard, water and quarters, and magazines and other workshops within; it has an outwork jutting out towards the beach, in which there are a dozen of large and middle-sized guns, which command the bay, and sweep the walls which run from it to the port and fort of santiago. on the further side it has a large salient tower with four heavy pieces, which command the beach further on, towards the chapel of nuestra senora de guia. the gate and entrance of this is within the city, it is guarded by a detachment of twenty soldiers, with their officers, and six artillerymen, a commandant, and his lieutenant, who dwell within. "on the land side, where the wall extends, there is a bastion called sant andres, with six pieces of artillery, which can fire in all directions, and a few swivel guns; and further on another outwork called san gabriel, opposite the parian of the sangleys, with the same number of cannon, and both these works have some soldiers and an ordinary guard. "the wall is sufficiently high, with battlements and turrets for its defense in the modern fashions; they have a circuit of a league, which may be traversed on the top of the walls, with many stairs on the inside at intervals, of the same stonework, and three principal city gates, and many other posterns to the river and beach for the service of the city in convenient places. all of these gates are shut before nightfall by the ordinary patrol, and the keys are carried to the guard-room of the royal buildings; and in the morning, when it is day, the patrol returns with them and opens the city. "the royal magazines are in the parade; in them are deposited and kept all the munitions and supplies, cordage, iron, copper, lead, artillery, arquebuses, and other things belonging to the royal treasury, with their special officials and workmen, who are under the command of the royal officers. "close to these magazines is the powder magazine, with its master, officials, and convicts, in which, on ordinary occasions, thirty mortars grind powder, and that which is damaged is refined. "in another part of the city, in a convenient situation, is the cannon foundry, with its moulds, furnaces, and instrument founders, and workmen, who carry on the works. "the royal buildings are very handsome, with a good view, and very roomy, with many windows opening seaward and to the parade; they are all of hewn stone, with two courts and high and low corridors with thick pillars." the city of to-day verifies the descriptive talent and accuracy of this writer. chapter xviii the southern philippines. important facts about the lesser islands of the philippine archipelago--location, size and population--capitals and principal cities--rivers and harbors--surface and soil--people and products--leading industries--their commerce and business affairs--the monsoons and typhoons--the terrors of the tempests and how to avoid them. the island and province of mindoro lies in the strait of its name and south of luzon. it has in the center an elevated plain, we quote from the military notes issued by the war department, from which many sierras extend in different directions to the coast, making the latter rugged and dangerous. the island is of an oval form, with a prolongation of the northern portion toward the west. though an easy day's sail from manila, it is one of the least populous islands of the archipelago, being extremely mountainous, covered with dense forests, and in the more level parts near the coast full of marshes, and very unhealthful. the inhabitants of the coast are tagals, but in the interior there is a low tribe of the malayan race, probably the indigenes of the island, and called manguianos, speaking a peculiar language and living in a very miserable manner on the products of a rude agriculture. there are also said to be some negritos, but of these very little is known. there are many short streams. the island is miles long and has an area of , square miles. the population is , . there is little known of the mountains of the interior, as the inhabitants dwell mainly on the coasts. mindoro constitutes one of the provinces of the philippines under an alcalde. the capital is calapan, with a population of , . it is situated to the north, on the harbor of its name, defended by a fort of regular construction; it has about houses, among the notable stone ones being the parish, court house and jail, and casa real. it is the residence of the alcalde mayor and several public functionaries. the city is situated miles from manila. mount kalavite is a long-backed promontory, the western slope of which forms cape kalavite, and the northern slope point del monte; the summit, about , feet high, appears dome-shaped when seen from the west, but from the north or south it shows a long ridge fairly level; the western end of this ridge is the highest part. the capital of the province, calapan, is a coast town. the inhabitants are occupied in hunting, fishing, and ordinary weaving. the commerce is insignificant. sand banks extend in front of the town to a distance of one-half mile. to clear these, the northern silonai islet should not be shut out by point calapan. on this line, near the north edge of the banks, the soundings are to fathoms. the semirara islands form a group of eight islands, all surrounded by reefs. semirara, the largest of the group, is hilly, about feet high at the highest part. the west coast includes several little bays almost entirely obstructed by reefs, on the edge of which are depths of / to fathoms; and off the town of semirara, which stands on the top of the hill facing the largest bay, the anchorage is very bad, even for coasters. the east coast is bordered by a reef, which extends about a mile from the northeast part of the island; on coming from the north this coast of the island must not be approached within three miles until the town of semirara bears full west. there is anchorage at the south of the island in to fathoms, sand, during the northeast monsoon. good coal for steaming purposes was found on the island by captain villavicencio, of the spanish navy. tablas island is, mountainous, and on its northern extremity is the peak cabezo de tablas, , feet high; generally the coasts are clear and steep-to. off the north end are two rocky islets, distant one cable from the coast; the larger one is clear and steep, the smaller one has rocks around it. the west coast of mindoro island has no soundings off it excepting in the bays, or within one or two miles of the shore in some places. in the interior double and treble chains of mountains extend through the island, and some low points of land project from them into the sea. paluan bay affords excellent shelter in the northeast monsoon, and is also a convenient place for vessels to obtain supplies when passing through mindoro strait. the bay is five miles wide at the entrance, of a semi-circular form, running back three miles in a northerly direction. there are no dangers in it. a small river disembogues where good water can be obtained with facility; and on the beach there is plenty of driftwood. the coral projects one-half mile from the entrance of the river, and has and fathoms close to its edge. care must be taken when working into paluan bay, for the squalls come violently off the high land, and very sudden, and at night do not give the least warning. the calamianes are a group of high islands lying between the northeast end of palawan and mindoro, and extending between the parallels of degrees minutes and degrees minutes n., and the meridians of degrees minutes and degrees minutes e. busuanga, the largest island of the group, is about miles in extent nw. by w. and se. by e., and miles broad. it is very irregular in form, being indented with numerous deep bays. the islands and reefs which front its northeast side form the western side of northumberland strait. these islands form, with the northern part of palawan and the cuyos islands, a province, the capital of which is at port tai tai. the climate of these islands is in general hot and unhealthful. intermittent fevers and cutaneous diseases prevail, attributable, in all probability, to the great moisture and the insalubrious quality of the drinking water. all these islands are, generally speaking, hilly and broken. the industry of the locality is in collecting salanganes (edible birds' nests), honey, and wax; but cultivation is not practiced to any great extent. the forests produce good timber for building or cabinet work. tara island, when seen from the northward, shows a triple summit to its northwest end; while its southern part looks like a separate island, saddle-shaped. the island does not appear to be permanently inhabited; in march, , it was occupied by parties from busuanga, burning the grass and digging cassava. lagat is a small island feet high, surrounded by a reef with a narrow passage between it and the reef off the south of tara. botak island, feet high, is fairly well cultivated. off its northern end there is a queer pin-shaped rock, and off its southern end are same sharp-pointed rocks. the vicinity has not been sounded. the space included between the sulu archipelago to the south and mindoro to the north, and having the philippine islands on the east and palawan on the west, is distinguished by the name of the sulu sea. although of great depth, , fathoms, this sea, which is in connection with the china and celebes seas, and also with the pacific by san bernardino and surigao straits, has a minimum deep-sea temperature of . degrees, reached invariably at fathoms. as this temperature in the china sea is at the depth of fathoms, and in the celebes sea at fathoms, and in the pacific at fathoms, it may be inferred that the sulu sea is prevented from freely interchanging its waters with those seas by ridges which do not exceed those depths. in the sulu sea easterly winds with fine weather prevail in october, and the northeast monsoon is not established until november. in january and february it blows hardest, but not with the force of the china seas, and it is felt strongest before the openings between panay and negros, and negros and mindanao. at the end of may southwest winds begin to blow, and in a month become established, to terminate in october, bringing with them a season made up of rain squalls and tempests, which take place principally in july and august. in september a heavy mist hangs about the coast of mindanao. the island and province of paragua is the most western of the philippine archipelago, and is situated to the north of borneo. it is long and narrow, following a northeast direction, and nearly closes on the southwest the sea of mindanao, which enters from the china sea by balabac strait on the south and between mindoro and paragua on the north. a chain of high mountains, some , feet high, runs lengthwise of the narrow belt formed by the island, whose length is miles. the northwest and northeast slopes are narrow. the island has extensive and well protected harbors and bays. the area is , square miles and the population , . the capital is puerto princesa, with a population of , . panay is divided into three provinces, viz: capiz to the north, iloilo to the southeast, and antique to the southwest. in general it is wild, with very high coasts, except in the northeastern part, where the latter are somewhat marshy. a mountain chain crosses the island from point juraojurao on the south as far as point potol on the north, following a direction almost parallel to the western coast. large groups of sierras branch out to the right and left of the central chain; on the eastern slope begins another chain, running northeast to the extreme northeasterly point of the island. owing to its cragginess, it has a great number of streams running in different directions. the area is , square miles. the town of iloilo stands on a low sandy flat on the right bank of a river; at the end of this flat is a spit on which a fort is built, and close to which there is deep water. vessels of moderate draft ( feet) can ascend the river a short distance and lie alongside wharves which communicate with the merchant houses, but large vessels must anchor outside near the spit. it is a town of great commercial importance, and a brisk coasting trade is carried on from it. the better class of houses in iloilo are built on strong wooden posts, or feet in diameter, that reach to the roof; stone walls to the first floor, with wooden windows above, and an iron roof. the poorer class of dwellings are flimsy erections of nipa, built on four strong posts. the roads and bridges are in a deplorable condition and almost impassable in the rainy season. the chief imports are australian coal, and general merchandise from europe, but most sailing ships arrive in ballast. the exports are sugar, tobacco, rice, coffee, hides, and hemp; it is also the principal place of manufacture of pina, juse, and sinamoya, a tissue greatly in use among the philippines. in , , tons of sugar were exported, principally to america. typhoons do not occur regularly, but in most years the tail of one passes over the place, which suffers also from the visitations of locusts. provisions of all kinds can be obtained, but the prices are higher than at manila. in beef was / cents per pound, bread cents, vegetables cents, fowls $ per dozen. water is scarce and is brought across from guimaras in tank boats; it is supplied to the shipping at the rate of $ per ton; the europeans depend mainly upon rain water. there are generally about tons of coal in store, chiefly australian; it is kept for the supply of local steamers that take in what they require alongside the wharves. vessels in the roads can have it brought off in bulk in lighters or schooners at a cost of cents a ton. coolies can be hired at cents per ton, but they will not coal vessels if they can get other work. notice is required the day before coaling, as men are not kept in readiness. the price of coal in was $ . per ton. there is regular weekly communication with manila, which is miles distant. the province of capiz is bounded on the north by the archipelago sea, on the east by the district of concepcion, on the south by the ridge separating it from iloilo, and on the southwest by the mountains, separating it from the province of antique. its very high mountains are covered with luxuriant vegetation, and give rise to many rivers which water the valleys of the province. there are gold and copper mines, and much tobacco, sugar, rice, and abaca is raised. during the year three fairs are held, in which articles of the country are bartered. the province is divided into two parts, called ilaya and aclan, which are irrigated by the rivers panay and adan, respectively. the area is , square miles and the population , , distributed among pueblos and barrios. the capital is capiz, with a population of , . it is situated miles from manila. it has a harbor for vessels of ordinary draft, and highroads to iloilo, antique, and the district of concepcion. there is a steamer kept by the state, stopping at the harbor every days and keeping up communication with manila, romblon, iloilo, and cebu. the province of iloilo is to the southeast of the province of capiz and west of antique. the ground is generally level, and, being irrigated by numerous rivers, is fertile, so that tobacco, cacao, sugar cane, abaca, rice, and maize are grown; besides, there is good pasturage for raising herds of cattle and horses, and gold and other mines are known. the principal industry is the manufacture of fabrics of sinamay, pina, jusi, etc., requiring over , looms. the dimensions are miles in length by miles in width, and the population is , . the capital is iloilo, with a population of , . it is situated miles from manila, and is the residence of the governor, captain of port, and a number of treasury, justice, and fomento officials. it has a pretty cathedral, a seminary, casa real, and court house. it is one of the most mercantile towns of the visaya group, and has some industries, among which are a machine shop and foundry, a carriage factory, and a hat factory. the province of bohol is bounded on the north by the sea between cebu and leyte, on the east by the surigao sea, on the south by the sea of mindanao, and on the west by the channel separating it from cebu. the province is composed of the islands of bohol and dauis. they are somewhat mountainous and well wooded, and coffee, abaca, sugar cane, and tobacco are raised. in the mountains of bohol game is plenty, and many coal and phosphate of iron mines are supposed to exist. manufactures consist in fabrics of sinamay and other materials. the area is , square miles and the population , . the capital is tagbilaran, with a population of , . it is situated miles from manila. the island and province of cebu are the most important of the visayas, on account of the central position, nature of the soil, and the industry of its numerous inhabitants. it is bounded on the north by the sea separating it from masbate and leyte, on the east by the sea separating it from leyte and bohol, on the south by the mindanao sea, and on the west by the tanon channel and the island of negros. the area is , square miles and the population , . great mountain chains cross the island; the chief of these starts at the extreme north between point marab on the west and baluarte on the east, and, continuing south between the two coasts, ends almost in the center of the island. two other chains run along the coast, and one starts near carcas, to the southwest of the city of cebu, terminating on the south in tanon point. the coasts are high and the rivers of little importance. the capital is cebu, with a population of , . it is the mercantile center of the islands, and is situated miles from manila. it is an episcopal see, and has a good cathedral, episcopal palace, casa real, court house, and private edifices, simple but tasty; there is also a post office and telegraph station. on the south, and at the entrance of the channel, is the castle of point cauit, and north of this the tower of mandaui; both these fortifications communicate with the capital by means of a wagon road, the city being midway between them. at the capital reside the politico-military governor, a secretary, judge and attorney-general, a number of public functionaries, a captain of engineers, and the captain of the port. maktan island consists of an old coral reef, raised a few feet ( or at most) above the present sea level. at the northern part of the island, where a convent stands, a low cliff fringes the shore, being an upper stratum of the upheaved reef. the raised reef is here preserved, but over the portion of the island immediately fronting cebu it has been removed by denudation, with the exception of a few pillar-like blocks which remain, and which are conspicuous from the anchorage. the surface is scooped out into irregular basins and sharp projecting pinnacles and covered in all directions with mud, resulting from the denudation. nearly all the island is covered by mangroves, but on the part left dry there are plantations of cocoanuts. the only town on the island is opon, on the west coast, sw. of mandaui point in cebu. it was here that magellan was killed in , after making the first passage across the pacific. the town of cebu is the most ancient in the philippines; it is the seat of government of the visayan islands, which include cebu, bohol, panay, negros, and leyte, and it is the residence of a bishop. it is built on a large plain at the foot of the chain of hills that traverse the island throughout its length, and is a well-constructed, thriving place; the merchants' quarter is situated along the port, and includes some well-built stone houses, though many are of old construction. the huts of the malays, for the most part fishermen, are on the beach, and form the west part of the city. the fort is a triangular edifice of stone, painted red, with an open square in front. the island of leyte is bounded on the north by the canal separating it from samar, on the east by the pacific ocean, on the west by the sea separating it from bohol and cebu, and on the south by the one separating it from mindanao. it is extensive and irregular, having an area of , square miles and a population of , . a high and abrupt mountain chain crosses the island nearly parallel to the west coast; the coasts are high, with good natural harbors. in the northern part and on the western slopes of the great sierras, streams of potable water and also many lagoons abound. this is different from the eastern part, where the latter are scarce. the principal product of the island is abaca, but rice is also raised and cocoanut oil is extracted. there are unworked mines of gold, magnetite, and sulphur. the capital is tacloban, with a population of , . it is situated miles from manila. among the important towns are baru, population , ; borauen, , ; cauyaia, , ; dagami, , ; hilongos, , ; jaio, , ; massiu, , ; palo, , ; tauauau, , . the island of negros is mountainous and wild; its coasts are difficult of access, and the breakers strong, except on the west coast from point bulucabo on the north of palompon on the west, where it is marshy. a high mountain chain crosses it from point doong on the north to the harbor and point bombonon on the south; from the last third extend several ramifications of high mountains, terminating on the coast at the extreme south and in the sierra dumaguete. its streams are not important, being short and of little value. the ground is uneven but fertile. the natives irrigate their estates, and produce tobacco, coffee, sugar cane, and wheat. manufactures consist in fabrics of abaca and canonegro, of which boat cables are made. the interior of the island, covered with thick forests, is almost unexplored, being inhabited by a few savages. the province of western negros is situated on negros island, it is bounded on the north by the visayas sea, on the west by the paragua sea, and on the south and east by the province of eastern negros. the area is , square miles, and the population , . the capital is bacolod, with a population of , . it is the residence of the politico-military governor, the secretary, judge, attorney-general, and several public functionaries. it is situated miles from manila. the province of negros has a population of , --the capital, dumaguete, , . the province of romblon consists of the following six islands: romblon (the principal one), tablas, sibuyan, banton, simara, and maestre campo. it is bounded on the north by the tayabas sea, on the south by the visayas sea, on the east by the sea of masbate, and on the west by the sea of mindoro. the area is square miles, and the population , , distributed among barrios and rancherias of infieles. the capital is romblon, with a population of , . it is situated on the harbor of the same name at the north of the island, miles from manila, and is the residence of the politico-military commander. the island and province of samar is situated to the southeast of luzon, it is bounded en the north by the strait of san bernardino, on the south by the jahanetes canal, separating it from leyte island, on the east by the pacific ocean, and on the west by the visayas sea. it is very mountainous, with high, steep coasts. a number of sierras and mountains extend in various directions, forming valleys and glens fertilized by numerous rivers, which, however, have little current and volume. the length of the island is miles. the chief products are abaca, rice, and cocoanuts, oil being extracted from the latter. among the medicinal plants the most highly valued is the catbalonga seed. commerce is quite active in spite of the few means of communication and the dangerous coasts. the island is visited yearly by tornadoes which devastate crops and cause much damage to agriculture. the high mountains and thick forests of the interior are inhabited by a great number of savages who have sought refuge here. the area is , square miles, and the population , , distributed among pueblos, visitas, and rancherias of subdued infieles. the capital is catbalogan, population of , , situated on the harbor and bay of like name on the west of the island miles from manila, and is the residence of the politico-military governor. the jolo archipelago, formed of some islands, is situated southwest of mindanao and south of basilan. it is bounded on the south by the jolo sea, on the northeast by mindanao and on the west and southwest by borneo. the small islands are covered with mangroves, while the large ones have thick forests of good timber, and the natives raise rice, maize, and various alimentary roots, ambergris being found on the coasts. the principal island, called sulu, or jolo (ch. , , , , p. ), is occupied in a military way by the spanish forces, whose chief, or governor, resides in the old capital, which has well-constructed and armed forts, a pier, etc. by royal decree of november , , the sultanship was transformed into a civico-military government. the population consists of aborigines, chinese traders, and , negroes. next to luzon, the island of mindanao is the most extensive and important of the philippines. by decree of july , , the territorial division of this island was definitely established, and a civico-military government, under the denomination of mindanao and adjacent islands, was created. it is divided into eight districts. the island is situated between visayas on the north and borneo on the south; it is bounded on the east by the pacific ocean, and on the west by the island of paragua, the strait of balabac, and borneo. the area is , square miles, and the population , , of which , are christians and the rest mohammedans and pagans. it is very extensive and irregular in form, possessing high and extended mountain chains, which have not been entirely explored, and which are grown over with very rich woods. it is inhabited almost throughout the interior by savages. its rivers, some of great volume, are as follows: on the north coast and butuan bay, the jabonga and butuan: on the macajalar coast, the cagayan; in eligan bay, the malanao and others of minor importance; in the cove of dapitan, the palaven. in port kakule the greatest rise of tide is seven feet. in surigao strait the flood tide sets to the west, and the ebb to the east. the velocity of the stream in the strait reaches six knots at springs. there is a difference of about two hours between the time of high water at surigao and in surigao strait. fishermen roughly estimate that when the moon rises the ebb tide commences to run in surigao strait. from january to june there is but one high water during the twenty-four hours, in surigao strait, which occurs during the night. from july to december the same phenomenon takes place, but the time of high water is by day. from observations made by the spanish surveyors, it appears that the highest tide on the west coasts of the islands of the strait takes place at the same hour as the lowest tide on the east coasts. the mindanao river disembogues five miles to the south of palak harbor by two wide arms, on the northernmost of which is the town of kota-batu, about / miles from the mouth. the river is navigable for miles by vessels of / feet draught; it flows through a beautiful valley miles in width, which scarcely shows any change of level; the valley is capable of producing tobacco, cacao, sugar, maize, and cotton; but this is only known at present by specimens produced. the course of the river lies se. for miles from its mouth to the lake ligauasan, out of which it is seen to flow; from the other side of the lake the direction of the river is nne. to its source in the sugut mountains. at miles from the northern mouth the river divides into two arms, which enter the sea / miles apart. in the northern part of mindanao is the province of surigao, bordered on the north by the surigao sea, on the east by the pacific, on the south by the district of davao, and on the west by the territory of the infieles. it is mountainous, but the christian population resides on the coasts and in the northern point of the territory. the population is , , distributed among pueblos, barrios, and rancherias of subdued infieles. abaca and palay are raised, and in the gold washings considerable gold of good quality is found. military notes on the philippines affirm that the islands are, in many respects, spain's best possessions, due to the abundance and variety of products, numerous and good ports, character of inhabitants, and on account of the vicinity of certain countries of eastern asia, which are now entering upon a stage of civilization and commerce. the group is composed of some , islands. in manila was taken and held by the english for a ransom of , , pounds sterling. this, however, was never paid, and the islands were finally returned to spain. the archipelago extends from degrees minutes to degrees minutes, north latitude, and from degrees to degrees, east longitude. it thus covers about , miles north and south and east and west. the whole surface of the philippines is essentially mountainous, the only plains that occur being alluvial districts at the river mouths and the spaces left by the intersection of the ranges. the principal ranges have a tendency to run north and south, with a certain amount of deflection east and west, as the case may be, so that the orographic diagram of the archipelago, as a whole, has a similarity to a fan, with northern luzon as its center of radiation. while none of the mountain peaks greatly exceed , feet in height, apo, in mindanao, is over , feet; halson, in mindoro, is over , feet; and mayon, in luzon, over , . the latter is an active volcano, which has been the scene of several eruptions during the present century. extinct or active craters are relatively as numerous in the philippines as in the eastern archipelago, and as a consequence of these subterranean forces earthquakes are frequent and violent. in one of the most elevated mountains of cagayan disappeared, and on the island of mindanao, in , a passage was opened to the sea and a vast plain emerged. the more recent of the convulsions occurred in and in . the destruction of property was great, especially in manila. the general belief is that the philippines once formed a part of an enormous continent from which it was separated by some cataclysm. this continent probably extended from celebes to the farthest polinesian islands on the east, to new zealand on the south, and the mariana and sandwich islands on the north. these islands, according to ramon jordana, are divided into two volcanic regions, the eastern and the western. the principal point is the volcano taal, located in the northeastern portion of the province of batangas. it is situated on a small island in the center of the bombon laguna, and has an altitude of feet above sea level. its form is conical, and the rock is composed of basalt feldspar with a small quantity of augite. the crater is supposed to be feet deep. its sides are almost vertical, and there are two steaming lagunas at its bottom. in the regions embracing the provinces of manila, bulacan, pampanga, tarlac, and pangasinan the soil is mostly composed of clay containing remnants of sea shells, a circumstance which gives rise to the belief that the coast of manila has risen from the sea in not so remote an epoch. smooth, dark gray tophus predominates; it forms the bed of the rio pasig, and rising forms hillocks in the vicinity of the city of binangonan. farther on, trachyte and banks of conchiferous sand predominate. the vast plain of panpanga extends to the north of manila bay, to the south of which is situated mount arayat, of doleritic nature. the disposition of the mountain ranges in parallel chains affords space for the development of streams both in luzon and mindanao. the larger islands contain inland seas, into which pour countless small streams from the inland hills. many of them open out into broad estuaries, and in numerous instances coasting vessels of light draft can sail to the very foot of the mountains. rivers and inland lakes swarm with varieties of fish and shellfish. by reason of spanish restrictions, but little can be said as to the character of the stream banks and beds. four of the rivers are navigable, and, by the statements of those who have spent some little time on the islands, most are fordable. drinking water is obtained by many of the towns from the rivers at points just above tide limits, and the water is said to be good. bridges are few and crude, but are generally built to withstand heavy strain. the island of luzon abounds in rivers and streams. the following are the principal water courses: rio grande de cagayan, the source of which is in the northern slope of the caraballo norte. it has numerous affluents, among others the magat and bangag, and, after a course of about miles, falls into the china sea in the vicinity of aparri. agro grande starts in the north, in the neighborhood of the ranch of loo, receives the affluents tarlag and camiling, as well as many others, has a course of about miles, and falls into the gulf of lingayen. abra has its origin on the opposite slope to that where agno grande takes its rise; runs for about miles, and, after receiving the affluent suyoc, divides into three arms and falls into the china sea over the sand bars of butao, nioig, and dile. rio grande de la pampanga is called rio chico up to the lake of canasen, near arayat, where it changes its name after its junction with rio gapan. its course is a little over miles; it receives the rio de san jose and divides into a multitude of arms as it falls into the sea to the north of manila bay. rio pasig has its source in the bay lagoon, and falls after a course of miles into manila bay. the military notes on the climate of the philippines, the official record of the temperature and the gales and typhoons, and directions regarding the handling of ships in the peculiar tempests that prevail at certain seasons around the islands, are of absorbing popular interest, and of striking special usefulness. climate.--in the region of manila, the hottest season is from march to june, the greatest heat being felt in may before the rains set in, when the maximum temperature ranges from degrees to degrees in the shade. the coolest weather occurs in december and january, when the temperature falls at night to or degrees, and seldom rises in the day above degrees. from november to february the sky is bright, the atmosphere cool and dry, and the weather in every way delightful. observations made at the observatortio meteorologico de manila have been compiled by the united states weather bureau, covering a record of from seventeen to thirty-two years, from which the following is an extract: temperature, degrees f.: mean annual degrees warmest month degrees coolest month degrees highest degrees lowest degrees humidity: relative per cent absolute grains per cubic foot . wind movements in miles: daily mean greatest daily least daily prevailing wind direction--n.e., november to april; sw., may to october. cloudiness, annual per cent days with rain rainfall in inches: mean annual . greatest monthly . least monthly . the following is the mean temperature for the three seasons, at points specified: cold. hot. wet. manila degrees degrees degrees cebu degrees degrees degrees davao degrees degrees degrees sulu degrees degrees degrees seasons vary with the prevailing winds (monsoons or trade winds) and are classed as "wet" and "dry." there is no abrupt change from one to the other, and between periods there are intervals of variable weather. the spanish description of seasons is as follows: seis meses de lodo--six months of mud. seis meses de polvo--six months of dust. seis meses de todo--six months of everything. the northern islands lie in the track of the typhoons which, developing in the pacific, sweep over the china sea from ne. to sw. during the southwest monsoon. they may be looked for at any time between may and november, but it is during the months of july, august, and september that they are most frequent. early in the season the northern region feels the greatest force, but as the season advances the typhoon gradually works southward and the dangerous time at manila is about the end of october and the beginning of november. typhoons rarely, if ever, pass south of degrees n. latitude. sometimes the typhoon is of large diameter and travels slowly, so far as progressive movement is concerned; at others it is of smaller dimensions, and both the circular and progressive motions are more rapid. however they are always storms of terrific energy and frequently cause terrible destruction of crops and property on shore and of shipping at sea. thunderstorms, often of great violence, are frequent in may and june, before the commencement of the rainy season. during july, august, september, and october the rains are very heavy. the rivers and lakes are swollen and frequently overflow, flooding large tracts of low country. at manila the average rainfall is stated to be from to inches per annum, and there the difference between the longest and shortest day is only hour minutes and seconds. this rainfall, immense though it be, is small as compared with that of other parts of the archipelago; e.g., in liano, ne. of mindanao, the average yearly downpour is inches. gales.--the gales of the philippines may be divided into three classes, known by the local names of colla, nortada, and baguio. the colla is a gale in which the wind blows constantly from one quarter, but with varying force and with alternations of violent squalls, calms, and heavy rains, usually lasting at least three days; these gales occur during the southwest monsoon and their direction is from the southwest quarter. the nortada is distinguished from the colla, in that the direction is constant and the force steady, without the alternations of passing squalls and calms. the nortada is generally indicative that a typhoon is passing not very far off. these gales occur chiefly in the northern islands, and their direction, as the name implies, is from the northward. baguio is the local name for the revolving storm known as the typhoon, which, being the more familiar term, will be used in these notes. typhoons.--these storms have their origin to the east or to the southeast of the philippines, whence their course is westward, with a slight divergence to the north or south, the average direction appearing to be west by north. they occur in all months of the year, but the greater number take place about the time of the equinoxes. the most violent ones occur at the autumnal equinox, and on an average, two or three occur every year, and sometimes one follows another at a very short interval. it is believed that when one of these typhoons passes a high latitude in september there will be another in october of that year, and one may be looked for in november in a lower latitude. these tempests are not encountered in latitudes below degrees n. the rate of progress of these storms is about miles an hour; in none of those observed has it exceeded miles nor fallen below miles. the diameter of the exterior revolving circle of the storm varies from to miles, and the diameter of the inner circle or calm region, may be estimated at from to miles. the duration of the true typhoon at any one place is never longer than ten hours and generally much less. these storms are always accompanied by abundant rain, with low, dense clouds, which at times limit the horizon to a few yards distance, and are generally accompanied by electrical discharges. the barometer falls slowly for some days before the typhoon, then falls rapidly on its near approach, and reaches its lowest when the vortex is but a little way off. it then rises rapidly as the vortex passes away, and then slowly when it has gained some distance. near the vortex there are usually marked oscillations. the typhoon generally begins with a northerly wind, light drizzling rain, weather squally and threatening, a falling barometer and the wind veering to the eastward, when the observer is to the northward of the path of the storm, and backing to the westward when he is to the southward of it; the wind and rain increase as the wind shifts, and the storm generally ends with a southerly wind after abating gradually. the following warnings of the approach of a typhoon, and directions for avoiding the most dangerous part of it, are taken from the china sea directory: the earlier signs of a typhoon are clouds of a cirrus type, looking like fine hair, feathers or small white tufts of wool, traveling from east or north, a slight rise in the barometer, clear and dry weather, and light winds. these signs are followed by the usual ugly and threatening appearance of the weather which forbodes most storms, and the increasing number and severity of the gusts with the rising of the wind. in some cases one of the earliest signs is a long heavy swell and confused sea, which comes from the direction in which the storm is approaching and travels more rapidly than the storm's center. the best and surest of all warnings, however, will be found in the barometer. in every case there is great barometric disturbance. accordingly, if the barometer falls rapidly, or even if the regularity of its diurnal variation be interrupted, danger may be apprehended. no positive rule can be given as to the amount of depression to be expected, but at the center of some of the storms the barometer is said to stand fully inches lower than outside the storm field. the average barometric gradient, near the vortex of the most violent of these storms, is said to be rather more than inch in nautical miles. as the center of the storm is approached the more rapid become the changes of wind, until at length, instead of its direction altering gradually, as is the case on first entering the storm field, the wind flies around at once to the opposite point, the sea meanwhile breaking into mountainous and confused heaps. there are many instances on record of the wind suddenly falling in the vortex and the clouds dispersing for a short interval, though the wind soon blows again with renewed fury. in the northern hemisphere when the falling barometer and other signs create suspicion that a typhoon is approaching, facing the wind and taking or points to the right of it, will give the approximate bearing of its center. thus, with the wind ne., the center will probably be from s. to sse. of the observer's position. however, it is difficult to estimate the center of the vortex from any given point. this partly arises from the uncertainty as to the relation between the bearing of the center and the direction of the wind, and greatly from there being no means of knowing whether the storm be of large or small dimensions. if the barometer falls slowly, and the weather grows worse only gradually, it is reasonable to suppose that the storm center is distant; and conversely, with a rapidly falling barometer and increasing bad weather the center may be supposed to be approaching dangerously near. practical rules.--when in the region and in the season of revolving storms, be on the watch for premonitory signs. constantly observe and carefully record the barometer. when on sea and there are indications of a typhoon being near, heave to and carefully observe and record the changes of the barometer and wind, so as to find the bearing of the center, and ascertain by the shift of the wind in which semicircle the vessel is situated. much will often depend upon heaving to in time. when, after careful observation, there is reason to believe that the center of the typhoon is approaching, the following rules should be followed in determining whether to remain hove to or not, and the tack on which to remain hove to: in the northern hemisphere, if the right-hand semicircle, heave to on the starboard tack. if in the left-hand semicircle, run, keeping the wind if possible, on the starboard quarter, and when the barometer rises, if necessary to keep the ship from going too far from the proper course, heave to on the port tack. when the vessel lies in the direct line of advance of the storm--which position is, as previously observed, the most dangerous of all--run with the wind on the starboard quarter. in all cases increase as soon as possible the distance from the center, bearing in mind that the whole storm field is advancing. in receding from the center of a typhoon the barometer will rise and the wind and sea subside. it should be remarked that in some cases a vessel may, if the storm be traveling slowly, sail from the dangerous semicircle across the front of the storm, and thus out of its influence. but as the rate at which the storm is traveling is quite uncertain, this is a hazardous proceeding, and before attempting to cross the seaman should hesitate and carefully consider all the circumstances of the case, observing particularly the rate at which the barometer is falling. northward of the equator the current is divided into north and south equatorial currents by the equatorial counter-current, a stream flowing from west to east throughout the pacific ocean. the currents in the western part of the pacific, to the northward of the equator, are affected by the monsoons, and to the southward of the equator they are deflected by the coast of australia. the trade drift, which flows to the westward between the parallels of degrees and degrees n., on reaching the eastern shores of the philippine islands again turns to the northward, forming near the northern limit of that group the commencement of the japan stream. the main body of the current then flows along the east coast of formosa, and from that island pursues a northeasterly course through the chain of islands lying between formosa and japan; and sweeping along the southeastern coast of japan in the same general direction, it is known to reach the parallel of degrees n. the limits and velocity of the japan stream are considerably influenced by the monsoons in the china. sea, and by the prevailing winds in the corresponding seasons in the yellow and japan seas; also by the various drift currents which these periodic winds produce. admiral dewey has forwarded to the navy department a memorandum on mineral resources of the philippines prepared at the admiral's request by professor george w. becker of the united states geological survey. only about a score of the several hundred islands, he says, are known to contain deposits of valuable minerals. he includes a table showing the mineral bearing islands and their resources. this table follows: "luzon, coal, gold, copper, lead, iron, sulphur, marble, kaolin; sataanduanes, sibuyan, bohol and panaoan, gold only; marimduque, lead and silver; mindoro, coal, gold and copper; carraray, batan, rapu rapu, semarara, negros, coal only; masbete, coal and copper; romblon, marble; samar, coal and gold; panay, coal, oil, gas, gold, copper, iron and perhaps mercury; biliram, sulphur only; leyte, coal, oil and perhaps mercury; cebu, coal, oil, gas, gold, lead, silver and iron; mindanao, coal, gold, copper and platinum; sulu archipelago, pearls." the coal, mr. becker says, is analogous to the japanese coal and that of washington, but not to that of the welsh or pennsylvania coals. it might better be characterized as a highly carbonized lignite, likely to contain much sulphur as iron pyrites, rendering them apt to spontaneous combustion and injurious to boiler plates. nevertheless, he says, when pyrites seams are avoided and the lignite is properly handled, it forms a valuable fuel, especially for local consumption. not least among the promising resources of the philippines is a curious natural product. several vegetable growths appear to possess the faculty of secreting mineral concretions, in all respects resembling certain familiar precious stones. the famous james smithson was the first to give any real attention to these curious plant gems, but, though there can be no doubt of their authenticity, neither scientist nor merchant has followed this lead. one of the jewels, the bamboo opal, rivals the best stones in its delicate tints of red and green, but it is among the rarest, and , stems may be cut up before a single specimen be found. chapter xix specifications of grievances of the filipinos. an official copy of the manifesto of the junta showing the bad faith of spain in the making and evasion of a treaty--the declaration of the renewal of the war of rebellion--complaints against the priests defined--the most important document the filipinos have issued--official reports of cases of persecution of men and women in manila by the spanish authorities--memoranda of the proceedings in several cases in the court of inquiry of the united states officers. the pages following, showing a cynical disregard of a solemn treaty by the spaniards, a complete exposure of the reasons the filipinos had for renewing the war, and the particulars of cases of individual wrongs suffered, as they were made known in the course of legal investigation, have been received direct from manila, and enable us to complete the story of the philippines with the testimony that the depravity of bad faith in regard to treaties, and incidents of personal cruelties in spanish colonial governments, have illustrations in the philippines as in cuba, and demand of the american nation in the hour of victory that spain shall lose now and forever all her possessions in the east and west indies, and be restricted to the peninsula and islands--the canary and balearic groups--that is, in two words to home rule. the circumstances of the treaty between the philippine junta--the treaty of biyak--and the spanish authorities, are of great notoriety, but the philippine story has not until now reached the english speaking peoples. we give it from the official paper: "on signing the treaty of biyak na bato, we, the natives of the philippines and the government of spain, agreed that between our armies be established an armistice which was to last three years from the date of the mentioned treaty. "the natives were to lay down their arms and turn them over to the spanish authorities with all their depot (maestranza, a manufactory of ammunition, for repairs of rifles, etc., etc.) their ammunitions and forts. "the spanish authorities, on the other hand, bound themselves to consent to the reforms (of public opinion amongst) the natives of the country claim; reforms which, according to the text of the decree of th august, , the captain and guberno general assured us were granted and the execution of which was suspended on account of the insurrection. "the reforms asked for and granted were the following: . expulsion or at least exclaustration of the religious orders. . representation of the philippines in the spanish cortes. . application of real justice in the philippines, equal for the indian and for the peninsular. unity of laws between spain and the philippines. participation of the indians in the chief offices of the civil administration. . adjustment of the property of the parishes (church property) and of contributions in favor of the indians. . proclamation of the individual rights of the indians, as also of the liberty of the press and of association. "the same spanish government agreed to pay the liberating government a war indemnity, reduced to the limited sum of , pesos, in payment of the arms, ammunitions, depots and forts which were surrendered, and in order to indemnify those who were to be obliged to live abroad during the term of the armistice, as an assistance to stay out of the philippines while they were trying to establish themselves and looking for legitimate and decorous means of existence. "it was agreed in like manner that general don fernando primo de rivera, goberno general of the islands, should remain in his post during the time of the armistice, as a guarantee that the reforms be established. "and, finally, said authority promised that he would propose and there would be conceded a very ample amnesty. "contrary to what was stipulated, the mentioned general was removed from his post shortly after the agreement was signed; and although the liberating government had fulfilled the laying down and delivery of the arms, ammunitions, depot and forts of its general encampment, the reforms were not established, only part of the offered indemnity has been paid and the amnesty remains a project only, some pardons being given. "the government of madrid, deriding the natives, and with contempt of what had signed as a gentleman the general commander of their army in the field, tried, instead of carrying out the expulsion or exclaustration of the priests, to elevate them more, nominating at once for the two bishoprics, vacant in the colonies, two priests of those same religious orders that oppressed the country and were the first cause of the insurrection, the disorder and the general dissatisfaction in the islands; thus ridiculing the virtue, knowledge and worth of the numerous secular spanish clergy, and especially of that of the philippines. "not contented with this, they have raised and rewarded those peninsulars who in the philippines, as in madrid, more cowardly and miserable still, because they abused their position and the protection of those same authorities who signed the treaty, insulted at banquets, assemblies and through the press, with epithets and jokes offensive and vulgar, the patient natives; as happened with the peninsular rafael comenge, the protege and farcical table companion of the priest, who amongst us performs the duties of the archbishopric of manila; the minister of war has just conceded the said comenge the grand cross of military merit, for shouting against us and imputing to us every kind of baseness and vices, knowing that he was lying, and for exacting from the gamblers of the casino espanol of manila, as their president; the contribution of , pesos, to present general primo de rivera with a golden statute of that value, and, a curious coincident, this brave was one of the first who escaped from manila, full of fear when the news arrived there that an american squadron would attack that port and that the risk he would run was real. "you have seen before now, how that insect wencestao retana was rewarded with a cooked up deputyship to the cortes, that salaried reptile of the philippine convents, who, with the aid of that tyrant general weyler, his worthy godfather, the despotic incendiary of the town of calamba, of ominous memory amongst us, does nothing but vomit rabid foam, insulting us by day and night with calumnies and shrieks, in that paper whose expenses the procurators of the manila convents pay. "prepare yourselves also for seeing that a titled nobility be given to the well known 'quioguiap' (fecer y temprado), writer in the 'el liberat,' of madrid, who, to be in unison with the priests, does not cease to call us inferior race, troglodytes, without human nature or understanding, big boy; the same who, in order to deprive the rich 'abellas' (father and son) of carnarines, of the position they had conquered by their industry, economy and intelligence as almost exclusive purchasers of the abaco (manila hemp) of that region, tried and succeeded villainously in having them accused and shot in the camp of bagumbayan; the same who afterwards sought in vain the reward of his criminal attempts, although conscious of his perverseness, to deliver to himself the produce of their harvest and their labor. "peace was hardly made, when general primo de rivera denied the existence of the agreement and shot day after day those same persons whom he had promised to protect, believing foolishly that, the nucleus of the revolution once destroyed, the insurgents would need thirty or forty years in order to reunite themselves; but he accepted freely the pension of the grand cross of san fernando, which, as a reward for the peace, he was given. "the same happened with bloodthirsty monet, the author of the hecatomb of zambales, who was promoted to the rank of a general and honored by a grand cross; also with his competitor in brutal deeds, general tejeirs, the assassin of the bisayos, and with the vice admiral montojo, so severely punished later on, by whose orders the city of cebu was destroyed and demolished, to revenge the death of an impure recoleto priest. "in eloquent contrast with what the natives had to expect, there has not been one single concession or reward for the credulous pedro a. paterno, a filipino, the only real agent of the miracle of the peace, to whom they have denied even the modest historical title 'maguinong' (don). "add to all these infamies and indignities the removal of general primo de rivera, who, we repeat, was bound to remain in manila during the three years of the armistice, and the nomination in his stead of another governor, general augusti, who, completely without knowledge of the country, brought with him as his counsellor the unworthy colonel olive, the same who had proceeded with the utmost haste and greatest partiality and passion against the pretended chieftains, authors, protectors and followers of the sacred movement begun in august, ; who had, as military prosecutor for the 'captain general,' exacted with insolent cynicism, and with the knowledge and consent of his superior officers, considerable sums of money from those who wished to be absolved, in order to imprison them again when they did not comply with all his extortions; the same who, with shameless partiality worked and used his influence all he could towards the shooting of the immortal tagalo martyr, dr. jose rizal; the same finally, who, during the command of weak general blanco and of bloodthirsty and base general polariyi demanded continually the imprisoning of the so-called 'sons of the country,' the descendants of the europeans, that is, who had amongst us any importance by their learning, their industry, their fortunes or their lineage, and who were not willing to bribe him so as to be left in liberty. "in view of this series of acts of faithlessness, of contempt, of insults, of crimes, and before all, the forgetting of the treaty, so recently as well as solemnly entered upon, those same who signed the treaty of biyak na bato, have considered themselves free of the obligation to remain abroad and of keeping any longer the promised armistice. "and, taking advantage of the providential coming to the philippines of the revenging squadron of the great republic of the united states of north america, they come back to their native soil proud and contented, to reconquer their liberty and their rights, counting on the aid and protection of the brave, decided, and noble admiral dewey, of the anglo-saxon squadron which has succeeded in beating and destroying the forces of the tyrants who have been annihilating the personality and energy of our industrious people, model of noble and glorious qualities. "the moment has come, therefore, for the filipinos to count themselves and to enter into rank and file in order to defend with zeal and resolution and with a virility of strong men, the soil that saw their birth as well as the honor of their name, making publicly and universally known their competence, ability and their civic, political and social virtues. "let us all fight united; seconding the revenging and humanitarian action of the north american republic; and let us learn from her, accepting her counsels and her system, the way of living in order, peace and liberty, copying her institutions, which are the only adequate ones for the nations who wish to reconquer their personality in history, in the period we are passing. "on going to battle, let us inscribe on our flag with clearness and accuracy the sacred legend of our aspirations. "we want a stable government, elected by the people themselves; the laws of which are to be voted for by those same who have to keep them faithfully, conserving or modifying their present institutions in the natural times in the life of nations, but modeling them and taking us their own, the democratic ones of the united states of north america. "we want the country to vote its taxes; those necessary for public services and to satisfy (pay in full) the assistance north america and the corporations, organizations and individuals who help us to rise out of our lethargic state, are rendering us; taking care at the same time to abolish all those which have for basis a social vice or an immoral action, like the lottery, the tax on gambling dens, on galleras (arenas for fights of game cocks) and the farming out of the sale of opium. but before all, may there nevermore appear again that repugnant tax levied on pederasty, which, to get two thousand pesos offended the universal conscience and the chaste name of 'chinese comedies.' "we want plainest liberty in all its bearings, including that of ideas, association and the press, without arriving at lawlessness and disorder; just as it is established in that great, so well regulated republic. "we want to see the religion of the natives and of those that come to this country rigorously respected by the public powers and by the individuals in particular. "we want christianism, the basis of present civilization, to be the emblem and solid foundation of our religious institutions, without force or compulsion; that the native clergy of the country be that which direct and teach the natives in all the degrees of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. "we want the maintenance of this clergy to be effected as the different regional governments may see fit, or, as the city councils or popular elective institutions established in every locality may determine. "we want personal property to be absolutely and unconditionally respected; and, as a consequence, the recognition to the land holder of the property he cultivates and has improved by his labor, of the so-called haciendas of the religious orders, who have usurped them and robbed them by the perverse acts of the confessionary, beguiling the fanaticism of ignorant women and or more than timid aged man, afraid of the vengeance the priests in their innate wickedness might meditate against their families, who extorted from them dues at the last moments of their existence denying them spiritual aid and divine rewards without the cession of their material interests before departing from this earth. "we want the possessions of these land holders to be respected without their being obliged to pay any canon, lease or tax whatsoever of religious character, depressive or unjust, ceasing thus their detainment, anti-juridicial and anti-social, on the part of monarchial orders, rapacious orders whom, on the strength of their being a 'necessary evil,' the ignorant functionaries of spanish administration, like themselves insatiable extortioners, have been aiding, in disdain of right, reason and equity. "we want in order to consolidate the property, the ominous 'inspection de montes,' to disappear and cease in its actual functions, as a disorganizing and fiscalizing center of the titles of property of the natives, which on pretense of investigating and discovering the detainment of state lands, had the custom of declaring the property of the state or of others, such as was already cultivated and producing by the improvements made by the poor peasant, awarding such to their friends or to those who bribe them if the legitimate proprietor refused to give them, in shameless auction, what they asked for as a remuneration for what they called 'shutting their eyes,' as has happened lately, amongst other scandalous cases, in mindoro, when staking out the limits of the new hacienda adjudged there to the recoleto priests. "we want public administration to be founded and to act on a basis of morality, economy and competence, in the charge of natives of the country or of such others who by their experience and learning can serve us as guides and teach us the basis and the system of those countries who have their economical, political and administrative offices and proceedings simplified and well organized. "we want the recognition of all the substantive rights of the human personality; guaranteed by judicial power, cemented in the principles in force in all the cultured nations; that the judicial authorities, when applying the laws, be penetrated by and identified with the spirit and the necessities of the locality; that the administration of justice be developed by simple, economical and decisive proceedings; and that judges and magistrates have their attributions limited by the functions of a jury and by verbal and public judgment, making thus disappear the actual state of affairs, of which prevarication and crooked dealings are the natural and necessary mark. "we want sensible codes, adapted to our manner of being without differentiation of races and without odious privileges contrary to the principle of equality before the law. "we want the increase and protection of our industries by means of subventions and of local and transient privileges without putting barriers to the general exchange of produce and of mercantile transactions with all the nations of the globe without exception. "we want liberty of banking business, liberty of mercantile and industrial societies and companies, commercial liberty, and that the philippines cease to be shut up amongst the walls of its convents, to become again the universal market, like that of hongkong, that of singapore, that of the straits, that of borneo, that of the moluccas, and that of some of the autonomous colonies of australia, countries which surround us; and that capital may with confidence develop all the elements of wealth of this privileged soil, without more duties or charges on import and export than those the circumstances of each epoch may require for determined purposes. "we want roads, canals and ports, the dredging of our rivers and other waterways, railroads, tramways and all the means of locomotion and transport, on water and earth, with such help and assistance as may be needed to carry them out within a certain time and develop them conveniently. "we want the suppression of the so-called 'guardia civil,' this pretorian and odious institution in whose malignment and inhuman meshes so many philippine martyrs have suffered and expired; that center of tortures and iniquities, those contemptible flatterers of small tyrants and of the concupiscense of the priests, those insatiable extortioners of the poor native; those hardened criminals animated constantly in their perverseness by the impunity with which their accomplices, the representatives of despotism and official immorality, covered them. "in their stead we want a judicial and gubernatorial police, which is to watch over and oblige the fulfillment of existing laws and regulations without tortures and abuses. "we want a local army, composed of native volunteers, strictly limited to what order and natural defense demands. "we want a public instruction less levitical and more extensive in what refers to natural and positive sciences; so that it may be fitted to industrate woman as well as man in the establishment and development of the industries and wealth of the country, marine and terrestrial mining, forestal and industrial of all kinds, an instruction which is to be free of expenses in all its degrees and obligatory in its primary portion, leaving and applying to this object all such property as is destined to-day to supply the sustainment of the same; taking charge of the administration of such property a council of public instruction, not leaving for one moment longer in the hands of religious institutions, since these teach only prejudice and fanaticism, proclaiming, as did not long since a rector of the university of manila, that 'medicine and physical sciences are materialistic and impious studies,' and another, that 'political economy was the science of the devil.' "we want to develop this public instruction, to have primary schools, normal schools, institutes of second degree, professional schools, universities, museums, public libraries, meteorological observatories, agricultural schools, geological and botanical gardens and a general practical and theoretical system of teaching agriculture, arts and handicraft and commerce. all this exists already in the country, but badly organized and dispersed, costing the contributors a good deal without practical results, which might have been expected, by the incompetency of the teachers and the favoritism employed in their nominations and remunerations. "we want laws for hunting and fishing, and teaching and regular vigilance for the faithful carrying on of pisciculture, well-known already to the natives, for the advantageous disposing of their marine products, such as conch shell, mother of pearl, pearls, bichi de mer, ray skins, fish lime, etc., and for the raising of all kinds of animals useful for agricultural and industrial purposes and as victuals for the natives and for export. "we want liberty of immigration and assistance for foreign settlers and capitalists, with such restrictions only, when there be an opportunity, as limit actually chinese immigration, similar to legislature on this point in north america and australia. "we want, finally, anything that be just, equitable and orderly; all that may be basis for development, prosperity and well being; all that may be a propelling element of morality, virtue and respect to the mutual rights of all the inhabitants, in their minor relations and in those with the foreigner. "do not believe that the american nation is unbelieving or fanatically protestant, that it take to the scaffold or to the fire those who do not believe determined principles and practice special religious creeds; within that admirable organization, masterly and living model of perfection for the old nations of europe and asia, lives and prospers the roman catholic church. "there are some seven million inhabitants who profess that religion directed by natural clergy with their proper ministers, taken from that fold of christ. "then there are bishops, archbishops, cardinals of the roman church, american subjects, beloved faithful of the pope leo xiii. "there then is a temporal apostolical delegate representative of the legitimate successor of st. peter; there are parsons, canons, dignitaries and provisors, who live and teach in order peace and prosperity, respected by one and all, as you yourselves will be the day the american flag will influence in the spiritual direction of the philippine people. "then there are cathedrals, parish churches, temples and chapels, sumptuous and admired, where they adore the same god of the sinai and golgotha, where severs and ostensive cult is rendered to immaculate virgin mary and to the saints you have on your altars and none dare to destroy, attack or prostitute them. "there then are seminaries, convents, missions, fraternities, schools, everything catholic, richly furnished, well kept up and perfectly managed to the glory of the religion. "there resides his eminence cardinal gibbons, a wise roman catholic prelate, american citizen, who recently and on occasion of the present war, has ordered, with consent of his sanctity, that all the catholic clergy of the american nation raise daily prayers to the most high to obtain the triumph of the arms of their country, for the good of religion and humanity, which cause, in the present conflict legitimately and unquestionably represents that government. "and just as christ, to be messiah, had to be according to the prophecies, jew and of the tribe of judah, that is: by right of his political fatherland, as by that of his native soil, of the chosen people, thus amongst you who ever wants to be a clergyman or merit being canon, dignitary, provisor, bishop, archbishop and cardinal, must as an indispensable condition, have been born on your proper soil, as is occurring absolutely in all the civilized nations of the old and new world, with the only exception of the philippines. "there may be priests, religious congregations, nuns and convents, but submissive to the laws of the country and obliged to admit in their bosom as formerly happened in these isles, as estimable and superior members of such institutions, those feel a vocation for a conventual life, as the noble and generous people of north america will demand, and will, do not doubt it, recognize these your legitimate rights. _filipinos and countrymen._ "the protection of the great american republic will make you respected and considered before the cultured powers, legitimately constituted; and your personality will be proclaimed and sanctioned everywhere. "we have the duty to exact the rights we have just proclaimed and the 'natives' in all the isles and in all their different races, as well as the 'mestizo sangley,' as the 'mestizo espanol,' and the 'son of the country,' we all have the honorable duty of defending ourselves against the whip and the contempt of the spaniards, accepting the protection and direction of the humane north american nation. _viva filipinos_ hurrah for liberty and right. hurrah for the grand republic of the united states of north america. hurrah for president mckinley and rear admiral dewey. [error: unhandled comment start] -->_the junta patriotica_. "hongkong, april, ." under the authority of the united states there have been inquiries by a court into the causes of the imprisonment of the inmates of the penitentiary and common jail at manila, and others who have suffered from the enmities of the members of the government that ceased when the spanish flag was taken down and the american flag raised. the memoranda following were made in the court proceedings, and state the facts as judicially established. _fulgencia tuazon_. this lady was confined in bilibid seven years ago (though the record shows july , ,) by order of the governor-general, on a charge of selling counterfeit stamps. she was tried, and sentenced to six years' confinement; but the judge accepted a bribe of $ and released her about a week after her trial. a year afterwards she was again arrested by a new judge on the same charge, and $ , was demanded as the price of her liberty. this was refused, and imprisonment followed. she claims to have bought the stamps (which were telegraph stamps), from the government. _dorotea arteaga_. this young lady, who was a school teacher in her native province, montinlupa, manila province, was confined in bilibid, august th, , charged with "sacrilege and robbery," and insurrection. she came to malate to see about her license as a school teacher, and was arrested by the civil guard on the above charge. she claims her arrest was instigated by a priest who had made overtures to her to have carnal intercourse with him, and had attempted the same, and had been repulsed and refused. to cover up his ill-doing he caused her arrest on the charge of having stolen part of the vessels used in the communion service of the roman catholic church. she has never been married and the alcalde says, "her conduct in prison has been very good." _senora maxima guerrera_. this woman was born in santa cruz, in , and has been confined in bilibid since , though the record shows that she was imprisoned july , , by order of the governor-general. this date, however, is admitted to be an error by the alcalde, without any explanation of the error. the record shows that she was imprisoned because she objected to the government taking wood off her property without paying for it. she claims that since her imprisonment, the government has confiscated $ , worth of her property. _felipe rementina_. this prisoner was confined in the year , when only years old. at that time a revolution was in progress in the province in which he resided, and he was "captured" by the spanish forces and sent to bilibid carcel. he did not know with what he was charged, and while he was tried, he never received any sentence. _jose david_. "i was put in here june th, . am a civilian and a 'katipunan.' was tried, but never sentenced." the foregoing is the testimony of the prisoner jose david, and is quoted here as an example of the testimony of some hundreds of others, which is almost identical. large numbers of the natives seem to be members of the "katipunan" society, which appears to be a revolutionary brotherhood of some kind. they have been imprisoned for terms varying from one or two months to several years (in some cases ten or twelve years), upon the charge of belonging to this society; in very many cases without trial, and in the majority with no sentence whatever, and, very largely, simply "on suspicion." _agapito calibugar_. this man was arrested by the civil guard, in july, , in his own house, and was tried but not sentenced, or rather did not know what his sentence was. he was told that his sentence was served out, but he could not be returned to his own province of negros because the governor had no ships available for that purpose. he had no idea why he was arrested and tried. there are several other cases similar to this one, in which the charge is "resisting armed forces"--most of which were tried by court martial, and never sentenced. _gregorio domingo_. this prisoner was confined in bilibid carcel on the th of november, , the entry on the prison record against his name being "no se espresa"--"no charge expressed." he was, of course, neither tried nor sentenced, but had been in prison almost two years, with absolutely no reason attempted to be made for his confinement. this case is also cited as an example of many similar ones. _jose trabado_. this is the case of a man who was a member of the katipunan society, but who was tried and sentenced. he was imprisoned in bilibid carcel, may th, , his sentence being confinement "cardena perpetua"--"in chains forever." he was one of five men who received the same sentence for a like offence. he, with the others, was set free august st, . _silvino de castro_. in this case the prisoner, who was formerly employed as a clerk in a grocery store, was imprisoned in bilibid carcel on the th of december, , charged with having stolen $ . (spanish, which represents about $ . american). his story was that he was sent out to collect a bill, but lost the said bill, and was therefore accused by his employer of stealing the money, and was imprisoned, he was tried, but never received any sentence. _don fernando sierra_. the prisoner above named is a full-blooded spaniard, thirty-eight years of age, married, and has one child, three months old. he was confined in bilibid, may , , for "insulting" a civil guard, while drunk, and was tried and sentenced to six years and six months imprisonment. he had already served over five years of this sentence, when he was released september nd, . _cristan del carmen_. this man was confined in the carcel de bilibid, the "common prison," may th, , and his offense was that he was "suspected of being an american!" for this heinous crime he was neither tried nor sentenced. _julian soriano_. in this case the prisoner was confined in bilibid, march th, , after having been in prison one year in his province on suspicion of being implicated in the killing of a civil guard at a place colled balauga. he was tried by a sergeant of the civil guard, who caused him to be tortured in order to wring a confession from him. this torture was inflicted by means of a thin rope or cord, tied very tightly around the muscles of the arm above the elbow (cutting into the flesh deeply), and left there in some instances for thirty days. in some cases the men were also hung up, the weight of the body being sustained by the cords around the arms. several of the prisoners have deep scars on their arms caused by the torture. this man was never sentenced. _leon bueno_. the charge against this man was that he had stolen a pig, and he was confined in bilibid, march st, , after being tried and sentenced to eight years' imprisonment. he had already served over five years when released sept. , . _jose castillo_. this man was confined in bilibid carcel, december loth, , charged with "insulting the armed forces of spain." his version of the reason for his imprisonment is as follows: his cousin and a lieutenant in the guardia civile were very close friends, and the said cousin, wishing to present a cow to the lieutenant, applied to the prisoner for one, which was given to him. later on the cousin thought he would like to present his friend with another cow, so applied to the prisoner for cow no. , and was this time refused. in order to take vengeance on the prisoner, the cousin denounced him to the civil guard lieutenant as a "bandit," and he was arrested and imprisoned as above. the prisoner was sixty years of age. _anastacio de mesa_. the story of this prisoner seems to be particularly sad. he was a chorister or sacristan in a roman catholic church, with several others, and was arrested, with his companions, by the civil guard, charged with "sacrilege." the truth of the matter, however, seems to be as follows: the prisoner had a sweetheart with whom a lieutenant of the civil guard, named de vega, appears to have been infatuated. after imprisoning anastacio de mesa and his companions upon the above charge, which seems to be without foundation entirely, de vega took the girl, and compelled her by force and against her will to live with him as his mistress. the girl soon died, her end, no doubt, being hastened by the brutal cruelty of de vega. these young men, hardly more than boys, were imprisoned on august , , after having been tried by court martial, but not sentenced. they have now been liberated. it should be stated that de vega himself constituted the "court martial" before which these boys were tried. note.--there are several cases of arrests for "insulting and resisting the armed forces of spain." in the case of pedro javier, the accused was over seventy years old, and in that of miguel de la cruz, he was seventy-five years old; while in one or two other cases boys of ten or twelve years of age were arrested on the same charge. chapter xx hawaii as annexed. the star spangled banner up again in hawaii, and to stay--dimensions of the islands--what the missionaries have done--religious belief by nationality--trade statistics--latest census--sugar plantation laborers--coinage of silver--schools--coffee growing. the star spangled banner should have been waving in peaceful triumph over our central possessions in the pacific for five years. now old glory has ascended the famous flag-staff, from which it was mistakenly withdrawn, and is at home. its lustrous folds are welcomed by a city that is strangely american, in the sense that it is what the world largely calls "yankee," and does not mean bad manners by the most expressive word that has so vast a distinction. the shops of honolulu are americanized. there is a splendid blossoming of the flag of the country. the british parties of opposition have faded out. there is the wisdom in english statesmanship to be glad to see us with material interest in the pacific ocean. in this connection there is something better than a treaty. do not mispronounce the name of the capital city of the hawaiian islands. call it hoo-noo-luu-luu and let it sing itself. remember that this city is not on the larger of the islands, but the third in size. the area of hawaii, the greater island, is , square miles. oahu, the honolulu island, has square miles, with a population of , , and hawaii has , people. the area of the islands, told in acres is, hawaii, , , ; nani, , ; oahu, , ; kauai, , ; malokai, , ; lauai, , ; nichan, , ; kahloolawe, , . the dimensions of the tremendous volcanoes that are our property now are startling: _dimensions of kilauea, island of hawaii._ (the largest active volcano in the world.) area, . square miles, or , acres. circumference, , feet, or . miles. extreme width, , feet, or . miles. extreme length, , feet, or . miles. elevation, volcano house, , feet. _dimensions of mokuaweoweo_. (the summit crater of mauna loa, island of hawaii.) area, . square miles, or , acres. circumference, , feet, or . miles. length, , feet, or . miles. width, , feet, or . miles. elevation, , feet. _dimensions of haleakala_. (the great crater of maui, the largest in the world.) area, square miles, or , acres. circumference, , feet, or miles. extreme length, , feet, or . miles. extreme width, , feet, or . miles. elevation of summit, , feet. elevation of principal cones in crater, , and , feet. elevation of cave in floor of crater, , feet. _dimensions of iao valley, maui._ length (from wailuku) about miles. width of valley, miles. depth, near head, , feet. elevation of puu kukui, above head of valley, , feet. elevation of crater of eke, above waihee valley, , feet. honolulu's importance comes from the harbor, and the favor of the missionaries. as to the general judgment of the work of the missionaries, there is nothing better to do than to quote mr. richard h. dana's "two years before the mast." he said in that classic: "it is no small thing to say of the missionaries of the american board, that in less than forty years they have taught this whole people to read and write, to cipher and to sew. they have given them an alphabet, grammar and dictionary; preserved their language from extinction; given it a literature and translated into it the bible, and works of devotion, science and entertainment, etc. they have established schools, reared up native teachers, and so pressed their work that now the proportion of inhabitants who can read and write is greater than in new england. and, whereas, they found these islanders a nation of half-naked savages, living in the surf and on the sand, eating raw fish, fighting among themselves, tyrannized over by feudal chiefs and abandoned to sensuality, they now see them decently clothed, recognizing the law of marriage, knowing something of accounts, going to school and public worship more regularly than the people do at home, and the more elevated of them taking part in conducting the affairs of the constitutional monarchy under which they live, holding seats on the judicial bench and in the legislative chambers, and filling posts in the local magistracies." take away the tropical vegetation and the gigantic scenery and we have here, in our new pacific possessions, a new connecticut. the stamp of new england is upon this lofty land, especially in honolulu, where the spires of the churches testify. there is much that is of the deepest and broadest interest in the possible missionary work here, on account of the remarkable race questions presented. here are the nations and the people of mixed blood--the chinese, japanese and portuguese--a population immensely representative of oriental asia. the measure of success of the missionaries under our flag in dealing with these people can hardly fail to be accepted by the world as a test of the practical results of the labor with the asiatica. in this connection, the figures following, from the hawaiian annual of , furnish a basis of solid information for study: _table of religious belief, by nationality_. (so far as reported in census returns, .) roman nationalities. protestants. catholics. mormons. hawaiians................... , , , part hawaiians.............. , , hawaiian born foreigners.... , , americans................... , british..................... , germans..................... french...................... ..... norwegians.................. ..... portuguese.................. , japanese.................... chinese..................... south sea islanders......... other nationalities......... ====== ====== ===== totals............... , , , _note_.--this table shows but , of the population (just about one-half) to have made returns of their religious belief. with , japanese and , chinese (probably buddhists and confucians) unreported because not provided for in the schedules, the great difference is largely accounted for. the latest census returns show that of the whole population, , , there are: males, , ; females, , . the latest information of labor, under contract for sugar-making, make the number of males on the island more than double that of the females. there has been an increase of population of more than , in the eighteen years from to . the census of the several islands, taken september , , shows: population. dwellings. unin- male. female. total. inhab- habi- build- total. ited. ted. ing. oahu.... , , , , , , hawaii.. , , , , , molokai. , , lanai... .. maui.... , , , , , niihau.. .. kauai .. , , , , , ====== ====== ======= ====== ===== === ====== , , , , , , hawaii's annual trade balance since is a notable record: excess export custom house year imports. exports. values. receipts. $ , , . $ , , . $ , , . $ , . , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , , , , . , . , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , . . . , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , . , , , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , . , . , , . , , . , , . , . the percentage of imports from the united states in was . ; great britain, . ; germany, . ; france, . *; china, . ; japan, . . in the export of sugar was , , pounds; value, $ , , . . nationality of vessels employed in foreign carrying trade, - . . . . . nations. no. tons. no. tons. no. tons. no. tons. american , , , , hawaiian , , , * * , british , , , , german , , , , japanese .. ....... ... ....... , , all others , , , , === ======= === ======= === ======= === ======= total , , , , bonded debt, etc., hawaiian islands, june , . per cent. under loan act of $ , . " " " , . " " " , , . " " " , . " " " and , . " " " and . . " " " , . " " " , . ============= , , . due postal savings bank depositors , . ============= $ , , . number and nationality of sugar plantation laborers. (compiled from latest report of secretary bureau of immigration, december , .) hawaii- portu- japan- s. s. all islands. ans. guese. ese. chinese. isl'ders. others. total. hawaii , , , mauai , , , oahu , , kauai , , , ===== ===== ====== ===== === === ====== tot. , , , , , tot. , , , , , ===== ===== ====== ===== === === ====== inc. ..... , , ... , dec. ..... ...... ..... ... ...... the number of day laborers, , , or a little over one-half of the total force engaged. the japanese and south sea islanders are about evenly divided in their numbers as to term and day service, while hawaiians and portuguese show each but a small proportion of their numbers under contract. minors are reducing in number. women laborers, numbering , in all, show a gain of over . only thirty hawaiian females are engaged among all the plantations, and confined to one plantation each in oahu, kauai and maui. the hawaiian annual of makes this annotation: during the year various changes have occurred in the labor population of the country; and under the working of the present law, requiring a proportion of other than asiatic of all immigrant labor introduced, there has already arrived one company of germans, comprising men, women and children, all of whom found ready engagements with various plantations. chinese arrivals in to take the place of japanese whose terms were expiring, will alter the proportions of these nationalities of plantation labor, and by the new law asiatic laborers must return to their country at the expiration of their term of service, or re-engage; they cannot drift around the country, nor engage in competition with artizans or merchants. the islands comprising the hawaiian territory are hawaii, mauai, oaha, kauai, molokai, lauai, niihau, kahaalawe, lehua and molokini, "the leper prison," and, in addition, nihoa, or bird island, was taken possession of in ; an expedition for that purpose having been fitted out by direction of kaahumanu, and sent thither under the charge of captain william sumner. laysan island became hawaiian territory may st, , and on the th of the same month lysiansky island was added to kamehameha's realm by captain john paty. palmyra island was taken possession of by captain zenas bent, april th, , and proclaimed hawaiian territory in the reign of kamehameha iv., as per "by authority" notice in the "polynesian" of june st, . ocean island was acquired september th, , as per proclamation of colonel j.m. boyd, empowered for such service during the reign of kalakaua. neeker island was taken possession of may th, , by captain james a. king, on behalf of the hawaiian government. french frigate shoal was the latest acquisition, also by captain king, and proclaimed hawaiian territory july th, . gardener island, mara or moro reef, pearl and hermes reef, gambia bank, and johnston or cornwallis island are also claimed as hawaiian possessions, but there is some obscurity as to the dates of acquisition, and it is of record in the foreign office articles of convention between hen. charles st. julien, the commissioner and political and commercial agent of his majesty the king of the hawaiian islands, and john webster, esq., the sovereign chief and proprietor of the group of islands known as stewart's islands (situated near the solomon group), whereby is ceded to the hawaiian government--subject to ratification by the king--the islands of ihikaiana, te parena, taore, matua awi and matua ivoto, comprising said group of stewart's islands. but the formalities do not seem to have been perfected, so that we are not certain that the stewart's islands are our possessions. the latest thorough census of the hawaiian islands was taken in september, , but the population was closely estimated july st, . japan- portu- all other natives. chinese. ese. guese. foreigners. total population as per census, september, , , , , , , passengers-arrivals- excess over departures, th quarter, ...... , , ...... , excess over departures, mos. to july , . ...... , , ====== ====== ====== ====== ====== ====== total , , , , , , the following denominations of hawaiian silver were coined during the reign of kalakaua, at the san francisco mint, and imported for the circulating medium of the islands in and . they are of the same intrinsic value as the united states silver coins and were first introduced into circulation january th, at the opening of the bank of clans spreckles & co. in honolulu. the amount coined was $ , , , divided as follows: hawaiian dollars...................................$ , " half dollars.............................. , " quarter dollars........................... , " dimes..................................... , total..............................................$ , , schools, teachers and pupils for the year . ==teachers.== ==pupils.== schools. male. female. total. male. female. government , , independent , , ==== ==== ==== ==== ====== ====== , , nationality of pupils attending schools for the year . nationality. male. female. hawaiian , , part-hawaiian , , american british german portuguese , , scandinavian japanese chinese south sea islanders other foreigners ===== ===== , , of the japanese, . per cent. were born on the islands; of the chinese, percentage born here, . . of a total of , japanese and chinese, , are males and , females. the figures show that the asiatics are not at home. the sugar industry in our new possessions has had great prominence agriculturally. the sugar interest of these islands has had a formidable influence in the united states. recent events and the ascertained certainties of the future show that the people of the united states will soon raise their sugar supply on their own territory. the annexation of these sugar islands was antagonized because there was involved the labor contract system. as a matter of course, the united states will not change the labor laws of the nation to suit the sugar planters of hawaii, who have been obtaining cheap labor through a system of asiatic servitude. there is but one solution--labor will be better compensated in hawaii than it has been, and yet white men will not be largely employed in the cultivation of sugar cane in our tropical islands. the beet sugar industry is another matter. there will be an end of the peculiar institution that has had strength in our new possessions, that brings, under contract, to hawaii a mass of forty thousand chinese and japanese men, and turns over the majority of them to the plantations, whose profits have displayed an unwholesome aggrandizement. once it was said cotton could not be grown in the cotton belt of our country without slave labor, but the latter trouble is, the cotton producers claim, there is too much of their product raised. a ten-million bale crop depresses the market. already experiments have been tried successfully to pay labor in the sugar fields by the tons of cane delivered at the mills for grinding. this is an incident full of auspicious significance. a general feeling is expressed in the current saying that coffee raising is "the coming industry." the confidence that there is prosperity in coffee amounts to enthusiasm. here are some of the statistics of coffee growers, showing number of trees and area, trees newly planted and trees in bearing: no. of trees or area. newly to trees in planted. year old. bearing. j. c. lenhart, kaupo , trs. , trs. .... mokulau coffee co., kaupo , trs. , trs. acres e. e. paxton, kaupo , trs. , trs. .... native patches throughout kaupo acres .... .... lahaina coffee and fruit co., ltd., lahaina , trs. , trs. , trs. h. p. baldwin, honokahua , trs. , trs. , trs. waianae coffee plantation co., waianae , trs. , trs. , trs. c. a. wideman, waianae , trs. , trs .... makaha coffee co., ltd., waianae acres .... .... lanihau plantation, kailua , trs. , trs. , trs. kona coffee co., ltd., kailua .... .... acres geo. mcdougal & sons, kailua .... acres acres h. c. achi, holualoa .... .... , trs. e. w. barnard, laupahoehoe .... .... , trs. j. m. barnard, laupahoehoe .... , trs. .... john gaspar, napoopoo .... , trs. , trs. manuel sebastian, kealakekua .... .... , trs. j. g. henriques, kealakekua .... .... , trs. c. hooper, kauleoli .... acres acres j. keanu, keei acres acres acres a. s. cleghorn acres .... acres mrs. e. c. greenwell .... acres acres j. m. monsarrat, kolo .... acres acres queen emma plantation .... .... , trs. l. m. staples plantation .... , trs. , trs. olaa coffee co., ltd acres acres .... grossman bros acres acres .... b. h. brown , trs. , trs. , trs. herman eldart , trs. , trs. , trs. the list of coffee growers is very long. that which is of greater interest is the showing made of the immense number of new trees. the coffee movement steadily gains force and the pace of progress is accelerated. everybody has not been pleased with annexation. the japanese are not in a good humor about it. the minister of japan got his orders evidently to leave for japan when the news arrived that the question had been settled in washington, and he left for yokohama by the boat that brought the intelligence. japanese journals of importance raise the question as to the propriety of our establishing a coal station here. there is some dissatisfaction among the hawaiians, who are bewildered. they are children who believe stories in proportion as they are queer. many of them feel that they have a grievance. the young princess who is the representative of the extinguished monarchy is affable and respected. if the question as to giving her substantial recognition were left to the americans here, they would vote for her by a large majority. it would not be bad policy for the government to be generous toward her. she is not in the same boat with the ex-queen. the americans who have been steadfast in upholding the policy that at last has prevailed are happy, but not wildly so, just happy. now that they have gained their cause, their unity will be shaken by discussions on public questions and personal preferments. there should be no delay in understanding that in this archipelago the race questions forbid mankind suffrage, and that our new possessions are not to become states at once, or hurriedly; that it will take generations of assimilation to prepare the hawaiian islands for statehood. the objection to the climate of the marvelous islands of which we have become possessed is its almost changeless character. there is no serious variation in the temperature. there is a little more rain in "winter" than in "summer." there is neither spring nor fall. the trade winds afford a slight variety, and this seems to be manipulated by the mountains, that break up the otherwise unsparing monotony of serene loveliness. the elevations of the craters, and the jagged peaks are from one thousand to thirteen thousand feet. if you want a change of climate, climb for cold, and escape the mosquitos, the pests of this paradise. there are a score of kinds of palms; the royal, the date, the cocoanut, are of them. the bread fruit and banana are in competition. the vegetation is voluptuous and the scenery stupendous. there is a constellation of islands, and they differ like the stars in their glories and like human beings in their difficulties. chapter xxi early history of the sandwich islands. captain james cook's great discoveries and his martyrdom--character and traditions of the hawaiian islands--charges against the famous navigator, and effort to array the christian world against him--the true story of his life and death--how charges against cook came to be made--testimony of vancouver, king and dixon, and last words of cook's journal--light turned on history that has become obscure--savagery of the natives--their written language took up their high colored traditions, and preserved phantoms--scenes in aboriginal theatricals--problem of government in an archipelago where race questions are predominant--now americans should remember captain cook as an illustrious pioneer. regarding the islands in the pacific that we have for a long time largely occupied and recently wholly possessed, the hawaiian cluster that are the stepping stone, the resting place and the coal station for the golden group more than a thousand leagues beyond, we should remember captain cook as one of our own western pioneers, rejoice to read his true story, and in doing so to form a correct estimate of the people who have drifted into the area of our protection, or territory that is inalienably our own, to be thoroughly americanized, that they may some day be worthy to become our fellow-citizens. sunday, january th, , captain cook, after seeing birds every day, and turtles, saw two islands, and the next day a third one, and canoes put off from the shore of the second island, the people speaking the language of otaheite. as the englishmen proceeded, other canoes appeared, bringing with them roasted pigs and very fine potatoes. the captain says: "several small pigs were purchased for a six-penny nail, so that we again found ourselves in a land of plenty. the natives were gentle and polite, asking whether they might sit down, whether they might spit on the deck, and the like. an order restricting the men going ashore was issued that i might do everything in my power to prevent the importation of a fatal disease into the island, which i knew some of our men now labored under." female visitors were ordered to be excluded from the ships. captain cook's journal is very explicit, and he states the particulars of the failure of his precautions. this is a subject that has been much discussed, and there is still animosity in the controversy. the discovery of the islands that he called the sandwich, after his patron the earl of sandwich, happened in the midst of our revolutionary war. after cook's explorations for the time, he sailed in search of the supposed northwest passage, and that enterprise appearing hopeless, returned to the summer islands, and met his fate in the following december. captain george vancouver, a friend and follower of cook, says, in his "voyage of discovery and around the world." from to : "it should seem that the reign of george the third had been reserved by the great disposer of all things for the glorious task of establishing the grand keystone to that expansive arch over which the arts and sciences should pass to the furthermost corners of the earth, for the instruction and happiness of the most lowly children of nature. advantages so highly beneficial to the untutored parts of the human race, and so extremely important to that large proportion of the subjects of this empire who are brought up to the sea service deserve to be justly appreciated; and it becomes of very little importance to the bulk of our society, whose enlightened humanity teaches them to entertain a lively regard for the welfare and interest of those who engage in such adventurous undertakings for the advancement of science, or for the extension of commerce, what may be the animadversions or sarcasms of those few unenlightened minds that may peevishly demand, "what beneficial consequences, if any, have followed, or are likely to follow to the discoverers, or to the discovered, to the common interests of humanity, or to the increase of useful knowledge, from all our boasted attempts to explore the distant recesses of the globe?" the learned editor (dr. douglas, now bishop of salisbury) who has so justly anticipated this injudicious remark, has, in his very comprehensive introduction to captain cook's last voyage, from whence the above quotation is extracted, given to the public not only a complete and satisfactory answer to that question, but has treated every other part of the subject of discovery so ably as to render any further observations on former voyages of this description wholly unnecessary, for the purpose of bringing the reader acquainted with what had been accomplished, previously to my being honored with his majesty's commands to follow up the labors of that illustrious navigator captain james cook; to whose steady, uniform, indefatigable and undiverted attention to the several objects on which the success of his enterprises ultimately depended, the world is indebted for such eminent and important benefits." captain george vancouver pays, in the introduction of his report, a remarkable tribute to captain cook, that should become familiar to the american people, for it is one of the features of prevalent hawaiian literature that the great navigator is much disparaged, and denounced. one of the favorite theories of the missionaries has been that cook's death at the hands of the savages was substantially the punishment inflicted by god, because the captain allowed himself to be celebrated and worshipped as a god by the heathen, consenting to their idolatry when he should have preached to them, as was done with so much efficiency nearly half a century later. the fact is the natives had a great deal of "religion" of their own, and defended their superstitions with skill and persistence before yielding to the great simplicities of the christian faith. captain cook, it must be admitted, did not attempt to preach the gospel. the gentleness of the natives turned out to contain a great deal that was most horrible. the closing years of the last century were those of rapid progress in the art of navigation, and captain vancouver gives this striking summary of testimony: "by the introduction of nautical astronomy into marine education, we are taught to sail on the hypothenuse, instead of traversing two sides of a triangle, which was the usage in earlier times; by this means the circuitous course of all voyages from place to place is considerably shortened; and it is now become evident that sea officers of the most common rate abilities who will take the trouble of making themselves acquainted with the principles of this science, will, on all suitable occasions, with proper and correct instruments, be enabled to acquire a knowledge of their situation in the atlantic, indian or pacific oceans, with a degree of accuracy sufficient to steer on a meridianal or diagonal line, to any known spot, provided it be sufficiently conspicuous to be visible at any distance from five to ten leagues. "this great improvement, by which the most remote parts of the terrestrial globe are brought so sasily within our reach, would nevertheless have been of comparatively little utility had not those happy means been discovered for preserving the lives and health of the officers and seamen engaged in such distant and perilous undertakings; which were so peacefully practiced by captain cook, the first great discoverer of this salutary system, in all his latter voyages around the globe. but in none have the effect of his wise regulations, regimen and discipline been more manifest than in the course of the expedition of which the following pages are designed to treat. to an unremitting attention, not only to food, cleanliness, ventilation, and an early administration of antiseptic provisions and medicines, but also to prevent as much as possible the chance of indisposition, by prohibiting individuals from carelessly exposing themselves to the influence of climate, or unhealthy indulgences in times of relaxation, and by relieving them from fatigue and the inclemency of the weather the moment the nature of their duty would permit them to retire, is to be ascribed the preservation of the health and lives of sea-faring people on long voyages." "those benefits did not long remain unnoticed by the commercial part of the british nation. remote and distant voyages being now no longer objects of terror, enterprises were projected and carried into execution, for the purpose of establishing new and lucrative branches of commerce between northwest america and china; and parts of the coast of the former that had not been minutely examined by captain cook became now the general resort of the persons thus engaged." the special zeal and consistency with which cook is defended by the english navigators who knew him and were competent to judge of the scope of his achievements is due in part to the venom of his assailants. the historian of the sandwich islands, sheldon dibble, says: "an impression of wonder and dread having been made, captain cook and his men found little difficulty in having such intercourse with the people as they chose. in regard to that intercourse, it was marked, as the world would say, with kindness and humanity. but it cannot be concealed that here and there at this time, in the form of loathsome disease, was dug the grave of the hawaiian nation; and from so deep an odium it is to be regretted that faithful history cannot exempt even the fair name of captain cook himself, since it was evident that he gave countenance to the evil. the native female first presented to him was a person of some rank; her name was lelemahoalani. sin and death were the first commodities imported to the sandwich islands." we have already quoted captain cook's first words on this subject. he had much more to say giving in detail difficulties rather too searching to be fully stated. as for the charge that cook personally engaged in debauchery, it rests upon the tradition of savages, who had no more idea than wild animals of the restraint of human passion. it was debated among the islanders whether the white men should be assailed by the warriors, and it was on the advice of a native queen that the women were sent to make friends with the strangers; and this was the policy pursued. as for the decline of the natives in numbers, and the "digging the grave of the nation." the horror of the islands was the destruction of female infants, and also the habit of putting aged and helpless men and women to death. the general indictment against captain cook is that this amiable race was just about prepared for christianity when he thrust himself forward as a god, and with his despotic licentiousness destroyed immediate possibilities of progress. in sandwich island notes by "a haole" (that is to say, a white person) we see what may be said on the other side of the picture: "it becomes an interesting duty to examine their social, political and religious condition. the first feature that calls the attention to the past is their social condition, and a darker picture can hardly be presented to the contemplation of man. they had their frequent boxing matches on a public arena, and it was nothing uncommon to see thirty or forty left dead on the field of contest. "as gamblers they were inveterate. the game was indulged in by every person, from the king of each island to the meanest of his subjects. the wager accompanied every scene of public amusement. they gambled away their property to the last vestige of all they possessed. they staked every article, of food, their growing crops, the dollies they wore, their lands, wives, daughters, and even the very bones of their arms and legs--to be made into fishhooks after they were dead. these steps led to the most absolute and crushing poverty. "they had their dances, which were of such a character as not to be conceived by a civilized mind, and were accompanied by scenes which would have disgraced even nero's revels. nearly every night, with the gathering darkness, crowds would retire to some favorite spot, where, amid every species of sensual indulgence they would revel until the morning twilight. at such times the chiefs would lay aside their authority, and mingle with the lowest courtesan in every degree of debauchery. "thefts, robberies, murders, infanticide, licentiousness of the most debased and debasing character, burying their infirm and aged parents alive, desertion of the sick, revolting cruelties to the unfortunate maniac, cannibalism and drunkenness, form a list of some of the traits in social life among the hawaiians in past days. "their drunkenness was intense. they could prepare a drink, deadly intoxicating in its nature, from a mountain plant called the awa (piper methysticum). a bowl of this disgusting liquid was always prepared and served out just as a party of chiefs were sitting down to their meals. it would sometimes send the victim into a slumber from which he never awoke. the confirmed awa drinker could be immediately recognized by his leprous appearance. "by far the darkest feature in their social condition was seen in the family relation. society, however, is only a word of mere accommodation, designed to express domestic relations as they then existed. 'society' was, indeed, such a sea of pollution as cannot be well described. marriage was unknown, and all the sacred feelings which are suggested to our minds on mention of the various social relations, such as husband and wife, parent and child, brother and sister, were to them, indeed, as though they had no existence. there was, indeed, in this respect, a dreary blank--a dark chasm from which the soul instinctively recoils. there were, perhaps, some customs which imposed some little restraint upon the intercourse of the sexes, but those customs were easily dispensed with, and had nothing of the force of established rules. it was common for a husband to have many wives, and for a wife also to have many husbands. the nearest ties of consanguinity were but little regarded, and among the chiefs, especially, the connection of brother with sister, and parent with child, were very common. for husbands to interchange wives, and for wives to interchange husbands, was a common act of friendship, and persons who would not do this were not considered on good terms of sociability. for a man or woman to refuse a solicitation was considered an act of meanness; and this sentiment was thoroughly wrought into their minds, that, they seemed not to rid themselves of the feeling of meanness in a refusal, to feel, notwithstanding their better knowledge, that to comply was generous, liberal, and social, and to refuse reproachful and niggardly. it would be impossible to enumerate or specify the crimes which emanated from this state of affairs. their political condition was the very genius of despotism, systematically and deliberately conducted. kings and chiefs were extremely jealous of their succession, and the more noble their blood, the more they were venerated by the common people." mr. sheldon dibble is a historian whose work was published in . he complains most bitterly that the natives bothered the missionaries by trying to give them the benefit of native thought. they wanted to do some of the talking, and said very childish things, and were so intent on their own thoughts that they would not listen to the preachers. but it ought not to have been held to be an offense for a procession of heathen to march to a missionary's house and tell him their thoughts. that was an honest manifestation of profound interest--the slow ripening of a harvest field. mr. dibble's book is printed by the mission seminary, and mr. dibble says, page : "we know that all the inhabitants of the earth descended from noah," therefore, the hawaiians "must once have known the great jehova and the principles of true religion." but the historian says on the next page that the hawaiians were heathen from time immemorial, for, "go back to the very first reputed progenitor of the hawaiian race, and you find that the ingredients of their character are lust, anger, strife, malice, sensuality, revenge and the worship of idols." this is the elevation upon which mr. dibble places himself to fire upon the memory of the english navigator captain james cook. the first paragraph of the assault on cook is this: "how unbounded the influence of foreign visitors upon the ignorant inhabitants of the pacific! if the thousands of our countrymen who visit this ocean were actuated by the pure principles of the religion of jesus, how immense the good they might accomplish! but, alas! how few visitors to the western hemisphere are actuated by such principles." this is preparatory to the condemnation of cook in these terms: "captain cook allowed himself to be worshipped as a god. the people of kealakeakua declined trading with him, and loaded his ship freely with the best productions of the island. the priests approached him in a crouching attitude, uttering prayers, and exhibiting all the formalities of worship. after approaching him with prostration the priests cast their red kapas over his shoulders and then receding a little, they presented hogs and a variety of other offerings, with long addresses rapidly enunciated, which were a repetition of their prayers and religious homage. "when he went on shore most of the people fled for fear of him, and others bowed down before him, with solemn reverence. he was conducted to the house of the gods, and into the sacred enclosure, and received there the highest homage. in view of this fact, and of the death of captain cook, which speedily ensued, who can fail being admonished to give to god at all times, and even among barbarous tribes, the glory which is his due? captain cook might have directed the rude and ignorant natives to the great jehovah, instead of receiving divine homage himself. "kalaniopuu, the king, arrived from maui on the th of january, and immediately laid a tabu on the canoes, which prevented the women from visiting the ship, and consequently the men came on shore in great numbers, gratifying their infamous purposes in exchange for pieces of iron and small looking-glasses. some of the women washed the coating from the back of the glasses much to their regret, when they found that the reflecting property was thus destroyed. "the king, on his arrival, as well as the people, treated captain cook with much kindness, gave him feather cloaks and fly brushes and paid him divine honors. this adoration, it is painful to relate, was received without remonstrance. i shall speak here somewhat minutely of the death of captain cook, as it develops some traits of the heathen character, and the influence under which the heathen suffer from foreign intercourse." after setting forth the horrible character of the natives, captain cook is condemned and denounced because he did not refuse the homage of the ferocious savages, paid him as a superior creature. one of cook's troubles was the frantic passion the islanders had to steal iron. the common people were the property of the chiefs, and they had no other sense of possession. they gave away what they had, but took what they wanted. mr. dibble shows his animus when he charges that cook did not give the natives the real value of their hogs and fruit, and also that he had no right to stop pilferers in canoes by declaring and enforcing a blockade. this is a trifling technicality much insisted upon. dibble's account of the death of cook is this: "a canoe came from an adjoining district, bound within the bay. in the canoe were two chiefs of some rank, kekuhaupio and kalimu. the canoe was fired upon from one of the boats and kalimu was killed. kekuhaupio made the greatest speed till he reached the place of the king, where captain cook also was, and communicated the intelligence of the death of the chief. the attendants of the king were enraged and showed signs of hostility, but were restrained by the thought that captain cook was a god. at that instant a warrior, with a spear in his hand, approached captain cook and was heard to say that the boats in the harbor had killed his brother, and he would he revenged. captain cook, from his enraged appearance and that of the multitude, was suspicious of him, and fired upon him with his pistol. then followed a scene of confusion, and in the midst captain cook being hit with a stone, and perceiving the man who threw it, shot him dead. he also struck a certain chief with his sword, whose name was kalaimanokahoowaha. the chief instantly seized captain cook with a strong hand, designing merely to hold him and not to take his life; for he supposed him to be a god and that he could not die. captain cook struggled to free himself from the grasp, and as he was about to fall uttered a groan. the people immediately exclaimed, "he groans--he is not a god," and instantly slew him. such was the melancholy death of captain cook. "immediately the men in the boat commenced a deliberate fire upon the crowd. they had refrained in a measure before, for fear of killing their captain. many of the natives were killed." "historian dibble does not notice the evidence that cook lost his life by turning to his men in the boats, ordering them not to fire. it was at that moment he was stabbed in the back. dibble represents the facts as if to justify the massacre of the great navigator, because he allowed the heathen to think he was one of their gang of gods. but this presumption ought not to have been allowed to excuse prevarication about testimony. the importance of dibble's history is that it is representative. he concludes with this eloquent passage: "from one heathen nation we may learn in a measure the wants of all. and we ought not to restrict our view, but, look at the wide world. to do then for all nations what i have urged in behalf of the sandwich islands, how great and extensive a work! how vast the number of men and how immense the amount of means which seem necessary to elevate all nations, and gain over the whole earth to the permanent dominion of the lord jesus christ! can , , of pagan children and youth be trained and instructed by a few hands? can the means of instructing them be furnished by the mere farthings and pence of the church? will it not be some time yet before ministers and church members will need to be idle a moment for the want of work? is there any danger of our being cut off from the blessed privilege either of giving or of going? there is a great work yet to be done--a noble work--a various and a difficult work--a work worthy of god's power, god's resources, and god's wisdom. what christendom has as yet done is scarcely worthy of being called a commencement. when god shall bring such energies into action as shall be commensurate with the greatness of the work--when he shall cause every redeemed sinner, by the abundant influence of his holy spirit, to lay himself out wholly in the great enterprise, then there will be a sight of moral sublimity that shall rivet the gaze of angels." we quote this writer as to what became of the remains of cook: "the body of captain cook was carried into the interior of the island, the bones secured according to their custom, and the flesh burned in the fire. the heart, liver, etc., of captain cook, were stolen and eaten by some hungry children, who mistook them in the night for the inwards of a dog. the names of the children were kupa, mohoole and kaiwikokoole. these men are now all dead. the last of the number died two years since at the station of lahaina. some of the bones of captain cook were sent on board his ship, in compliance with the urgent demands of the officers; and some were kept by the priests as objects of worship." the "heart, liver, etc.," were of course given to the children to eat! the bones are still hidden, and presumably not much worshiped. the first of the remains of captain cook given up was a mass of his bloody flesh, cut as if from a slaughtered ox. after some time there were other fragments, including one of his hands which had a well known scar, and perfectly identified it. along with this came the story of burning flesh, and denials of cannibalism. mr. dibble speaks of cook's "consummate folly and outrageous tyranny of placing a blockade upon a heathen bay, which the natives could not possibly be supposed either to understand or appreciate." that blockade, like others, was understood when enforced. the historian labors to work out a case to justify the murder of cook because he received worship. as to the acknowledgment of cook as the incarnation of lono, in the hawaiian pantheon, captain king says: "before i proceed to relate the adoration that was paid to captain cook, and the peculiar ceremonies with which he was received on this fatal island, it will be necessary to describe the morai, situated, as i have already mentioned, at the south side of the beach at kakooa (kealakeakua). it was a square solid pile of stones, about forty yards long, twenty broad, and fourteen in height. the top was flat and well paved, and surrounded by a wooden rail, on which were fixed the skulls of the captives sacrificed on the death of their chiefs. in the center of the area stood a ruinous old building of wood, connected with the rail on each side by a stone wall, which next divided the whole space into two parts. on the side next the country were five poles, upward of twenty feet high, supporting an irregular kind of scaffold; on the opposite side toward the sea, stood two small houses with a covered communication. "we were conducted by koah to the top of this pile by an easy ascent leading from the beach to the northwest corner of the area. at the entrance we saw two large wooden images, with features violently distorted, and a long piece of carved wood of a conical form inverted, rising from the top of their heads; the rest was without form and wrapped round with red cloth. we were here met by a tall young man with a long beard, who presented captain cook to the images, and after chanting a kind of hymn, in which he was joined by koah, they led us to that end of the morai where the five poles were fixed. at the foot of them were twelve images ranged in a semicircular form, and before the middle figure stood a high stand or table, exactly resembling the whatta of othaheiti, on which lay a putrid hog, and under it pieces of sugar cane, cocoanuts, bread fruit, plantains and sweet potatoes. koah having placed the captain under the stand, took down the hog and held it toward him; and after having a second time addressed him in a long speech, pronounced with much vehemence and rapidity, he let it fall on the ground and led him to the scaffolding, which they began to climb together, not without great risk of falling. at this time we saw coming in solemn procession, at the entrance of the top of the morai, ten men carrying a live hog and a large piece of red cloth. being advanced a few paces, they stopped and prostrated themselves; and kaireekeea, the young man above mentioned, went to them, and receiving the cloth carried it to koah, who wrapped it around the captain, and afterwards offered him the hog, which was brought by kaireekeea with the same ceremony. "whilst captain cook was aloft in this awkward situation, swathed round with red cloth, and with difficulty keeping his hold amongst the pieces of rotten scaffolding, kaireekeea and koah began their office, chanting sometimes in concert and sometimes alternately. this lasted a considerable time; at length koah let the hog drop, when he and the captain descended together. he then led him to the images before mentioned, and, having said something to each in a sneering tone, snapping his fingers at them as he passed, he brought him to that in the center, which, from its being covered with red cloth, appeared to be in greater estimation than the rest. before this figure he prostrated himself and kissed it, desiring captain cook to do the same, who suffered himself to be directed by koah throughout the whole of this ceremony. "we were now led back to the other division of the morai, where there was a space ten or twelve feet square, sunk about three feet below the level of the area. into this we descended, and captain cook was seated between two wooden idols, koah supporting one of his arms, whilst i was desired to support the other. at this time arrived a second procession of natives, carrying a baked hog and a pudding, some bread fruit, cocoanuts and other vegetables. when they approached us kaireekeea put himself at their head, and presenting the pig to captain cook in the usual manner, began the same kind of chant as before, his companions making regular responses. we observed that after every response their parts became gradually shorter, till, toward the close, kaireekeea's consisted of only two or three words, while the rest answered by the word orono. "when this offering was concluded, which lasted a quarter of an hour, the natives sat down fronting us, and began to cut up the baked hog, to peel the vegetables and break the cocoanuts; whilst others employed themselves in brewing the awa, which is done by chewing it in the same manner as at the friendly islands. kaireekeea then took part of the kernel of a cocoanut, which he chewed, and wrapping it in a piece of cloth, rubbed with it the captain's face, head, hands, arms and shoulders. the awa was then handed around, and after we had tasted it koah and pareea began to pull the flesh of the hog in pieces and put it into our mouths. i had no great objection to being fed by pareea, who was very cleanly in his person, but captain cook, who was served by koah, recollecting the putrid hog, could not swallow a morsel; and his reluctance, as may be supposed, was not diminished when the old man, according to his own mode of civility had chewed it for him. "when this ceremony was finished, which captain cook put an end to as soon as he decently could, we quitted the moral." evidently the whole purpose of captain cook in permitting this performance, was to flatter and gratify the natives and make himself strong to command them. the captain himself was sickened, and got away as quickly as he could without giving offense. this was not the only case in which the native priests presented the navigator as a superior being. perhaps the view the old sailor took of the style of ceremony was as there were so many gods, one more or less did not matter. cook never attached importance to the freaks of superstition, except so far as it might be made useful in keeping the bloody and beastly savages in check. bearing upon this point we quote w.d. alexander's "brief history of the hawaiian people," pages - : "infanticide was fearfully prevalent, and there were few of the older women at the date of the abolition of idolatry who had not been guilty of it. it was the opinion of those best informed that two-thirds of all the children born were destroyed in infancy by their parents. they were generally buried alive, in many cases in the very houses occupied by their unnatural parents. on all the islands the number of males was much greater than that of females, in consequence of the girls being more frequently destroyed than the boys. the principal reason given for it was laziness--unwillingness to take the trouble of rearing children. it was a very common practice for parents to give away their children to any persons who were willing to adopt them. "no regular parental discipline was maintained, and the children were too often left to follow their own inclinations and to become familiar with the lowest vices. "neglect of the helpless. among the common people old age was despised. the sick and those who had become helpless from age were sometimes abandoned to die or put to death. insane people were also sometimes stoned to death." again we quote alexander's history, page : "several kinds of food were forbidden to the women on pain of death, viz., pork, bananas, cocoanuts, turtles, and certain kinds of fish, as the ulua, the humu, the shark, the hihimanu or sting-ray, etc. the men of the poorer class often formed a sort of eating club apart from their wives. these laws were rigorously enforced. at honannau, hawaii, two young girls of the highest rank, kapiolani and keoua, having been detected in the act of eating a banana, their kahu, or tutor, was held responsible, and put to death by drowning. shortly before the abolition of the tabus, a little child had one of her eyes scooped out for the same offense. about the same time a woman was put to death for entering the eating house of her husband, although though she was tipsy at the time." captain cook seems to have committed the unpardonable sin in not beginning the stated work of preaching the gospel a long generation before the missionaries arrived, and the only sound reason for this is found in dibble's history, in his statement that the islanders steadily degenerated until the missions were organized. writers of good repute, a. fornander, chief of them, are severe with captain cook on account of his alleged greed, not paying enough for the red feathers woven into fanciful forms. perhaps that is a common fault in the transactions of civilized men with barbarians. william penn is the only man with a great reputation for dealing fairly with american red men, and he was not impoverished by it. cook gave nails for hogs, and that is mentioned in phrases that are malicious. iron was to the islanders the precious metal, and they were not cheated. a long drawn out effort has been made to impress the world that cook thought himself almost a god, and was a monster. the natives gave to the wonderful people who came to them in ships, liberally of their plenty, and received in return presents that pleased them, articles of utility. beads came along at a later day. the natives believed cook one of the heroes of the imagination that they called gods. he sought to propitiate them and paid for fruit and meat in iron and showy trifles. his policy of progress was to introduce domestic animals. note the temper of mr. abraham fornander, a man who has meant honesty of statement, but whose information was perverted: "and how did captain cook requite this boundless hospitality, that never once made default during his long stay of seventeen days in kealakeakua, these magnificent presents of immense value, this delicate and spontaneous attention to every want, this friendship of the chiefs and priests, this friendliness of the common people? by imposing on their good nature to the utmost limit of its ability to respond to the greedy and constant calls of their new friends; by shooting at one of the king's officers for endeavoring to enforce a law of the land, an edict of his sovereign that happened to be unpalatable to the new comers, and caused them some temporary inconvenience, after a week's profusion and unbridled license; by a liberal exhibition of his force and the meanest display of his bounty; by giving the king a linen shirt and a cutlass in return for feather cloaks and helmets, which, irrespective of their value as insignia of the highest nobility in the land, were worth, singly at least from five to ten thousand dollars, at present price of the feathers, not counting the cost of manufacturing; by a reckless disregard of the proprieties of ordinary intercourse, even between civilized and savage man, and a wanton insult to what he reasonably may have supposed to have been the religious sentiments of his hosts." this is up to the mark of a criminal lawyer retained to prove by native testimony that captain james cook was not murdered, but executed for cause. the great crime of cook is up to this point that of playing that he was one of the polynesian gods. fornander says: "when the sailors carried off, not only the railing of the temple, but also the idols of the gods within it, even the large-hearted patience of kaoo gave up, and he meekly requested that the central idol at least, might be restored. captain king failed to perceive that the concession of the priests was that of a devotee to his saint. the priests would not sell their religious emblems and belongings for "thirty pieces of silver," or any remuneration, but they were willing to offer up the entire heiau, and themselves on the top of it, as a holocaust to lono, if he had requested it. so long as cook was regarded as a god in their eyes they could not refuse him. and though they exhibited no resentment at the request, the want of delicacy and consideration on the part of captain cook is none the less glaring. after his death, and when the illusion of godship had subsided, his spoliation of the very heiau in which he had been deified was not one of the least of the grievances which native annalists laid up against him." contrast this flagrancy in advocacy of the cause of the barbarous natives with the last words cook wrote in his journal. we quote from "a voyage to the pacific ocean," by captain james cook, f.r.s., (vol. ii., pages - ): "as it was of the last importance to procure a supply of provisions at these islands; and experience having taught me that i could have no chance to succeed in this, if a free trade with the natives were to be allowed; that is, if it were left to every man's discretion to trade for what he pleased, and in what manner he pleased; for this substantial reason, i now published an order prohibiting all persons from trading, except such as should be appointed by me and captain clarke; and even these were enjoined to trade only for provisions and refreshments. women were also forbidden to be admitted into the ships, except under certain restrictions. but the evil i intended to prevent, by this regulation, i soon found had already got amongst them. "i stood in again the next morning till within three or four miles of the land, where we were met with a number of canoes laden with provisions. we brought to, and continued trading with the people in them till four in the afternoon, when, having got a pretty good supply, we made sail and stretched off to the northward. "i had never met with a behavior so free from reserve and suspicion in my intercourse with any tribe of savages as we experienced in the people of this island. it was very common for them to send up into the ship the several articles they brought for barter; afterward, they would come in themselves and make their bargains on the quarter-deck. "we spent the night as usual, standing off and on. it happened that four men and ten women who had come on board the preceding day still remained with us. as i did not like the company of the latter, i stood in shore toward noon, principally with a view to get them out of the ship; and, some canoes coming off, i took that opportunity of sending away our guests. "in the evening mr. bligh returned and reported that he had found a bay in which was good anchorage, and fresh water in a situation tolerably easy to be come at. into this bay i resolved to carry the ships, there to refit and supply ourselves with every refreshment that the place could afford. as night approached the greater part of our visitors retired to the shore, but numbers of them requested our permission to sleep on board. curiosity was not the only motive, at least with some, for the next morning several things were missing, which determined me not to entertain so many another night. "at eleven o'clock in the forenoon we anchored in the bay, which is called by the natives karakaooa, (kealakeakua), in thirteen fathoms water, over a sandy bottom, and about a quarter of a mile from the northeast shore. in this situation the south point of the bay bore south by west, and the north point west half north. we moored with the stream-anchor and cable, to the northward, unbent the sails and struck yards and topmasts. the ships continued to be much crowded with natives, and were surrounded by a multitude of canoes. i had nowhere, in the course of my voyages, seen so numerous a body of people assembled in one place. for, besides those who had come off to us in canoes, all the shore of the bay was covered with spectators, and many hundreds were swimming around the ships like shoals of fish. we could not but be struck with the singularity of this scene, and perhaps there were few on board who lamented our having failed in our endeavors to find a northern passage homeward last summer. to this disappointment we owed our having it in our power to revisit the sandwich islands, and to enrich our voyage with a discovery which, though the last, seemed in many respects to be the most important that had hitherto been made by europeans, throughout the extent of the pacific ocean." this is the end of cook's writing. his murder followed immediately. he fell by the hands of people for whom his good will was shown in his last words. the concluding pages of the journal answer all the scandals his enemies have so busily circulated. there is a gleam of humor that shows like a thread of gold in the midst of the somber tragedies of the sandwich islands, and we must not omit to extract it from "the voyage of discovery around the world" by captain george vancouver, when he spent some time in hawaii, and gives two bright pictures--one of a theatrical performance, and the other the happy settlement of the disordered domestic relations of a monarch. _a gifted native actress and some royal dramatists._ "there was a performance by a single young woman of the name of puckoo, whose person and manners were both very agreeable. her dress, notwithstanding the heat of the weather, consisted of an immense quantity of cloth, which was wreaths of black, red and yellow feathers; but, excepting these, she wore no dress a manner as to give a pretty effect to the variegated pattern of the cloth; and was otherways disposed with great taste. her head and neck were decorated with wreaths of black, red and yellow feathers; but, excepting these, she wore no dress from the waist upwards. her ankles, and nearly half way up her legs, were decorated with several folds of cloth, widening upwards, so that the upper parts extended from the leg at least four inches all round; this was encompassed by a piece of net work, wrought very close, from the meshes of which were hung the small teeth of dogs, giving this part of her dress the appearance of an ornamented funnel. on her wrists she wore bracelets made of the tusks of the largest hogs. these were highly polished and fixed close together in a ring, the concave sides of the tusks being outwards; and their ends reduced to a uniform length, curving naturally away from the center, were by no means destitute of ornamental effect. thus equipped, her appearance on the stage, before she uttered a single word, excited considerable applause. "these amusements had hitherto been confined to such limited performances; but this afternoon was to be dedicated to one of a more splendid nature, in which some ladies of consequence, attendants on the court of tamaahmaah, were to perform the principal parts. great pains had been taken, and they had gone through many private rehearsals, in order that the exhibition this evening might be worthy of the public attention; on the conclusion of which, i purposed by a display of fireworks, to make a return for the entertainment they had afforded us. "about four o'clock we were informed it was time to attend the royal dames; their theatre, or rather place of exhibition, was about a mile to the southward of our tents, in a small square, surrounded by houses, and sheltered by trees, a situation as well chosen for the performance, as for the accommodations of the spectators; who, on a moderate computation, could not be estimated at less than four thousand, of all ranks and descriptions of persons. "the dress of the actresses was something like that worn by puckoo, though made of superior materials, and disposed with more taste and elegance. a very considerable quantity of their finest cloth was prepared for the occasion; of this their lower garment was formed, which extended from their waist half down their legs, and was so plaited as to appear very much like a hoop petticoat. this seemed the most difficult part of their dress to adjust, for tamaahmaah, who was considered to be a profound critic, was frequently appealed to by the women, and his directions were implicitly followed in many little alterations. instead of the ornaments of cloth and net-work, decorated with dogs' teeth, these ladies had each a green wreath made of a kind of bind weed, twisted together in different parts like a rope, which was wound round from the ankle, nearly to the lower part of the petticoat. on their wrists they wore no bracelets nor other ornaments, but across their necks and shoulders were green sashes, very nicely made, with the broad leaves of the tee, a plant that produces a very luscious sweet root, the size of a yam. this part of their dress was put on the last by each of the actresses; and the party being now fully attired, the king and queen, who had been present the whole time of their dressing, were obliged to withdraw, greatly to the mortification of the latter, who would gladly have taken her part as a performer, in which she was reputed to excel very highly. but the royal pair were compelled to retire, even from the exhibition, as they are prohibited by law from attending such amusements, excepting on the festival of the new year. indeed, the performance of this day was contrary to the established rules of the island, but being intended as a compliment to us, the innovation was permitted. "as their majesties withdrew, the ladies of rank and the principal chiefs began to make their appearance. the reception of the former by the multitude was marked by a degree of respect that i had not before seen amongst any inhabitants of the countries in the pacific ocean. the audience assembled at this time were standing in rows, from fifteen to twenty feet deep, so close as to touch each other; but these ladies no sooner approached in their rear, in any accidental direction, than a passage was instantly made for them and their attendants to pass through in the most commodious manner to their respective stations, where they seated themselves on the ground, which was covered with mats, in the most advantageous situation for seeing and hearing the performers. most of these ladies were of a corpulent form, which, assisted by their stately gait, the dignity with which they moved, and the number of their pages, who followed with fans to court the refreshing breeze, or with fly-flaps to disperse the offending insects, announced their consequence as the wives, daughters, sisters, or other near relations of the principal chiefs, who, however, experienced no such marks of respect or attention themselves; being obliged to make their way through the spectators in the best manner they were able. "the time devoted to the decoration of the actresses extended beyond the limits of the quiet patience of the audience, who exclaimed two or three times, from all quarters, "hoorah, hoorah, poaliealee," signifying that it would be dark and black night before the performance would begin. but the audience here, like similar ones in other countries, attending with a pre-disposition to be pleased, was in good humor, and was easily appeased, by the address of our faithful and devoted friend trywhookee, who was the conductor of the ceremonies, and sole manager on this occasion. he came forward and apologized by a speech that produced a general laugh, and, causing the music to begin, we heard no further murmurs. "the band consisted of five men, all standing up, each with a highly polished wooden spear in the left, and a small piece of the same material, equally well finished, in the right hand; with this they beat on the spear, as an accompaniment to their own voices in songs, that varied both as to time and measure, especially the latter; yet their voices, and the sounds produced from the rude instruments, which differed according to the place on which the tapering spear was struck, appeared to accord very well. having engaged us a short time in this vocal performance, the court ladies made their appearance, and were received with shouts of the greatest applause. the musicians retired a few paces, and the actresses took their station before them. "the heroine of the piece, which consisted of four or five acts, had once shared the affections and embraces of tamaahmaah, but was now married to an inferior chief, whose occupation in the household was that of the charge of the king's apparel. this lady was distinguished by a green wreath round the crown of the head; next to her was the captive daughter of titeeree; the third a younger sister to the queen, the wife of crymamahoo, who, being of the most exalted rank, stood in the middle. on each side of these were two of inferior quality, making in all seven actresses. they drew themselves up in a line fronting that side of the square that was occupied by ladies of quality and the chiefs. these were completely detached from the populace, not by any partition, but, as it were, by the respectful consent of the lower orders of the assembly; not one of which trespassed or produced the least inaccommodation. "this representation, like that before attempted to be described, was a compound of speaking and singing; the subject of which was enforced by gestures and actions. the piece was in honor of a captive princess, whose name was crycowculleneaow; and on her name being pronounced, every one present, men as well as women, who wore any ornaments above their waists, were obliged to take them off, though the captive lady was at least sixty miles distant. this mark of respect was unobserved by the actresses whilst engaged in the performance; but the instant any one sat down, or at the close of the act, they were also obliged to comply with this mysterious ceremony. "the variety of attitudes into which these women threw themselves, with the rapidity of their action, resembled no amusement in any other part of the world within my knowledge, by a comparison with which i might be enabled to convey some idea of the stage effect thus produced, particularly in the three first parts, in which there appeared much correspondence and harmony between the tone of their voices and the display of their limbs. one or two of the performers being not quite so perfect as the rest, afforded us an opportunity of exercising our judgment by comparison; and it must be confessed, that the ladies who most excelled, exhibited a degree of graceful action, for the attainment of which it is difficult to account. "in each of these first parts the songs, attitudes and actions appeared to me of greater variety than i had before noticed amongst the people of the great south sea nation on any former occasion. the whole, though i am unequal to its description, was supported with a wonderful degree of spirit and vivacity; so much indeed that some of their exertions were made with such a degree of agitating violence as seemed to carry the performers beyond what their strength was able to sustain; and had the performance finished with the third act, we should have retired from their theatre with a much higher idea of the moral tendency of their drama, than was conveyed by the offensive, libidinous scene, exhibited by the ladies in the concluding part. the language of the song, no doubt, corresponded with the obscenity of their actions; which were carried to a degree of extravagance that were calculated to produce nothing but disgust, even to the most licentious." from "a voyage of discovery," by captain george vancouver: _the reconciliation by strategy of a king with one of his queens._ "tahowmotoo was amongst the most constant of our guests; but his daughter, the disgraced queen, seldom visited our side of the bay. i was not, however, ignorant of her anxious desire for a reconciliation with tamaahmaah; nor was the same wish to be misunderstood in the conduct and behavior of the king, in whose good opinion and confidence i had now acquired such a predominancy that i became acquainted with his most secret inclinations and apprehensions. "his unshaken attachment and unaltered affection for tahowmannoo was confessed with a sort of internal self conviction of her innocence. he acknowledged with great candor that his own conduct had not been exactly such as warranted his having insisted upon a separation from his queen; that although it could not authorize, it in some measure pleaded in excuse for her infidelity; and for his own, he alleged, that his high rank and supreme authority was a sort of license for such indulgences. "an accommodation which i considered to be mutually wished by both parties was urged in the strongest terms by the queen's relations. to effect this desirable purpose, my interference was frequently solicited by them; and as it concurred with my own inclination, i resolved on embracing the first favorable opportunity to use my best endeavors for bringing a reconciliation about. for although, on our former visit, tahowmannoo had been regarded with the most favorable impressions, yet, whether from her distresses, or because she had really improved in her personal accomplishments, i will not take upon me to determine, but certain it is that one or both of these circumstances united had so far prepossessed us all in her favor, and no one more so than myself, that it had long been the general wish to see her exalted again to her former dignities. this desire was probably not a little heightened by the regard we entertained for the happiness and repose of our noble and generous friend tamaahmaah, who was likely to be materially affected not only in his domestic comforts, but in his political situation, by receiving again and reinstating his consort in her former rank and consequence. "i was convinced beyond all doubt that there were two or three of the most considerable chiefs of the island whose ambitious views were inimical to the interests and authority of tamaahmaah; and it was much to be apprehended that if the earnest solicitations of the queen's father (whose condition and importance was next in consequence to that of the king) should continue to be rejected, that there could be little doubt of his adding great strength and influence to the discontented and turbulent chiefs, which would operate highly to the prejudice, if not totally to the destruction, of tamaahmaah's regal power; especially as the adverse party seemed to form a constant opposition, consisting of a minority by no means to be despised by the executive power, and which appeared to be a principal constituent part of the owhyean politics. "for these substantial reasons, whenever he was disposed to listen to such discourse, i did not cease to urge the importance and necessity of his adopting measures so highly essential to his happiness as a man, and to his power, interest and authority as the supreme chief of the island. all this he candidly acknowledged, but his pride threw impediments in the way of a reconciliation, which were hard to be removed. he would not himself become the immediate agent; and although he considered it important that the negotiation should be conducted by some one of the principal chiefs in his fullest confidence with disdain, was equally hard to reconcile to his feelings. i stood nearly in the same situation with his favorite friends; but being thoroughly convinced of the sincerity of his wishes, i spared him the mortification of soliciting the offices he had rejected, by again proffering my services. to this he instantly consented, and observed that no proposal could have met his mind so completely; since, by effecting a reconciliation through my friendship, no umbrage could be taken at his having declined the several offers of his countrymen by any of the individuals; whereas, had this object been accomplished by any one of the chiefs, it would probably have occasioned jealousy and discontent in the minds of the others. "all, however, was not yet complete; the apprehension that some concession might be suggested, or expected, on his part, preponderated against every other consideration; and he would on no account consent, that it should appear that he had been privy to the business, or that it had been by his desire that a negotiation had been undertaken for this happy purpose, but that the whole should have the appearance of being purely the result of accident. "to this end it was determined that i should invite the queen, with several of her relations and friends, on board the discovery, for the purpose of presenting them with some trivial matters, as tokens of my friendship and regard; and that, whilst thus employed, our conversation should be directed to ascertain whether an accommodation was still an object to be desired. that on this appearing to be the general wish, tamaahmaah would instantly repair on board in a hasty manner, as if he had something extraordinary to communicate; that i should appear to rejoice at this accidental meeting, and by instantly uniting their hands, bring the reconciliation to pass without the least discussion or explanation on either side. but from his extreme solicitude lest he should in any degree be suspected of being concerned in this previous arrangement, a difficulty arose how to make him acquainted with the result of the proposed conversation on board, which could not be permitted by a verbal message; at length, after some thought, he took up two pieces of paper, and of his own accord made certain marks with a pencil on each of them, and then delivered them to me. the difference of these marks he could well recollect; the one was to indicate that the result of my inquiries was agreeable to his wishes, and the other that it was contrary. in the event of my making use of the former, he proposed that it should not be sent on shore secretly, but in an open and declared manner, and by way of a joke, as a present to his owhyhean majesty. the natural gaiety of disposition which generally prevails among these islanders, would render this supposed disappointment of the king a subject for mirth, would in some degree prepare the company for his visit, and completely do away with every idea of its being the effect of a preconcerted measure. "this plan was accordingly carried into execution on the following monday. whilst the queen and her party, totally ignorant of the contrivance, were receiving the compliments i had intended them, their good humor and pleasantry were infinitely heightened by the jest i proposed to pass upon the king, in sending him a piece of paper only, carefully wrapped up in some cloth of their own manufacture, accompanied by a message; importing, that as i was then in the act of distributing favors to my owhyhean friends, i had not been unmindful of his majesty. "tamaahmaah no sooner received the summons, than he hastened on board, and, with his usual vivacity, exclaimed before he made his appearance that he was come to thank me for the present i had sent him, and for my goodness in not having forgotten him on this occasion. this was heard by everyone in the cabin before he entered; and all seemed to enjoy the joke except the poor queen, who appeared to be much agitated at the idea of being again in his presence. the instant that he saw her his countenance expressed great surprise, he became immediately silent, and attempted to retire; but, having posted myself for the especial purpose of preventing his departure, i caught his hand and, joining it with the queen's, their reconciliation was instantly completed. this was fully demonstrated, not only by the tears that involuntarily stole down the cheeks of both as they embraced each other and mutually expressed the satisfaction they experienced; but by the behavior of every individual present, whose feelings on the occasion were not to be repressed; whilst their sensibility testified the happiness which this apparently fortuitous event had produced. "a short pause, produced by an event so unexpected, was succeeded by the sort of good humor that such a happy circumstance would naturally inspire; the conversation soon became general, cheerful and lively, in which the artifice imagined to have been imposed upon the king bore no small share. a little refreshment from a few glasses of wine concluded the scene of this successful meeting. "after the queen had acknowledged in the most grateful terms the weighty obligations which she felt for my services on this occasion, i was surprised by her saying, as we were all preparing to go on shore, that she had still a very great favor to request; which was, that i should obtain from tamaahmaah a solemn promise that on her return to his habitation he would not beat her. the great cordiality with which the reconciliation had taken place, and the happiness that each of them had continued to express in consequence of it, led me at first to consider this entreaty of the queen as a jest only; but in this i was mistaken, for, notwithstanding that tamaahmaah readily complied with my solicitation, and assured me nothing of the kind should take place, yet tahowmannoo would not be satisfied without my accompanying them home to the royal residence, where i had the pleasure of seeing her restored to all her former honors and privileges, highly to the satisfaction of all the king's friends, but to the utter mortification of those who by their scandalous reports and misrepresentations had been the cause of the unfortunate separtion. "the domestic affairs of tamaahmaah having thus taken so happy a turn, his mind was more at liberty for political considerations; and the cession of owhyhee to his britannic majesty now became an object of his serious concern." captain cook makes a strong plea in his journal that he was the very original discoverer of the sandwich islands. referring to the wonderful extent of the surface of the earth in which the land is occupied by the polynesial race, he exclaims: "how shall we account for this nation's having spread itself, in so many detached islands, so widely disjoined from each other, in every quarter of the pacific ocean! we find it, from new zealand in the south, as far as the sandwich islands, to the north! and, in another direction, from easter islands to the hebrides! that is, over an extent of sixty degrees of latitude, or twelve hundred leagues, north and south! and eighty-three degrees of longitude, or sixteen hundred and sixty leagues, east and west! how much farther, in either direction, its colonies reach, is not known; but what we know already, in consequence of this and our former voyage, warrants our pronouncing it to be, though perhaps not the most numerous, certainly, by far, the most extensive, nation upon earth. "had the sandwich islands been discovered at an early period by the spaniards, there is little doubt that they would have taken advantage of so excellent a situation, and have made use of atooi, or some other of the islands, as a refreshing place to the ships, that sail annually from acapulco for manilla. they lie almost midway between the first place and guam, one of the ladrones, which is at present their only port in traversing this vast ocean; and it would not have been a week's sail out of their common route to have touched at them; which could have been done without running the least hazard of losing the passage, as they are sufficiently within the verge of the easterly trade wind. an acquaintance with the sandwich islands would have been equally favorable to our buccaneers, who used sometimes to pass from the coast of america to the ladrones, with a stock of food and water scarcely sufficient to preserve life. here they might always have found plenty, and have been within a month's sure sail of the very part of california which the manilla ship is obliged to make, or else have returned to the coast of america, thoroughly refitted, after an absence of two months. how happy would lord anson have been, and what hardships he would have avoided, if he had known that there was a group of islands half way between america and tinian, where all his wants could have been effectually supplied; and in describing which the elegant historian of that voyage would have presented his reader with a more agreeable picture than i have been able to draw in this chapter." and yet there seems to be reason for believing that there was a spanish ship cast away on one of the hawaiian group, and that their descendants are distinctly marked men yet: there was also a white man and woman saved from the sea at some unknown period, of course since noah, and they multiplied and replenished, and the islanders picked up somewhere a knack for doing things in construction of boats and the weaving of mats that hint at a crude civilization surviving in a mass of barbarianism. captain george dixon names the islands discovered by captain cook on his last voyage: "owhyhee (hawaii), the principal, is the first to the southward and eastward, the rest run in a direction nearly northwest. the names of the principals are mowee (maui), morotoy (molokai), ranai (lanai), whahoo (oahu), attooi (kauai), and oneehow (niihau)." this account dixon gives of two curious and rather valuable words: "the moment a chief concludes a bargain, he repeats the word coocoo thrice, with quickness, and is immediately answered by all the people in his canoe with the word whoah, pronounced in a tone of exclamation, but with greater or less energy, in proportion as the bargain he has made is approved." the great and celebrated kamehameha, who consolidated the government of the islands, did it by an act of treachery and murder, thus told in alexander's history: "the assassination of keoua.--toward the end of the year two of kamehameha's chief counsellors, kamanawa and keaweaheulu, were sent on an embassy to keoua at kahuku in kau. keoua's chief warrior urged him to put them to death, which he indignantly refused to do. "by smooth speeches and fair promises they persuaded him to go to kawaihae, and have an interview with kamehameha, in order to put an end to the war, which had lasted nine years. accordingly he set out with his most intimate friends and twenty-four rowers in his own double canoe, accompanied by keaweaheulu in another canoe, and followed by friends and retainers in other canoes. "as they approached the landing at kawaihae, keeaumoku surrounded keoua's canoe with a number of armed men. as kamakau relates: 'seeing kamehameha on the beach, keoua called out to him, "here i am," to which he replied, "rise up and come here, that we may know each other."' "as keoua was in the act of leaping ashore, keeaumoku killed him with a spear. all the men in keoua's canoe and in the canoes of his immediate company were slaughtered but one. but when the second division approached, kamehameha gave orders to stop the massacre. the bodies of the slain were then laid upon the altar of puukohola as an offering to the blood-thirsty divinity kukailimoku. that of keoua had been previously baked in an oven at the foot of the hill as a last indignity. this treacherous murder made kamehameha master of the whole island of hawaii, and was the first step toward the consolidation of the group under one government." this is one of those gentle proceedings of an amiable race, whose massacre of captain cook has been so elaborately vindicated by alleged exponents of civilization. there is found the keynote of the grevious native government in an incident of the date of by which "the foreign relations of the government became involved with the schemes of a private firm. the firm of ladd & co. had taken the lead in developing the agricultural resources of the islands by their sugar plantation at koloa and in other ways, and had gained the entire confidence of the king and chiefs. on the th of november, , a contract was secretly drawn up at lahaina by mr. brinsmade, a member of the firm, and mr. richards, and duly signed by the king and premier, which had serious after-consequences. it granted to ladd & co. the privilege of "leasing any now unoccupied and unimproved localities" in the islands for one hundred years, at a low rental, each millsite to include fifteen acres, and the adjoining land for cultivation in each locality not to exceed two hundred acres, with privileges of wood, pasture, etc. these sites were to be selected within one year, which term was afterwards extended to four years from date." of course there are many safeguards, particularly in this case, but the points of the possession of land conceded, the time for the people to recover their rights never comes. one of the difficulties in the clearing up of the foggy chapters of the history of the hawaiian islands is that within the lifetime of men who were young at the close of the last century, the hawaiian tongue became a written language, and made the traditions of savages highly colored stories, in various degrees according to ignorance, prejudice and sympathy, accepted as historical. the marvels accomplished by the missionaries influenced them to deal gently with those whose conversion was a recognized triumph of christendom, and there was an effort to condemn captain cook, who had affected to nod as a god, as a warning to blasphemers. still, the truth of history is precious as the foundations of faith to men of all races and traditions, and the englishman who surpassed the french, spaniards and portuguese in discoveries of islands in the vast spaces of the pacific ocean, should have justice at the hands of americans who have organized states and built cities by that sea, and possess the islands that have been named its paradise because endowed surpassingly with the ample treasures of volcanic soil and tropical climate. there the trade winds bestow the freshness of the calm and mighty waters, and there is added to the bounty of boundless wealth the charms of luxuriant beauty. all americans should find it timely to be just to captain cook, and claim him as one of the pioneers of our conquering civilization. chapter xxii the start for the land of corn stalks. spain clings to the ghost of her colonies--the scene of war interest shifts from manila--the typhoon season--general merritt on the way to paris--german target practice by permission of dewey--poultney bigelow with canoe, typewriter and kodak--hongkong as a bigger and brighter gibraltar. when spain gave up the ghosts of her american colonies, and the war situation was unfolded to signify that the fate of the philippines was referred to a conference, and aguinaldo announced the removal of his seat of government to molones, one hour and a half from manila, the scene of greatest interest was certainly not in the city and immediate surroundings. then it was plain the american army must remain for some time, and would have only guard duty to perform. the spaniards had succumbed and were submissive, having laid down their arms and surrendered all places and phases of authority. the insurgents' removal of their headquarters declared that they had abandoned all claim to sharing in the occupation of the conquered city, and their opposition to the united states, if continued in theory, was not to be that in a practical way. between the american, spanish and philippine forces there was no probability of disputed facts or forms that could be productive of contention of a serious nature. there was but one question left in this quarter of the world that concerned the people of the united states, and that whether they would hold their grip, snatched by dewey with his fleet, and confirmed by his government in sending an army, making our country possessors of the physical force to sustain our policy, whatever it might be, on the land as well as on the sea. whether we should stay or go was not even to be argued in manila, except in general and fruitless conversation. then came the intelligence that general merritt had been called to paris and general greene to washington, and there was a deepened impression that the war was over. it was true that the army was in an attitude and having experiences that were such as travelers appreciate as enjoyable, and that no other body of soldiers had surroundings so curious and fascinating. the most agreeable time of the year was coming on, and the sanitary conditions of the city, under the american administration, would surely improve constantly, and so would! the fare of the men, for the machinery in all departments was working smoothly. the boys were feeling pretty well, because they found their half dollars dollars--the mexican fifty-cent piece, bigger and with more silver in it than the american standard dollar, was a bird. a dollar goes further if it is gold in manila than in an american city, and if our soldiers are not paid in actual gold they get its equivalent, and the only money question unsettled is whether the mexican silver dollar is worth in american money fifty cents or less. one of the sources of anxieties and disappointment and depression of the american soldiers in manila has been the irregularity and infrequency with which they get letters. if one got a letter or newspaper from home of a date not more than six weeks old he had reason to be congratulated. the transports trusted with the mails were slow, and communications through the old lines between hongkong and san francisco, yokohama and vancouver, were not reliably organized. there were painful cases of masses of mail on matter precious beyond all valuation waiting at hongkong for a boat, and an issue whether the shorter road home was not by way of europe. this is all in course of rapid reformation. there will be no more mystery as to routes or failures to connect. the soldiers, some of whom are ten thousand miles from home, should have shiploads of letters and papers. they need reading matter almost as much as they do tobacco, and the charming enthusiasm of the ladies who entertained the soldier boys when they were going away with feasting and flattery, praise and glorification, should take up the good work of sending them letters, papers, magazines and books. there is no reason why soldiers should be more subject to homesickness than sailors, except that they are not so well or ill accustomed to absence. the fact that the soldiers are fond of their homes and long for them can have ways of expression other than going home. a few days after the news of peace reached manila, the transports were inspected for closing up the contracts with them under which they were detained, and soon they began to move. when the china was ordered to san francisco, i improved the opportunity to return to the great republic. there was no chance to explore the many islands of the group of which manila is the spanish capital. general merritt changed the course of this fine ship and added to the variety of the voyage by taking her to hongkong to sail thence by way of the china sea, the indian ocean, the arabian gulf, the red sea, the suez canal and the mediterranean, to paris. our route to san francisco, by way of hongkong, nagasaki, sunanaski, kobe and the yokohama light, was , knots, about seven thousand seven hundred statute miles, and gave us glimpses of the asia shore, the west coast of formosa and the great ports of hongkong and nagasaki. the first thing on the sea of china, in the month of september, is whether we shall find ourselves in the wild embrace of a typhoon. it was the season for those terrible tempests and when we left manila the information that one was about due was not spared us. we heard later on that the transport ahead of us four days, the zealandia, was twenty-eight hours in a cyclone and much damaged--wrung and hammered and shocked until she had to put into nagasaki for extensive repairs. the rainfall was so heavy during the storm that one could not see a hundred yards from the ship, and she was wrung in so furious a style in a giddy waltz, that the captain was for a time in grave doubt whether she would not founder. the rule is when one is in the grasp of the oriental whirl to run through it, judging from the way of the wind, the shortest way out. there is a comparatively quiet spot in the center, and if the beset navigator can find the correct line of flight, no matter which way as relates to the line of his journey, he does well to take it. often in this sea, as in this case, there were uncertainties as to directions. the rain narrowed observation like a dense fog, and there was danger of running upon some of the islands and snags of rocks. the battered vessel pulled through a cripple, with her boats shattered, her deck cracked across by a roller, and her crew were happy to find a quiet place to be put in order. "to be or not to be" an american instead of a spanish or asiatic city was the parting thought as the china left manila bay, and the dark rocks of corrigedor faded behind us, and the rugged rocks that confront the stormy sea loomed on our right, and the violet peaks of volcanic mountains bounded our eastern horizon. the last view we had of the historic bay, a big german warship was close to the sentinel rock, that the spaniards thought they had fortified, until dewey came and saw and conquered, swifter than caesar, and the germans, venturing some target practice, by permission of dewey, who relaxes no vigilance of authority. hongkong is miles from manila, and the waters so often stirred in monstrous wrath, welcomed us with a spread of dazzling silk. the clumsy junks that appeared to have come down from the days of confucius, were languid on the gentle ripples. the outstanding asian islands, small and grim, are singularly desolate, barren as if splintered by fire, gaunt and forbidding. hongkong is an island that prospers under the paws of the british lion, and it is a city displayed on a mountain side, that by day is not much more imposing than the town of gibraltar, which it resembles, but at night the lights glitter in a sweeping circle, the steep ascent of the streets revealed by many lamps, and here and there the illumination climbs to the tops of the mountains that are revealed with magical efforts of color and form. the harbor is entered by an ample, but crooked channel, and is land-locked, fenced with gigantic bumps that sketch the horizon, and with their heads and shoulders are familiar with the sky. here general merritt, with his personal staff, left us, and between those bound from this port east and west, we circumnavigated the earth. mr. poultney bigelow, of harper's weekly, who dropped in by the way just to make a few calls at manila, and has a commission to explore the rivers and lagoons of china with his canoe, left us, in that surprising craft, plying his paddle in the fashion of the esquimaux, pulling right and left, hand over hand, balancing to a nicety on the waves and going ashore dry and unruffled, with his fieldglass and portfolio, his haversack and typewriter machine that he folds in a small box as if it was a pocket comb, and his kodak, with which he is an expert. he has not only ransacked with his canoe the rivers of america, but has descended the danube and the volga. he puts out in his canoe and crosses arms of the sea, as a pastime, makes a tent of his boat if it rains, fighting the desperadoes of all climes with the superstition, for which he is indebted to their imagination for his safety in running phenomenal hazards, that he is a magician. marco polo was not so great a traveler or so rare an adventurer as bigelow, and, having left florida under a thunder cloud of the scowl of an angry army for untimely criticisms, he has invaded the celestial empire in his quaint canoe, and he can beat the chinese boatmen on their own rivers, and sleep like a sea bird on the swells of green water, floating like a feather, and safe in his slumbers as a solon goose with his head under his wing. however, he has not a winged boat, a bird afloat sailing round the purple peaks remote, as buchanan reed put it in his "drifting" picture of the vesuvian bay, for bigelow uses a paddle. there has been a good deal of curiosity as well as indignation about his papers on the handling of our cuban expedition before it sailed, and it is possible he was guilty of the common fault of firing into the wrong people. he was in washington in june, and he and i meeting on the bridge of spain over the pesang in manila in august, we had, between us, put a girdle about the earth. some say such experiences are good to show how small the earth is, but i am more than ever persuaded that it is big enough to find mankind in occupation and subsistence until time shall be no more. in the dock at hongkong was admiral dewey's flagship olympia, and while she had the grass scratched from her bottom, the gallant crew were having a holiday with the zest that rewards those who for four months were steadily on shipboard with arduous cares and labors. h.b.m.s. powerful, of , tons displacement, with four huge flues and two immense military masts, presided at hongkong under orders to visit manila. the mingling of the english and chinese in hongkong is a lively object lesson, showing the extent of the british capacity to utilize asiatic labor, and get the profit of european capital and discipline, an accumulation that requires an established sense of safety--a justified confidence in permanency. the contrast between the city of hongkong and that of manila is one that americans should study now, to be instructed in the respective colonial systems of england and spain. hongkong is clean and solid, with business blocks of the best style of construction, the pavements excellent in material and keeping, shops full of goods, all the appliances of modern times--a city up to date. there are english enough to manage and chinese enough to toil. there are two british regiments, one of them from india, the rank and file recruited from the fighting tribes of northern mountaineers. there are dark, tall men, with turbans, embodiment of mystery, and parsees who have a strange spirituality of their own, and in material matters maintain a lofty code of honor, while their pastime is that of striving while they march to push their heads into the clouds. there are no horses in hongkong, the coolies carrying chairs on bamboo poles, or trotting with two-wheelers, an untiring substitute for quadrupeds, and locomotion on the streets or in the boats is swift and sure. i had an address to find in the city, on a tip at manila of the presence, of a literary treasure, and my chairmen carried me, in a few minutes, to a tall house on a tall terrace, and the works of a martyr to liberty in the philippines were located. the penalty for the possession of these books in manila was that of the author executed by shooting in the back in the presence of a crowd of spectators. the cost of the carriers was thirty cents in silver--fifteen cents in united states money--and the men were as keen-eyed as they were sure-footed, and the strength of their tawny limbs called for admiration. they were not burdened with clothes, and the play of the muscles of their legs was like a mechanism of steel, oiled, precise, easy and ample in force. the china took on a few hundred tons of coal, which was delivered aboard from heavy boats by the basketful, the men forming a line, and so expert were they at each delivery, the baskets were passed, each containing about half a bushel--perhaps there were sixty baskets to the ton--at the rate of thirty-five baskets in a minute. make due allowances and one gang would deliver twenty tons of coal an hour. the china was anchored three-quarters of a mile from the landing, and a boat ride was ten cents, or fifteen if you were a tipster. the boats are, as a rule, managed by a man and his wife; and, as it is their own, they keep the children at home. the average families on the boats--and i made several counts--were nine, the seven children varying from one to twelve years of age. the vitality of the chinese is not exhausted, or even impaired. chapter xxiii kodak snapped at japan. glimpses of china and japan on the way home from the philippines--hongkong a greater gibraltar--coaling the china--gangs of women coaling the china--how the japanese make gardens of the mountains--transition from the tropics to the northern seas--a breeze from siberia--a thousand miles nothing on the pacific--talk of swimming ashore. formosa was so far away eastward--a crinkled line drawn faintly with a fine blue pencil, showing as an artistic scrawl on the canvass of the low clouds--we could hardly claim when the sketch of the distant land faded from view, that we had seen japan. when hongkong, of sparkling memory, was lost to sight, the guardian walls that secluded her harbor, closing their gates as we turned away, and the headlands of the celestial empire grew dim, a rosy sunset promised that the next day should be pleasant, our thoughts turned with the prow of the china to japan. we were bound for nagasaki, to get a full supply of coal to drive us across the pacific, having but twelve hundred tons aboard, and half of that wanted for ballast. it was at the mouth of the harbor of nagasaki that there was a settlement of dutch christians for some hundreds of years. an indiscreet letter captured on the way to holland by a portuguese adventurer and maliciously sent to japan, caused the tragic destruction of the christian colony. the enmity of christian nations anxious to add to their properties in the islands in remote seas was so strong that any one preferred that rather than his neighbors might aggrandize the heathen should prevail. the first as well as the last rocks of japan to rise from and sink into the prodigous waters, through which we pursued our homeward way, bathing our eyes in the delicious glowing floods of eastern air, were scraggy with sharp pinnacles, and sheer precipices, grim survivals of the chaos that it was, before there was light. i have had but glimpses of the extreme east of asia, yet the conceit will abide with me that this is in geology as in history the older world, as we classify our continents, that a thousand centuries look upon us from the terrible towers, lonesome save for the flutter of white wings, that witness the rising of the constellations from the greater ocean of the globe. but there are green hills as we approach nagasaki, and on a hillside to the left are the white walls of a christian church with a square tower, stained with traditions of triumphs and suffering and martyrdom long ago. nagasaki is like hongkong in its land-locked harbor, in clinging to a mountain side, in the circle of illumination at night and the unceasing paddling of boats from ship to ship and between the ships and landings. one is not long in discovering that here are a people more alert, ingenious, self-confident and progressive than the chinese. as we approached the harbor there came to head us off, an official steam launch, with men in uniform, who hailed and commanded us to stop. two officers with an intense expression of authority came aboard, and we had to give a full and particular account of ourselves. why were we there? coaling. where were we from? manila and hongkong. where were we going? san francisco. had we any sickness on board? no. we must produce the ship doctor, the list of passengers, and manifest of cargo. we had no cargo. there were a dozen passengers. it was difficult to find fault with us. no one was ill. we wanted coal. what was the matter? we had no trouble at hongkong. we could buy all the coal we wanted there, but preferred this station. we had proposed to have our warships cleaned up at nagasaki, but there were objections raised. so the job went to the docks at hongkong, and good gold with it. why was this? oh yes; japan wanted, in the war between the united states and spain, to be not merely formally, but actually neutral! the fact is that the japanese empire is not pleased with us. they had, in imperial circles, a passion for honolulu, and intimated their grief. now they are annoyed because that little indemnity for refusing the right to land japanse labor was paid by the hawaiian government before the absorption into the united states. as the hawaiian diplomatic correspondence about this was conducted with more asperity than tact, if peace were the purpose, it was a good sore place for the japanese statesmen to rub, and they resent in the newspapers the facile and cheap pacification resulting from the influence of the united states. in addition the japanese inhabitants, though they have a larger meal than they can speedily digest in formosa, are not touched with unqualified pleasurable feeling because we have the philippines in our grasp. if japan is to be the great power of the pacific, it is inconvenient to her for us to hold the hawaiian, the aleutian and the philippine groups of islands. the philippines have more natural resources than all the islands of japan, and our aleutian islands that are waiting for development would probably be found, if thoroughly investigated, one of our great and good bargains. the average american finds himself bothered to have to treat the japanese seriously, but we must, for they take themselves so, and are rushing the work on new ships of war so that they will come out equal with ourselves in sea power. they have ready for war one humdred thousand men. if we did not hold any part of the pacific coast, this might be a matter of indifference, but we have three pacific states, and there is no purpose to cede them to the japanese. it would not be statesmanship to give up the archipelagoes we possess, even if we consider them as lands to hold for the hereafter. it is not deniable that the japanese have good reason to stand off for strict examination the ships of other nations that call at their ports. the british and chinese have had an experience of the bubonic plague at hongkong, and the japanese are using all the power of arms and the artifice of science they possess to keep aloof from the disastrous disease, which is most contagious. the china had called at hongkong, and hence the sharp attentions at a coaling station where there are about seventy-five thousand inhabitants of the japanese quarters, which are an exhibit of old japan, and most interesting. nagasaki has, indeed, the true japanese flavor. if there had been a sick man on our ship we should have been quarantined. further on we were halted in the night off the city of kobe, to the sound of the firing of a cannon, for we had dropped there a passenger, mr. tilden, the hongkong agent of the pacific mail line, and if our ship had been infected with plague he might have passed it on to japan! i had gone to bed, and was called up to confront the representative of the imperial government of the japanese, and make clear to his eyes that i had not returned on account of the plague. authorities of japan treat people who are quarantined in a way that removes the stress of disagreeableness. all are taken ashore and to a hospital. there is furnished a robe of the country, clean and tidy in all respects. the common clothing is removed and fumigated. it is necessary for each quarantined person to submit to this and also to a bath, which is a real luxury, and after it comes a cup of tea and a light lunch. there was an actual case of plague on an american ship at this city of kobe not long ago, at least, it was so reported with pretty strong corroborative evidence. the symptom in the case on the ship was that of a fever, probably pneumonia. the man was landed and examined. the plague fever resembles pneumonia at an early stage. the japanese physicians found signs of plague and the end came soon. the sick man, taken ashore in the afternoon, at nine o'clock was dead, transferred at once to the crematory, in two hours reduced to ashes, and the officers of the ship informed that if they wanted to carry the "remains" to america they would be sealed in a jar and certified. the ship's officers did not want ashes, and the japs hold the jar. they are so "advanced" that cremation is becoming a fad with them. it would not be surprising to find that the impending danger of the japanese is excessive imitative progress, which is not certain to be exactly the right thing for them. they have reached a point where it is worth while to examine the claim of new things with much care before adopting them. we have very high authority to examine all things for goodness sake, before committing ourselves to hold them fast. we had to take aboard eighteen hundred tons of coal at nagasaki. a fleet of arks with thirty tons of japanese coal approached and gathered around the ship, which has sixteen places to throw coal into the bunkers. so the coal business was carried on by from twelve to fifteen gangs, each of about ten men and twenty women! the latter were sturdy creatures, modestly attired in rough jackets and skirts. there were not far from thirty bamboo baskets to the gang. one man stood at the porthole, and each second emptied a coal basket, using both hands, and throwing it back into the barge with one hand, the same swing of the arm used to catch the next basket hurled to him with a quick, quiet fling. there were three men of a gang next the ship, the third one standing in the barge, served with baskets by two strings of women. at the end of the string furthest from the ship the coal was shoveled into the baskets by four men, and there were two who lifted and whirled them to the women. the numbers and order of the laborers varied a little at times from this relation, yet very little, but frequently a lump of coal was passed without using a basket. the work of coaling was carried on all night, and about thirty-six hours of labor put in for a day. there was a great deal of talking among the laborers during the few moments of taking places, and some of it in tones of high excitement, but once the human machine started there was silence, and then the scratching of the shovels in the coal, and the crash of the coal thrown far into the ship were heard. it is, from the american contemplation, shocking for women to do such work, but they did their share with unflinching assiduity, and without visible distress. when the night work was going on they were evidently fatigued, and at each change that allowed a brief spell of waiting, they were stretched out on the planks of the boats, the greater number still, but some of the younger ones talking and laughing. there did not seem to be much flirtation, nothing like as much as when both sexes of europeans are engaged in the same wheat or barley field harvesting. there were, it is needful to remark, neither lights nor shadows to invite the blanishments of courting. the coal handling women were from fifteen to fifty years of age, and all so busy the inevitable babies must have been left at home. i have never seen many american or european babies "good" as weary mothers use the word, as the commonest japanese kids. they do not know how to cry, and a girl of ten years will relieve a mother of personal care by carrying a baby, tied up in a scarf, just its head sticking out (i wish they could be induced to use more soap and water on the coppery heads, from which pairs of intent eyes stare out with sharp inquiry, as wild animals on guard). the girl baby bearer, having tied the child so that it appears to be a bag, slings it over her shoulder, and it interferes but slightly with the movements of the nurse; does not discernibly embarrass her movements. the men colliers, it must be admitted, are a shade reckless in the scarcity of their drapery when they are handling baskets in the presence of ladies. they do usually wear shirts with short tails behind, and very economical breechcloths, but their shirts are sleeveless, and the buttons are missing on collar and bosom. the only clothing beneath the knees consists of straw sandals. the precipitation of perspiration takes care of itself. there are no pocket handkerchiefs. nagasaki has good hotels, a pleasant, airy european quarter, and shops stored with the goods of the country, including magnificent vases and other pottery that should meet the appreciation of housekeepers. there is no city in japan more typically japanese, few in which the line is so finely and firmly drawn between the old and the new, and that to the advantage of both. it is hardly possible for those who do not visit japan to realize what a bitter struggle the people have had with their native land, or how brilliant the victory they have won. the passage of the china through the inner sea and far along the coast gave opportunity to see, as birds might, a great deal of the country. the inner sea is a wonderfully attractive sheet of water, twice as long as long island sound, and studded with islands, a panorama of the picturesque mountains everywhere, deep nooks, glittering shoals, fishing villages by the sea, boats rigged like americans, flocks of white sails by day, and lights at night, that suggest strings of street lamps. the waters teem with life. evidently the sea very largely affords industry and sustenance to the people, for there is no botlom or prairie land, as we call the level or slightly rolling fields in america. there was not a spot from first to last visible in japan, as seen from the water, or in an excursion on the land, where there is room to turn around a horse and plow. the ground is necessarily turned up with spades and mellowed with hoes and cakes, all, of course, by human hands. this is easy compared with the labor in constructing terraces. the mountains have been conquered to a considerable extent in this way, and it is sensational to see how thousands of steep places have been cut and walled into gigantic stairways, covering slopes that could hardly answer for goat pasture, until the shelves with soil placed on them for cultivation have been wrought, and the terraces are like wonderful ladders bearing against the skies. so rugged is the ground, however, that many mountains are unconquerable, and there are few traces of the terraces, though here and there, viewed from a distance, the evidences that land is cultivated as stairways leaning against otherwise inaccessible declivities. i have never seen elsewhere anything that spoke so unequivocably of the endless toil of men, women and children to find footings upon which to sow the grain and fruit that sustain life. it is not to be questioned that the report, one-twelfth, only of the surface of japan is under tillage, is accurate. the country is more mountainous than the alleghenies, and some of it barren as the wildest of the rockies on the borders of the bad lands, and it is volcanic, remarkably so, even more subject to earthquakes than the philippines. the whole of japan occupies about as much space as the two dakotas or the philippines, and the population is forty-two millions. with work as careful and extensive as that of the agricultural mountaineers of japan, the dakotas would support one hundred million persons. but they would have to present the washing away of the soil and the waste through improvident ignorance or careless profligacy of any fertilizer, or of any trickle of water needed for irrigation. one of the features of the terraces is that the rains are saved by the walls that sustain the soil, and the gutters that guide the water conserve it, because paved with pebbles and carried down by easy stages, irrigating one shelf after another of rice or vegetables, whatever is grown, until the whole slope not irreclaimable is made to blossom and the mountain torrents saved in their descent, not tearing away the made ground, out of which the means of living grows, but percolating through scores of narrow beds, gardens suspended like extended ribbons of verdure on volcanic steeps, refreshing the crops to be at last ripened by the sunshine. this is a lesson for the american farmer--to be studied more closely than imitated--to grow grass, especially clover, to stop devastation by creeks, with shrubbery gifted with long roots to save the banks of considerable streams, and, where there is stone, use it to save the land now going by every freshwater rivulet and rivers to the seas, to the irreparable loss of mankind. it is the duty of man who inherits the earth that it does not escape from him, that his inheritance is not swept away by freshets. we are growing rapidly, in america, in the understanding of this subject, beginning to comprehend the necessity of giving the land that bears crops the equivalent of that which is taken from it, that the vital capital of future generations may not be dissipated and the people grow ever poor and at last perish. a ride in a jinrikisha, a two-wheeler, with a buggy top and poles for the biped horse to trot between, from nagasaki to a fishing village over the mountains, five miles away, passing at the start through the japanese quarter, long streets of shops, populous and busy, many diligent in light manufacturing work, and all scant in clothing--the journey continuing in sharp climbs alongside steep places and beside deep ravines, the slopes elaborately terraced, and again skirting the swift curves of a rapid brook from the mountains, that presently gathered and spread over pretty beds of gravel, providing abundant fresh water bathing, in which a school of boys, leaving a small guard for a light supply of clothing ashore--the ride ending in a village of fishermen that, by the count of the inhabitants, should be a town--permitted close observation of the japanese in a city and a village, on their sky-scraping gardens and in the road, going to and coming from market, as well as in places of roadside entertainment; and at last a seaside resort, in whose shade a party of globetrotters were lunching, some of them, i hear, trying to eat raw fish. there could hardly have been contrived a more instructive exhibit of japan and the japanese. the road was obstructed in several places by cows bearing bales of goods from the city to the country, and produce from the hanging gardens to the streets, an occasional horse mustered in, and also a few oxen. the beast of burden most frequently overtaken or encountered was the cow, and a majority of the laborers were women. there were even in teams of twos and fours, carrying heavy luggage, men and women, old, middle-aged and young, barefooted or shod with straw, not overloaded, as a rule, and some walking as if they had performed their tasks and were going home. on the road it was patent there was extraordinary freedom from care as to clothing, and no feeling of prejudice or dismay if portions of it esteemed absolutely essential in north america and europe had been left behind or was awaiting return to the possessor. this applies to both sexes. the day was warm, even hot, and the sun shone fiercely on the turnpike--for that is what we would call it--making walking, with or without loads, a heating exercise. even the bearing of baskets, and the majority of the women carried them, was justification under the customs of the country for baring the throat and chest to give ample scope for breathing, and there is no restriction in the maintenance of the drooping lines of demarkation, according to the most liberal fashionable allowances, in dispensing with all the misty suggestions of laces to the utmost extent artists could ask, for the study of figures. beauty had the advantage of the fine curves of full inhalations of the air that circulated along the dusty paths between the sea and the mountains. it is a puzzle that the artists of japan have not better improved the unparalleled privilege of field and wall sketching, that they enjoy to a degree not equalled within the permission of the conventional construction of that which is becoming in the absence of the daylight habilaments of any great and polite people. the art schools of japan, out of doors, on the highway, even, cannot fail to produce atmospheric influences of which the world will have visions hereafter, and the latin quarter of paris will lose its reputation that attracts and adjusts nature to inspiration. when we had succeeded, at kobe, in convincing the authorities that none of the passengers on the china had picked up the plague at hongkong, we put out into the big sea, and shaped our course for the fairer land so far away, not exactly a straight line, for the convexity of the earth that includes the water, for the ocean--particularly the pacific--is rounded so that the straightest line over its surface is a curved line, if astronomically mentioned. we struck out on the great northern circle, purposing to run as high as the forty-eighth parallel, almost to our alutian islands, and pursued our course in full view, the bald cliffs of japan changing their color with the going down of the sun. when morning came the purple bulk of the bestirring little empire still reminded us of the lights and shadows of asia and the missionary labors of sir edwin arnold, which have a flavor of the classics and a remembrance of the scriptures. "yonder," said the captain, "is the famous mountain of japan, fugeyana. it is not very clearly seen, for it is distant. oh, you are looking too low down and see only the foot-hills--that is it, away up in the sky!" it was there, a peak so lofty that it is solitary. we were to have seen it better later, but as the hours passed there was a dimness that the light of declining day did not disperse, and the mountain stayed with us in a ghostly way, and held its own in high communion. as we were leaving asian waters there came a demand for typhoons that the captain satisfied completely, saying he was not hunting for them, but the worst one he ever caught was five hundred miles east of yokohama. the tourists were rather troubled. the young man who had been in the wild waltz of the zealandia did not care for a typhoon. we had been blessed with weather so balmy and healing, winds so soft and waves so low, that the ship had settled down steady as a river steamboat. we pushed on, but the best the china could do was fourteen knots and a half an hour, near knots a day, with a consumption of tons of coal in twenty-four hours. so much for not having been cleaned up so as to give the go of the fine lines. the china had been in the habit of making sixty miles a day more than of this trip, burning less than tons of coal. as we climbed in the ladder of the parallels of latitude, we began to notice a crispness in the air, and it was lovely to the lungs. it was a pleasure, and a stimulant surpassing wine, to breathe the north temperate ozone again, and after a while to catch a frosty savor on the breeze. we had forgotten, for a few days, that we were not in a reeking state of perspiration. ah! we were more than a thousand miles north of manila, and that is as far as the coast of maine to cuba. the wind followed us, and at last gained a speed greater than our own; then it shifted and came down from the northwest. it was the wind that swept from siberia, and kamschatka's grim peninsula pointed us out. the smoke from our funnels blew black and dense away southeast, and did not change more than a point or two for a week. the pacific began to look like the north atlantic. there came a "chill out of a cloud" as in the poetic case of annabel lee. there had been, during our tropical experience, some outcries for the favor of a few chills, but now they were like the typhoons. when it was found that they might be had we did not want them. after all, warm weather was not so bad, and the chills that were in the wind that whistled from siberia were rather objectionable. it was singular to call for one, two, three blankets, and then hunt up overcoats. white trousers disappeared two or three days after the white coats. straw hats were called for by the wind. one white cap on an officer's head responded alone to the swarm of white caps on the water. the roll of the waves impeded our great northern circle. we could have made it, but we should have had to roll with the waves. we got no higher than degrees. we had our two thursdays, and thought of the fact that on the mystical meridian , where three days get mixed up in one! the pacific ocean, from pole to pole, so free on the line where the dispute as to the day it is, goes on forever, that only one small island is subject to the witchery of mathematics, and the proof in commonplace transactions unmixed with the skies that whatever may be the matter with the sun--the earth do move, is round, do roll over, and does not spill off the sea in doing so. at last came shrill head winds, and as we added fifteen miles an hour to this speed, the harp strings in the rigging were touched with weird music, and we filled our lungs consciously and conscientiously with american air, experiencing one of the old sensations, better than anything new. it was figured out that we were within a thousand miles of the continent, and were getting home. when one has been to the philippines, what's a thousand miles or two! "hello, captain seabury! it is only about a thousand miles right ahead to the land. you know what land it is, don't you? well, now, you may break the shaft or burst the boilers, fling the ship to the sperm whales, like the one that was the only living thing we saw since japan entered into the american clouds of the west. we are only a thousand miles away from the solid, sugary sweet, redolent, ripe american soil, and if there is anything the matter we do not mind, why we will just take a boat and pull ashore." but we would have had a hard time if the captain had taken us up in the flush of the hilarity that laughed at a thousand miles, when the breeze brought us the faint first hints that we were almost home, after a voyage of five thousand leagues. the wind shifted to the south and increased until it roared, and the waves were as iron tipped with blue and silver, hurling their salty crests over our towering ship; and we were in the grasp-- on the pacific of the terrific storm king of the equinox. mr. longfellow mentioned the storm wind gigantic, that shook the atlantic at the time of the equinox--the one that urges the boiling surges bearing seaweed from the rocks; and all those disappointed because they had not bounded on the billows of the briny enough for healthy exercises, were satisfied in the reception by the tremendous pacific when nigh the shore, which was once the western boundary, but is so no more, of that blessed america, of which her sons grow fonder the farther they roam. god's country, as the boys and girls call it reverently, when they are sailing the seas, was veiled from us in a fog that blanketed the deep. for five thousand miles our ship had been in a remorseless solitude. no voice had come to us; no spark of intelligence from the universe touched us, save from the stars and the sun, but at the hour of the night, and the point of the compass, our navigator had foretold, we should hear the deep-throated horn on reyes point--it came to us out of the gloomy abyss--and science had not failed. across the trackless waste we had been guided aright, and there was music the angels might have envied in the hoarse notes of the fog-horn that welcomed the wanderers home. chapter xxiv our picture gallery. annotations and illustrations--portraits of heroes of the war in the army and navy, and of the highest public responsibilities--admirals and generals, the president and cabinet--photographs of scenes and incidents--the characteristics of the filipinos--their homes, dresses and peculiarities in sun pictures--the picturesque people of our new possessions. the portrait of president mckinley is from the photograph that seems to his friends upon the whole the most striking of his likenesses. that of the secretary of state, the honorable john hay, is certainly from the latest and best of his photos. the postmaster general, the honorable charles emory smith, and secretary bliss, are presented in excellent form and the whole cabinet with unusual faithfulness. our naval and military heroes in the war that has introduced the american nation to the nations of the earth as a belligerent of the first class, cannot become too familiar to the people, for they are of the stuff that brightens with friction, and the more it is worn gives higher proof that it is of both the precious metals in war, gold and steel. admiral dewey, as we have set forth in this volume, is not thus far fairly dealt with in the pictures that have been taken. he is a surprise to those who meet him face to face--so far has photography failed to adequately present him, but the portrait we give is the best that has been made of him. major-general merritt retains the keen, clear cut face, and the figure and bearing of an ideal soldier that has characterized him since, as a youth just from west point, he entered the army and won his way by his courage and courtesy, his brilliant conduct and excellent intelligence, his dashing charges and superb leadership, to a distinguished position and the affectionate regard of the army and the people. in the indian wars, after the bloody struggle of the states was over, he outrode the indians on the prairies and was at once their conqueror and pacificator. he ranks in chivalry with the knights, and his work at manila was the perfection of campaigning that produced conclusive results with a comparatively small shedding of blood. the likeness of the archbishop of manila was presented me by his grace at the close of a personal interview, and represents him as he is. the chapter devoted to him is meant to do him simple justice as a man and priest. the fact that he bestowed upon me in the inscription with which he greatly increased the value of his portrait a military dignity to which i have no title is an expression only of his friendliness. he frankly stated his pleasure in meeting an american who would convey to the president of the united states the message he gave me about the american army, to which he was indebted for security and peace of mind. general aguinaldo gave me his photograph, and the flag of the filipinos with him in the effort to establish an independent government, republican in form. one is not always sure of that which happens in the philippines, even when one reads about it. i am prepared to believe that there is much truth in the dispatch saying a majority of the congress of the insurgents at molores favor annexation to the united states. the whole truth probably is that they would gladly have this country their protector at large, supreme in the affairs international, they to legislate in respect to local affairs. they need to know, however, that their congress must become a territorial legislature, and that the higher law for them is to be the laws of congress. the philippine flag is oriental in cut and color, having red and blue bars--a white obtuse angle--the base to the staff, and a yellow moon with fantastic decorations occupying the field. this flag is one that admiral dewey salutes with respect. general aguinaldo is giving much of his strength to the production of proclamations, and his literary labors should be encouraged. on a september morning two years ago, dr. jose rizal was shot by a file of soldiers on the manila luneta, the favorite outing park, bordering on the bay. the scene was photographed at the moment the doctor stood erect before the firing squad, and the signal from the officer in command awaited for the discharge of the volley killing the most intellectual man of his race. dr. rizal is known as the tagalo martytr. the tagalos are of the dominant tribe of malays. general aguinaldo is of this blood, as are the great majority of the insurgents. the doctor is more than the martyr of a tribe. he is the most talented and accomplished man his people and country has produced. a history of luzon from his pen is a hulky volume full of facts. i was not able to procure all of his books. anyone in manila found in possession of one of them during spanish rule, would have been taken to the ground selected for human butchery in the appointed place of festivity, and shot as he was, making a holiday for the rulers of the islands. he wrote two novels, "touch us not" and "the filibusters," the latter a sequel of the former. these are books using the weapons put into the hand of genius to smite oppressors in command of the force of arms. the novels are said to be interesting as novels,--rather sensational in their disregard of the personal reputation of his foes, the friars, but all along between the lines there was argument, appeals for the freedom of the filipinos, for freedom of speech, conscience and country. there are pamphlets printed the size of an average playing card, from thirty to forty pages each, one "don rodriguez," and another "the telephone." these i obtained in hongkong from the hands of the niece--daughter of the sister of the doctor,--and she presented me also his poem written when in the shadow of death, of which this volume gives a prose translation. the poem is the farewell of the author to his friends, his country and the world. it is given in prose because in that style the spirit of the poet, indeed the poetry itself, can be rendered with better results, than by striving to sustain the poetic form. the poem would be regarded as happy and affecting in the thought that is in it, the images in which the ideas gleam, the pathos of resignation, the ascendency of hope, if there were nothing in the attendant circumstances that marked it with the blood of historic tragedy. this poetry that it would have been high treason to own in manila, for it would not have been safe in any drawer however secret, was treasured by the relatives of the martyr at hongkong. the niece spoke excellent english, and there was at once surprise and gratification in the family that an american should be interested in the doctor who sacrificed himself to the freedom of his pen, so much as to ascend the steep places of the city to seek his writings for the sake of the people for whose redemption he died. on the page showing the face of the doctor and the scene of his execution, there are two men in black, the victim standing firm as a rock to be shot down, and the priest retiring after holding the crucifix to the lips of the dying; and the portrait of the beautiful woman to whom the poet was married a few hours before he was killed. it is said that rizal wanted to go to cuba, but captain-general weyler answered a request from him that he might live there, that he would be shot on sight if he set foot on cuban soil. rizal, hunted hard, attempted to escape in disguise on a spanish troop ship carrying discharged soldiers to spain, but was detected while on the red sea, returned to manila and shot to death. i stood on the curbstone that borders the luneta along the principal pleasure drive, between the whispering trees and the murmuring surf of the bay, just where the martyred poet and patriot waited and looked over the waters his eyes beheld, the last moment before the crash of the rifles that destroyed him, and in the distance there was streaming in the sunshine the flag of our country--the star spangled banner, and long, long may it wave, over a land of the free and home of the brave! the picture of the cathedral shows a tower that was shattered from the foundation to the cross by the earthquake of . ambitious architecture must conform to the conditions imposed by such disasters, and the great edifice is greatly changed. in our gallery we treat admirals sampson and schley as the president set the example. as there was glory for all at santiago, there was advancement for both. we present them together. the wholesome, manly face of general lee is in the gallery. his country knows him and thinks of him well. the bombarded church of cavite shows that shells spare nothing sacred in their flights and concussions. the bridge of spain is the one most crossed in passing between the old walled city and the newer town that was not walled, but was formidably intrenched where rice swamps were close to the bay. the public buildings are commodious and would be higher, but the earth is uncertain, and sky-scrapers are forbidden by common prudence. our picture of the principal gate of the walled city is taken truly, but does not give the appearance of extreme antiquity, of the reality. the wall looks old as one that has stood in europe a thousand years. naturally the gallery has many works of art representative of manila. the shipping in the harbor is an advertisement of a commerce once extensive. each picture that shows a woman, a man, or tree; a wood-cutter, a fisherman, or a house, opens for the spectator a vista that may be interpreted by the intelligent. a veritable picture is a window that reveals a landscape. that which is most valuable in a gallery like this is the perfect truth not everywhere found, for the eyes that see a picture that is really representative, setting forth the colors, the light, and the substance of things find that which does not fade when the story is told. there is one most hideous thing in our gallery--that of the head of a spaniard, bleeding, just severed from the body--the weapon used, a naked dagger in a clenched hand--around the ghastly symbol a deep black border. this is one of the ways of the katapuna society--the league of blood--have of saying what they would have us understand are their awful purposes. there are terrible stories about this blood league--that they bleed themselves in the course of their proceedings, and each member signs his name with his own blood--that they establish brotherhood by mingling their blood and tasting it. they are the sworn enemies of the spaniards, and particularly of the priests. i inquired of senor agoncillo, the philippine commissioner to paris, whether those bloody stories were true. he scoffed at the notion that they might be so, and laughed and shouted "no, no!" as if he was having much fun. but agoncillo is a lawyer and a diplomat, and i had heard so much, of this horrid society i did not feel positive it was certain that its alleged blood rites were fictitious. of one thing i am sure--that the dreadful picture is no joke, and was not meant for a burlesque, though it might possibly be expected to perform the office of a scarecrow. it cannot be doubted that there are oath-bound secret societies that are regarded by the spaniards as fanatical, superstitious, murderous and deserving death. there is a good deal of feeble-minded credulity among the filipinos, that is exhibited in the stories told by aguinaldo. he has many followers who believe that he has a mighty magic, a charm, that deflects bullets and is an antidote for poison. intelligent people believe this imbecility is one of the great elements of his power--that his leadership would be lost if the supernaturalism attached to him should go the way of all phantoms. aguinaldo is said not to have faith in the charm, for he takes very good care of himself. we give several views of executions at manila. as a rule, these pictures are not fine productions of art. they are taken under such conditions of light and background that they are somewhat shadowy. this sinister addition to our gallery seems to be the first time the photographs of executions have been reproduced. the photos were not furtively taken. there is no secrecy about the process, no attempts to hide it from the spaniards. executions in the philippines were in the nature of dramatic entertainments. there were often many persons present, and ladies as conspicuous as at bull fights. there is no more objections offered to photographing an execution than a cock fight, which is the sport about which the filipinos are crazily absorbed. it is the festal character to the spaniard of the rebel shooting that permits the actualities to be reproduced, and hence these strange contributions to our gallery. many of our pictures are self-explanatory. they were selected to show things characteristic, and hence instructive, peasants' customs--women riding buffaloes through palm groves--native houses, quaint costumes. "the insurgent outlook" reveals a native house--a structure of grasses. this is a perfect picture. the southern islanders, and the group of moors, the dressing of the girls, work in the fields, the wealth of vegetation, the dining room of the governor-general prepared for company, general merritt's palatial headquarters before he had taken the public property into his care and suited it to his convenience; the spanish dude officer, showing a young man contented in his uniform, and a pony pretty in his harness. we reproduce the war department map of the philippine islands. it will be closely studied for each island has become a subject of american interest. the imprint of the war department is an assurance of the closest attainable accuracy. the map of the hawaiian islands clearly gives them in their relative positions and proportions as they are scattered broadcast in the pacific. the philippine and hawaiian groups as they thus appear will be found more extensive than the general fancy has painted them. the philippine archipelago has been held to resemble a fan, with luzon for the handle. the shape is something fantastic. it is worth while to note that the distance between the north coast of luzon and the sulu archipelago is equal to that from england to southern italy. there are pictures in our gallery that could only be found at the end of a journey of ten thousand miles, and they go far to show the life of the people of a country that is in such relations with ourselves the whole world is interested. there is truthtelling that should be prized in photography, and our picture gallery is one of the most remarkable that has been assembled. chapter xxv cuba and porto rico. conditions in and around havana--fortifications and water supply of the capital city--other sections of the pearl of the antilles--porto rico, our new possession, described--size and population--natural resources and products--climatic conditions--towns and cities--railroads and other improvements--future possibilities. there was the fortune of good judgment in attacking the spaniards in cuba at santiago and porto rico, the points of spanish possession in the west indies farthest south and east, instead of striking at the west, landing at pinar del rio, the western province, and moving upon the fortifications of havana, where the difficulties and dangers that proved so formidable at santiago would have been quadrupled, and our losses in the field and hospital excessive. the unpreparedness of this country for war has not even up to this time been appreciated except by military experts and the most intelligent and intent students of current history. the military notes prepared in the war department of the united states at the beginning of the war with spain, contain the following of santiago de cuba: this city was founded in , and the famous hernando was its first mayor. it is the most southern place of any note on the island, being on the twentieth degree of latitude, while havana, the most northern point of note, is degrees minutes seconds north latitude. the surrounding country is very mountainous, and the city is built upon a steep slope; the public square, or campo de marte, is to feet above the sea, and some of the houses are located feet high. the character of the soil is reported to be more volcanic than calcareous; it has suffered repeatedly from earthquakes. it is the second city in the island with regard to population, slightly exceeding that of matanzas and puerto principe. so far as american commerce is concerned, it ranks only ninth among the fifteen cuban ports of entry. it is located on the extreme northern bank of the harbor of santiago de cuba, a harbor of the first class and one of the smallest; hence, as is believed, the great liability of its shipping to infection. according to the chart of the madrid hydrographic bureau, , this harbor is, from its sea entrance to its extreme northern limit, miles long, the city being located miles from its entrance, on the northeastern side of the harbor. the entrance is for some little distance very narrow--not more than yards wide--and may be considered about miles long, with a width varying from one-eighth to five-eighths of a mile. for the remaining miles the harbor gradually widens, until at its northern extremity it is about miles wide. the city is so situated in a cove of the harbor that the opposite shore is only about one-half mile distant. at the wharves from to feet of water is found, and within to yards of the shore from to feet. this, therefore, is probably the anchorage ground. three or more so-called rivers, besides other streams, empty into this harbor, and one of these, the caney river, empties into the harbor at the northern limit of the city, so that its water flows from one island extremity through the whole harbor into the sea. the difference here, as elsewhere in cuba, between low and high tide is about feet. population in was , , and , houses. this city is one of the most noted yellow-fever districts in the island. the population in was , . the following has been reported: preparations for mounting new and heavy ordnance is now going on at the entrance of the bay (march , ). new and heavier guns are also ordered for punta blanca, on the right of the bay near santiago city. plans have been made for constructing two batteries in the city of santiago, one about yards in front of the american consulate and the other about two blocks in rear. cayo rolones, or rat island, located near the middle of the bay, is the government depository for powder, dynamite, and other explosives. the elevation on the right of the entrance, where stands castle morro, is yards above the sea level, while the hill on the left is yards. "la bateria nueva de la estrella" is mounted with four revolving cannons. the fortifications of havana were carefully covered in the military notes, and thus enumerated: there are fifteen fortifications in and about the city of havana, more or less armed and garrisoned, besides a work partly constructed and not armed, called las animas, and the old bastions along the sea wall of the harbor. these works are as follows: nos. and are earthen redans on the sea coast, east of havana. velazo battery, just east of, and a part of, el morro. el morro, a sea coast fort, with flanking barbette batteries, east of harbor entrance. the twelve apostles, a water battery lying at the foot of morro, with a field of fire across the harbor's mouth. it is a part of morro. la cabana, a stone-bastioned work with both land and water front, in rear of el morro, and directly opposite the city of havana. san diego, a stone-bastioned work with only land fronts, east of cabana. atares, a stone-bastioned work on hill at southwestern extremity of havana bay, near the old shipyard called the arsenal. san salvador de la punta, a stone-bastioned work west of harbor entrance, with small advanced and detached work, built on a rock near harbor mouth. la reina, a stone work, in shape the segment of a circle, placed on the seacoast, at western limits of city, on an inlet called san lazardo. santa clara, a small but powerful seacoast battery of stone and earth, placed about / miles west of harbor. el principe, a stone-bastioned redoubt west of havana. nos. a, b, and are earthen redans on the seacoast west of havana. there are, in addition, several works built for defense, but now used for other purposes or abandoned. these are: the torreon de vigia, a martello tower placed on the inlet of san lazaro opposite la reina. the old fort called la fuerza, built three hundred and fifty years ago, near the present plaza de armas, and now used for barracks and public offices. the work called san nazario, situated north of el principe, but now used in connection with the present cartridge factory, abandoned for defensive purposes. the partially constructed fort called las animas, southeast of principe, lying on a low hill, partly built but useless and unarmed. the old sea wall extending from near la punta to the plaza de armas, unarmed, and useless except as a parapet for musketry. the old arsenal, on the west of the inner bay, now used as repair works for ships, useless for defense. the old artillery and engineer storehouses near la punta, probably once used as strongholds, now mere storehouses for munitions of war. there are, besides, in the vicinity of havana, three old and now useless stone works--one at chorrera, the mouth of the almendarez river, about miles from havana harbor; another at cojimar, on the coast, about miles eastward of cabana, and the third at the inlet called la playa de mariano, about miles west of havana. batteries nos. and were equipped with, no. , four hontoria -inch guns; two nordenfeldt -pounders; no. , two krupp -inch guns; four hontoria -inch mortars. the -inch krupps were to stand off battleships attempting to force the harbor, or to bombard the morro. the valago battery, a part of the morro, an out-work on the edge of the cliff, mounting four -inch krupp guns separated by earth traverses. the morro, commenced in and finished in , is important for historical associations. it is a most picturesque structure, and is useful as a lighthouse and prison, and is mounted with twelve old -inch, eight old -inch, and fourteen old -inch guns. cabana, finished in at a cost of $ , , , lies some yards southeast of el morro, on the east side of havana bay. toward the city it exposes a vertical stone wall of irregular trace, with salients at intervals. toward the morro is a bastioned face protected by a deep ditch, sally port, and drawbridge. eastward and southward a beautifully constructed land front incloses the work. this front is protected by ditches or more feet deep, well constructed glacis, stone scarp, and counterscarp. cabana is a magnificent example of the permanent fortifications constructed a century ago. probably , men could be quartered in it. the entrance to cabana is by the sally port that opens upon the bridge across the moat lying between cabana and el morro. upon entering, the enormous extent of the work begins to be perceived, parapet within parapet, galleries, casemates, and terrepleins almost innumerable, all of stone and useless. there are no earth covers or traverses, and no protection against modern artillery. cabana is the prison for offenders against the state, and the scene of innumerable executions. from an exterior or salient corner of the secretary's office of the headquarters there leads a subterranean passage meters long, . meters wide, and . high, excavated in the rock. it conducts to the sea, debouching at the mouth of a sewer, meters from the morro wharf. at exactly meters along the road rising from the morro pier or wharf to the cabana, there will be found by excavating the rock on the left of the road, at a depth of meters, a grating, on opening which passage will be made into a road meters long, . high, and . wide, leading to the same exit as the cabana secret way. these passages are most secret, as all believe that the grating of the sewer, seen from the sea, is a drain. the battery of santa clara is the most interesting of the fortifications of havana, and one of the most important. it lies about yards from the shore of the gulf, at a point where the line of hills to the westward runs back (either naturally or artificially) into quarries, thus occupying a low salient backed by a hill. here are three new krupp -inch guns, designed to protect el principe, the land side of havana. it is feet above sea level and completely dominates havana, the bay, morro, cabana, the coast northward, atares, and from east around to south, the approaches of the marianao road, cristina, and the western railroad for about kilometers, i.e., between cristina and a cut at that distance from the station. principe gives fire upon tulipan, the cerro, the hill of the jesuits, and the valley through which passes the havana railroad, sweeping completely with its guns the railroad as far as the cut at cienaga, - / to miles away. it dominates also the hills southward and westward toward puentes grandes and the almendarez river, and country extending toward marianao, also the calzada leading to the cemetery and toward chorrera; thence the entire sea line (the railroad to chorrera is partly sheltered by the slope leading to principe. this is by all means the strongest position about havana which is occupied. lying between it and the hill of the cerro is the hill of the catalan club, right under the guns of the work and about one-half mile away. the marianao road is more sheltered than the havana, as it runs near the trees and hill near the cerro. the only points which dominate the hill of the principe lie to the south and southeast in the direction of jesus del monte and beyond regla. on its southern, southeastern, and southwestern faces the hill of principe is a steep descent to the calzada and streets below. the slope is gradual westward and around by the north. from this hill is one of the best views of havana and the valley south. el principe lies about one-half mile from the north coast, from which hills rise in gradual slopes toward the work. it is havana gossip that el principe is always held by the spanish regiment in which the captain-general has most confidence. the military notes pronounce el principe undoubtedly the strongest natural position about havana now occupied by defensive works. its guns sweep the heights of the almendares, extending from the north coast southward by the hills of puentes grandes to the valley of cienaga, thence eastward across the hill of the jesuits and the long line of trees and houses leading to the cerro. the country beyond the cerro is partly sheltered by trees and hills, but eastward el principe commands in places the country and the bay shore, and gives fire across havana seaward. the most vulnerable spot in the defenses of havana is the aqueduct of isabella ii, or the vento. the water is from the vento springs, pure and inexhaustable, nine miles out of havana. all three of the water supplies to havana, the zanja and the two aqueducts of ferdinand vii and of the vento, proceed from the almendares and run their course near to each other, the farthest to the west being the zanja and to the east the vento. at vento springs is constructed a large stone basin, open at the bottom, through which springs bubble. from this reservoir the new aqueduct leads. it is an elliptical tunnel of brick, placed under ground, and marked by turrets of brick and stone placed along its course. from the vento reservoir the new aqueduct crosses the low valley south of havana, following generally the calzada de vento, which becomes, near the cerro, the calzada de palatino, to a point on the western railway marked kilometers (about); hence the calzada and the aqueduct closely follow the railway for about a mile, terminating at a new reservoir. the vento water is the best thing havana has, and indispensable. the old sources of supply are intolerable. the main water supply is the zanja. throughout the most of its course this river flows through unprotected mud banks; the fluids of many houses, especially in the cerro ward which it skirts, drain into them; men, horses, and dogs bathe in it; dead bodies have been seen floating in it, and in the rainy season the water becomes very muddy. in fine, the zanja in its course receives all which a little brook traversing a village and having houses and back yards on its banks would receive. the water can not be pure, and to those who know the facts the idea of drinking it is repulsive. this supply had long been insufficient to the growing city, and in the well-protected and excellent aqueduct of ferdinand vii was completed. it taps the almendares river a few hundred yards above filters mentioned, hence carried by arches to the east el cerro, and for some distance nearly parallel to the calzada del cerro, but finally intersecting this. these works are succeeded by the famous vento. when havana is fought for hereafter the fight will be at the vento springs. this remark is not made in the military notes, but the military men know it well. when general miles expected to attack havana he procured all the accessible surveys and detail of information, official and through special observation and personal knowledge obtainable of the water works. life could not be sustained many days in the city of havana without the water of the adorable vento. a special interest attaches to havana, as it is to be a city under the control of the united states. the surface soil consists for the most part of a thin layer of red, yellow, or black earths. at varying depths beneath this, often not exceeding or feet, lie the solid rocks. these foundation rocks are, especially in the northern and more modern parts of the city toward the coast of the sea and not of the harbor, quarternary, and especially tertiary, formations, so permeable that liquids emptied into excavations are absorbed and disappear. in other parts of the city the rocks are not permeable, and pools are formed. in proportion as the towns of cuba are old, the streets are narrow. in havana this peculiarity is so positive that pedestrians cannot pass on the sidewalks, nor vehicles on the streets. less than one-third of the population live on paved streets, and these are as well paved and kept as clean, it is believed cleaner, than is usual in the united states. the remainder live on unpaved streets, which, for the most part, are very filthy. many of these, even in old and densely populated parts of the city, are no better than rough country roads, full of rocks, crevices, mud holes, and other irregularities, so that vehicles traverse them with difficulty at all times, and in the rainy season they are sometimes impassible for two months. rough, muddy, or both, these streets serve admirably as permanent receptacles for much decomposing animal and vegetable matter. finally, not less, probably more, than one-half the population of havana live on streets which are constantly in an extremely insanitary condition, but these streets, though so numerous, are not in the beaten track of the pleasure tourist. in the old intramural city, in which live about , people, the streets vary in width, but generally they are . meters (about feet) wide, of which the sidewalks occupy about . feet. in many streets the sidewalk at each side is not even inches wide. in the new, extramural town, the streets are generally meters ( . feet) wide, with meters (nearly feet) for the sidewalks, and meters ( feet) for the wagonway. there are few sidewalks in any except in the first four of the nine city districts. more than two-thirds of the population live in densely inhabited portions of the city, where the houses are crowded in contact with each other. the average house lot does not exceed by feet in size. there are , houses, of which , are one-story, , are two stories, are three stories, and only are four stories, with none higher. at least in every inhabitants live in one-story houses; and as the total civil, military, and transient population exceeds , there are more than inhabitants to every house. tenement houses may have many small rooms, but each room is occupied by a family. generally the one-story houses have four or five rooms; but house rent, as also food and clothing, is rendered so expensive by taxation, by export as well as import duties, that it is rare for workmen, even when paid $ to $ a month, to enjoy the exclusive use of one of these mean little houses; reserving one or two rooms for his family, he rents the balance. this condition of affairs is readily understood when it is known that so great a necessity as flour cost in havana $ . when its price in the united states was $ . per barrel. in the densely populated portions of the city the houses generally have no back yard, properly so called, but a flagged court, or narrow vacant space into which sleeping rooms open at the side, and in close proximity with these, at the rear of this contracted court are located the kitchen, the privy, and often a stall for animals. in the houses of the poor, that is, of the vast majority of the population, there are no storerooms, pantries, closets, or other conveniences for household supplies. these are furnished from day to day, even from meal to meal, by the corner groceries; and it is rare, in large sections of havana, to find any one of the four corners of a square without a grocery. the walls of most of the houses in havana are built of "mamposteria" or rubble masonry, a porous material which freely absorbs atmospheric as well as ground moisture. the mark of this can often be seen high on the walls, which varies from to feet in the houses generally. the roofs are excellent, usually flat, and constructed of brick tiles. the windows are, like the doors, unusually high, nearly reaching the ceiling, which, in the best houses only, is also unusually high. the windows are never glazed, but protected by strong iron bars on the outside and on the inside by solid wooden shutters, which are secured, like the doors, with heavy bars or bolts, and in inclement weather greatly interfere with proper ventilation. fireplaces with chimneys are extremely rare, so that ventilation depends entirely on the doors and windows, which, it should be stated, are by no means unusually large in most of the sleeping rooms of the poor. generally in havana, less generally in other cities, the entrances and courtyards are flagged with stone, while the rooms are usually floored with tile or marble. with rare exceptions the lowest floor is in contact with the earth. ventilation between the earth and floor is rarely seen in cuba. in havana the average height of the ground floor is from to inches above the pavement, but in havana, and more frequently in other cuban towns, one often encounters houses which are entered by stepping down from the sidewalk, and some floors are even below the level of the street. in havana some of the floors, in matanzas more, in cardenas and cienfuegos many are of the bare earth itself, or of planks raised only a few inches above the damp ground. the narrow entrance about yards in width and , in length, opens into the irregular harbor, which has three chief coves or indentations, termed "ensenadas." the extreme length of the harbor from its sea entrance to the limit of the most distant ensenada is miles, and its extreme breadth - / miles; but within the entrance the average length is only about , and the average breadth about two-thirds of a mile. however, because of the irregularly projecting points of land which form the ensenadas, there is no locality in the harbor where a vessel can possibly anchor farther than yards from the shore. its greatest depth is about feet, but the anchorage ground for vessels drawing feet of water is very contracted, not exceeding one-half the size of the harbor. the rise and fall of the tide does not exceed feet. the cuban city next in celebrity to havana is matanzas, and it is one likely to become a favorite of americans, as the country in the vicinity is distinguished by beauty as well as remarkable for fertility. matanzas was first regularly settled in . it is in the province of matanzas, miles west of havana, by the most direct of the two railroads which unite these two cities, and is situated on the western inland extremity of the bay of matanzas, a harbor of the first class. matanzas is divided into three districts, viz, the central district of matanzas, which, about half a mile in width across the center of population, lies between the two little rivers, san juan to the south, and the yumuri to the north; the pueblo nuevo district, south of the san juan, and around the inland extremity of the harbor; and the district of versalles, north of the yumuri, nearest to the open sea, as also to the anchorage ground, and, sanitarily, the best situated district in the city. about two-thirds of the population are in the district of matanzas, and the pueblo nuevo district has about double the population of versalles. pueblo nuevo stands on ground originally a swamp, and is low, flat, and only or feet above the sea. the matanzas district has many houses on equally low ground, on the harbor front, and on the banks of the two rivers which inclose this district; but from the front and between these rivers the ground ascends, so that its houses are from to even feet above the sea; however, the center of population, the public square, is only about feet above sea level. versalles is on a bluff of the harbor, and its houses are situated, for the most part, from to feet above the sea. the district of matanzas has ill constructed and useless sewers in only two streets, and no houses connected therewith. so much of this district and of versalles as is built on the hill slope is naturally well drained, but the pueblo nuevo district, and those parts of matanzas built in immediate proximity to the banks of the river, are very ill drained. since matanzas has had an aqueduct from the bello spring, miles distant. the supply is alleged to be both abundant and excellent. but of the , houses in the city stand on the hills outside the zone supplied by the waterworks, while of the remaining , houses within this zone only about , get their water from the waterworks company. hence more than half of the houses of matanzas ( , ) do for the most part get their supply in kegs by purchase in the streets. there are a few public fountains, as also some dangerous wells. the streets are feet wide, with feet wagon way. few of them are paved, some are very poor roads, but, for the most part, these roads are in good condition. in the matanzas district some of the streets are of solid stone, and natural foundation rock of the place, for the superficial soil is so thin that the foundation rocks often crop out. of this very porous rock most of the houses are built. the houses have wider fronts, larger air spaces in rear, are not so crowded, and are better ventilated than the houses of havana. as is usual in cuba, the ground floors are generally on a level with the sidewalk, and some are even below the level of the streets. a heavy rain floods many of the streets of matanzas, the water running back into and beneath the houses. the porous limestone of which the houses are built greatly favors absorption. the population of matanzas and suburbs was about , at the beginning of the war. porto rico is not quite as large as connecticut, but larger than the states of delaware and rhode island. the climate of the island is delightful, and its soil exceedingly rich. in natural resources it is of surpassing opulence. the length of the island is about one hundred miles, and its breadth thirty-five, the general figure of it being like the head of a sperm whale. the range of mountains is from east to west, and nearly central. the prevalent winds are from the northwest, and the rainfall is much heavier on the northern shores and mountain slopes than on the southern. the height of the ridge is on the average close to , feet, one bold peak, the anvil being , feet high. the rainy north and the droughty south, with the lift of the land from the low shores to the central slopes and rugged elevations, under the tropical sun, with the influence of the great oceans east, south and north, and the multitude of western and southern islands, give unusual and charming variety in temperature. porto rico is, by the american people, even more than the spaniards, associated with cuba. but it is less than a tenth of cuban proportions. porto rico has , square miles to cuba's , , but a much greater proportion of porto rico than of cuba is cultivated. less than one-sixteenth of the area of cuba has been improved, and while her population is but , , , according to the latest census, and is not so much now, porto rico, with less than a tenth of the land of cuba, has half the number of inhabitants. largely porto rico is peopled by a better class than the mass of the cubans. cuba is wretchedly provided with roads, one of the reasons why the spaniards were incapable of putting down insurrections. if they had expended a fair proportion of the revenues derived from the flourishing plantations and the monopolies of spanish favoritisms that built up barcelona and enriched captain-generals, and in less degree other public servants, the rebellions would have been put down. the spanish armies in cuba, however, were rather managed for official speculation and peculation, were more promenaders than in military enterprise and the stern business of war. with weyler for an opponent, gomez, as a guerilla, could have dragged on a series of skirmishes indefinitely. the story of the alleged war in cuba between the spaniards and the cubans was on both sides falsified, and the american people deceived. porto rico does not seem to have appealed so strongly to the cupidity of the spaniards as cuba did, and to have been governed with less brutality. the consequence is there has not been a serious insurrection in the smaller island for seventy years, and it falls into our possession without the impoverishment and demoralization of the devastation of war--one of the fairest gems of the ocean. it was october th that the american flag was raised over san juan. the following dispatch is the official record: "san juan, porto rico, oct. .--secretary of war, washington, d.c.: flags have been raised on public buildings and forts in this city and saluted with national salutes. the occupation of the island is now complete. "_brooke_, chairman." on the morning of the th, the th regular infantry with two batteries of the th artillery landed. the latter proceeded to the forts, while the infantry lined up on the docks. it was a holiday for san juan and there were many people in the streets. rear-admiral schley and general gordon, accompanied by their staffs, proceeded to the palace in carriages. the th infantry regiment and band with troop h, of the th united states cavalry then marched through the streets and formed in the square opposite the palace. at : a. m., general brooke, admiral schley and general gordon, the united states evacuation commissioners, came out of the palace with many naval officers and formed on the right side of the square. the streets behind the soldiers were thronged with townspeople, who stood waiting in dead silence. at last the city clock struck , and the crowds, almost breathless and with eyes fixed upon the flagpole, watched for developments. at the sound of the first gun from fort morro, major dean and lieutenant castle, of general brooke's staff, hoisted the stars and stripes, while the band played "the star spangled banner." all heads were bared and the crowds cheered. fort morro, fort san cristobal and the united states revenue cutter manning, lying in the harbor, fired twenty-one guns each. senor munoz rivera, who was president of the recent autonomist council of secretaries, and other officials of the late insular government were present at the proceedings. many american flags were displayed. acknowledgment has been made of the better condition of porto rico than of cuba, but the trail of the serpent of colonial spanish government appears. mr. alfred somamon writes in the independent: "the internal administration of the island disposes of a budget of about $ , , , and is a woeful example of corrupt officialism. of this sum only about $ , is expended in the island, the remainder being applied to payment of interest on public debt, salaries of spanish officials, army, navy, and other extra-insular expenditures. but the whole of the revenue is collected in the island." an article of great value by eugene deland, appeared in the chatauquan of september, on the characteristics of porto rico, and we present an extract, showing its admirable distinction of accurate information well set forth: "the mountain slopes are covered with valuable timbers, cabinet and dye-woods, including mahogany, walnut, lignum vitae, ebony, and logwood, and various medicinal plants. here, too, is the favorite zone of the coffee tree, which thrives best one thousand feet above sea level. the valleys and plains produce rich harvests of sugar-cane and tobacco. the amount of sugar yielded by a given area is said to be greater than in any other west indian island. rice, of the mountain variety and grown without flooding, nourishes almost any place and is a staple food of the laboring classes. in addition to these products cotton and maize are commonly cultivated, and yams, plantains, oranges, bananas, cocoanuts, pineapples, and almost every other tropical fruit are grown in abundance. among indigenous plants are several noted for their beautiful blossoms. among these are the coccoloba, which grows mainly along the coasts and is distinguished by its large, yard-long purple spikes, and a talauma, with magnificent, ororous, white flowers. "of wild animal life porto rico has little. no poisonous serpents are found, but pestiferous insects, such as tarantulas, centipedes, scorpions, ticks, fleas, and mosquitos, supply this deficiency in a measure. all sorts of domestic animals are raised, and the excellent pasture-lands support large herds of cattle for export and home consumption, and ponies, whose superiority is recognized throughout the west indies. "the mineral wealth of the island is undeveloped, but traces of gold, copper, iron, lead, and coal are found. salt is procured in considerable quantities from the lakes. "porto rico carries on an extensive commerce, chiefly with spain, the united states, cuba, germany, great britain, and france. in the volume of its trade was one-half greater than that of the larger british colony--jamaica. the united states ranks second in amount of trade with the island. during the four years from - spain's trade with the colony averaged $ , , annually, and the united states, $ , , . the total value of porto rican exports for was $ , , , and of imports, $ , , , making a total of $ , , , which was an excess over any previous year. the exports consist almost entirely of agricultural products. in coffee comprised about sixty per cent, and sugar about twenty-eight per cent, of their value; leaf tobacco, molasses, and honey came next. maize, hides, fruits, nuts, and distilled spirits are also sent out in considerable quantities. over one-half of the coffee exported goes to spain and cuba, as does most of the tobacco, which is said to be used in making the finest havana cigars; the sugar and molasses are, for the most part, sent to the united states. among imports, manufactured articles do not greatly exceed agricultural. rice, fish, meat and lard, flour, and manufactured tobacco are the principal ones. customs duties furnish about two-thirds of the porto rican revenue, which has for several years yielded greater returns to spain than that of cuba. "the climate of porto rico is considered the healthiest in the antilles. the heat is considerably less than at santiago de cuba, a degree and a half farther north. the thermometer seldom goes above degrees. pure water is readily obtained in most of the island. yellow fever seldom occurs, and never away from the coast. the rainy season begins the first of june and ends the last of december, but the heavy downpours do not come on until about august st. "in density of population also this island ranks first among the west indies, having half as many inhabitants as cuba, more than eleven times as large. of its , people, , are colored and many of the others of mixed blood. they differ little from other spanish-americans, being fond of ease, courteous, and hospitable, and, as in other spanish countries, the common people are illiterate, public education having been grievously neglected. the natives are the agriculturists of the country, and are a majority in the interior, while the spaniards, who control business and commerce, are found mainly in the towns and cities. "the numerous good harbors have naturally dotted the seaboard with cities and towns of greater or less commercial importance. san juan, ponce, mayaguez, aguadilla, arecibo and fajardo all carry on extensive trade. intercourse between coast towns is readily had by water, but is to be facilitated by a railroad around the island, of which miles have been built and miles more projected. the public highways of the island are in better condition than one might expect. according to a recent report of united states consul stewart, of san juan, there are about one hundred and fifty miles of good road. the best of this is the military highway connecting ponce on the southern coast with san juan on the northern. this is a macadamized road, so excellently built and so well kept up that a recent traveler in the island says a bicycle corps could go over it without dismounting. whether it is solid enough to stand the transportation of artillery and heavy army trains we shall soon know. of telegraph lines porto rico has four hundred and seventy miles, and two cables connect it with the outside world, one running from ponce and the other from san juan." mr. alfred solomon, already quoted as an instructive contributor to the independent, writes: "the population of porto rico, some , , is essentially agricultural. a varied climate, sultry in the lowlands, refreshing and invigorating in the mountain ranges, makes possible the cultivation of almost every variety of known crop--sugar, tobacco, coffee, annatto, maze, cotton and ginger are extensively grown; but there are still thousands of acres of virgin lands awaiting the capitalist. tropical fruits flourish in abundance, and the sugar-pine is well known in our market, where it brings a higher price than any other pine imported. hardwood and fancy cabinet wood trees fill the forests, and await the woodman's ax. among these are some specimens of unexampled beauty, notably a tree, the wood of which, when polished, resembles veined marble, and another, rivaling in beauty the feathers in a peacock's tail. precious metals abound, although systematic effort has never been directed to the locating of paying veins. rivers and rivulets are plenty, and water-power is abundant; and the regime should see the installation of power plants and electric lighting all over the island, within a short time after occupation. on the lowlands, large tracts of pasturage under guinea grass and malojilla feed thousands of sleek cattle, but, as an article of food, mutton is almost unknown. the native pony, small, wiry and untirable, has a world-wide reputation, and for long journeys is unequaled, possessing a gait, as they say in the island, like an arm-chair. "perhaps a third of the population of the island is of african descent; but, strangely enough, the colored people are only to be found on the coast, and are the fishermen, boatmen and laborers of the seaports. the cultivation of the crops is entirely in the hands of the jibaro, or peasant, who is seldom of direct spanish descent, while the financiering and exportation is conducted almost entirely by peninsulares, or spanish-born colonists, who monopolize every branch of commerce to the exclusion of the colonian-born subject. "coffee planting is largely engaged in, returning from ten to fifteen per cent. on capital. improved transportation facilities, abolition of export dues and the consolidation of small estates would, doubtless, help toward better results. this crop is marketed in europe--london, havre and barcelona--where better prices are obtainable than in new york. with the exception of a few plantations in strong hands, most of this property could be purchased at a fair valuation, and would prove to be a very profitable investment. "cocoa grows wild on the lowlands, but has not been cultivated to any appreciable extent. small consignments sent to europe have been pronounced superior to the caracas bean. the tree takes a longer period than coffee to come to maturity and bear fruit; but once in bearing the current expenses are less and the yield far greater. the same remarks apply to the cultivation of rubber, which, although a most profitable staple with an ever-increasing market, has received no attention whatever. "corn is raised in quantities insufficient for home consumption. of this cereal three crops can be obtained in two years; sometimes two a year. the demand is constant, and the price always remunerative. "in porto rico, as in most other west indian islands, sugar is king. in the treatment of this product the lack of capital has been sadly felt. planters possess only the most primitive machinery, and in the extraction of the juice from the cane the proportion of saccharine matter has been exceedingly small. great outlay is necessary for the installation of a complete modern crushing and centrifugal plant." a flattering picture of our new possessions is drawn in mcclure's magazine, by mr. george b. waldron. "here, then, are cuba and porto rico in the atlantic, and the hawaiian and philippine groups in the pacific, whose destiny has become intertwined with our own. their combined area is , square miles, equaling new england, new york, pennsylvania, and new jersey. their population is about , , , or perhaps one-half of that of these nine home states. the philippines, with three-quarters of the entire population, and porto rico, with , people, alone approach our own eastern states in density. cuba, prior to the war, was about as well populated as virginia, and the hawaiian group is as well peopled as kansas. what, then, can these islands do for us? "americans use more sugar in proportion to population than any other nation of the world. the total consumption last year was not less than , , tons. this is enough to make a pyramid that would overtop the tallest pyramid of egyptian fame. of this total, , , tons came from foreign countries, the spanish possessions and hawaii sending about twenty-five per cent. five years earlier, when our imports were less by half a million tons, these islands supplied double this quantity, or nearly two-thirds of the nation's entire sugar import. but that was before cuba had been devastated by war and when she was exporting , , tons of sugar to other countries. restore cuba to her former fertility, and the total sugar crop of these islands will reach , , tons, or two-thirds our present foreign demand." there is much more in mr. waldron's summary of the vast addition that has been made to our resources, by the occupation and possession of the islands that have recently been gathered under our wings by the force of our arms. it is enough to know that with the tropical islands we have gained, we have in our hands the potentialities, the luxuries, the boundless resources including, as we may, and must, alaska, of all the zones of the great globe that we inhabit in such ample measure. the following notes were compiled for the information of the army, and embody all reliable information available. the notes were intended to supplement the military map of porto rico. the following books and works were consulted and matter from them freely used in the preparation of the notes: guia geografico militar de espana y provincias ultramarinas, ; espana, sus monumentos y artes, su naturaleza e historia, ; compendio de geografia militar de espana y portugal, ; anuario de comercio de espana, ; anuario militar de espana, ; reclus, nouvelle geographic universelle, ; advance sheets american consular reports, ; an account of the present state of the island of porto rico, ; the statesman's year book, . situation.--porto rico is situated in the torrid zone, in the easternmost part of the antilles, between latitude deg. min. and deg. min. sec. n. and longitude deg. min. sec. and deg. min. sec. w. of madrid. it is bounded on the north by the atlantic, on the east and south by the sea of the antilles, and on the west by the mona channel. size.--the island of porto rico, the fourth in size of the antilles, has, according to a recent report of the british consul ( ), an extent of about , square miles-- miles broad and miles long. it is of an oblong form., extending from east to west. population.--porto rico is the first among the antilles in density of population and in prosperity. the statesman's year book, , gives the population ( ) at , , of which over , are negroes, this being one of the few countries of tropical america where the number of whites exceeds that of other races. the whites and colored, however, are all striving in the same movement of civilization, and are gradually becoming more alike in ideas and manners. among the white population the number of males exceeds the number of females, which is the contrary of all european countries. this is partly explained by the fact that the immigrants are mostly males. on an average the births exceed the deaths by double. the eastern portion of the island is less populous than the western. soil.--the ground is very fertile, being suitable for the cultivation of cane, coffee, rice, and other products raised in cuba, which island porto rico resembles in richness and fertility. climate.--the climate is hot and moist, the medium temperature reaching degs. f. constant rains and winds from the east cool the heavy atmosphere of the low regions. on the heights of the central cordillera the temperature is healthy and agreeable. iron rusts and becomes consumed, so that nothing can be constructed of this metal. even bronze artillery has to be covered with a strong varnish to protect it from the damp winds. although one would suppose that all the large islands in the tropics enjoyed the same climate, yet from the greater mortality observed in jamaica, st. domingo, and cuba, as compared with porto rico, one is inclined to believe that this latter island is much more congenial than any of the former to the health of europeans. the heat, the rains, and the seasons are, with very trifling variations, the same in all. but the number of mountains and running streams, which are everywhere in view in porto rico, and the general cultivation of the land, may powerfully contribute to purify the atmosphere and render it salubrious to man. the only difference of temperature to be observed throughout the island is due to altitude, a change which is common to every country under the influence of the tropics. in the mountains the inhabitants enjoy the coolness of spring, while the valleys would be uninhabitable were it not for the daily breeze which blows generally from the northeast and east. for example, in ponce the noonday sun is felt in all its rigor, while at the village of adjuntas, leagues distant in the interior of the mountains, the traveler feels invigorated by the refreshing breezes of a temperate clime. at one place the thermometers is as high as deg., while in another it is sometimes under deg. although the seasons are not so distinctly marked in this climate as they are in europe (the trees being always green), yet there is a distinction to be made between them. the division into wet and dry seasons (winter and summer) does not give a proper idea of the seasons in this island; for on the north coast it sometimes rains almost the whole year, while sometimes for twelve or fourteen months not a drop of rain falls on the south coast. however, in the mountains at the south there are daily showers. last year, for example, in the months of november, december, and january the north winds blew with violence, accompanied by heavy showers of rain, while this year ( ) in the same months, it has scarcely blown a whole day from that point of the compass, nor has it rained for a whole month. therefore, the climate of the north and south coasts of this island, although under the same tropical influence, are essentially different. as in all tropical countries, the year is divided into two seasons--the dry and the rainy. in general, the rainy season commences in august and ends the last of december, southerly and westerly winds prevailing during this period. the rainfall is excessive, often inundating fields and forming extensive lagoons. the exhalations from these lagoons give rise to a number of diseases, but, nevertheless, porto rico is one of the healthiest islands of the archipelago. in the month of may the rains commence, not with the fury of a deluge, as in the months of august and september, but heavier than any rain experienced in europe. peals of thunder reverberating through the mountains give a warning of their approach, and the sun breaking through the clouds promotes the prolific vegetation of the fields with its vivifying heat. the heat at this season is equal to the summer of europe, and the nights are cool and pleasant; but the dews are heavy and pernicious to health. the following meteorological observations, carefully made by don jose ma. vertez, a captain of the spanish navy, will exhibit the average range of temperature: ds of heat observed in the capital of porto rico, taking a medium of five years. degrees of heat observed in the capital of porto rico, taking a medium of five years. hours of the day. jan. feb. mar. apr. may. june. july. aug. sept. oct. nov. dec. seven in the morning / / noon five in the evening the weather, after a fifteen or twenty days' rain, clears up and the sun, whose heat has been hitherto moderated by partial clouds and showers of rain, seems, as it were, set in a cloudless sky. the cattle in the pastures look for the shade of the trees, and a perfect calm pervades the whole face of nature from sunrise till between and o'clock in the morning, when the sea breeze sets in. the leaves of the trees seem as if afraid to move, and the sea, without a wave or ruffle on its vast expanse, appears like an immense mirror. man partakes in the general languor as well as the vegetable and brute creation. the nights, although warm, are delightfully clear and serene at this season. objects may be clearly distinguished at the distance of several hundred yards, so that one may even shoot by moonlight. the months of june and july offer very little variation in the weather or temperature. in august a suffocating heat reigns throughout the day, and at night it is useless to seek for coolness; a faint zephyr is succeeded by a calm of several hours. the atmosphere is heavy and oppressive, and the body, weakened by perspiration, becomes languid; the appetite fails, and the mosquitos, buzzing about the ears by day and night, perplex and annoy by their stings, while the fevers of the tropics attack europeans with sudden and irresistible violence. this is the most sickly season for the european. the thermometer frequently exceeds deg. the clouds exhibit a menacing appearance, portending the approach of the heavy autumnal rains, which pour down like a deluge. about the middle of september it appears as if all the vapors of the ocean had accumulated in one point of the heavens. the rain comes down like an immense quantity of water poured through a sieve; it excludes from the view every surrounding object, and in half an hour the whole surface of the earth becomes an immense sheet of water. the rivers are swollen and overflow their banks, the low lands are completely inundated, and the smallest brooks become deep and rapid torrents. in the month of october the weather becomes sensibly cooler than during the preceding months, and in november the north and northeast winds generally set in, diffusing an agreeable coolness through the surrounding atmosphere. the body becomes braced and active, and the convalescent feels its genial influence. the north wind is accompanied (with few exceptions) by heavy showers of rain on the north coast; and the sea rolls on that coast with tempestuous violence, while the south coast remains perfectly calm. when the fury of the north wind abates, it is succeeded by fine weather and a clear sky. nothing can exceed the climate of porto rico at this season; one can only compare it to the month of may in the delightful province of andalusia, where the cold of winter and the burning heat of summer are tempered by the cool freshness of spring. this is considered to be the healthiest season of the year, when a european may visit the tropics without fear. the small islands, destitute of wood and high mountains, which have a powerful effect in attracting the clouds, suffer much from drought. it sometimes happens that in curacao, st. bartholomews, and other islands there are whole years without a drop of rain, and after exhausting their cisterns the inhabitants are compelled to import water from the rivers of other islands. "the land breeze" is an advantage which the large islands derive from the inequality of their surface; for as soon as the sea breeze dies away, the hot air of the valleys being rarified, ascends toward the tops of the mountains, and is there condensed by cold, which makes it specifically heavier than it was before; it then descends back to the valleys on both sides of the ridge. hence a night wind (blowing on all sides from the land toward the shore) is felt in all the mountainous countries under the torrid zone. on the north shore the wind comes from the south, and on the south shore from the north. storms.--the hurricanes which visit the island, and which obey the general laws of tropical cyclones, are one of the worst scourges of the country. for hours before the appearance of this terrible phenomenon the sea appears calm; the waves come from a long distance very gently until near the shore, when they suddenly rise as if impelled by a superior force, dashing against the land with extraordinary violence and fearful noise. together with this sign, the air is noticed to be disturbed, the sun red, and the stars obscured by vapor which seems to magnify them. a strong odor is perceived in the sea, which is sulphureous in the waters of rivers, and there are sudden changes in the wind. these omens, together with the signs of uneasiness manifested by various animals, foretell the proximity of a hurricane. this is a sort of whirlwind, accompanied by rain, thunder and lightning, sometimes by earthquake shocks, and always by the most terrible and devastating circumstances that can possibly combine to ruin a country in a few hours. a clear, serene day is followed by the darkest night; the delightful view offered by woods and prairies is diverted into the deary waste of a cruel winter; the tallest and most robust cedar trees are uprooted, broken off bodily, and hurled into a heap; roofs, balconies, and windows of houses are carried through the air like dry leaves, and in all directions are seen houses and estates laid waste and thrown into confusion. the fierce roar of the water and of the trees being destroyed by the winds, the cries and moans of persons, the bellowing of cattle and neighing of horses, which are being carried from place to place by the whirlwinds, the torrents of water inundating the fields, and a deluge of fire being let loose in flashes and streaks of lightning, seem to announce the last convulsions of the universe and the death agonies of nature itself. sometimes these hurricanes are felt only on the north coast, at others on the south coast, although generally their influence extends throughout the island. in a hurricane destroyed the towns of patillas, maunabo, yabucoa, humacao, gurabo, and caguas, causing much damage in other towns in the east, north, and center of the island. the island was also visited by a terrible hurricane in . earthquakes.--earthquakes are somewhat frequent, but not violent or of great consequence. the natives foretell them by noticing clouds settle near the ground for some time in the open places among the mountains. the water of the springs emits a sulphurous odor or leaves a strange taste in the mouth; birds gather in large flocks and fly about uttering shriller cries than usual; cattle bellow and horses neigh, etc. a few hours beforehand the air becomes calm and dimmed by vapors which arise from the ground, and a few moments before there is a slight breeze, followed at intervals of two or three minutes by a deep rumbling noise, accompanied by a sudden gust of wind, which are the forerunners of the vibration, the latter following immediately. these shocks are sometimes violent and are usually repeated, but owing to the special construction of the houses, they cause no damage. tides.--for seven hours the tide runs rapidly in a northwest direction, returning in the opposite direction with equal rapidity for five hours. orography.--the general relief of porto rico is much inferior in altitude to that of the rest of the great antilles, and even some of the lesser antilles have mountain summits which rival it. a great chain of mountains divides the islands into two parts, northern and southern, which are called by the natives banda del norte and banda del sur. this chain sends out long ramifications toward the coasts, the interstices of which form beautiful and fertile valleys, composed in the high parts of white and red earths, on the spurs of black and weaker earths, and near the coasts of sand. to the northwest and following a direction almost parallel with the northern coast, the sierra of lares extends from aguadilla to the town of lares, where it divides into two branches, one going north nearly to the coast, near arecibo harbor, and the other extending to the spurs of the sierra grande de banos; this latter starting from point guaniquilla, crosses the island in its entire length, its last third forming the sierra of cayey. the whole island may be said to form a continuous network of sierras, hills, and heights. of these the sierra del loquillo is distinguished for its great altitude (the highest peak being yunque, in the northeast corner of the island and visible from the sea, a distance of kilometers), as is also laivonito mountain, near the south coast. the following are the four highest mountains, with their heights above the sea level: yunque, in luquillo, , yards; guilarte, in adjuntas, , yards; la somanta, in aybonito, , yards; las teras de cerro gordo, in san german, yards. all are easily ascended on foot or horseback, and there are coffee plantations near all of them. approximate height of towns above the sea level.--aybonito, with its acclimatization station, yards; adjuntas, an almost exclusively spanish town, yards; cayey, with a very agreeable climate, yards; lares, with a very agreeable climate, yards; utuado, with a very agreeable climate, yards; muricao, an exclusively spanish town, yards. to ascend to all these towns there are very good wagon roads. there are no fortifications of any kind in them, but they are surrounded on all sides by mountains. hydrography.--few countries of the extent of porto rico are watered by so many streams. seventeen rivers, taking their rise in the mountains, cross the valleys of the north coast and empty into the sea. some of these are navigable or leagues from their mouths for schooners and small coasting vessels. those of manati, loisa, trabajo, and arecibo are very deep and broad, and it is difficult to imagine how such large bodies of water can be collected in so short a course. owing to the heavy surf which continually breaks on the north coast, these rivers have bars across their embouchures which do not allow large vessels to enter. the rivers of bayamo and rio piedras flow into the harbor of the capital, and are also navigable for boats. at high water small brigs may enter the river of arecibo with perfect safety and discharge their cargoes, notwithstanding the bar which crosses its mouth. the rivers of the north coast have a decided advantage over those of the south coast, where the climate is drier and the rains less frequent. nevertheless, the south, west, and east coasts are well supplied with water; and, although in some seasons it does not rain for ten, and sometimes twelve months on the south coast, the rivers are never entirely dried up. from the cabeza de san juan, which is the northeast extremity of the island, to the cape of mala pascua, which lies to the southeast, rivers fall into the sea. from cape mala pascua to point aguila, which forms the southwest angle of the island, rivers discharge their waters on the south coast. on the west coast rivers, rivulets, and several fresh-water lakes communicate with the sea. in the small extent of leagues of area there are rivers, besides a countless number of rivulets and branches of navigable water. the rivers of the north coast are stocked with delicious fish, some of them large enough to weigh two quintals. from the river of arecibo to that of manati, a distance of leagues, a fresh-water lagoon, perfectly navigable for small vessels through the whole of its extent, runs parallel to the sea at about a mile from the shore. in the fertile valley of anasco, on the western coast, there is a canal formed by nature, deep and navigable. none of the rivers are of real military importance; for, though considering the shortness of their course, they attain quite a volume, still it is not sufficient for good-sized vessels. the rivers emptying on the north coast are loisa, aguas prietas, arecibo, bayamon, camuy, cedros, grande, guajaraca de la tuna, lesayas, loquillo, manati, rio piedras, sabana, san martin, sibuco, toa, and vega. those emptying on the east coast are candelero, dagua, fajardo, guayanes, majogua, and maonabo. on the south coast: aquamanil, caballon, cana, coamo, descalabrado, guanica, guayama, guayanilla, jacagua, manglar, penuela, ponce and vigia. on the west coast: aguada, boqueron, cajas, culebrina, chico, guanajibo, mayaguez, and rincon. the limits of the loisa river are: on the east, the sierra of luquillo (situated near the northeast corner of the island); on the south, the sierra of cayey, and on the west, ramifications of the latter. it rises in the northern slopes of the sierra of cayey, and, running in a northwest direction for the first half of its course and turning to northeast in the second half, it arrives at loisa, a port on the northern coast, where it discharges its waters into the atlantic. during the first part of its course it is known by the name of cayagua. the sabana river has, to the east and south, the western and southern limits of the preceding river, and on the west the sierra grande, or de barros, which is situated in the center of the general divide, or watershed. it rises in the sierra of cayey, and, with the name of pinones river, it flows northwest, passing through aibonito, toa alta, toa baja, and dorado, where it discharges into the atlantic to the west of the preceding river. the manati river is bounded on the cast and south by the sierra grande and on the west by the siales ridge. it rises in the sierra grande, and parallel with the preceding river, it flows through siales and manati, to the north of which latter town it empties into the atlantic. the arecibo river is bounded on the east by the siales mountain ridge, on the south by the western extremity of the sierra grande, and on the west by the lares ridge. it rises in the general divide, near adjuntas, and flows north through the town of arecibo to the atlantic, shortly before emptying into which it receives the tanama river from the left, which proceeds from the lares mountains. the culebrina river is bounded on the south and east by the lares mountain ridge, and on the north by small hills of little interest. from the lares mountains it flows from east to west and empties on the west coast north of san francisco de la aguada, in the center of the bay formed between point penas blancas and point san francisco. the anasco river is formed by the lares mountain ridge. it rises in the eastern extremity of the mountains called tetas de cerro gordo, flowing first northwest and then west, through the town of its name and thence to the sea. the guanajivo river has to its north the ramifications of the lares ridge, to the east the tetas de cerro gordo mountains, and on the south torre hill. in the interior of its basin is the mountain called cerro montuoso, which separates its waters from those of its affluent from the right, the rosaria river. it rises in the general divide, flowing from east to west to nuestra senora de montserrat, where it receives the affluent mentioned, the two together then emptying south of port mayaguez. the coamo river is bounded on the west and north by the sierra grande, and on the west by the coamo ridge. it rises in the former of these sierras, and flowing from north to south it empties east of coamo point, after having watered the town of its name. the salinas river is bounded on the west by the coamo ridge, on the north by the general divide, and on the east by the cayey ridge. it rises in the southern slopes of the sierra grande and flowing from north to south through salinas de coamo, empties into the sea. coasts, harbors, bays, and coves.--the northern coast extends in an almost straight line from east to west, and is high and rugged. the only harbors it has are the following: san juan de porto rico, surrounded by mangrove swamps and protected by the cabras and the cabritas islands and some very dangerous banks; the anchoring ground of arecibo, somewhat unprotected; and the coves of cangrejos and condado. during the months of november, december, and january, when the wind blows with violence from the east and northeast, the anchorage is dangerous in all the bays and harbors of this coast, except in the port of san juan. vessels are often obliged to put to sea on the menacing aspect of the heavens at this season, to avoid being driven on shore by the heavy squalls and the rolling waves of a boisterous sea, which propel them to destruction. during the remaining months the ports on this coast are safe and commodious, unless when visited by a hurricane, against whose fury no port can offer a shelter, nor any vessel be secure. the excellent port of san juan is perfectly sheltered from the effects of the north wind. the hill, upon which the town of that name and the fortifications which defend it are built, protects the vessels anchored in the harbor. the entrance of this port is narrow, and requires a pilot; for the canal which leads to the anchorage, although deep enough for vessels of any dimensions, is very narrow, which exposes them to run aground. this port is several miles in extent, and has the advantage of having deep canals to the east, among a wood of mangrove trees, where vessels are perfectly secure during the hurricane months. vessels of tons can at present unload and take in their cargoes at the wharf. harbor improvements have been recently made here. on the northwest and west are the coves of aguadilla, the town of this name being some kilometers inland. there are the small coves of rincon, anasco, and mayaguez, the latter being protected and of sufficient depth to anchor vessels of moderate draft; the harbor of real de cabo rojo, nearly round, and entered by a narrow channel; and the cove of boqueron. the spacious bay of aguadilla is formed by cape borrigua and cape san francisco. when the north-northwest and southwest winds prevail it is not a safe anchorage for ships. a heavy surf rolling on the shore obliges vessels to seek safety by putting to sea on the appearance of a north wind. mayaguez is also an open roadstead formed by two projecting capes. it has good anchorage for vessels of a large size and is well sheltered from the north winds. the port of cabo rojo has also good anchorage. it is situated s. one-fourth n. of the point of guanajico, at a distance of / miles. its shape is nearly circular, and it extends from east to west to miles. at the entrance it has fathoms of water, and feet in the middle of the harbor. the entrance is a narrow canal. the south coast abounds in bays and harbors, but is covered with mangroves and reefs, the only harbor where vessels of regular draft can enter being guanica and ponce. the former of these is the westernmost harbor on the southern coast, being at the same time the best, though the least visited, owing to the swamps and low tracts difficult to cross leading from it to the interior. the nearest towns, san german, sabana grande, and yauco, carry on a small trade through this port. in the port of guanica, vessels drawing feet of water may enter with perfect safety. its entrance is about yards wide, and it forms a spacious basin, completely landlocked. the vessels may anchor close to the shore. it has, in the whole extent, from / to fathoms, the latter depth being formed in the exterior of the port. the entrance is commanded by two small hills on either side, which if mounted with a few pieces of artillery would defy a squadron to force it. this port would be of immense advantage in time of war. the national vessels and coasters would thus have a secure retreat from an enemy's cruiser on the south coast. there are no wharves, but vessels could disembark troops by running alongside the land and running out a plank. coamo cove and aguirre and guayama are also harbors. the port of jovos, near guayama, is a haven of considerable importance. it is a large and healthy place, and the most spanish of any city on the island after san juan. there are good roads to the capital. vessels of the largest kind may anchor and ride in safety from the winds, and the whole british navy would find room in its spacious bosom. it has fathoms of water in the shallowest part of the entrance. however, it is difficult to enter this port from june to november, as the sea breaks with violence at the entrance, on account of the southerly winds which reign at that season. it has every convenience of situation and locality for forming docks for the repair of shipping. the large bay of anasco, on the south coast, affords anchorage to vessels of all sizes. it is also safe from the north winds. although on the eastern coast there are many places for vessels to anchor, yet none of them are exempt from danger during the north winds except fajardo, where a safe anchorage is to be found to leeward of two little islands close to the bay, where vessels are completely sheltered. the island of vieques has also several commodious ports and harbors, where vessels of the largest size may ride at anchor. on the east coast is cape cabeza de san juan, points lima, candeleros, and naranjo, and cape mala pascua; on the south coast, point viento, tigueras, corchones, arenas, fama or maria, cucharas, guayanilla, guanica, and morillos de cabo rojo; on the west coast, points san francisco, cadena, guanijito, guaniquilla, and palo seco. highways.--there are few roads or ways of communication which are worthy of mention, with the exception of the broad pike which starts from the capital and runs along the coast, passing through the following towns: aguadilla, bayamon, cabo rojo, ilumacao, juana diaz, mayaguez, ponce, and san german. it has no bridges; is good in dry weather, but in the rainy season is impassible for wagons and even at times for horsemen. for interior communication there are only a few local roads or paths. they are usually yards in width, made by the various owners, and can not be well traveled in rainy weather. they are more properly horse and mule trails, and oblige people to go in single file. in late years much has been attempted to improve the highways connecting the principal cities, and more has been accomplished than in spanish colonies. there is a good made road connecting ponce on the southern coast with san juan the capital. other good roads also extend for a short distance along the north coast and along the south coast. the road from guayama is also said to be a passably good one. there are in the island about miles of excellent road, and this is all that receives any attention, transportation being effected elsewhere on horse back. in the construction of a road level foundation is sought, and on this is put a heavy layer of crushed rock and brick, which, after having been well packed and rounded, is covered with a layer of earth. this is well packed also, and upon the whole is spread a layer of ground limestone, which is pressed and rolled until it forms almost a glossy surface. this makes an excellent road here where the climate is such that it does not affect it, and when there is no heavy traffic, hut these conditions being changed, the road, it is thought, would not stand so well. from palo seco, situated about a mile and a half from the capital, on the opposite side of the bay, a carriage road, perfectly level, has been constructed for a distance of leagues to the town of aguadilla on the west coast, passing through the towns of vegabaja, manati, arecibo, hatillo, camuy, and isabella. this road has been carried for several leagues over swampy lands, which are intersected by deep drains to carry off the water. the road from aguadilla to mayaguez is in some parts very good, in other parts only fair. from aguadilla to aguada, a distance of a league, the road is excellent and level. from thence to mayaguez, through the village of rincon and the town of anasco, the road is generally good, but on the seashore it is sometimes interrupted by shelving rocks. across the valley of anasco the road is carried through a boggy tract, with bridges over several deep creeks of fresh water. from thence to the large commercial town of mayaguez the road is uneven and requires some improvement. but the roads from mayaguez and ponce to their respective ports on the seashore can not be surpassed by any in europe. they are made in a most substantial manner, and their convex form is well adapted to preserve them from the destruction caused by the heavy rains of the climate. these roads have been made over tracts of swampy ground to the seacoast, but with little and timely repair they will last forever. a road, which may be called a carriage road, has been made from ponce to the village of adjuntas, situated leagues in the interior of the mountains. the road along the coast, from ponce to guayama, is fairly good; from thence to patillas there is an excellent carriage road for a distance of leagues; from the latter place to the coast is a high road well constructed. from patillas to fajardo, on the eastern coast, passing through the towns of maimavo, yubacao, ilumacao, and naguabo, the roads are not calculated for wheel vehicles, in consequence of being obliged to ascend and descend several steep hills. that which crosses the mountain of mala pascua, dividing the north and east coasts, is a good and solid road, upon which a person on horseback may travel with great ease and safety. the road crossing the valley of yubacao, which consists of a soft and humid soil, requires more attention than that crossing the mountain of mala pascua, which has a fine, sandy soil. from fajardo to the capital, through the towns of luquillo, loisa, and rio piedras, the road is tolerably good for persons on horseback as far as rio piedras, and from thence to the city of san juan, a distance of leagues, is an excellent carriage road, made by the order and under the inspection of the captain-general, part of it through a mangrove swamp. over the river loisa is a handsome wooden bridge, and on the road near rio piedras is a handsome stone one over a deep rivulet. one of the best roads in the island extends from the town of papino, situated in the mountains, to the town of aguadilla on the coast, distant / leagues, through the village of la moca; in the distance of leagues from the latter place, it is crossed by deep mountain rivulets, formerly impassable, but over which solid bridges have now been built, with side railings. in the mountainous district within the circumference of a few leagues no less than bridges have been built to facilitate the communication between one place and the other. the following are the roads of meters width, / in center of pounded stone. they have iron bridges and are in good shape for travel all the year. ( ) san juan to the shore near ponce.--from san juan to ponce the central road is exactly kilometers. distances along the line are: rio piedras, caguas, ; to cayei, ; aybonito, ; coamo, ; juana diaz, ; to ponce, ; and to the shore, . exact. ( ) san juan to bayamon.--by ferry fifteen minutes to catano, and from there by road to bayamon kilometers. this passes alongside the railway. ( ) rio piedras to mameyes, kilometers; from rio piedras to carolina, ; to rio grande, ; to mameyes, . ( ) cayei to arroyo, kilometers; from cayei to guayama, ; to arroyo, ; from san juan to arroyo, via cayei, is kilometers. ( ponce to adjuntas, kilometers. ( ) san german to anasco, kilometers; from san german to mayaguez, kilometers; mayaguez to anasco, ; mayaguez to mormigueros, ; mayaguez to cabo eojo, ; mayaguez to las marias, ; mayaguez to maricao, ; hor- migueras to san german, . near mayaguez the roads are best. there are good roads in all directions. ( ) aguadilla to san sebastian, . ( ) arecibo to utuado, . highways of first class in the island, kilometers. along these roads are, at a distance of to kilometers, a fort, stone, and brick barracks, or large buildings, where the spanish troops stop and rest when on the march. railroads.--in a report was presented to the minister of the colonies on a study made by the engineer and head of public works of the island in view of constructing a railroad which should start from the capital and, passing through all the chief towns and through the whole island, return to the point of departure. of this railroad the following parts have been completed: san juan, along the coast through rio piedras, bayamon, dorado, arecibo, and hatillo, to camuy; aguadilla, through aguado, rincon, anasco, and mayaguez, to hornigueros. a branch of this railroad from anasco, through san sebastian, to lares. ponce, through guayanilla, to yauco. this latter railroad follows the southern coast line and is followed by a wagon road throughout its course. in one place the railroad and road run within a few hundred yards of the coast line. according to the statesman's year book for there are in operation miles of railroad, besides over miles under construction. all the railroads are single track, and the gauge is meter centimeters, or feet / inches. the following are the railways of -meter gauge: ( ) san juan to rio piedras, kilometers. ( ) catano to bayamon, kilometers. ( ) anasco to san sebastian and lares, kilometers. total of three lines, kilometers. the lines are all in good shape; have plenty of engines and cars; speed, kilometers per hour; use coal for fuel imported from the united states; supply usually large, may be small now; hard coal; fine stations; plenty of water, and everything in shape for business. telegraphs.--the capital communicates with the principal towns of the coast and interior by means of a well-connected telegraph system. there are in all some miles of telegraph. telephones.--the british consular report says that the telephone system of san juan, ponce, and mayaguez have recently been contracted for by local syndicates. in ponce a united states company obtained the contract for the material. there are stations already connected, and it is expected that more will be in operation shortly. administration.--from an administrative standpoint, porto rico is not considered as a colony, but as a province of spain, assimilated to the remaining provinces. the governor-general, representing the monarchy, is at the same time captain-general of the armed forces. in each chief town resides a military commander, and each town has its alcalde, or mayor, appointed by the central power. the provincial deputation is elected by popular suffrage under the same conditions as in spain. the regular peace garrison is composed of about , men, and the annual budget amounts to some , , pesos. education.--in only one-seventh of the population could read and write, but of late years progress in public instruction has been rapid. agriculture, industry, and commerce.--in there arrived in the harbors of the island , vessels of different nationalities and , departed. the value of products imported was , , pesos, and that of articles exported was , , pesos. the following are the relative percentages of values: flags. relation. per cent. spanish . american . english . various nations . ======= total . navigation is very active, but the part the inhabitants take in the commercial fleet is small. the porto ricans are not seagoing people. the eastern part of the island offers less advantage to commerce than the western, being to the windward and affording less shelter to vessels. porto rico has more than seventy towns and cities, of which ponce is the most important. ponce has , inhabitants, with a jurisdiction numbering , . it is situated on the south coast of the island, on a plain, about miles from the seaboard. it is the chief town of the judicial district of its name, and is miles from san juan. it is regularly built, the central part almost exclusively of brick houses, and the suburbs of wood. it is the residence of the military commander, and the seat of an official chamber of commerce. there is an appellate criminal court, besides other courts; churches, one protestant, said to be the only one in the spanish west, indies; hospitals besides the military hospital, a home of refuge for old and poor, cemeteries, asylums, several casinos, theaters, a market, a municipal public library, first-class hotels, barracks, a park, gas works, a perfectly equipped fire department, a bank, thermal and natural baths, etc. commercially, ponce is the second city of importance on the island. a fine road leads to the port (playa), where all the import and export trade is transacted. playa has about , inhabitants, and here are situated the custom house, the office of the captain of the port, and all the consular offices. the port is spacious and will hold vessels of feet draft. the climate, on account of the sea breezes during the day and land breezes at night, is not oppressive, but very hot and dry; and, as water for all purposes, including the fire department, is amply supplied by an aqueduct , yards long, it is said that the city of ponce is perhaps the healthiest place in the whole island. there is a stage coach to san juan, mayaguez, guayama, etc. there is a railroad to yauco, a post office, and a telegraph station. it is believed that ponce was founded in ; it was given the title of villa in , and in that of city. of its streets the best are mayor, salud, villa, vives, marina, and comercio. the best squares are principal and las delicias, which are separated by the church of nuestra senora de guadalupe. the church, as old as the town itself, began to be reconstructed in and was finished in . it is yards long by broad, and has two steeples, rich altars, and fine ornaments. the theater is called the pearl, and it deserves this name, for it is the finest on the island. it has a sculptured porch, on the byzantine order, with very graceful columns. it is mostly built of iron and marble and cost over , pesos. it is yards deep by wide. the inside is beautiful, the boxes and seats roomy and nicely decorated. it may, by a mechanical arrangement, be converted into a dancing hall. about / miles northeast of the town are the quintana thermal baths, in a building surrounded by pretty gardens. they are visited by sufferers from rheumatism and various other diseases. san juan is a perfect specimen of a walled town, with portcullis, moat, gates, and battlements. the wall surrounding this town is defended by several batteries. facing the harbor are those of san fernando, santa catalina, and santa toribio. looking toward the land side is fort abanico, and toward the ocean the batteries of san antonio, san jose, and santa teresa, and fort princesa. the land part has two ditches, or cuts, which are easy to inundate. the fort and bridge of san antonio that of san geronimo, and the escambron battery situated on a tongue of land which enters the sea. built over two hundred and fifty years ago, the city is still in good condition and repair. the walls are picturesque, and represent a stupendous work and cost in themselves. inside the walls the city is laid off in regular squares, six parallel streets running in the direction of the length of the island and seven at right angles. the peninsula on which san juan is situated is connected with the mainland by three bridges. the oldest, that of san antonio, carries the highway across the shallow san antonio channel. it is a stone-arched bridge about yards long including the approaches. by the side of this bridge is one for the railroad and one for the tramway which follows the main military highway to rio piedras. among the buildings the following are notable: the palace of the captain-general, the palace of the intendencia, the town hall, military hospital, jail, ballaja barracks, theater, custom house, cathedral, episcopal palace, and seminary. there is no university or provincial institute of second grade instruction, and only one college, which is under the direction of jesuit priests. the houses are closely and compactly built of brick, usually of two stories, stuccoed on the outside and painted in a variety of colors. the upper floors are occupied by the more respectable people, while the ground floors, almost without exception, are given up to the negroes and the poorer class, who crowd one upon another in the most appalling manner. the population within the walls is estimated at , and most of it lives on the ground floor. in one small room, with a flimsy partition, a whole family will reside. the ground floor of the whole town reeks with filth, and conditions are most unsanitary. in a tropical country, where disease readily prevails, the consequences of such herding may be easily inferred. there is no running water in the town. the entire population depend upon rain water, caught upon the flat roofs of the buildings and conducted to the cistern, which occupies the greater part of the inner court-yard that is an essential part of spanish houses the world over, but that here, on account of the crowded conditions, is very small. there is no sewerage, except for surface water and sinks, while vaults are in every house and occupy whatever remaining space there may be in the patios not taken up by the cisterns. the risk of contaminating the water is very great, and in dry seasons the supply is entirely exhausted. epidemics are frequent, and the town is alive with vermin, fleas, cockroaches, mosquitoes, and dogs. the streets are wider than in the older part of havana, and will admit two carriages abreast. the sidewalks are narrow, and in places will accommodate but one person. the pavements are of a composition manufactured in england from slag, pleasant and even, and durable when no heavy strain is brought to bear upon them, but easily broken, and unfit for heavy traffic. the streets are swept once a day by hand, and, strange to say, are kept very clean. from its topographical situation the town should be healthy, but it is not. the soil under the city is clay mixed with lime, so hard as to be almost like rock. it is consequently impervious to water and furnishes a good natural drainage. the trade wind blows strong and fresh, and through the harbor runs a stream of sea water at a speed of not less than three miles an hour. with these conditions no contagious diseases, if properly taken care of, could exist; without them the place would be a veritable plague spot. besides the town within the walls there are small portions just outside, called the marina and puerta de tierra, containing two or three thousand inhabitants each. there are also two suburbs, one, san turce, approached by the only road leading out of the city, and the other, catano, across the bay, reached by ferry. the marina and the two suburbs are situated on sandy points or spits, and the latter are surrounded by mangrove swamps. the entire population of the city and suburbs, according to the census of , was , . it is now ( ) estimated at , . one-half of the population consists of negroes and mixed races. there is but little manufacturing, and it is of small importance. the standard oil company has a small refinery across the bay, in which crude petroleum brought from the united states is refined. matches are made, some brooms, a little soap, and a cheap class of trunks. there are also ice, gas, and electric light works. chapter xxvi the ladrones. the island of guam a coaling station of the united states--discovery, size and products of the islands. when the philippine expedition on its way to manila incidentally ran up the stars and stripes over the island of guam, there was perhaps no thought of the island becoming a permanent part of our domain. however, the fortunes of war are such that the island is likely to become ours permanently as a coaling station in the pacific. magellan named these islands the ladrones from the latin word "latro," meaning a robber, because of the thievish propensities of the natives. according to magellan's reports, the native people of these islands had reduced stealing to a science of such exactness that the utmost vigilance could not prevail against their operations. the group was named the mariana islands by the jesuits, who settled in them in . the ladrone group consists of twenty islands, of which five are inhabited. the group extends forty-five miles from north to south, and is located between deg. and deg. north latitude, and between deg. and deg. east longitude. the principal islands are guam, rota and linian. they were discovered by magellan in , and have belonged to spain ever since. their population is , . the soil is fertile and densely wooded. the climate is temperate. guam, the southernly and principal island, is miles in circumference, and has a population of , , of which , are europeans. its central part is mountainous, and it has a small volcano. the products are guacas, bananas, cocoa, oranges and limes. the natives are noted as builders of the most rapidly sailing canoes in the world. with guam as a part of the territory of the united states, we have a direct line of possessions across the pacific, in the order of hawaii, guam and the philippines; while in a northwesterly direction from our pacific coast we have the islands forming a part of alaska. by holding all these islands we will be prepared to control practically the commerce of the pacific, the future great commercial highway of the world. chapter xxvii the official title to our new possessions in the indies. full text of the treaty of peace with spain handed the president of the united states as a christmas gift for the people, at the white house, --the gathered fruit of a glorious and wonderful victory. on an august midnight the good ship peru, major-general otis with his staff and general hughes, and a thousand regular cavalry and "the historian of the philippines" aboard, approached within a few miles, an immense mass of darkness. about where the mouth of manila bay should be there was, deep in the east and at a considerable elevation, a spark of white, and in a few seconds a red light, keener than stars, and in half a minute there were the sharp flashes again, and we knew that there were friends watching and waiting--that "our flag was still there," that admiral dewey and general merritt of the navy and army of the united states had upheld the symbol of the sovereignty of the great republic of north america, that the lights glowed down from the massive rock of corregidor, that through the shadows that fell on these darksome waters the american squadron had entered into immortality less than four months before, and that with the morning light we should look upon the famous scene of triumphant americanism. we had been fifteen days out of the world, for there were only the southern constellations to tell us, the southern cross so high and the north star so low, and the dazzling scorpion with diamond claws touching the central blue dome, to say how far down into the tropics we were, while the clouds of flame rested on the serenities of the matchless sea; and what had the great deep in its mysterious resplendence been whispering along the enchanting shores of the islands of asia--the true indies, oriental or occidental as might be--what had the wild waves that beat against the volcanic coasts made known in the boats wafted by the welcoming winds? we knew of the bloody days on the hills of santiago, and the fate of the fleet of admiral cervera, and there must be news of other victories! our ship turned away from the looming rock that sent forth flashes as if to say all is well, in the universe that we in our vast adventure had almost abandoned. and when the day dawned and the green hills and blue mountains and the silvery waters were revealed we turned to the left, where dewey led his squadron to the right, and there was the bay hundred and twenty knots in circumference. yonder were the white walls of cavite, and further along domes and steeples, masts and heavy lines of buildings, a wide spread city crouching on a plain rising a few feet above the tides. it was manila. presently a boat swept near, and what was that, a dozen words repeated here and there--merritt in possession of the city--of course, that was what he was there for,--but who said "there was a declaration of peace?" the strange statement was made. what--could it be that spain had surrendered? surely the president would not stop pushing things until he had gathered the fruits of victory? no, there was a protocol, and that was a treaty in fact! france had been the medium of negotiation. spain had sued for peace, and terms were granted. cuba was surrendered. porto rico was ceded to us. the spaniards claimed that they had given up manila after peace was settled, and they must repossess it. but merritt was ashore was he not, and going to stay? dewey had not given up anything, had he? surely not! but there was to be a conference, a meeting of joint commissioners held at paris to provide a treaty, that was to say the details--all the important points were fixed irrevocably except the fate of the philippines! at this point the news of the morning gave out, all except the particulars of the seige, the high claims of the spaniards, the dissatisfaction of the insurgents. it was some days before the realization of the situation was perfected. the full terms of the protocol were not made known at once. spain gave up the west indies and a ladrone island, and the united states was to hold the city, bay and harbor of manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which should determine the control, disposition and government of the philippines. certainly this was the conclusive surrender of spain! general merritt was ordered to paris, and there represented the army of the united states, and its faith and honor and glory. our peace commissioners were wm. r. day, cushman k. davis, william p. frye, george gray and whitelaw reid, who started for paris september . the spanish commissioners made a long struggle, and protracted their unhappy task for more than two months, using all arts of procrastination and persuasion, claiming that the united states should pay the cuban debt, and striving for allowances of indemnity, yielding at last to the inevitable. the text of the treaty is in seventeen articles as follows: article i.--spain renounces all right of sovereignty over cuba. whereas said isle when evacuated by spain is to be occupied by the united states, the united states, while the occupation continues, shall take upon themselves and fulfill the obligations which, by the fact of occupation, international law imposes on them for the protection of life and property. article ii.--spain cedes to the united states the island of porto rico and the other islands now under her sovereignty in the west indies and the isle of guam in the archipelago of the marianas or ladrones. article iii.--spain cedes to the united states the archipelago known as the philippine islands, which comprise the islands situated between the following lines: a line which runs west to east near the twentieth parallel of north latitude across the center of the navigable canal of bachi, from the th to the th degrees of longitude east of greenwich, from here to the width of the th degree of longitude east to parallel degrees minutes of north latitude. from here following the parallel of north latitude degrees minutes to its intersection with the meridian of longitude degrees minutes east from greenwich. from here following the meridian of degrees minutes east to the parallel of latitude degrees minutes north. from here following the parallel of degrees minutes north to its intersection with degrees longitude east. from here along a straight line to the intersection of the tenth parallel of latitude north with the th meridian east, and from here following the th meridian to the point whence began this demarcation. the united states shall pay to spain the sum of $ , , within three months after the interchange of the ratifications of the present treaty. article iv.--the united states shall, during the term of ten years, counting from the interchange of the ratifications of the treaty, admit to the ports of the philippine islands spanish ships and merchandise under the same conditions as the ships and merchandise of the united states. article v.--the united states, on the signing of the present treaty, shall transport to spain at their cost the spanish soldiers whom the american forces made prisoners of war when manila was captured. the arms of these soldiers shall be returned to them. spain, on the interchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, shall proceed to evacuate the philippine islands, as also guam, on conditions similar to those agreed to by the commissions named to concert the evacuation of porto rico and the other islands in the western antilles according to the protocol of aug. , , which shall continue in force until its terms have been completely complied with. the term within which the evacuation of the philippine islands and guam shall be completed shall be fixed by both governments. spain shall retain the flags and stands of colors of the warships not captured, small arms, cannon of all calibers, with their carriages and accessories, powders, munitions, cattle, material and effects of all kinds belonging to the armies of the sea and land of spain in the philippines and guam. the pieces of heavy caliber which are not field artillery mounted in fortifications and on the coasts shall remain in their places for a period of six months from the interchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, and the united states may during that period buy from spain said material if both governments arrive at a satisfactory agreement thereon. article vi.--spain, on signing the present treaty, shall place at liberty all prisoners of war and all those detained or imprisoned for political offences in consequence of the insurrections in cuba and the philippines and of the war with the united states. reciprocally the united states shall place at liberty all prisoners of war made by the american forces, and shall negotiate for the liberty of all spanish prisoners in the power of the insurgents in cuba and the philippines. the government of the united states shall transport, at their cost, to spain, and the government of spain shall transport, at its cost, to the united states, cuba, porto rico and the philippines, conformably to the situation of their respective dwellings, the prisoners placed or to be placed at liberty in virtue of this article. article vii.--spain and the united states mutually renounce by the present treaty all claim to national or private indemnity, of whatever kind, of one government against the other, or of their subjects or citizens against the other government, which may have arisen from the beginning of the last insurrection in cuba, anterior to the interchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, as also to all indemnity as regards costs occasioned by the war. the united states shall judge and settle the claims of its citizens against spain which she renounces in this article. article viii.--in fulfilment of articles i., ii. and iii. of this treaty spain renounces in cuba and cedes in porto rico and the other west indian isles, in guam and the philippine archipelago, all buildings, moles, barracks, fortresses, establishments, public roads and other real property which by custom or right are of the public domain, and as such belong to the crown of spain. nevertheless, it is declared that this renouncement or cession, as the case may be, referred to in the previous paragraph, in no way lessens the property or rights which belong by custom or law to the peaceful possessor of goods of all kinds in the provinces and cities, public or private establishments, civil or ecclesiastical corporations or whatever bodies have judicial personality to acquire and possess goods in the above-mentioned, renounced or ceded territories, and those of private individuals, whatever be their nationality. the said renouncement or cession includes all those documents which exclusively refer to said renounced or ceded sovereignty which exist in the archives of the peninsula. when these documents existing in said archives only in part refer to said sovereignty, copies of said part shall be supplied, provided they be requested. similar rules are to be reciprocally observed in favor of spain with respect to the documents existing in the archives of the before-mentioned islands. in the above-mentioned renunciation or cession are comprised those rights of the crown of spain and of its authorities over the archives and official registers, as well administrative as judicial, of said islands which refer to them and to the rights and properties of their inhabitants. said archives and registers must be carefully preserved, and all individuals, without exception, shall have the right to obtain, conformably to law, authorized copies of contracts, wills and other documents which form part of notarial protocols or which are kept in administrative and judicial archives, whether the same be in spain or in the islands above mentioned. article ix.--spanish subjects, natives of the peninsula, dwelling in the territory whose sovereignty spain renounces or cedes in the present treaty, may remain in said territory or leave it, maintaining in one or the other case all their rights of property, including the right to sell and dispose of said property or its produces; and, moreover, they shall retain the right to exercise their industry, business or profession, submitting themselves in this respect to the laws which are applicable to other foreigners. in case they remain in the territory they may preserve their spanish nationality by making in a registry office, within a year after the interchange of the ratifications of this treaty, a declaration of their intention to preserve said nationality. failing this declaration they will be considered as having renounced said nationality and as having adopted that of the territory in which they may reside. the civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the united states shall be determined by congress. article x.--the inhabitants of the territories whose sovereignty spain renounces or cedes shall have assured to them the free exercise of their religion. article xi.--spaniards residing in the territories whose sovereignty spain cedes or renounces shall be subject in civil and criminal matters to the tribunals of the country in which they reside, conformably with the common laws which regulate their competence, being enabled to appear before them in the same manner and to employ the same proceedings as the citizens of the country to which the tribunal belongs must observe. article xii.--judicial proceedings pending on the interchange of the ratifications of this treaty in the territories over which spain renounces or cedes sovereignty shall be determined conformably with the following rules: first, sentences pronounced in civil cases between individuals or in criminal cases before the above-mentioned date, and against which there is no appeal or annulment conformably with the spanish law, shall be considered as lasting, and shall be executed in due form by competent authority in the territory within which said sentences should be carried out. second, civil actions between individuals which on the aforementioned date have not been decided shall continue their course before the tribunal in which the lawsuit is proceeding or before that which shall replace it. third, criminal actions pending on the aforementioned date before the supreme tribunal of spain against citizens of territory which, according to this treaty, will cease to be spanish, shall continue under its jurisdiction until definite sentence is pronounced, but once sentence is decreed its execution shall be intrusted to competent authority of the place where the action arose. article xiii.--literary, artistic and industrial rights of property acquired by spaniards in cuba, porto rico, the philippines and other territories ceded on the interchange of ratifications of this treaty shall continue to be respected. spanish scientific, literary and artistic works which shall not be dangerous to public order in said territories shall continue entering therein with freedom from all customs duties for a period of ten years dating from the interchange of the ratifications of this treaty. article xiv.--spain may establish consular agents in the ports and places of the territories whose renunciation or cession are the object of this treaty. article xv.--the government of either country shall concede for a term of ten years to the merchant ships of the other the same treatment as regards all port dues, including those of entry and departure, lighthouse and tonnage dues, as it concedes to its own merchant ships not employed in the coasting trade. this article may be repudiated at any time by either government giving previous notice thereof six months beforehand. article xvi.--be it understood that whatever obligation is accepted under this treaty by the united states with respect to cuba is limited to the period their occupation of the island shall continue, but at the end of said occupation they will advise the government that may be established in the island that it should accept the same obligations. article xvii.--the present treaty shall be ratified by the queen regent of spain and the president of the united states, in agreement and with the approval of the senate, and ratifications shall be exchanged in washington within a period of six months from this date or earlier if possible. the treaty of peace will he ratified by the senate. it appears before ratification, as was the case of the protocol, through the favor of the french translations. the treaty fitly crowns the triumphs of the war. the payment of the small indemnity of twenty million dollars only covers at a reasonable estimate the public property of spain, in territory ceded to us, that was beyond the lines of the areas that formally submitted to our arms. chapter xxviii battles with the filipinos before manila. the aguinaldo war upon the americans--the course of events in the philippines since the fall of manila--origin of the filipino war--aguinaldo's insolent and aggressive acts, including treachery--his agent's vanity and duplicity in washington--insurgents under aguinaldo attack american forces--battle of manila, february and --heroism of american troops in repelling the insurgents--aguinaldo's proclamations--agoncillo's flight to canada--the ratification of the treaty of peace with spain by the american senate followed the fighting--the gallantry and efficiency of the american volunteers--another glorious chapter of our war history. when manila fell, august th, the insurgents made demonstrations of their purpose to insist upon the occupation of the city as part of their business, and were so excited by the prohibition of the indulgence of their passion for looting and revenge, that they fired several volleys in the direction of the americans. the way they were prevented from executing their purposes is stated in the th chapter of this volume,--"the official history of the conquest of manila." the filipino forces were excluded from the city unless unarmed, and aguinaldo made various claims to high consideration, asserting that the spaniards could have escaped from the city if it had not been for his army. he was, in his conversations before the destruction of the spanish fleet, and while he was on his way to cavite, a professed friend of the annexation of the philippines to the united states, and constantly a very voluble creature. the american consul at manila, writing from manila bay, opposite to the city, may th, , said: "these natives are eager to be organized and led by united states officers, and the members of their cabinet visited me and gave assurance that all would swear allegiance to and cheerfully follow our flag. they are brave, submissive, and cheaply provided for. "to show their friendliness for me as our nation's only representative in this part of the world, i last week went on shore at cavite with british consul, in his launch, to show the destruction wrought by our fleet. as soon as natives found me out, they crowded around me, hats off, shouting "viva los americanos," thronged about me by hundreds to shake either hand, even several at a time, men, women, and children striving to get even a finger to shake. so i moved half a mile, shaking continuously with both hands. the british consul, a smiling spectator, said he never before saw such an evidence of friendship. two thousand escorted me to the launch amid hurrahs of good feeling for our nation, hence i must conclude." nov. , , the american consul at hong kong gave this account of mr. agoncillo, who is an interesting person because of his celebrity for insistent and vain letters written at washington, and his flight to canada when the filipinos attacked the americans at manila: mr. wildman to mr. day. no. .] hongkong, november , . sir: since my arrival in hongkong i have been called upon several times by mr. f. agoncillo, foreign agent and high commissioner, etc., of the new republic of the philippines. mr. agoncillo holds a commission, signed by the president, members of cabinet, and general in chief of the republic of philippines, empowering him absolutely with power to conclude treaties with foreign governments. mr. agoncillo offers on behalf of his government alliance offensive and defensive with the united states when the united states declares war on spain, which, in mr. agoncillo's judgment, will be very soon. in the meantime he wishes the united states to send to some port in the philippines , stand of arms and , rounds of ammunition for the use of his government, to be paid for on the recognition of his government by the united states. he pledges as security two provinces and the custom-house at manila. he is not particular about the price--is willing the united states should make per cent or per cent profit. he is a very earnest and attentive diplomat and a great admirer of the united states. on his last visit he surprised me with the information that he had written his government that he had hopes of inducing the united states to supply the much-needed guns, etc. in case senor agoncillo's dispatch should fall into the hands of an unfriendly power and find its way into the newspapers, i have thought it wise to apprise the state department of the nature of the high commissioner's proposals. senor agoncillo informs me by late mail that he will proceed at once to washington to conclude the proposed treaty, if i advise. i shall not advise said step until so instructed by the state department. i have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, _rounseville wildman_, consul. the offensive impertinence of mr. agoncillo is quite conspicuous in this consular communication. on the money question he was very peculiar. mr. wildman was instructed by assistant secretary cridler to "briefly advise mr. agoncillo" that the united states "does not negotiate such treaties," and that he "should not encourage any advances on the part of mr. agoncillo." mr. wildman busied himself with sending tenders of allegiance to the united states from influential families of manila. mr. williams cabled the following: manila, september , , (received . a.m.) to-day delegation from , viscayan soldiers, also representing southern business interests, came to me pledging loyalty to annexation. several insurgent leaders, likewise. spain can not control; if we evacuate, anarchy rules. _williams._ mr. wildman, writing from hongkong, july th, said: "i believe i know the sentiments of the political leaders and of the moneyed men among the insurgents, and, in spite of all statements to the contrary, i know that they are fighting for annexation to the united states first, and for independence secondly, if the united states decides to decline the sovereignty of the islands. in fact i have had the most prominent leaders call on me and say they would not raise one finger unless i could assure them that the united states intended to give them united states citizenship if they wished it." august th, mr. wildman gave the following character sketch of aguinaldo, writing of the position consul williams, of manila, and himself took toward the insurgents, says: "i tried to briefly outline the position consul williams and myself have taken toward the insurgents. we believed that they were a necessary evil, and that if aguinaldo was placed in command, and was acceptable to the insurgents as their leader, that admiral dewey or general merritt would have some one whom they could hold responsible for any excesses. the other alternative was to allow the entire islands to be overrun by small bands bent only on revenge and looting. we considered that aguinaldo had more qualifications for leadership than any of his rivals. we made him no pledges and extracted from him but two, viz., to obey unquestioning the commander of the united states forces in the philippine islands, and to conduct his warfare on civilized lines. he was in and out of the consulate for nearly a month, and i believe i have taken his measure and that i acquired some influence with him. i have striven to retain his influence and have used it in conjunction with and with the full knowledge of both admiral dewey and consul williams. "aguinaldo has written me by every opportunity, and i believe that he has been frank with me regarding both his actions and his motives. i do not doubt but that he would like to be president of the philippine republic, and there may be a small coterie of his native advisers who entertain a like ambition, but i am perfectly certain that the great majority of his followers, and all the wealthy educated filipinos have but the one desire--to become citizens of the united states of america. as for the mass of uneducated natives, they would be content under any rule save that of the friars. my correspondence with aguinaldo has been strictly of a personal nature, and i have missed no opportunity to remind him of his ante-bellum promises. his letters are childish, and he is far more interested in the kind of cane he will carry or the breastplate he will wear than in the figure he will make in history. the demands that he and his junta here have made upon my time is excessive and most tiresome. he is a man of petty moods, and i have repeatedly had letters from consul williams requesting me to write to aguinaldo a friendly letter congratulating him on his success, and reminding him of his obligations. i do not care to quote admiral dewey, as his letters are all of a strictly personal nature, but i feel perfectly free to refer you to him as to my attitude and actions." mr. pratt, the united states consul general at singapore, took in hand aguinaldo--this was april --and got him off to hong kong, having had this correspondence by cable with admiral dewey: aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here. will come hongkong arrange with commodore for general co-operation insurgents manila if desired. telegraph. _pratt._ the commodore's reply reading thus: tell aguinaldo come soon as possible. _dewey_. mr. pratt says of this: i received it late that night, and at once communicated to general aguinaldo, who, with his aid-de-camp and private secretary, all under assumed names, i succeeded in getting off by the british steamer malacca, which left here on tuesday, the th. and mr. pratt made the following report to the secretary of state of the united states: consulate-general of the united states, singapore, april , . sir: referring to my dispatch no. , of the th instant, i have the honor to report that in the second and last interview i had with gen. emilio aguinaldo on the eve of his departure for hongkong, i enjoined upon him the necessity, under commodore dewey's direction, of exerting absolute control over his forces in the philippines, as no excesses on their part would be tolerated by the american government, the president having declared that the present hostilities with spain were to be carried on in strict accord with modern principles of civilized warfare. to this general aguinaldo fully assented, assuring me that he intended and was perfectly able, once on the field, to hold his followers, the insurgents, in check and lead them as our commander should direct. the general further stated that he hoped the united states would assume protection of the philippines for at least long enough to allow the inhabitants to establish a government of their own, in the organization of which he would desire american advice and assistance. these questions i told him i had no authority to discuss. i have, etc., _e. spencer pratt_, united states consul-general. june th secretary day cabled consul pratt: "avoid unauthorized negotiations with the philippine insurgents," and the secretary wrote the consul on the same day: "the department observes that you informed general aguinaldo that you had no authority to speak for the united states; and, in the absence of the fuller report which you promise, it is assumed that you did not attempt to commit this government to any alliance with the philippine insurgents. to obtain the unconditional personal assistance of general aguinaldo in the expedition to manila was proper, if in so doing he was not induced to form hopes which it might not he practicable to gratify. this government has known the philippine insurgents only as discontented and rebellious subjects of spain, and is not acquainted with their purposes. while their contest with that power has been a matter of public notoriety, they have neither asked nor received from this government any recognition. the united states, in entering upon the occupation of the islands, as the result of its military operations in that quarter, will do so in the exercise of the rights which the state of war confers, and will expect from the inhabitants, without regard to their former attitude toward the spanish government, that obedience which will be lawfully due from them. "if, in the course of your conferences with general aguinaldo, you acted upon the assumption that this government would co-operate with him for the furtherance of any plan of his own, or that, in accepting his co-operation, it would consider itself pledged to recognize any political claims which he may put forward, your action was unauthorized and can not be approved. respectfully yours, _william e. day_. the following letter is a valuable link in the chain of the story of the philippines: hongkong, august , . sir: by request i have the honor to confirm the following telegram sent you on the d instant: cortes family, representing wealthy educated families manila, implore you through consul-general wildman, in name humanity and christianity, not to desert them, and aid to obtain annexation philippines to america. please see the president. i may add in explanation of this telegram that there is a large colony of wealthy filipinos who have been driven out of manila, and the bulk of whose fortunes have been confiscated, resident here. they are people of education as well as wealth, and they are intensely loyal to the united states. the cortes family are particularly so, and they have contributed money liberally to aid aguinaldo on the understanding that he was fighting for annexation of the philippines to the united states. naturally i sympathize with them in their desire to become a part of the united states, and have advised them that you would give their cablegram your kindly consideration. i have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, _rounsevelle wildman_, consul-general. hon. marcus hanna, united states senate, washington. mr. andre, the belgian consul at manila, an important man, wrote the american commission in paris, that "everybody in the philippines, even spanish merchants," begged the americans for protection, and added: "the indians do not desire independence. they know that they are not strong enough. they trust the united states, and they know that they will be treated risditly. the present rebellion only represents a half per cent, of the inhabitants, and it would not be right to oblige , , inhabitants to submit to , rebels. luzon is only partly held by them, and it is not to be expected that a civilized nation will make them present with the rest of the island, which is hostile to the tagals of luzon. the spanish officers refuse to fight for the sake of the priests, and if the spanish government should retain the philippines their soldiers will all fall prisoners in the hands of the indians in the same way as they did already, and this is because the army is sick of war without result, and only to put the country at the mercy of the rapacious empleados and luxurious monks. "the monks know that they are no more wanted in the philippines, and they asked me to help them go away as soon as possible, and it is principally for them that i asked for the transports to the united states government, and to send them to hongkong. the indians will be delighted to see them go, and will be grateful to the united states. "if some chiefs of the rebellion will be a little disappointed in their personal pride, they will be convinced that it is better for them to submit in any case, for most of these chiefs prefer american authority." aguinaldo became swollen with the conceit of greatness, and flattered to believe he had a commanding destiny, he took on airs of extravagant consequence in his correspondence with general anderson, who commanded the first expedition of the united states troops to the philippines, and dared to assume to have authority as to the disembarkation of the soldiers of the united states. july th aguinaldo wrote to anderson: "i came from hongkong to prevent my countrymen from making common cause with the spanish against the north americans, pledging before my word to admiral dewey to not give place [to allow] to any internal discord, because, [being] a judge of their desires, i had the strong conviction i could succeed in both objects." after this false and foolish presumption, he proceeded in a pompous way to observe that "without the destruction of the spanish squadron the philippine revolution would not have advanced so rapidly." he claimed, in a letter dated august st to consul williams, that if he did not assert himself as he was doing he would be held by his people to be a traitor. his point at singapore was that he could wield his people at his pleasure. his observation was: "i have done what they desire, establishing a government in order that nothing important may be done without consulting fully their sovereign will, not only because it was my duty, but also because acting in any other manner they would fail to recognize me as the interpreter of their aspirations and would punish me as a traitor, replacing me by another more careful of his own honor and dignity." on the day after the storming of manila, aguinaldo wrote to anderson: "my troops, who have been for so long besieging manila, have always been promised that they could appear in it, as you know and can not deny, and for this reason and on account of the many sacrifices made of money and lives, i do not consider it prudent to issue orders to the contrary, as they might be disobeyed against my authority. besides, i hope that you will allow the troops to enter, because we have given proofs many times of our friendship." on the day of occupancy of manila aguinaldo wrote anderson: "i received a telegram. my interpreter is in cavite; in consequence of this i have not answered till now. my troops are forced by yours, by means of threats of violence, to retire from positions taken. it is necessary, to avoid conflicts, which i should lament, that you order your troops that they avoid difficulty with mine, as until now they have conducted themselves as brothers to take manila." general merritt did not tolerate any folly about "joint occupation," and sharply demanded the insurgents should restore the city the water supply from the mountain stream that is diverted from the pasig to the city, and aguinaldo claimed credit on the water question in these terms of prevarication and presumption. "since i have permitted the use of water before the formal declaration of the treaty, you can easily see that i am disposed to sacrifice to friendship everything not greatly prejudicial to the rights of the philippine city. "i comprehend, like yourself, the inconvenience of a double occupation of the city of manila and its environs, considering the conditions of the capitulation with the spaniards, but you must also understand that without the wide blockade maintained by my forces you would have obtained possession of the ruins of the city, but never the surrender of the spanish forces, who would have been able to retire to the interior towns. "now, do not make light of the aid formerly given by us to secure the capitulation mentioned. greatly though justice may suffer, and risking well-founded fears in regard to my city, i do not insist upon the retention of all the positions conquered by my forces within the environs at the cost of much bloodshed, unspeakable fatigue, and much money." at the same time this dictator was strutting with the powerful persuasion that the united states must be subordinate to his will, he was ambitious to live in the palace of the governor general, putting an impertinance to that effect in his correspondence, but general merritt told him he wanted it for himself and had already occupied and taken it into possession. it has been made clear that aguinaldo was from the first appearance of americans writhing with the pangs of wounded vanity, conspiring to initiate the ignorant and inflate the insignificant, exciting a considerable force to share his sentiments. unquestionably the news communicated by agoncillo to aguinaldo of the sailing of the regular troops to reinforce the army in manila caused the desperate assault upon our lines, and it may be accepted as the measurement of the filipino ignorance of american character, that the insurgent calculation was that the combat designed and its influence estimated, was expected to cause the defeat of the ratification of the treaty in the senate. general merritt assumed the governor's duties on august , at matacanan palace. insurgents seemed more pacific, and business was resumed. on august , aguinaldo sent the following cablegram to the american press: manila, august .--i am satisfied with america's occupation. the filipinos are disbanding. _aguinaldo_. head of the philippine insurgent army. the same day aguinaldo issued orders for his soldiers to return to their homes. the order was obeyed, and the insurgents expressed willingness to surrender if assured that the islands would remain under american or british control. in a clash at cavite between united states soldiers and insurgents on august , george hudson, a member of the utah regiment, was killed, and corporal william anderson, of the same battery, was mortally wounded. four troopers of the fourth cavalry were slightly wounded. aguinaldo expressed his regret and promised to punish the offenders. complaint of the conduct of aguinaldo was reported by insurgents a few days later, and he said many of his compatriots accused him of endeavoring to sell out their cause. this story was his standing excuse for insolence to americans, and the commission of savage injustice. he announced his intention to send peace commissioners to paris. on september , aguinaldo effected an important alliance with the santiaglesia party in the northern provinces of pangasinan zamballes. this party commanded , troops which hitherto had resisted aguinaldo's claims to dictatorship. at a meeting of twenty leaders of the filipinos on september , eighteen of them declared in favor of annexation to the united states. aguinaldo, on september , demanded the right to occupy part of manila. his demand was refused by general otis, who ordered him to remove his forces by a given day to avoid trouble. aguinaldo removed his headquarters to malolos on the railroad forty miles north of manila. it was on october that the open arrogance of aguinaldo asserted itself. he refused to permit a burial party from the british ship powerful to pass into the city carrying arms. for this he was reproved by the american commanders, and he apologized. october aguinaldo again took the offensive, refusing to permit the american schooner mermanos to load. following that report came the report of a battle between americans and insurgents, which was exaggerated, but showed the seriousness of the situation. the same day the czar of russia suggested a joint note from the powers to the united states on the philippine question. later aguinaldo refused the request of general otis for the release of spanish priests held as captives by the filipinos, and general otis reported the entire island of panay, with the exception of the city of iloilo, in the hands of insurgents. on november , the filipino junta at hongkong issued a long statement and petition directed to president mckinley, demanding recognition of the insurgents. on november , president mckinley issued orders to general otis to occupy the islands of panay and negros, and for this purpose troops were later sent from manila on an unsuccessful mission. january came the serious news from manila that the american forces before iloilo, under the command of general miller, were confronted by , armed filipinos, who refused them permission to land. the spanish had yielded iloilo to the insurgents for the purpose of troubling the americans. agoncillo, on january , filed a request with the authorities at washington for an interview with the president to discuss affairs in the philippines. the next day the government officials were surprised to learn that messages to general otis to deal mildly with the rebels and not to force a conflict had become known to agoncillo, and cabled by him to aguinaldo. at the same time came aguinaldo's protest against general otis signing himself "military governor of the philippines." agoncillo expressed still more violent sentiments during the second week in january. on the th of the month he gave out this statement: "in my opinion the filipino people, whom i represent, will never consent to become a colony dependency of the united states. the soldiers of the filipino army have pledged their lives that they will not lay down their arms until general aguinaldo tells them to do so, and they will keep that pledge, i feel confident." on the day after aguinaldo issued his second proclamation in manila, in which he threatened to drive the americans from the islands, called the deity to witness that their blood would be on their own heads if it was shed, and detailed at greater length the promises he claimed were made by the americans as to the part of the insurgents in the campaign. the filipino committees in london, paris and madrid about this time telegraphed to president mckinley as follows: "we protest against the disembarkation of american troops at iloilo. the treaty of peace still unratified, the american claim to sovereignty is premature. pray reconsider the resolution regarding iloilo. filipinos wish for the friendship of america and abhor militarism and deceit." the threats that manila must be taken never ceased in the rebel camp, and they hung around with sweltering venom, cultivating grievances, like a horde of wolves and panthers, hungry and rabid. at the beginning of february the situation at manila was regarded as serious, but the officials saw no reason why they could not command it for a time at least. general otis reported, in connection with some matters pertaining to the shipment home of sick spanish soldiers, that he could hold out beyond a doubt until his reinforcements arrived, and added that as the news had reached manila that there was every prospect that the peace treaty would soon be ratified, the effect on the natives had been satisfactory. sunday morning, february , reports were received by the american press that the filipino insurgents under aguinaldo had attacked the american lines before manila, and that a battle had been fought, in which many on both sides had been killed or wounded. when news of the attack of the filipinos was received at washington, agoncillo, the special representative of aguinaldo, immediately left the capital, taking the first train for canada. he reached montreal february . in an interview at the latter place he professed not to know that an attack on the american forces at manila had been planned by his people. furthermore, he stated it as his belief that no attack had been made as described in the reports. his manner and somewhat evasive statements indicated that he knew more than he cared to tell. his action in fleeing from washington indicated complicity. one of the immediate results of the filipinos' attack on manila was the hastening of the ratification by the senate of the peace treaty. at : o'clock, monday afternoon, february , the senate met in executive session, and three-fourths of an hour later the vote on the ratification of the treaty was announced. it stood for, and against, the absent and paired being six. the treaty was ratified by a majority of . the senators who voted for the treaty were: aldrich, allen, allison, baker, burrows, butler, carter, chandler, clark, clay, cullom, davis, deboe, elkins, fairbanks, faulkner, foraker, frye, gallinger, gear, gray, hanna, hansbrough, harris, hawley, jones (nev.), kenney, kyle, lindsay, lodge, mcbride, mcenery, mclaurin, mcmillan, mantle, mason, morgan, nelson, penrose, perkins, pettus, platt (conn.), platt (n.y.), pritchard, quay, ross, sewell, shoup, simon, spooner, stewart, sullivan, teller, thurston, warren, wellington, wolcott. the senators who voted against the treaty were: bacon, bate, berry, caffery, chilton, cockrell, daniel, gorman, hale, heitfeld, hoar, jones (ark.), mallory, martin, mills, mitchell, money, murphy, pasco, pettigrew, rawlins, roach, smith, tillman, turley, turner, vest. those who were absent and paired were: cannon and wilson for, with white against; proctor and wetmore for, with turpie against. the ratification of the treaty was not a party question. thirty-nine republicans, ten democrats, and eight silver men voted for the treaty, and two republicans, twenty-two democrats and three silver men voted against it. on february , aguinaldo issued the following proclamation: "i order and command: . that peace and friendly relations with the americans be broken and that the latter be treated as enemies, within the limits prescribed by the laws of war. . that the americans captured be held as prisoners of war. . that this proclamation be communicated to the consuls and that congress order and accord a suspension of the constitutional guarantee, resulting from the declaration of war." february th, aguinaldo issued a second proclamation in which he said that the outbreak of hostilities was "unjustly and unexpectedly provoked by the americans." he also spoke of "the constant outrages and taunts which have been causing misery to the manilans," and referred to the "useless conferences" and contempt shown for the filipino government as proving a "premeditated transgression of justice and liberty." he called on his people to "sacrifice all upon the altar of honor and national integrity," and insisted that he tried to avoid as far as possible an armed conflict. he claimed that all his efforts "were useless before the unmeasured pride of the americans," whom he charged as having treated him as a rebel "because i defended the interests of my country and would not become the instrument of their dastardly intentions." he concluded by saying: "be not discouraged. our independence was watered freely by the blood of martyrs, and more will be shed in the future to strengthen it. remember that efforts are not to be wasted that ends may be gained. it is indispensable to adjust our actions to the rules of law and right and to learn to triumph over our enemies. we have fought our ancient oppressors without arms, and we now trust to god to defend us against the foreign foe." _the official battle bulletins_. the messages following were received in the order given. "manila, february .--adjutant-general, washington: have established our permanent lines well out and have driven off the insurgents. the troops have conducted themselves with great heroism. the country about manila is peaceful, and the city is perfectly quiet. list of casualties to-morrow. _otis_." "manila, february .--to the adjutant-general: insurgents in large force opened attack on our outer lines at : p. m. last evening; renewed attack several times during night; at o'clock this morning entire line engaged; all attacks repulsed; at daybreak advanced against insurgents, and have driven them beyond the lines they formerly occupied, capturing several villages and their defense works; insurgent loss in dead and wounded large; our own casualties thus far estimated at , few fatal. troops enthusiastic and acting fearlessly. navy did splendid execution on flanks of enemy; city held in check, and absolute quiet prevails; insurgents have secured a good many mauser rifles, a few field pieces and quick-firing guns, with ammunition, during last month. _otis_." "manila, february .--to adjutant-general: situation most satisfactory. no apprehension need be felt. perfect quiet prevails in city and vicinity. list of casualties being prepared, and will be forwarded as soon as possible. troops in excellent health and spirits. _otis_." "manila, february .--adjutant-general, washington: the insurgent army concentrated around manila from luzon provinces, numbered over , , possessing several quick-firing and krupp field guns. good portion of enemy armed with mausers, latest pattern. two krupp and great many rifles captured. insurgents fired great quantity of ammunition. quite a number of spanish soldiers in insurgent service who served artillery. insurgents constructed strong intrenchments near our lines, mostly in bamboo thickets. these our men charged, killing or capturing many of the enemy. our casualties probably aggregate . full reports to-day. casualties of insurgents very heavy. have buried some of their dead and hold prisoners. their loss, killed, wounded, and prisoners, probably , . "took waterworks pumping station yesterday, six miles out. considerable skirmish with enemy, which made no stand. pumps damaged; will be working in a week. have number of condensers set up in city, which furnish good water. troops in excellent spirits. quiet prevails. _otis_." "manila, february .--adjutant-general, washington: situation rapidly improving. reconnaissance yesterday to south several miles; to east to laguna bay; to northeast eight miles, driving straggling insurgent troops in various directions, encountering no decided opposition. "army disintegrated, and natives returning to village, displaying white flag. "near caloocan, six miles north, enemy made stand behind entrenchments. charged by kansas troops, led by colonel funston; close encounter, resulting in rout of enemy, with very heavy loss. "loss to kansas troops, lieutenant alford killed, six men wounded. "night of th, aguinaldo issued flying proclamation, charging americans with initiative, and declared war. "his influence throughout this section destroyed. now applies for cessation of hostilities and conference. have declined to answer. "insurgents' expectation of rising in city on night of th unrealized. provost marshal-general, with admirable disposition of troops, defeated every attempt. "city quiet. business resumed. natives respectful and cheerful. "the fighting qualities of american troops a revelation to all inhabitants. signed, _otis_." secretary alger sent the following cablegram to general otis, at manila: "accept my best congratulations upon your magnificent victory of sunday, all the more creditable because you were not the aggressor." "manila, february .--adjutant-general: insurgents collected considerable force between manila and caloocan, where aguinaldo is reported to be, and threatened attack and uprising in city. "this afternoon swung left of mcarthur division, which is north of pasig river, into caloocan, driving enemy easy. "our left now at caloocan. our loss slight; that of insurgents considerable. particulars in morning. "attack preceded by one-half hour's firing from two of admiral dewey's vessels. "_otis_." "manila, february .--adjutant-general, washington: everything quiet this morning; business in city resuming former activity. _otis_." "manila, february .--general miller reports from iloilo that that town was taken on the th inst., and is held by troops. insurgents given until evening of th to surrender, but their hostile actions brought on an engagement during the morning. insurgents fired the native portion of town, but little losses to property of foreign inhabitants. no casualties among united states troops reported. "_otis_." the legal situation, while the treaty was not ratified, and seemed gravely in doubt, was an embarrassment to the executive of the united states. the philippine question was by the act of the president a special reservation, and it was submitted to the people as too great in scope and various in detail, to be determined by one man, especially as the philippine archipelago was so far away from our pacific shore as to be, according to the average citizen's information, a new departure; and the novelties in a republic need much consideration. really the departure is not new--it is in the direct line of the logic of our history. the president exceedingly desired to preserve the peace with the filipinos, and gave orders not to attack them. he trusted this anxious care would prevent bloodshed. hence the annoying attitude of waiting acquiesence at iloilo, and at manila under almost intolerable provocation. a personal letter from manila, dated december th, and written by a general officer contains this. "aguinaldo has sent for a new hatter with inflated blocks, and has his people dragging up field guns in face of our outposts. you can draw your own inferences." there is a flavor of bitter humor in this, but the fact is prominent that the desperadoes were quite wild, and had no understanding of themselves or of us, and could acquire it only by getting themselves whipped by us. we quote again from the letter of which we have taken the passage above: "the able and thinking men in this country tell me in unmistakable language that they are in no way prepared to take up the government of these islands. they insist upon the fact that tribunals will have, through lack of native material, to be mixed bodies. they say that with all the harshness that must accompany occupancy, the people here never had as much liberty as they have now, and that they show a strong inclination to abuse what is given them." this is the true story of the philippine people wherever there has been a free and intelligent expression. our army did not go to manila to harm the filipinos who have the misfortune to become infatuated with the malicious vanity of those who have surrounded themselves with a cloud of superstition and all the inventions of falsehood. it was necessary that americans should protect themselves, or yield the country to the destructiveness of barbarism, and they have defended americanism and civilization. the dragging of field pieces to bear upon our pickets was with the purpose of bringing american soldiers into contempt, at once, and to force fighting ultimately. the poor men who became victims were deluded and carried their defiance to an intolerable pitch. in the same style employed when he demanded that general anderson should consult him about getting on philippine soil, aguinaldo attempted to intimidate general otis by inviting a conference, and avowing that he would make war if any more troops were sent to manila. he would have bloodshed, and is responsible for it, so far as he is an accountable being. it is of the horrors of war that the blood of brave men is shed on both sides of a controversy that has been appealed to the arbitrament of arms, though the origin of the affray may be obscure and the issue uncertain. in the bloodshed around manila the case is clear and the conclusion certain, and there is the compensation that the heroism, enterprise, activity and dash and continuance of the american soldiers under the most trying circumstances, flame forth, and the glory of our soldiers is equal to that of our sailors in the judgment of the men of all nations. there is something more in this second clash of arms at manila. it is difficult to find ground harder to carry in offensive movements than the sultry thickets in which the filipinos were hidden, but our soldiers obeyed all orders to advance with alacrity, energy and enthusiasm, and were eager for their work. the men who can do what ours did at manila can do anything that may rationally be dared. and in this story of manila is the testimony that after the volunteers have been seasoned, they do keep step with the dread music of war with the regulars of any race or people, and there can be no national retreat from the duty destiny defines in the philippines, any more than from the states of the valley that is the heart of the country--the valley watered by the ohio, the noblest river in the world, that flows westward in the course of empire. the dispatches of general otis are clear and striking in tone, and may at once be classified as model bulletins of history. he is a most energetic, careful, studious and laborious soldier, bearing himself with the dignity of a man modest as brave, and full of kindliness, but determined in discipline, knowing it to be for the common good. he is resolute in demanding that the requisitions shall be according to the forms, and those associated with him must respect the regulations. the objection to him of those who seek one is that he attends too much to details, but that is well when the commander is absolute in duty and has an appetite for hard work before which the small matters disappear as by magic and the greater ones are conquered by force of habit. the scenery of the battle fields around manila should be carefully regarded and remembered. the bay is a vast sheet nearly thirty miles in length, with a width exceeding twenty miles. the shores of the bay are low--not more than six feet at most, above high tide. they are also sandy and soft, resembling in some respects the banks of louisiana rivers, but no levees are attempted. the famous pasig river is only twenty miles long, and drains a large lake, in which there is an immense multiplication of vegetable growth that floats perpetually to the bay, and is called "lilies," though having the look of small cabbages. the stream is almost as broad as the ohio, and, in its snaky turns, crooked as the mississippi. the banks seem to be prevented from washing away by the dense matting of grasses, and the overhanging thickets, imposing in luxuriance. the houses are close to the water, for the tidal river does not rise and fall enough to disturb the inhabitants. there are mountains a few miles away east and south--big lumps of blue. the stream that furnishes pure water to manila is from the mountains, and tapped near the mouth, where it empties into the pasig, seven miles from the city. manila is widespread, and of structures whose height has been moderated by experience of earthquakes. there is a great deal of marshy land, and rice fields, and the jungles, so thick and thorny, and the grasses so tall, fibrous, and rasping, that the marching of columns of soldiers is excessively fatiguing. it was a terrible task that was cut out for our men, by the delay in the senate, mischievously elongated, the insurgents having fortified themselves in a way that they knew would have been utterly impervious by spaniards. the military leaders of the filipinos have the explanation to offer, if they have the enlightenment to comprehend their own predicament, as a discomfited mass of fugitives, that they never, before the american regulars and volunteers charged them, met soldiers who would not have retreated in dismay from the fiery ambuscades. the achievement of the americans in confronting, rushing and routing the array, formidable in numbers, of natives, gathered with great expectations of a victory that would convert them into the barbaric conquerors of a civilized community--the consecutive and conclusive victories over them that covered our arms, will have honorable distinction, of putting soldiers to the proof and finding them pure steel, for a long time to come. our boys, weary of the aggressive attitude of the still insurgent crowds, though the power of spain had been broken, welcomed with cheers the order to charge; and it has been many days since there has been a trial of manliness more severe, or testimony of devotion more true, and of the staunch fighting quality of the troops whose only way out of difficulty was to find the enemy and drive them headlong. it is not to be forgotten, while the flag of the nation flies, that the brave regiments that will bear upon their banners the name manila, with the dates of february, , are from all sections of the country, from the alleghenies to the pacific. they come from western pennsylvania, tennessee, wisconsin, the dakotas, oregon, washington, wyoming, utah, montana, idaho, and california, and as admiral dewey said so well of the crews of his ships on his immortal may day, "there was not a man in the fleet who did not do his duty, and no man did more." it is, as admiral schley said of the famous naval victory on the southern cuban coast, "there is glory enough to go around." take the list of regiments and batteries and troops in the eighth army corps, under the command of major-general e.s. otis, and there is but one record--each officer and enlisted man was in his place, and all are worthy to be glorified, for their dashing rushes through the swamps and the hideous tropic tangles, they penetrated to find the foe, equally with those heroes who mounted with unquailing ardor that only death could quench and that victory crowned the bloody hills of santiago. the easy capture of iloilo proves the inadequacy of the followers of aguinaldo to do any mischief beyond bushwhacking, and it will not be found worth while to pursue the natives who made an occupation of war far into the jungles. the complete possession of the railroad by our troops will be necessary, and the navy will have business for light vessels in preventing the smuggling of japanese arms, which are, no doubt, furnished at low rates for special purposes. two proclamations have appeared in the philippines--one by general otis, the american general commanding the eighth army corps, and the other by aguinaldo, that make clear in a few words the policy of those engaged in the war that has followed the downfall of the sovereignty of spain over the bits of the archipelago they occupied. general otis said, january th, that the "united states forces came to give the blessings of peace and individual freedom to the philippine people. we are here as friends of the filipinos to protect them in their homes, their employments, their individual and religious liberty. all persons who, either by active aid or honest endeavor, co-operate with the government of the united states to give effect to these beneficient purposes will receive the reward of its support and protection." the general quoted the instructions of the president, and remarked: "i am fully of the opinion that it is the intention of the united states government, while directing affairs generally, to appoint the representative men now forming the controlling element of the filipinos to civil positions of trust and responsibility, and it will be my aim to appoint to these such filipinos as may be acceptable to the supreme authorities at washington. "it is also my belief that it is the intention of the united states government to draw from the filipino people so much of the military force of the islands as possible and consistent with a free and well-constituted government of the country, and it is my desire to inaugurate a policy of that character. "i am also convinced that it is the intention of the united states government to seek the establishment of a most liberal government for the islands, in which the people themselves shall have as full representation as the maintenance of order and law will permit, and which shall be susceptible of development on lines of increased representation and the bestowal of increased powers into a government as free and independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces of the world. "it will be my constant endeavor to co-operate with the filipino people, seeking the good of the country, and i invite their full confidence and aid." aguinaldo, on this conciliatory definition of american purposes, objects to general otis calling himself "military governor," and cries out, with "all the energy of his soul against such authority," and alludes to the policy of the president referring to the philippine annexation, adding: "i solemnly protest, in the name of god, the root and fountain of all justice and of all right, and who has given to me power to direct my dear brothers in the difficult work of our regeneration, against this intrusion of the government of the united states in the sovereignty of these islands. "and so, you must understand, my dear brothers, that, united by bonds which it will be impossible to break, such is the idea of our liberty and our absolute independence, which have been our noble aspirations, all must work together to arrive at this happy end, with the force which gives conviction, already so generally felt, among all the people, to never turn back in the road of glory, on which we have already so far advanced." president mckinley, on the evening of february l th, addressed at the boston home market club banquet, all civilized nations, setting forth the policy of the united states in the philippines, saying: "the philippines, like cuba and porto rico, were intrusted to our hands by the war, and to that great trust, under the providence of god and in the name of human progress and civilization, we are committed. it is a trust from which we will not flinch. "there is universal agreement that the philippines shall not be turned back to spain. no true american would consent to that. "the suggestions that they should be tossed into the arena for the strife of nations or be left to the anarchy or chaos of no protectorate at all were too shameful to be considered. the treaty gave them to the united states. could we have required less and done our duty? "our concern is not for territory, or trade, or empire, but for the people whose interests and destiny were put in our hands. "it is not a good time for the liberator to submit important questions to the liberated while they are engaged in shooting down their rescuers. "the future of the philippine islands is now in the hands of the american people. "i know of no better or safer human tribunal than the people. "until congress shall direct otherwise, it will be the duty of the executive to possess and hold the philippines. "that the inhabitants of the philippines will be benefited is my unshaken belief. "no imperial designs lurk in the american mind. they are alien to american sentiment." there is a directness of purpose and precision of statement about this that bears the stamp of sincerity, is impressive with the power of authority, and shines with the spirit of patriotism. chapter xxix the aguinaldo war of skirmishes. the filipino swarms, after being repulsed with slaughter, continue their scattering efforts to be assassins--they plan a general massacre and the burning of manila--defeated in barbarous schemes, they tell false tales and have two objects, one to deceive the people of the philippines, the other to influence intervention--the peril of fire--six thousand regulars sent to general otis--americans capture iloilo and many natives want peace--the people of the isla of negros ask that they may go with us--dewey wants battleships and gunboats, gets them, and is made an admiral--arrival of peace commissioners, with their school books, just ahead of the regulars with magazine rifles--the germans at manila salute admiral dewey at last. the activity of the aguinaldo insurgents was persisted in, while their commissioners were on the way to us, and ours to them. while congress was in a reactionary state owing to political games, and many members tearful on the side of the barbarians, there was a desperate conspiracy to massacre the white people of manila and destroy the city by fire; and fighting was going on along our extended lines, the filipinos shooting at americans from the jungles. on february th the california volunteers abandoned guadalupe church and retired to san pedro macati, and the filipinos held ambuscades near the pasig river. it was reported that on the night of the th the retirement of general king's advance posts upon san pedro macati had evidently been construed by the rebels as a sign of weakness, as they pressed forward along both sides of the river, persistently harassing the occupants of the town. the rebels poured volley after volley into san pedro macati from the brush on the adjacent ridge, but without effect. general king's headquarters, in the center of the town, was the target for scores of bullets. the rebels were using smokeless powder and it was extremely difficult to locate individual marksmen. the heat was intense and increasing perceptibly. it was impossible to provide shade for the troops in parts of the line. on the st the following remarkable dispatch was received from general otis: "manila, feb. .--adjutant-general, washington: following issued by an important officer of insurgent government at malolos february , , for execution during that evening and night in this city: "'you will so dispose that at o'clock at night the individuals of the territorial militia at your order will be found united in all of the streets of san pedro, armed with their bolos and revolvers or guns and ammunition, if convenient. "'philippine families only will be respected. they should not be molested, but all other individuals, of whatever race they may be, will be exterminated without any compassion after the extermination of the army of occupation. "'the defenders of the philippines in your command will attack the guard at bilibid and liberate the prisoners and "presidiarios," and, having accomplished this, they will be armed, saying to them: "'"brothers, we must avenge ourselves on the americans and exterminate them, that we may take our revenge for the infamy and treachery which they have committed upon us; have no compassion upon them; attack with vigor. all filipinos en masse will second you. long live filipino independence." "'the order which will be followed in the attack will be as follows: the sharpshooters of tondo and santa ana will begin the attack from without and these shots will be the signal for the militia of troso binondo, quiata and sampaloe to go out into the street and do their duty; those of pake, ermita and malate, santa cruz and san miguel will not start out until o'clock unless they see that their companions need assistance. "'the militia of tondo will start out at o'clock in the morning; if all do their duty our revenge will be complete. brothers, europe contemplates us; we know how to die as men, shedding our blood in defense of the liberty of our country. death to the tyrants. "'war without quarter to the false americans who have deceived us. "'either independence or death.'" there is not sufficient reason to assume that this paper setting forth an order to carry out a conspiracy of house burning and assassination is beyond belief. it is characteristic of the filipino literature that relates to americans. general otis is a man whose communications may be relied upon absolutely. he is a believer in the exact truth and has shown exemplary care in stating it. the filipino faction of warriors are habitually false, and wherever they have an agent, are circulating falsehoods manufactured to order. the junta of the aguinaldo pretenders, issued at hongkong a statement as follows: "information which has leaked through the pinkertons, sent by president mckinley to investigate the shipment of arms to the filipinos, shows that the first shipments to aguinaldo were made by order of the american government, through consul wildman, hence the shipment per the wing foi. the american government subsequently telegraphed to cease this, coincident with the change of policy to annexation. "mr. wildman and rear admiral dewey promised to pay, but have not yet paid, for a subsequent expedition by the abbey, authorized by admiral dewey, who afterward seized the steamer, and it is still held. papers respecting this are now in the possession of the secretary of the navy. "the protestations of admiral dewey and other americans that they made no promises are ridiculous. in view of these facts let the american people judge how the nation's word of honor was pledged to the filipinos and confided in by them, and violated by the recent treachery of general otis." there may be an occasional member of congress who cannot help believing this, but he does not allow his ignorance to be moderated by any ingredient of information. on the same day the above publication appeared there was given at hongkong to the american consul, wildman, news of the "discovery of , rifles and , , cartridges stored on lighters at nankin by filipinos and ready for shipment to the islands. the american minister promptly induced the chinese authorities to impound the munitions, thus inflicting a hard blow to aguinaldo. "the extraordinary thing is that the japanese government sold the arms to the regular agent of the filipinos at yokohama, although, for the sake of appearances, a form of auction was used. the japanese officials, it develops, offered , rifles, with machinery for loading and ammunition, to the filipinos in september. "traitorous americans here are aiding the insurgents to smuggle arms. agoncillo's dispatches are leading the filipinos to believe president mckinley intends to treat with them." the official correspondence of the american consuls at singapore, manila and hongkong with the state department, proves that there was no treaty with aguinaldo, no deception so far as our government was concerned, and that he was a professor of americanism, talking of annexation and a protectorate and his gratitude; and then a sulking and swollen little creature; as wildman wrote, a spoiled child, requiring flatteries to keep him in a good humor. admiral dewey was very careful never to promise aguinaldo anything--giving him some old guns and encouraging him to keep the spaniards busy, but never presuming or allowing it to be assumed that he was speaking for our government. by way of seattle we have an extract of a letter written by an insurgent officer at hongkong in these terms: "more than , families have left manila since we began our war on the americans. american soldiers are deserting and presenting themselves to our officers. in order to get the american troops who were ordered to iloilo on board the transport many of the men had first been made drunk, others were embarked forcibly. they all protested against going, saying that they had come to fight spaniards, not filipinos. after the boat got under way the men mutinied. many jumped overboard and swam ashore. those who remained began to wreck all parts of the vessel." the intensity of the folly of the filipinos making war upon the united states is on exhibition in this letter, and it is serviceable as a measure of their intelligence. it is with this equipment of elementary knowledge that agoncillo is in europe to solicit the intervention of the great powers for his country and asserts that he lost dewey's letters in a shipwreck. he should exploit his mission in madrid. it was on the nights of the nd and d of february that an effort was made by the filipinos to burn manila. the attempt to destroy property closely resembled in the stealthy preliminaries, and desperate strife to burn the city, the cunningly prepared first attack upon the american army, repulsed with a slaughter that has moved deeply the sympathies of our statesmen opposed to the administration of our government the growth of the country and the public honor. the fact is they are sentimentalists in decay or degenerates running for a decline and fall. there was some fighting in the streets during the night, but the americans quickly quelled the uprising. a number of the insurgents were killed and several american soldiers severely wounded. a large market place was the first to burn. between six and seven hundred residences and business houses were destroyed. fires started at several points simultaneously, and, spreading with great rapidity, resisted efforts to control them. hundreds of homeless natives were huddled in the streets, making the patrol duty of the americans difficult. the fire was started in three places. native sharpshooters were concealed behind corner buildings. they shot at every american in sight. flames burst forth simultaneously from santa cruz, san nicolas and tondo. from these points the fire spread. in a short time a great part of the city was burning. notwithstanding the continual activity of the hidden sharpshooters the american garrison turned out and fought the fire. in many cases they had first to drive away the lurking assassins. no one of our troops was killed, but seven members of the minnesota regiment ere wounded making a rush into the burning tondo quarter. captain c. robinson of company c was one of the wounded. the troops were rallied from some of the outlying encampments, quickly spread through all parts of the city and subdued what was evidently planned for a general uprising and massacre. the fire lasted all night. the native rebels in the city have been completely checked by the prompt work of general otis and the other commanders. it is evident that the incendiaries and assassins believed that the entire town would be destroyed and with it the foreign residents and the american soldiers. general otis telegraphed adjutant-general corbin february d: "determined endeavors to burn city last night. buildings fired in three different sections of city. fires controlled by troops, after severe labor. "a considerable number of incendiaries shot and a few soldiers wounded. "early this morning a large body of insurgents made a demonstration off macarthur's front, near caloocan, and were repulsed. loss of property by fire last night probably $ , ." february st, : p. m.--"the natives of the village of paco made a bold attempt last night to burn the quarters of the first washington volunteers by setting fire to the huts adjoining their quarters in the rear. "fortunately the wind changed at the moment the fire was discovered, and, fanned by a stiff breeze, the flames spread in the opposite direction, destroying fully twenty shacks and houses opposite the ruins of the church. the incendiaries escaped. "mysterious signals were frequently made along the enemy's lines during the night." from the high points in the city fires were seen in a dozen places, and a cloud of smoke hovered over the city, conveying the impression to people about the bay and in the outside districts that the whole city was burning. on the st of february the nebraska troops drove a force of insurgents three miles to pasig. twenty-one of them were found dead on the field and many more were believed to have been killed. the americans had three wounded. a most serious problem confronts general otis in the protection of manila and the suburban towns from fire, not only because of the treacherous character of the rebel filipinos, but also because outside of the business establishments the houses are built of the flimsiest bamboo, hung with matting screens. even the floors are made of strips of bamboo, separated so as to allow the free circulation of air. it is within the power of almost any person to set fire to these houses from without or within in a few seconds, and, as they are closely built, the ravages of a single fire in a quarter so closely constructed might easily reach the $ , point mentioned by general otis. the foreign quarter is of better construction, but still includes many of these light bamboo houses, which the older residents seem to find cooler than those of more solid construction. the walled town, which the insurgents threaten to burn, is said to be of substantial structures, and probably is more easily defended against such an attempt than any other section of the town. february th, : a. m., a dispatch was received from colombo, island of colon, as follows: "the united states transport grant, which sailed from new york for manila january with troops under command of major-general henry w. lawton on board, arrived here to-day. general lawton received a cablegram from major-general otis saying: "'situation critical. your early arrival necessary.' "he also received from general corbin, united states adjutant-general, a cable dispatch urging him to hurry. "general lawton ordered his officers to buy supplies regardless of expense, and the transport is taking on coal and water hurriedly. she will try to reach manila without further stop." march th a dispatch from general lawton on the grant at singapore was received as follows: "arrived here to-night. will stop six hours for coal. have no serious illness to report. favorable conditions still continue. "we shall probably reach manila early on morning of march . have so informed otis." this shows the strong impression the manila news made in the war department, of the attempt to burn the city, which was part of the announced plan of the insurgents. filipino spies and sympathizers had been watched by the american troops day and night seeking to locate places of weakness. many were captured. some of them were disguised in women's clothing. plots of all kinds were rife. there had been constant fear for weeks in the city that a massacre and conflagration would be attempted. general otis warned his officers to be ever vigilant. since the first battle our troops have guarded all quarters within the lines. the conclusion of the very serious phase of the incendiary period was announced by general otis in this dispatch: "manila, feb. .--to secretary of war, washington: scandia arrived last night. on nights st and d and yesterday morning insurgent troops gained access to outskirts of city behind our lines. many in hiding and about , intrenched themselves. completely routed yesterday, with loss of killed and wounded about and prisoners. our loss was slight. city quiet, confidence restored, business progressing. _otis_." on the afternoon of february th it was stated in a manila cablegram that the military police had raided several suspected houses in various districts, capturing small bodies of twenty or thirty prisoners in each place. this and the o'clock order effectually dispelled the fears of a threatened outbreak of the natives, who do not dare singly, or collectively, to appear on the streets after dark. the feeling in the city decidedly improved, although the chinese were timorous. hundreds of applicants for cedulus besiege the register's office, the natives apparently being under the impression that their possession insures them from interference and the ignominy of being searched for arms on the streets. there was a mystery lasting a day or two about this unusual cable communication: "manila, feb. .--to secretary of navy, washington: for political reasons the oregon should be sent here at once. _dewey_." it was not a secret, however, in manila bay in august that admiral dewey wanted two battleships, just as he wanted and had needed two monitors, and that he then preferred the oregon and the iowa. he has deemed it of the utmost importance that he should have a force at manila bay superior to that of any other power. the german fleet had for a considerable part of the time since the destruction of the spanish squadron been in a menacing attitude. the germans were ostentatious in discourtesy during admiral diedrich's personal presence. the congress of the united states that was so divided and distracted about the philippine question was unanimous as to the pre-eminent merits as a naval commander of george dewey, though he was the embodiment of all the anti-americans railed at. this is the official paper that proclaims dewey's promotion: "_president_ of the united states of america. "to all who shall see these presents: greeting: "know ye, that, reposing special trust and confidence in the patriotism, valor and fidelity and abilities of "_george dewey_. i have nominated, and by and with the advice and consent of the senate, do appoint him admiral of the navy from the second day of march, , in the service of the united states. "he is, therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the duties of admiral by doing and performing all manner of duties thereto belonging. "and i do strictly charge and require all officers, seamen and marines under his command to be obedient to his orders as admiral. "and he is to observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time as he shall receive from me or the future president of the united states of america. "given under my hand at washington the second day of march, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine, and in the one hundred and twenty-third year of the independence of the united states. "by the president: _william m'kinley_. "_john d. long_, secretary of the navy." the admiral personally responded, cabling to the secretary of the navy: "manila, march .--please accept for yourself, the president and congress and my countrymen my heartfelt thanks for the great honor which has been conferred upon me. _dewey_." he will draw from the government $ , a year, including allowances, and is entitled to a larger staff. his direct pay is $ , per annum, a rise of $ , . he outranks any officer in the united states army, the fact being that rear admirals rank with the major-generals, who are the highest officers at present in the army, and dewey is a full admiral. this is the result of not being afraid of torpedoes or to risk ships in front of shore batteries. on the rd of march the president nominated brigadier-general elwell s. otis, u.s.a., to be major-general by brevet, to rank from february , , for military skill and most distinguished service in the philippine islands. the nomination was confirmed by the senate. secretary alger sent the following congratulatory message to general otis: "you have been nominated and confirmed a major-general by brevet in the regular army. the president wishes this message of congratulations sent you, in which i cordially join." the spanish way of dealing with unfortunate officers appears in this: "madrid, friday.--admiral montojo, who was in command of the spanish squadron destroyed by admiral dewey in the battle of manila bay, and the commander of the cavite arsenal were this evening incarcerated in the military prison pending trial for their conduct at manila. admiral cervera has also been imprisoned, along with general linares, the two men in the spanish service who gave the americans trouble. the colon gazette on the d of february publishes extracts from a private letter dated iloilo, january , that prior to the conclusion of peace lieutenant brandeis, formerly of the twenty-first baden dragoons, with spanish troops, held the town against , to , filipinos, who were monkeying about and assuming to be conducting a siege, just as the aguinaldo crowd was doing at manila when general merritt arrived. when peace was declared the iloilo spaniards presently surrendered and the filipinos rushed in as conquering heroes. the pacific policy of the president prevented the united states troops from taking the place from the swarm of islanders until the outbreak in front of manila, when our strict defensive was unavailable and general miller quietly occupied and possessed iloilo, the important sugar-exporting town of the philippines. the natives of the island of negros sent a delegation to general miller, after he had captured iloilo, to offer their allegiance to the united states, and the general holds jaro and molo, where there has been skirmishing recently. the insurgents have , men at santa barbara. the governor of camarines, in the interior of luzon, has issued a proclamation declaring that the americans intend to make the filipinos slaves. march th the united states cruiser baltimore arrived at manila having on board the civil members of the united states philippine commission. on the same day the rebels of the village of san jose fired on the united states gunboat bennington and the warship shelled that place and other suburbs of manila in the afternoon. at daylight general wheaton's outposts discovered a large body of rebels attempting to cross the river for the purpose of re-enforcing the enemy at guadalupe. a gunboat advanced under a heavy fire and poured shot into the jungle on both sides of the river and shelled the enemy's position at guadalupe, effectually but temporarily scattering the rebels. the enemy's loss was heavy. american loss, one killed and two wounded. general otis cabled: "the transport senator just arrived; troops in good health. one casualty, accidental drowning. _otis_." the senator carried companies a, b, c, d, h and k of the twenty-second infantry and sailed from san francisco on february . the remainder of this regiment arrived at manila on the transport ohio, which followed the senator. the transport valentia sailed from san francisco march th, carrying in addition to soldiers, stores and supplies, $ , , to pay the soldiers now in the philippines. march d general order no. was issued from the adjutant-general's office, war department of the united states: "the following regiments will be put in readiness for service in the philippine islands without delay, the movement to take place from time to time under instructions to be communicated hereafter: sixth artillery, sixth infantry, ninth infantry, thirteenth infantry, sixteenth infantry and twenty-first infantry. "the following troops will he put in readiness for early departure for station in honolulu, hawaiian islands: "twenty-fourth infantry, one field officer and four companies; one company from fort douglas, utah, and three companies from fort d. a. russell, wyoming. "the department commanders are charged with the preparation of their commands for these movements. the quartermaster-general will make timely arrangements for the transportation of the various commands. the commissary-general of subsistence and the surgeon-general will make necessary provision for proper subsistence and medical supplies and attendance." this means that our army at manila will he re-enforced by , regulars. recent advices show that aniceto lanson, president of negros island, called on general otis with his fellow-delegates, pose de luzuriago, president of negros congress; gosebio luzuriago, secretary of finance, and deputy andries azcoule. they assured general otis of the hearty support of the visayas except those few who have been stirred into revolt by the agents of aguinaldo on the island of panay. the government of negros, they declared, was in favor of american rule, and there was no adverse sentiment whatever among the natives. the stars and stripes are now floating over all the official buildings on the island. the commission offered to raise an army of , visayans to fight the tagalos on the island of luzon. the commissioners represent large sugar-interests in negros. the negros island deputation was greatly pleased with its reception. admiral dewey's flag as a full american admiral was saluted becomingly by all the warships of foreign nations at manila, even including the germans, who had not until then showed the americans any significant courtesy. the english led the function with an admiral's salute. there was no novelty in this, for they long ago in every friendly way recognized manila as an american port. the germans have given signal manifestation of their desire to promote the most cordial relations between germany and the united states by ordering the withdrawal of all vessels of their navy from philippine waters and placing the lives and property of their subjects there under the protection of the united states government. a hongkong dispatch of february contained this information: "professors schurman and worcester to-day, after a long consultation with wildman, who is looked upon as one of the best-posted men in the orient in regard to philippine affairs, expressed themselves as satisfied with the outlook. "they are especially pleased with the action of president mckinley in restoring to the wealthy cortes family the great estates illegally confiscated by the spaniards. "'it is good politics,' said a leading member of the hongkong colonial cabinet to-day. 'it will seal to america every filipino who possesses property. it is the hardest blow aguinaldo has suffered.'" admiral dewey is strengthened by gunboats enough to keep out the filipino supplies of arms picked up in asia, and congress may not be making a noise agreeable to our enemies for the rest of this year. there is compensation in the omission. there will be no european or american interference in the process of pacificating the military faction of filipinos, who are ungrateful and murderous, during the rest of the last year of the century. hugh brown, an englishman, who arrived at hongkong from manila february , gives in detail evidence of the conspiracy of the insurgent swarms in attacking the american army. he was at a circus where there were no natives when our soldiers were called out. they behaved nobly, disarming natives, but not killing them. there was mysterious shooting going on in the city "when an american shell struck a tree yards away, and four natives dropped to the ground. the trees were found to be full of hiding natives, using smokeless powder." aguinaldo was fifty miles away and telegraphed admiral dewey that he was not to blame, and for god's sake to stop the firing of the fleet. captain frazer of london, late of the imperial british forces, arrived at vancouver direct from hongkong march th, and gave this account of the declining health of admiral dewey: "the war at manila will have to end soon or the life of the great american admiral will be worth nothing. "i dined with him at manila within a month, and am convinced that if he is not relieved of the terrible strain imposed upon him he cannot last a month longer. as he sat at the banquet table, surrounded by his staff, he looked to me like a dying man. his hair is snowy white, his face ashen, and he ate hardly anything. "i had the pleasure of a few minutes' conversation with him when we retired to the smoking-room. having in mind his enfeebled appearance., i asked him if he thought of returning to america soon. "'i would like to, but my work is by no means finished here. when it is, and only then, will i return.' "i am thoroughly convinced that only the admiral's indomitable will has kept him up so long. the strain on him is terrible, and the climatic conditions have reduced him to a shadow. "one of his officers said to me just before i left manila: "'the war will be ended by the admiral soon or it will end him. no man can stand such a strain as he does in this climate and live long.'" if this is to be literally accepted, and we may hope that it is overstated, there has been a distressingly unfavorable change within five months in the admiral. his trouble is said to be with his liver. there is no question the strain upon him has been more wearing than the public have realized. last summer his anxieties afflicted him with insomnia at night, and he has not for a day since he left hongkong in april been free from burdens of harrassing care. his last words on the deck of the china to the author of this book were that the president had invited him to go home and counsel with him, but he had written the substance of what he held to be the way to deal with the philippines, and would not leave manila bay "without peremptory orders to go, until all things here are settled--settled--settled," a characteristic repetition of the important word. he had already stated he wanted "two battleships" and the oregon and iowa were accordingly ordered to join him. instead of anticipating pleasure from the ovations that thousands of letters and all callers assure him he could not avoid in this country he sincerely dreads them, and when told what the inevitable was whenever he put his foot on his native shore he said: "that would be very distasteful to me." he is human, and, of course, not insensible of the boundless compliment of the endless enthusiasm of the public regarding him, but he habitually insists that every man in his fleet did his duty on the day of battle and victory, and it would be "injustice to brave men if one man got all the glory." the admiral knows the president's invitation to him to come home is a standing one, and no limit on it, but the sense of duty of the admiral, in whose judgment there is perfect confidence, forbids. the information of his declining health will certainly result in his recall overruling his personal feeling and official purpose, if it is believed that there is danger he is sacrificing himself. notes [ ] in another chapter of this story of the philippines will be found senor filipe agoncillo's personal account of this affair. [ ] principally to singapore. [ ] principally to japan. [ ] principally to singapore. [ ] tagalo.--name of one of the tribes of indians inhabiting the philippine islands.--trans. note. [ ] tinapa.--small white-bait fish, which, mixed with rice, constitutes the daily diet of the lower class of natives in the philippine islands.--trans. note. [ ] gallego.--native of galicia, northwestern province in spain. on account of their healthy and robust constitution, the lower class of gallego are found employed in the hardest work throughout the country, where physical strength is necessary, although they are considered slow and lazy. their predominant characteristic seems to be an insatiable greed of hoarding money.--trans. note. [ ] cataluna.--province of spain, which capital is barcelona.--trans. note. [ ] this account of magellan is from antonio de marga's rare volume published in mexico. transcribed from the harper and brothers edition by david price, email ccx @pglaf.org notes of a war correspondent by richard harding davis illustrated charles scribner's sons new york:::::::::::::::::::::::: copyright, , by harper & brothers * * * * * copyright, , , , by charles scribner's sons [picture: at the front in manchuria] contents: the cuban-spanish war the death of rodriguez the greek-turkish war the battle of velestinos the spanish-american war i. the rough riders at guasimas ii. the battle of san juan hill iii. the taking of coamo iv. the passing of san juan hill the south african war i. with buller's column ii. the relief of ladysmith iii. the night before the battle the japanese-russian war battles i did not see a war correspondent's kit the cuban-spanish war: the death of rodriguez { } adolfo rodriguez was the only son of a cuban farmer, who lived nine miles outside of santa clara, beyond the hills that surround that city to the north. when the revolution in cuba broke out young rodriguez joined the insurgents, leaving his father and mother and two sisters at the farm. he was taken, in december of , by a force of the guardia civile, the corps d'elite of the spanish army, and defended himself when they tried to capture him, wounding three of them with his machete. he was tried by a military court for bearing arms against the government, and sentenced to be shot by a fusillade some morning before sunrise. previous to execution he was confined in the military prison of santa clara with thirty other insurgents, all of whom were sentenced to be shot, one after the other, on mornings following the execution of rodriguez. his execution took place the morning of the th of january, , at a place a half-mile distant from the city, on the great plain that stretches from the forts out to the hills, beyond which rodriguez had lived for nineteen years. at the time of his death he was twenty years old. i witnessed his execution, and what follows is an account of the way he went to his death. the young man's friends could not be present, for it was impossible for them to show themselves in that crowd and that place with wisdom or without distress, and i like to think that, although rodriguez could not know it, there was one person present when he died who felt keenly for him, and who was a sympathetic though unwilling spectator. there had been a full moon the night preceding the execution, and when the squad of soldiers marched from town it was still shining brightly through the mists. it lighted a plain two miles in extent, broken by ridges and gullies and covered with thick, high grass, and with bunches of cactus and palmetto. in the hollow of the ridges the mist lay like broad lakes of water, and on one side of the plain stood the walls of the old town. on the other rose hills covered with royal palms that showed white in the moonlight, like hundreds of marble columns. a line of tiny camp-fires that the sentries had built during the night stretched between the forts at regular intervals and burned clearly. but as the light grew stronger and the moonlight faded these were stamped out, and when the soldiers came in force the moon was a white ball in the sky, without radiance, the fires had sunk to ashes, and the sun had not yet risen. so even when the men were formed into three sides of a hollow square, they were scarcely able to distinguish one another in the uncertain light of the morning. there were about three hundred soldiers in the formation. they belonged to the volunteers, and they deployed upon the plain with their band in front playing a jaunty quickstep, while their officers galloped from one side to the other through the grass, seeking a suitable place for the execution. outside the line the band still played merrily. a few men and boys, who had been dragged out of their beds by the music, moved about the ridges behind the soldiers, half-clothed, unshaven, sleepy-eyed, yawning, stretching themselves nervously and shivering in the cool, damp air of the morning. either owing to discipline or on account of the nature of their errand, or because the men were still but half awake, there was no talking in the ranks, and the soldiers stood motionless, leaning on their rifles, with their backs turned to the town, looking out across the plain to the hills. the men in the crowd behind them were also grimly silent. they knew that whatever they might say would be twisted into a word of sympathy for the condemned man or a protest against the government. so no one spoke; even the officers gave their orders in gruff whispers, and the men in the crowd did not mix together, but looked suspiciously at one another and kept apart. as the light increased a mass of people came hurrying from the town with two black figures leading them, and the soldiers drew up at attention, and part of the double line fell back and left an opening in the square. with us a condemned man walks only the short distance from his cell to the scaffold or the electric chair, shielded from sight by the prison walls, and it often occurs even then that the short journey is too much for his strength and courage. but the spaniards on this morning made the prisoner walk for over a half-mile across the broken surface of the fields. i expected to find the man, no matter what his strength at other times might be, stumbling and faltering on this cruel journey; but as he came nearer i saw that he led all the others, that the priests on either side of him were taking two steps to his one, and that they were tripping on their gowns and stumbling over the hollows in their efforts to keep pace with him as he walked, erect and soldierly, at a quick step in advance of them. he had a handsome, gentle face of the peasant type, a light, pointed beard, great wistful eyes, and a mass of curly black hair. he was shockingly young for such a sacrifice, and looked more like a neapolitan than a cuban. you could imagine him sitting on the quay at naples or genoa lolling in the sun and showing his white teeth when he laughed. around his neck, hanging outside his linen blouse, he wore a new scapular. it seems a petty thing to have been pleased with at such a time, but i confess to have felt a thrill of satisfaction when i saw, as the cuban passed me, that he held a cigarette between his lips, not arrogantly nor with bravado, but with the nonchalance of a man who meets his punishment fearlessly, and who will let his enemies see that they can kill but cannot frighten him. it was very quickly finished, with rough and, but for one frightful blunder, with merciful swiftness. the crowd fell back when it came to the square, and the condemned man, the priests, and the firing squad of six young volunteers passed in and the line closed behind them. the officer who had held the cord that bound the cuban's arms behind him and passed across his breast, let it fall on the grass and drew his sword, and rodriguez dropped his cigarette from his lips and bent and kissed the cross which the priest held up before him. the elder of the priests moved to one side and prayed rapidly in a loud whisper, while the other, a younger man, walked behind the firing squad and covered his face with his hands. they had both spent the last twelve hours with rodriguez in the chapel of the prison. the cuban walked to where the officer directed him to stand, and turning his back on the square, faced the hills and the road across them, which led to his father's farm. as the officer gave the first command he straightened himself as far as the cords would allow, and held up his head and fixed his eyes immovably on the morning light, which had just begun to show above the hills. he made a picture of such pathetic helplessness, but of such courage and dignity, that he reminded me on the instant of that statue of nathan hale which stands in the city hall park, above the roar of broadway. the cuban's arms were bound, as are those of the statue, and he stood firmly, with his weight resting on his heels like a soldier on parade, and with his face held up fearlessly, as is that of the statue. but there was this difference, that rodriguez, while probably as willing to give six lives for his country as was the american rebel, being only a peasant, did not think to say so, and he will not, in consequence, live in bronze during the lives of many men, but will be remembered only as one of thirty cubans, one of whom was shot at santa clara on each succeeding day at sunrise. the officer had given the order, the men had raised their pieces, and the condemned man had heard the clicks of the triggers as they were pulled back, and he had not moved. and then happened one of the most cruelly refined, though unintentional, acts of torture that one can very well imagine. as the officer slowly raised his sword, preparatory to giving the signal, one of the mounted officers rode up to him and pointed out silently that, as i had already observed with some satisfaction, the firing squad were so placed that when they fired they would shoot several of the soldiers stationed on the extreme end of the square. their captain motioned his men to lower their pieces, and then walked across the grass and laid his hand on the shoulder of the waiting prisoner. it is not pleasant to think what that shock must have been. the man had steeled himself to receive a volley of bullets. he believed that in the next instant he would be in another world; he had heard the command given, had heard the click of the mausers as the locks caught--and then, at that supreme moment, a human hand had been laid upon his shoulder and a voice spoke in his ear. you would expect that any man, snatched back to life in such a fashion would start and tremble at the reprieve, or would break down altogether, but this boy turned his head steadily, and followed with his eyes the direction of the officer's sword, then nodded gravely, and, with his shoulders squared, took up the new position, straightened his back, and once more held himself erect. as an exhibition of self-control this should surely rank above feats of heroism performed in battle, where there are thousands of comrades to give inspiration. this man was alone, in sight of the hills he knew, with only enemies about him, with no source to draw on for strength but that which lay within himself. [picture: the death of rodriguez] the officer of the firing squad, mortified by his blunder, hastily whipped up his sword, the men once more levelled their rifles, the sword rose, dropped, and the men fired. at the report the cuban's head snapped back almost between his shoulders, but his body fell slowly, as though some one had pushed him gently forward from behind and he had stumbled. he sank on his side in the wet grass without a struggle or sound, and did not move again. it was difficult to believe that he meant to lie there, that it could be ended so without a word, that the man in the linen suit would not rise to his feet and continue to walk on over the hills, as he apparently had started to do, to his home; that there was not a mistake somewhere, or that at least some one would be sorry or say something or run to pick him up. but, fortunately, he did not need help, and the priests returned--the younger one with the tears running down his face--and donned their vestments and read a brief requiem for his soul, while the squad stood uncovered, and the men in hollow square shook their accoutrements into place, and shifted their pieces and got ready for the order to march, and the band began again with the same quickstep which the fusillade had interrupted. the figure still lay on the grass untouched, and no one seemed to remember that it had walked there of itself, or noticed that the cigarette still burned, a tiny ring of living fire, at the place where the figure had first stood. the figure was a thing of the past, and the squad shook itself like a great snake, and then broke into little pieces and started off jauntily, stumbling in the high grass and striving to keep step to the music. the officers led it past the figure in the linen suit, and so close to it that the file closers had to part with the column to avoid treading on it. each soldier as he passed turned and looked down on it, some craning their necks curiously, others giving a careless glance, and some without any interest at all, as they would have looked at a house by the roadside, or a hole in the road. one young soldier caught his foot in a trailing vine, just opposite to it, and fell. he grew very red when his comrades giggled at him for his awkwardness. the crowd of sleepy spectators fell in on either side of the band. they, too, had forgotten it, and the priests put their vestments back in the bag and wrapped their heavy cloaks about them, and hurried off after the others. every one seemed to have forgotten it except two men, who came slowly towards it from the town, driving a bullock-cart that bore an unplaned coffin, each with a cigarette between his lips, and with his throat wrapped in a shawl to keep out the morning mists. at that moment the sun, which had shown some promise of its coming in the glow above the hills, shot up suddenly from behind them in all the splendor of the tropics, a fierce, red disk of heat, and filled the air with warmth and light. the bayonets of the retreating column flashed in it, and at the sight a rooster in a farm-yard near by crowed vigorously, and a dozen bugles answered the challenge with the brisk, cheery notes of the reveille, and from all parts of the city the church bells jangled out the call for early mass, and the little world of santa clara seemed to stretch itself and to wake to welcome the day just begun. but as i fell in at the rear of the procession and looked back, the figure of the young cuban, who was no longer a part of the world of santa clara, was asleep in the wet grass, with his motionless arms still tightly bound behind him, with the scapular twisted awry across his face, and the blood from his breast sinking into the soil he had tried to free. the greek-turkish war: the battle of velestinos { } the turks had made three attacks on velestinos on three different days, and each time had been repulsed. a week later, on the th of may, they came back again, to the number of ten thousand, and brought four batteries with them, and the fighting continued for two more days. this was called the second battle of velestinos. in the afternoon of the th the crown prince withdrew from pharsala to take up a stronger position at domokos, and the greeks under general smolenski, the military hero of the campaign, were forced to retreat, and the turks came in, and, according to their quaint custom, burned the village and marched on to volo. john bass, the american correspondent, and myself were keeping house in the village, in the home of the mayor. he had fled from the town, as had nearly all the villagers; and as we liked the appearance of his house, i gave bass a leg up over the wall around his garden, and bass opened the gate, and we climbed in through his front window. it was like the invasion of the home of the dusantes by mrs. lecks and mrs. aleshine, and, like them, we were constantly making discoveries of fresh treasure-trove. sometimes it was in the form of a cake of soap or a tin of coffee, and once it was the mayor's fluted petticoats, which we tried on, and found very heavy. we could not discover what he did for pockets. all of these things, and the house itself, were burned to ashes, we were told, a few hours after we retreated, and we feel less troubled now at having made such free use of them. on the morning of the th we were awakened by the firing of cannon from a hill just over our heads, and we met in the middle of the room and solemnly shook hands. there was to be a battle, and we were the only correspondents on the spot. as i represented the london _times_, bass was the only representative of an american newspaper who saw this fight from its beginning to its end. we found all the hills to the left of the town topped with long lines of men crouching in little trenches. there were four rows of hills. if you had measured the distance from one hill-top to the next, they would have been from one hundred to three hundred yards distant from one another. in between the hills were gullies, or little valleys, and the beds of streams that had dried up in the hot sun. these valleys were filled with high grass that waved about in the breeze and was occasionally torn up and tossed in the air by a shell. the position of the greek forces was very simple. on the top of each hill was a trench two or three feet deep and some hundred yards long. the earth that had been scooped out to make the trench was packed on the edge facing the enemy, and on the top of that some of the men had piled stones, through which they poked their rifles. when a shell struck the ridge it would sometimes scatter these stones in among the men, and they did quite as much damage as the shells. back of these trenches, and down that side of the hill which was farther from the enemy, were the reserves, who sprawled at length in the long grass, and smoked and talked and watched the shells dropping into the gully at their feet. the battle, which lasted two days, opened in a sudden and terrific storm of hail. but the storm passed as quickly as it came, leaving the trenches running with water, like the gutters of a city street after a spring shower; and the men soon sopped them up with their overcoats and blankets, and in half an hour the sun had dried the wet uniforms, and the field-birds had begun to chirp again, and the grass was warm and fragrant. the sun was terribly hot. there was no other day during that entire brief campaign when its glare was so intense or the heat so suffocating. the men curled up in the trenches, with their heads pressed against the damp earth, panting and breathing heavily, and the heat-waves danced and quivered about them, making the plain below flicker like a picture in a cinematograph. from time to time an officer would rise and peer down into the great plain, shading his eyes with his hands, and shout something at them, and they would turn quickly in the trench and rise on one knee. and at the shout that followed they would fire four or five rounds rapidly and evenly, and then, at a sound from the officer's whistle, would drop back again and pick up the cigarettes they had placed in the grass and begin leisurely to swab out their rifles with a piece of dirty rag on a cleaning rod. down in the plain below there was apparently nothing at which they could shoot except the great shadows of the clouds drifting across the vast checker-board of green and yellow fields, and disappearing finally between the mountain passes beyond. in some places there were square dark patches that might have been bushes, and nearer to us than these were long lines of fresh earth, from which steam seemed to be escaping in little wisps. what impressed us most of what we could see of the battle then was the remarkable number of cartridges the greek soldiers wasted in firing into space, and the fact that they had begun to fire at such long range that, in order to get the elevation, they had placed the rifle butt under the armpit instead of against the shoulder. their sights were at the top notch. the cartridges reminded one of corn-cobs jumping out of a corn-sheller, and it was interesting when the bolts were shot back to see a hundred of them pop up into the air at the same time, flashing in the sun as though they were glad to have done their work and to get out again. they rolled by the dozens underfoot, and twinkled in the grass, and when one shifted his position in the narrow trench, or stretched his cramped legs, they tinkled musically. it was like wading in a gutter filled with thimbles. then there began a concert which came from just overhead--a concert of jarring sounds and little whispers. the "shrieking shrapnel," of which one reads in the description of every battle, did not seem so much like a shriek as it did like the jarring sound of telegraph wires when some one strikes the pole from which they hang, and when they came very close the noise was like the rushing sound that rises between two railroad trains when they pass each other in opposite directions and at great speed. after a few hours we learned by observation that when a shell sang overhead it had already struck somewhere else, which was comforting, and which was explained, of course, by the fact that the speed of the shell is so much greater than the rate at which sound travels. the bullets were much more disturbing; they seemed to be less open in their warfare, and to steal up and sneak by, leaving no sign, and only to whisper as they passed. they moved under a cloak of invisibility, and made one feel as though he were the blind man in a game of blind-man's-buff, where every one tapped him in passing, leaving him puzzled and ignorant as to whither they had gone and from what point they would come next. the bullets sounded like rustling silk, or like humming-birds on a warm summer's day, or like the wind as it is imitated on the stage of a theatre. any one who has stood behind the scenes when a storm is progressing on the stage, knows the little wheel wound with silk that brushes against another piece of silk, and which produces the whistling effect of the wind. at velestinos, when the firing was very heavy, it was exactly as though some one were turning one of these silk wheels, and so rapidly as to make the whistling continuous. when this concert opened, the officers shouted out new orders, and each of the men shoved his sight nearer to the barrel, and when he fired again, rubbed the butt of his gun snugly against his shoulder. the huge green blotches on the plain had turned blue, and now we could distinguish that they moved, and that they were moving steadily forward. then they would cease to move, and a little later would be hidden behind great puffs of white smoke, which were followed by a flash of flame; and still later there would come a dull report. at the same instant something would hurl itself jarring through the air above our heads, and by turning on one elbow we could see a sudden upheaval in the sunny landscape behind us, a spurt of earth and stones like a miniature geyser, which was filled with broken branches and tufts of grass and pieces of rock. as the turkish aim grew better these volcanoes appeared higher up the hill, creeping nearer and nearer to the rampart of fresh earth on the second trench until the shells hammered it at last again and again, sweeping it away and cutting great gashes in it, through which we saw the figures of men caught up and hurled to one side, and others flinging themselves face downward as though they were diving into water; and at the same instant in our own trench the men would gasp as though they had been struck too, and then becoming conscious of having done this would turn and smile sheepishly at each other, and crawl closer into the burrows they had made in the earth. [picture: a mountain battery at velestinos] from where we sat on the edge of the trench, with our feet among the cartridges, we could, by leaning forward, look over the piled-up earth into the plain below, and soon, without any aid from field-glasses, we saw the blocks of blue break up into groups of men. these men came across the ploughed fields in long, widely opened lines, walking easily and leisurely, as though they were playing golf or sowing seed in the furrows. the greek rifles crackled and flashed at the lines, but the men below came on quite steadily, picking their way over the furrows and appearing utterly unconscious of the seven thousand rifles that were calling on them to halt. they were advancing directly toward a little sugar-loaf hill, on the top of which was a mountain battery perched like a tiara on a woman's head. it was throwing one shell after another in the very path of the men below, but the turks still continued to pick their way across the field, without showing any regard for the mountain battery. it was worse than threatening; it seemed almost as though they meant to insult us. if they had come up on a run they would not have appeared so contemptuous, for it would have looked then as though they were trying to escape the greek fire, or that they were at least interested in what was going forward. but the steady advance of so many men, each plodding along by himself, with his head bowed and his gun on his shoulder, was aggravating. there was a little village at the foot of the hill. it was so small that no one had considered it. it was more like a collection of stables gathered round a residence than a town, and there was a wall completely encircling it, with a gate in the wall that faced us. suddenly the doors of this gate were burst open from the inside, and a man in a fez ran through them, followed by many more. the first man was waving a sword, and a peasant in petticoats ran at his side and pointed up with his hand at our trench. until that moment the battle had lacked all human interest; we might have been watching a fight against the stars or the man in the moon, and, in spite of the noise and clatter of the greek rifles, and the ghostlike whispers and the rushing sounds in the air, there was nothing to remind us of any other battle of which we had heard or read. but we had seen pictures of officers waving swords, and we knew that the fez was the sign of the turk--of the enemy--of the men who were invading thessaly, who were at that moment planning to come up a steep hill on which we happened to be sitting and attack the people on top of it. and the spectacle at once became comprehensible, and took on the human interest it had lacked. the men seemed to feel this, for they sprang up and began cheering and shouting, and fired in an upright position, and by so doing exposed themselves at full length to the fire from the men below. the turks in front of the village ran back into it again, and those in the fields beyond turned and began to move away, but in that same plodding, aggravating fashion. they moved so leisurely that there was a pause in the noise along the line, while the men watched them to make sure that they were really retreating. and then there was a long cheer, after which they all sat down, breathing deeply, and wiping the sweat and dust across their faces, and took long pulls at their canteens. the different trenches were not all engaged at the same time. they acted according to the individual judgment of their commanding officer, but always for the general good. sometimes the fire of the enemy would be directed on one particular trench, and it would be impossible for the men in that trench to rise and reply without haying their heads carried away; so they would lie hidden, and the men in the trenches flanking them would act in their behalf, and rake the enemy from the front and from every side, until the fire on that trench was silenced, or turned upon some other point. the trenches stretched for over half a mile in a semicircle, and the little hills over which they ran lay at so many different angles, and rose to such different heights, that sometimes the men in one trench fired directly over the heads of their own men. from many trenches in the first line it was impossible to see any of the greek soldiers except those immediately beside you. if you looked back or beyond on either hand there was nothing to be seen but high hills topped with fresh earth, and the waving yellow grass, and the glaring blue sky. general smolenski directed the greeks from the plain to the far right of the town; and his presence there, although none of the men saw nor heard of him directly throughout the entire day, was more potent for good than would have been the presence of five thousand other men held in reserve. he was a mile or two miles away from the trenches, but the fact that he was there, and that it was smolenski who was giving the orders, was enough. few had ever seen smolenski, but his name was sufficient; it was as effective as is mr. bowen's name on a bank of england note. it gave one a pleasant feeling to know that he was somewhere within call; you felt there would be no "routs" nor stampedes while he was there. and so for two days those seven thousand men lay in the trenches, repulsing attack after attack of the turkish troops, suffocated with the heat and chilled with sudden showers, and swept unceasingly by shells and bullets--partly because they happened to be good men and brave men, but largely because they knew that somewhere behind them a stout, bull-necked soldier was sitting on a camp-stool, watching them through a pair of field-glasses. toward mid-day you would see a man leave the trench with a comrade's arm around him, and start on the long walk to the town where the hospital corps were waiting for him. these men did not wear their wounds with either pride or braggadocio, but regarded the wet sleeves and shapeless arms in a sort of wondering surprise. there was much more of surprise than of pain in their faces, and they seemed to be puzzling as to what they had done in the past to deserve such a punishment. [picture: firing from the trenches at velestinos] other men were carried out of the trench and laid on their backs on the high grass, staring up drunkenly at the glaring sun, and with their limbs fallen into unfamiliar poses. they lay so still, and they were so utterly oblivious of the roar and rattle and the anxious energy around them that one grew rather afraid of them and of their superiority to their surroundings. the sun beat on them, and the insects in the grass waving above them buzzed and hummed, or burrowed in the warm moist earth upon which they lay; over their heads the invisible carriers of death jarred the air with shrill crescendoes, and near them a comrade sat hacking with his bayonet at a lump of hard bread. he sprawled contentedly in the hot sun, with humped shoulders and legs far apart, and with his cap tipped far over his eyes. every now and again he would pause, with a piece of cheese balanced on the end of his knife-blade, and look at the twisted figures by him on the grass, or he would dodge involuntarily as a shell swung low above his head, and smile nervously at the still forms on either side of him that had not moved. then he brushed the crumbs from his jacket and took a drink out of his hot canteen, and looking again at the sleeping figures pressing down the long grass beside him, crawled back on his hands and knees to the trench and picked up his waiting rifle. the dead gave dignity to what the other men were doing, and made it noble, and, from another point of view, quite senseless. for their dying had proved nothing. men who could have been much better spared than they, were still alive in the trenches, and for no reason but through mere dumb chance. there was no selection of the unfittest; it seemed to be ruled by unreasoning luck. a certain number of shells and bullets passed through a certain area of space, and men of different bulks blocked that space in different places. if a man happened to be standing in the line of a bullet he was killed and passed into eternity, leaving a wife and children, perhaps, to mourn him. "father died," these children will say, "doing his duty." as a matter of fact, father died because he happened to stand up at the wrong moment, or because he turned to ask the man on his right for a match, instead of leaning toward the left, and he projected his bulk of two hundred pounds where a bullet, fired by a man who did not know him and who had not aimed at him, happened to want the right of way. one of the two had to give it, and as the bullet would not, the soldier had his heart torn out. the man who sat next to me happened to stoop to fill his cartridge-box just as the bullet that wanted the space he had occupied passed over his bent shoulder; and so he was not killed, but will live for sixty years, perhaps, and will do much good or much evil. another man in the same trench sat up to clean his rifle, and had his arm in the air driving the cleaning rod down the barrel, when a bullet passed through his lungs, and the gun fell across his face, with the rod sticking in it, and he pitched forward on his shoulder quite dead. if he had not cleaned his gun at that moment he would probably be alive in athens now, sitting in front of a cafe and fighting the war over again. viewed from that point, and leaving out the fact that god ordered it all, the fortunes of the game of war seemed as capricious as matching pennies, and as impersonal as the wheel at monte carlo. in it the brave man did not win because he was brave, but because he was lucky. a fool and a philosopher are equal at a game of dice. and these men who threw dice with death were interesting to watch, because, though they gambled for so great a stake, they did so unconcernedly and without flinching, and without apparently appreciating the seriousness of the game. there was a red-headed, freckled peasant boy, in dirty petticoats, who guided bass and myself to the trenches. he was one of the few peasants who had not run away, and as he had driven sheep over every foot of the hills, he was able to guide the soldiers through those places where they were best protected from the bullets of the enemy. he did this all day, and was always, whether coming or going, under a heavy fire; but he enjoyed that fact, and he seemed to regard the battle only as a delightful change in the quiet routine of his life, as one of our own country boys at home would regard the coming of the spring circus or the burning of a neighbor's barn. he ran dancing ahead of us, pointing to where a ledge of rock offered a natural shelter, or showing us a steep gully where the bullets could not fall. when they came very near him he would jump high in the air, not because he was startled, but out of pure animal joy in the excitement of it, and he would frown importantly and shake his red curls at us, as though to say: "i told you to be careful. now, you see. don't let that happen again." we met him many times during the two days, escorting different companies of soldiers from one point to another, as though they were visitors to his estate. when a shell broke, he would pick up a piece and present it to the officer in charge, as though it were a flower he had plucked from his own garden, and which he wanted his guest to carry away with him as a souvenir of his visit. some one asked the boy if his father and mother knew where he was, and he replied, with amusement, that they had run away and deserted him, and that he had remained because he wished to see what a turkish army looked like. he was a much more plucky boy than the overrated casabianca, who may have stood on the burning deck whence all but him had fled because he could not swim, and because it was with him a choice of being either burned or drowned. this boy stuck to the burning deck when it was possible for him at any time to have walked away and left it burning. but he stayed on because he was amused, and because he was able to help the soldiers from the city in safety across his native heath. he was much the best part of the show, and one of the bravest greeks on the field. he will grow up to be something fine, no doubt, and his spirit will rebel against having to spend his life watching his father's sheep. he may even win the race from marathon. another greek who was a most interesting figure to us was a lieutenant ambroise frantzis. he was in command of the mountain battery on the flat, round top of the high hill. on account of its height the place seemed much nearer to the sun than any other part of the world, and the heat there was three times as fierce as in the trenches below. when you had climbed to the top of this hill it was like standing on a roof-garden, or as though you were watching a naval battle from a fighting top of one of the battleships. the top of the hill was not unlike an immense circus ring in appearance. the piled-up earth around its circular edge gave that impression, and the glaring yellow wheat that was tramped into glaring yellow soil, and the blue ammunition-boxes scattered about, helped out the illusion. it was an exceedingly busy place, and the smoke drifted across it continually, hiding us from one another in a curtain of flying yellow dust, while over our heads the turkish shells raced after each other so rapidly that they beat out the air like the branches of a tree in a storm. on account of its height, and the glaring heat, and the shells passing, and the greek guns going off and then turning somersaults, it was not a place suited for meditation; but ambroise frantzis meditated there as though he were in his own study. he was a very young man and very shy, and he was too busy to consider his own safety, or to take time, as the others did, to show that he was not considering it. some of the other officers stood up on the breastworks and called the attention of the men to what they were doing; but as they did not wish the men to follow their example in this, it was difficult to see what they expected to gain by their braggadocio. frantzis was as unconcerned as an artist painting a big picture in his studio. the battle plain below him was his canvas, and his nine mountain guns were his paint brushes. and he painted out turks and turkish cannon with the same concentrated, serious expression of countenance that you see on the face of an artist when he bites one brush between his lips and with another wipes out a false line or a touch of the wrong color. you have seen an artist cock his head on one side, and shut one eye and frown at his canvas, and then select several brushes and mix different colors and hit the canvas a bold stroke, and then lean back to note the effect. frantzis acted in just that way. he would stand with his legs apart and his head on one side, pulling meditatively at his pointed beard, and then taking a closer look through his field-glasses, would select the three guns he had decided would give him the effect he wanted to produce, and he would produce that effect. when the shot struck plump in the turkish lines, and we could see the earth leap up into the air like geysers of muddy water, and each gunner would wave his cap and cheer, frantzis would only smile uncertainly, and begin again, with the aid of his field-glasses, to puzzle out fresh combinations. the battle that had begun in a storm of hail ended on the first day in a storm of bullets that had been held in reserve by the turks, and which let off just after sundown. they came from a natural trench, formed by the dried-up bed of a stream which lay just below the hill on which the first greek trench was situated. there were bushes growing on the bank of the stream nearest to the greek lines, and these hid the men who occupied it. throughout the day there had been an irritating fire from this trench from what appeared to be not more than a dozen rifles, but we could see that it was fed from time to time with many boxes of ammunition, which were carried to it on the backs of mules from the turkish position a half mile farther to the rear. bass and a corporal took a great aversion to this little group of turks, not because there were too many of them to be disregarded, but because they were so near; and bass kept the corporal's services engaged in firing into it, and in discouraging the ammunition mules when they were being driven in that direction. our corporal was a sharp-shooter, and, accordingly, felt his superiority to his comrades; and he had that cheerful contempt for his officers that all true greek soldiers enjoy; and so he never joined in the volley-firing, but kept his ammunition exclusively for the dozen men behind the bushes and for the mules. he waged, as it were, a little battle on his own account. the other men rose as commanded and fired regular volleys, and sank back again, but he fixed his sights to suit his own idea of the range, and he rose when he was ready to do so, and fired whenever he thought best. when his officer, who kept curled up in the hollow of the trench, commanded him to lie down, he would frown and shake his head at the interruption, and paid no further attention to the order. he was as much alone as a hunter on a mountain peak stalking deer, and whenever he fired at the men in the bushes he would swear softly, and when he fired at the mules he would chuckle and laugh with delight and content. the mules had to cross a ploughed field in order to reach the bushes, and so we were able to mark where his bullets struck, and we could see them skip across the field, kicking up the dirt as they advanced, until they stopped the mule altogether, or frightened the man who was leading it into a disorderly retreat. it appeared later that instead of there being but twelve men in these bushes there were six hundred, and that they were hiding there until the sun set in order to make a final attack on the first trench. they had probably argued that at sunset the strain of the day's work would have told on the greek _morale_, that the men's nerves would be jerking and their stomachs aching for food, and that they would be ready for darkness and sleep, and in no condition to repulse a fresh and vigorous attack. so, just as the sun sank, and the officers were counting the cost in dead and wounded, and the men were gathering up blankets and overcoats, and the firing from the greek lines had almost ceased, there came a fierce rattle from the trench to the right of us, like a watch-dog barking the alarm, and the others took it up from all over the hill, and when we looked down into the plain below to learn what it meant, we saw it blue with men, who seemed to have sprung from the earth. they were clambering from the bed of the stream, breaking through the bushes, and forming into a long line, which, as soon as formed, was at once hidden at regular intervals by flashes of flame that seemed to leap from one gun-barrel to the next, as you have seen a current of electricity run along a line of gas-jets. in the dim twilight these flashes were much more blinding than they had been in the glare of the sun, and the crash of the artillery coming on top of the silence was the more fierce and terrible by the contrast. the turks were so close on us that the first trench could do little to help itself, and the men huddled against it while their comrades on the surrounding hills fought for them, their volleys passing close above our heads, and meeting the rush of the turkish bullets on the way, so that there was now one continuous whistling shriek, like the roar of the wind through the rigging of a ship in a storm. if a man had raised his arm above his head his hand would have been torn off. it had come up so suddenly that it was like two dogs, each springing at the throat of the other, and in a greater degree it had something of the sound of two wild animals struggling for life. volley answered volley as though with personal hate--one crashing in upon the roll of the other, or beating it out of recognition with the bursting roar of heavy cannon. at the same instant all of the turkish batteries opened with great, ponderous, booming explosions, and the little mountain guns barked and snarled and shrieked back at them, and the rifle volleys crackled and shot out blistering flames, while the air was filled with invisible express trains that shook and jarred it and crashed into one another, bursting and shrieking and groaning. it seemed as though you were lying in a burning forest, with giant tree trunks that had withstood the storms of centuries crashing and falling around your ears, and sending up great showers of sparks and flame. this lasted for five minutes or less, and then the death-grip seemed to relax, the volleys came brokenly, like a man panting for breath, the bullets ceased to sound with the hiss of escaping steam, and rustled aimlessly by, and from hill-top to hill-top the officers' whistles sounded as though a sportsman were calling off his dogs. the turks withdrew into the coming night, and the greeks lay back, panting and sweating, and stared open-eyed at one another, like men who had looked for a moment into hell, and had come back to the world again. the next day was like the first, except that by five o'clock in the afternoon the turks appeared on our left flank, crawling across the hills like an invasion of great ants, and the greek army that at velestinos had made the two best and most dignified stands of the war withdrew upon halmyros, and the turks poured into the village and burned it, leaving nothing standing save two tall turkish minarets that many years before, when thessaly belonged to the sultan, the turks themselves had placed there. i--the rough riders at guasimas on the day the american troops landed on the coast of cuba, the cubans informed general wheeler that the enemy were intrenched at guasimas, blocking the way to santiago. guasimas is not a village, nor even a collection of houses; it is the meeting place of two trails which join at the apex of a v, three miles from the seaport town of siboney, and continue merged in a single trail to santiago. general wheeler, guided by the cubans, reconnoitred this trail on the rd of june, and with the position of the enemy fully explained to him, returned to siboney and informed general young and colonel wood that on the following morning he would attack the spanish position at guasimas. it has been stated that at guasimas, the rough riders were trapped in an ambush, but, as the plan was discussed while i was present, i know that so far from any ones running into an ambush, every one of the officers concerned had a full knowledge of where he would find the enemy, and what he was to do when he found him. that night no one slept, for until two o'clock in the morning, troops were still being disembarked in the surf, and two ships of war had their searchlights turned on the landing-place, and made siboney as light as a ball-room. back of the searchlights was an ocean white with moonlight, and on the shore red camp-fires, at which the half-drowned troops were drying their uniforms, and the rough riders, who had just marched in from baiquiri, were cooking a late supper, or early breakfast of coffee and bacon. below the former home of the spanish comandante, which general wheeler had made his head-quarters, lay the camp of the rough riders, and through it cuban officers were riding their half-starved ponies, and scattering the ashes of the camp-fires. below them was the beach and the roaring surf, in which a thousand or so naked men were assisting and impeding the progress shoreward of their comrades, in pontoons and shore boats, which were being hurled at the beach like sleds down a water chute. it was one of the most weird and remarkable scenes of the war, probably of any war. an army was being landed on an enemy's coast at the dead of night, but with the same cheers and shrieks and laughter that rise from the bathers at coney island on a hot sunday. it was a pandemonium of noises. the men still to be landed from the "prison hulks," as they called the transports, were singing in chorus, the men already on shore were dancing naked around the camp-fires on the beach, or shouting with delight as they plunged into the first bath that had offered in seven days, and those in the launches as they were pitched head-first at the soil of cuba, signalized their arrival by howls of triumph. on either side rose black overhanging ridges, in the lowland between were white tents and burning fires, and from the ocean came the blazing, dazzling eyes of the search-lights shaming the quiet moonlight. after three hours' troubled sleep in this tumult the rough riders left camp at five in the morning. with the exception of half a dozen officers they were dismounted, and carried their blanket rolls, haversacks, ammunition, and carbines. general young had already started toward guasimas the first and tenth dismounted cavalry, and according to the agreement of the night before had taken the eastern trail to our right, while the rough riders climbed the steep ridge above siboney and started toward the rendezvous along the trail to the west, which was on high ground and a half mile to a mile distant from the trail along which general young and his regulars were marching. there was a valley between us, and the bushes were so thick on both sides of our trail that it was not possible at any time, until we met at guasimas, to distinguish the other column. as soon as the rough riders had reached the top of the ridge, not twenty minutes after they had left camp, which was the first opportunity that presented itself, colonel wood ordered captain capron to proceed with his troop in front of the column as an advance guard, and to choose a "point" of five men skilled as scouts and trailers. still in advance of these he placed two cuban scouts. the column then continued along the trail in single file. the cubans were at a distance of two hundred and fifty yards; the "point" of five picked men under sergeant byrne and duty-sergeant fish followed them at a distance of a hundred yards, and then came capron's troop of sixty men strung out in single file. no flankers were placed for the reason that the dense undergrowth and the tangle of vines that stretched from the branches of the trees to the bushes below made it a physical impossibility for man or beast to move forward except along the single trail. colonel wood rode at the head of the column, followed by two regular army officers who were members of general wheeler's staff, a cuban officer, and lieutenant-colonel roosevelt. they rode slowly in consideration of the troopers on foot, who under a cruelly hot sun carried heavy burdens. to those who did not have to walk, it was not unlike a hunting excursion in our west; the scenery was beautiful and the view down the valley one of luxuriant peace. roosevelt had never been in the tropics and captain mccormick and i were talking back at him over our shoulders and at each other, pointing out unfamiliar trees and birds. roosevelt thought it looked like a good deer country, as it once was; it reminded mccormick of southern california; it looked to me like the trails in central america. we advanced, talking in that fashion and in high spirits, and congratulating ourselves in being shut of the transport and on breathing fine mountain air again, and on the fact that we were on horseback. we agreed it was impossible to appreciate that we were really at war--that we were in the enemy's country. we had been riding in this pleasant fashion for an hour and a half with brief halts for rest, when wood stopped the head of the column, and rode down the trail to meet capron, who was coming back. wood returned immediately, leading his horse, and said to roosevelt: "pass the word back to keep silence in the ranks." the place at which we had halted was where the trail narrowed, and proceeded sharply downward. there was on one side of it a stout barbed-wire fence of five strands. by some fortunate accident this fence had been cut just where the head of the column halted. on the left of the trail it shut off fields of high grass blocked at every fifty yards with great barricades of undergrowth and tangled trees and chapparal. on the other side of the trail there was not a foot of free ground; the bushes seemed absolutely impenetrable, as indeed they were later found to be. when we halted, the men sat down beside the trail and chewed the long blades of grass, or fanned the air with their hats. they had no knowledge of the situation such as their leaders possessed, and their only emotion was one of satisfaction at the chance the halt gave them to rest and to shift their packs. wood again walked down the trail with capron and disappeared, and one of the officers informed us that the scouts had seen the outposts of the enemy. it did not seem reasonable that the spaniards, who had failed to attack us when we landed at baiquiri, would oppose us until they could do so in force, so, personally, i doubted that there were any spaniards nearer than santiago. but we tied our horses to the wire fence, and capron's troop knelt with carbines at the "ready," peering into the bushes. we must have waited there, while wood reconnoitred, for over ten minutes. then he returned, and began deploying his troops out at either side of the trail. capron he sent on down the trail itself. g troop was ordered to beat into the bushes on the right, and k and a were sent over the ridge on which we stood down into the hollow to connect with general young's column on the opposite side of the valley. f and e troops were deployed in skirmish-line on the other side of the wire fence. wood had discovered the enemy a few hundred yards from where he expected to find him, and so far from being "surprised," he had time, as i have just described, to get five of his troops into position before a shot was fired. the firing, when it came, started suddenly on our right. it sounded so close that--still believing we were acting on a false alarm, and that there were no spaniards ahead of us--i guessed it was capron's men firing at random to disclose the enemy's position. i ran after g troop under captain llewellyn, and found them breaking their way through the bushes in the direction from which the volleys came. it was like forcing the walls of a maze. if each trooper had not kept in touch with the man on either hand he would have been lost in the thicket. at one moment the underbrush seemed swarming with our men, and the next, except that you heard the twigs breaking, and heavy breathing or a crash as a vine pulled some one down, there was not a sign of a human being anywhere. in a few minutes we broke through into a little open place in front of a dark curtain of vines, and the men fell on one knee and began returning the fire that came from it. the enemy's fire was exceedingly heavy, and his aim was excellent. we saw nothing of the spaniards, except a few on the ridge across the valley. i happened to be the only one present with field glasses, and when i discovered this force on the ridge, and had made sure, by the cockades in their sombreros, that they were spaniards and not cubans, i showed them to roosevelt. he calculated they were five hundred yards from us, and ordered the men to fire on them at that range. through the two hours of fighting that followed, although men were falling all around us, the spaniards on the ridge were the only ones that many of us saw. but the fire against us was not more than eighty yards away, and so hot that our men could only lie flat in the grass and return it in that position. it was at this moment that our men believed they were being attacked by capron's troop, which they imagined must have swung to the right, and having lost its bearings and hearing them advancing through the underbrush, had mistaken them for the enemy. they accordingly ceased firing and began shouting in order to warn capron that he was shooting at his friends. this is the foundation for the statement that the rough riders had fired on each other, which they did not do then or at any other time. later we examined the relative position of the trail which capron held, and the position of g troop, and they were at right angles to one another. capron could not possibly have fired into us at any time, unless he had turned directly around in his tracks and aimed up the very trail he had just descended. advancing, he could no more have hit us than he could have seen us out of the back of his head. when we found many hundred spent cartridges of the spaniards a hundred yards in front of g troop's position, the question as to who had fired on us was answered. it was an exceedingly hot corner. the whole troop was gathered in the little open place blocked by the network of grape-vines and tangled bushes before it. they could not see twenty feet on three sides of them, but on the right hand lay the valley, and across it came the sound of young's brigade, who were apparently heavily engaged. the enemy's fire was so close that the men could not hear the word of command, and captain llewellyn and lieutenant greenway, unable to get their attention, ran among them, batting them with their sombreros to make them cease firing. lieutenant-colonel roosevelt ran up just then, bringing with him lieutenant woodbury kane and ten troopers from k troop. roosevelt lay down in the grass beside llewellyn and consulted with him eagerly. kane was smiling with the charming content of a perfectly happy man. when captain llewellyn told him his men were not needed, and to rejoin his troop, he led his detail over the edge of the hill on which we lay. as he disappeared below the crest he did not stoop to avoid the bullets, but walked erect, still smiling. roosevelt pointed out that it was impossible to advance farther on account of the network of wild grape-vines that masked the spaniards from us, and that we must cross the trail and make to the left. the shouts the men had raised to warn capron had established our position to the enemy, and the firing was now fearfully accurate. sergeant russell, who in his day had been a colonel on a governor's staff, was killed, and the other sergeant was shot through the wrist. in the space of three minutes nine men were lying on their backs helpless. before we got away, every third man was killed, or wounded. we drew off slowly to the left, dragging the wounded with us. owing to the low aim of the enemy, we were forced to move on our knees and crawl. even then men were hit. one man near me was shot through the head. returning later to locate the body and identify him, i found that the buzzards had torn off his lips and his eyes. this mutilation by these hideous birds was, without doubt, what admiral sampson mistook for the work of the spaniards, when the bodies of the marines at guantanamo were found disfigured. k troop meantime had deployed into the valley under the fire from the enemy on the ridge. it had been ordered to establish communication with general young's column, and while advancing and firing on the ridge, captain jenkins sent the guidon bearer back to climb the hill and wave his red and white banner where young's men could see it. the guidon bearer had once run for congress on the gold ticket in arizona, and, as some one said, was naturally the man who should have been selected for a forlorn hope. his flag brought him instantly under a heavy fire, but he continued waving it until the tenth cavalry on the other side of the valley answered, and the two columns were connected by a skirmish-line composed of k troop and a, under captain "bucky" o'neill. g troop meanwhile had hurried over to the left, and passing through the opening in the wire fence had spread out into open order. it followed down after captain luna's troop and d and e troops, which were well already in advance. roosevelt ran forward and took command of the extreme left of this line. wood was walking up and down along it, leading his horse, which he thought might be of use in case he had to move quickly to alter his original formation. his plan, at present, was to spread out his men so that they would join young on the right, and on the left swing around until they flanked the enemy. k and a troops had already succeeded in joining hands with young's column across the valley, and as they were capable of taking care of themselves, wood was bending his efforts to keep his remaining four companies in a straight line and revolving them around the enemy's "end." it was in no way an easy thing to do. the men were at times wholly hidden from each other, and from him; probably at no one time did he see more than two of his troops together. it was only by the firing that he could tell where his men lay, and that they were always advancing. the advances were made in quick, desperate rushes--sometimes the ground gained was no more than a man covers in sliding for a base. at other times half a troop would rise and race forward and then burrow deep in the hot grass and fire. on this side of the line there was an occasional glimpse of the enemy. but for a great part of the time the men shot at the places from where the enemy's fire seemed to come, aiming low and answering in steady volleys. the fire discipline was excellent. the prophets of evil of the tampa bay hotel had foretold that the cowboys would shoot as they chose, and, in the field, would act independently of their officers. as it turned out, the cowboys were the very men who waited most patiently for the officers to give the word of command. at all times the movement was without rest, breathless and fierce, like a cane-rush, or a street fight. after the first three minutes every man had stripped as though for a wrestling match, throwing off all his impedimenta but his cartridge-belt and canteen. even then the sun handicapped their strength cruelly. the enemy was hidden in the shade of the jungle, while they, for every thicket they gained, had to fight in the open, crawling through grass which was as hot as a steam bath, and with their flesh and clothing torn by thorns and the sword-like blade of the spanish "bayonet." the glare of the sun was full in their eyes and as fierce as a lime-light. when g troop passed on across the trail to the left i stopped at the place where the column had first halted--it had been converted into a dressing station and the wounded of g troop were left there in the care of the hospital stewards. a tall, gaunt young man with a cross on his arm was just coming back up the trail. his head was bent, and by some surgeon's trick he was carrying a wounded man much heavier than himself across his shoulders. as i stepped out of the trail he raised his head, and smiled and nodded, and left me wondering where i had seen him before, smiling in the same cheery, confident way and moving in that same position. i knew it could not have been under the same conditions, and yet he was certainly associated with another time of excitement and rush and heat. then i remembered him. as now he had been covered with blood and dirt and perspiration, but then he wore a canvas jacket and the man he carried on his shoulders was trying to hold him back from a white-washed line. and i recognized the young doctor, with the blood bathing his breeches, as "bob" church, of princeton. that was only one of four badly wounded men he carried that day on his shoulders over a half-mile of trail that stretched from the firing-line back to the dressing station and under an unceasing fire. { } as the senior surgeon was absent he had chief responsibility that day for all the wounded, and that so few of them died is greatly due to this young man who went down into the firing-line and pulled them from it, and bore them out of danger. the comic paragraphers who wrote of the members of the knickerbocker club and the college swells of the rough riders and of their imaginary valets and golf clubs, should, in decency, since the fight at guasimas apologize. for the same spirit that once sent these men down a white-washed field against their opponents' rush line was the spirit that sent church, channing, devereux, ronalds, wrenn, cash, bull, lamed, goodrich, greenway, dudley dean, and a dozen others through the high hot grass at guasimas, not shouting, as their friends the cowboys did, but each with his mouth tightly shut, with his eyes on the ball, and moving in obedience to the captain's signals. judging from the sound, our firing-line now seemed to be half a mile in advance of the place where the head of the column had first halted. this showed that the spaniards had been driven back at least three hundred yards from their original position. it was impossible to see any of our men in the field, so i ran down the trail with the idea that it would lead me back to the troop i had left when i had stopped at the dressing station. the walk down that trail presented one of the most grewsome pictures of the war. it narrowed as it descended; it was for that reason the enemy had selected that part of it for the attack, and the vines and bushes interlaced so closely above it that the sun could not come through. the rocks on either side were spattered with blood and the rank grass was matted with it. blanket rolls, haversacks, carbines, and canteens had been abandoned all along its length. it looked as though a retreating army had fled along it, rather than that one troop had fought its way through it to the front. except for the clatter of the land-crabs, those hideous orchid-colored monsters that haunt the places of the dead, and the whistling of the bullets in the trees, the place was as silent as a grave. for the wounded lying along its length were as still as the dead beside them. the noise of the loose stones rolling under my feet brought a hospital steward out of the brush, and he called after me: "lieutenant thomas is badly wounded in here, and we can't move him. we want to carry him out of the sun some place, where there is shade and a breeze." thomas was the first lieutenant of capron's troop. he is a young man, large and powerfully built. he was shot through the leg just below the trunk, and i found him lying on a blanket half naked and covered with blood, and with his leg bound in tourniquets made of twigs and pocket-handkerchiefs. it gave one a thrill of awe and wonder to see how these cowboy surgeons, with a stick that one would use to light a pipe and with the gaudy 'kerchiefs they had taken from their necks, were holding death at bay. the young officer was in great pain and tossing and raving wildly. when we gathered up the corners of his blanket and lifted him, he tried to sit upright, and cried out, "you're taking me to the front, aren't you? you said you would. they've killed my captain--do you understand? they've killed captain capron. the --- mexicans! they've killed my captain." the troopers assured him they were carrying him to the firing-line, but he was not satisfied. we stumbled over the stones and vines, bumping his wounded body against the ground and leaving a black streak in the grass behind us, but it seemed to hurt us more than it did him, for he sat up again clutching at us imploringly with his bloody hands. "for god's sake, take me to the front," he begged. "do you hear? i order you; damn you, i order--we must give them hell; do you hear? we must give them hell. they've killed capron. they've killed my captain." the loss of blood at last mercifully silenced him, and when we had reached the trail he had fainted and i left them kneeling around him, their grave boyish faces filled with sympathy and concern. only fifty feet from him and farther down the trail i passed his captain, with his body propped against church's knee and with his head fallen on the surgeon's shoulder. capron was always a handsome, soldierly looking man--some said that he was the most soldierly looking of any of the young officers in the army--and as i saw him then death had given him a great dignity and nobleness. he was only twenty-eight years old, the age when life has just begun, but he rested his head on the surgeon's shoulder like a man who knew he was already through with it and that, though they might peck and mend at the body, he had received his final orders. his breast and shoulders were bare, and as the surgeon cut the tunic from him the sight of his great chest and the skin, as white as a girl's, and the black open wound against it made the yellow stripes and the brass insignia on the tunic, strangely mean and tawdry. fifty yards farther on, around a turn in the trail, behind a rock, a boy was lying with a bullet wound between his eyes. his chest was heaving with short, hoarse noises which i guessed were due to some muscular action entirely, and that he was virtually dead. i lifted him and gave him some water, but it would not pass through his fixed teeth. in the pocket of his blouse was a new testament with the name fielder dawson, mo., scribbled in it in pencil. while i was writing it down for identification, a boy as young as himself came from behind me down the trail. "it is no use," he said; "the surgeon has seen him; he says he is just the same as dead. he is my bunkie; we only met two weeks ago at san antonio; but he and me had got to be such good friends--but there's nothing i can do now." he threw himself down on the rock beside his bunkie, who was still breathing with that hoarse inhuman rattle, and i left them, the one who had been spared looking down helplessly with the tears creeping across his cheeks. the firing was quite close now, and the trail was no longer filled with blanket rolls and haversacks, nor did pitiful, prostrate figures lie in wait behind each rock. i guessed this must mean that i now was well in advance of the farthest point to which capron's troop had moved, and i was running forward feeling confident that i must be close on our men, when i saw the body of a sergeant blocking the trail and stretched at full length across it. its position was a hundred yards in advance of that of any of the others--it was apparently the body of the first man killed. after death the bodies of some men seem to shrink almost instantly within themselves; they become limp and shapeless, and their uniforms hang upon them strangely. but this man, who was a giant in life, remained a giant in death--his very attitude was one of attack; his fists were clinched, his jaw set, and his eyes, which were still human, seemed fixed with resolve. he was dead, but he was not defeated. and so hamilton fish died as he had lived--defiantly, running into the very face of the enemy, standing squarely upright on his legs instead of crouching, as the others called to him to do, until he fell like a column across the trail. "god gives," was the motto on the watch i took from his blouse, and god could not have given him a nobler end; to die, in the fore-front of the first fight of the war, quickly, painlessly, with a bullet through the heart, with his regiment behind him, and facing the enemies of his country. the line at this time was divided by the trail into two wings. the right wing, composed of k and a troops, was advancing through the valley, returning the fire from the ridge as it did so, and the left wing, which was much the longer of the two, was swinging around on the enemy's right flank, with its own right resting on the barbed-wire fence. i borrowed a carbine from a wounded man, and joined the remnant of l troop which was close to the trail. this troop was then commanded by second lieutenant day, who on account of his conduct that morning and at the battle of san juan later, when he was shot through the arm, was promoted to be captain of l troop, or, as it was later officially designated, capron's troop. he was walking up and down the line as unconcernedly as though we were at target practice, and an irish sergeant, byrne, was assisting him by keeping up a continuous flow of comments and criticisms that showed the keenest enjoyment of the situation. byrne was the only man i noticed who seemed to regard the fight as in any way humorous. for at guasimas, no one had time to be flippant, or to exhibit any signs of braggadocio. it was for all of them, from the moment it started, through the hot, exhausting hour and a half that it lasted, a most serious proposition. the conditions were exceptional. the men had made a night march the evening before, had been given but three hours' troubled sleep on the wet sand, and had then been marched in full equipment uphill and under a cruelly hot sun, directly into action. and eighty per cent. of them had never before been under fire. nor had one man in the regiment ever fired a krag-jorgensen carbine until he fired it at a spaniard, for their arms had been issued to them so soon before sailing that they had only drilled with them without using cartridges. to this handicap was also added the nature of the ground and the fact that our men could not see their opponents. their own men fell or rolled over on every side, shot down by an invisible enemy, with no one upon whom they could retaliate, with no sign that the attack might not go on indefinitely. yet they never once took a step backward, but advanced grimly, cleaning a bush or thicket of its occupants before charging it, and securing its cover for themselves, and answering each volley with one that sounded like an echo of the first. the men were panting for breath; the sweat ran so readily into their eyes that they could not see the sights of their guns; their limbs unused to such exertion after seven days of cramped idleness on the troop-ship, trembled with weakness and the sun blinded and dazzled them; but time after time they rose and staggered forward through the high grass, or beat their way with their carbines against the tangle of vines and creepers. a mile and a half of territory was gained foot by foot in this fashion, the three spanish positions carried in that distance being marked by the thousands of mauser cartridges that lay shining and glittering in the grass and behind the barricades of bushes. but this distance had not been gained without many losses, for every one in the regiment was engaged. even those who, on account of the heat, had dropped out along the trail, as soon as the sound of the fight reached them, came limping to the front--and plunged into the firing-line. it was the only place they could go--there was no other line. with the exception of church's dressing station and its wounded there were no reserves. among the first to be wounded was the correspondent, edward marshall, of the new york _journal_, who was on the firing-line to the left. he was shot through the body near the spine, and when i saw him he was suffering the most terrible agonies, and passing through a succession of convulsions. he nevertheless, in his brief moments of comparative peace, bore himself with the utmost calm, and was so much a soldier to duty that he continued writing his account of the fight until the fight itself was ended. his courage was the admiration of all the troopers, and he was highly commended by colonel wood in the official account of the engagement. [picture: wounded rough riders coming over the hill at siboney. head of column of second infantry going to support the rough riders, june th] nothing so well illustrated how desperately each man was needed, and how little was his desire to withdraw, as the fact that the wounded lay where they fell until the hospital stewards found them. their comrades did not use them as an excuse to go to leave the firing-line. i have watched other fights, where the men engaged were quite willing to unselfishly bear the wounded from the zone of danger. the fight had now lasted an hour, and the line had reached a more open country, with a slight incline upward toward a wood, on the edge of which was a ruined house. this house was a former distillery for _aguardiente_, and was now occupied in force by the enemy. lieutenant-colonel roosevelt on the far left was moving up his men with the intention of taking this house on the flank; wood, who was all over the line, had the same objective point in his mind. the troop commanders had a general idea that the distillery was the key to the enemy's position, and were all working in that direction. it was extremely difficult for wood and roosevelt to communicate with the captains, and after the first general orders had been given them they relied upon the latter's intelligence to pull them through. i do not suppose wood, out of the five hundred engaged, saw more than thirty of his men at any one time. when he had passed one troop, except for the noise of its volley firing, it was immediately lost to him in the brush, and it was so with the next. still, so excellent was the intelligence of the officers, and so ready the spirit of the men, that they kept an almost perfect alignment, as was shown when the final order came to charge in the open fields. the advance upon the ruined building was made in stubborn, short rushes, sometimes in silence, and sometimes firing as we ran. the order to fire at will was seldom given, the men waiting patiently for the officers' signal, and then answering in volleys. some of the men who were twice day's age begged him to let them take the enemy's impromptu fort on the run, but he answered them tolerantly like spoiled children, and held them down until there was a lull in the enemy's fire, when he would lead them forward, always taking the advance himself. by the way they made these rushes, it was easy to tell which men were used to hunting big game in the west and which were not. the eastern men broke at the word, and ran for the cover they were directed to take like men trying to get out of the rain, and fell panting on their faces, while the western trappers and hunters slipped and wriggled through the grass like indians; dodging from tree trunk to tree trunk, and from one bush to another. they fell into line at the same time with the others, but while doing so they had not once exposed themselves. some of the escapes were little short of miraculous. the man on my right, champneys marshall, of washington, had one bullet pass through his sleeve, and another pass through his shirt, where it was pulled close to his spine. the holes where the ball entered and went out again were clearly cut. another man's skin was slightly burned by three bullets in three distinct lines, as though it had been touched for an instant by the lighted end of a cigar. greenway was shot through this shirt across the breast, and roosevelt was so close to one bullet, when it struck a tree, that it filled his eyes and ears with tiny splinters. major brodie and lieutenant thomas were both wounded within a few feet of colonel wood, and his color-sergeant, wright, who followed close at his heels, was clipped three times in the head and neck, and four bullets passed through the folds of the flag he carried. one trooper, rowland, of deming, was shot through the lower ribs; he was ordered by roosevelt to fall back to the dressing station, but there church told him there was nothing he could do for him then, and directed him to sit down until he could be taken to the hospital at siboney. rowland sat still for a short time, and then remarked restlessly, "i don't seem to be doing much good here," and picking up his carbine, returned to the firing-line. there roosevelt found him. "i thought i ordered you to the rear," he demanded. "yes, sir, you did," rowland said, "but there didn't seem to be much doing back there." after the fight he was sent to siboney with the rest of the wounded, but two days later he appeared in camp. he had marched from siboney, a distance of six miles, and uphill all the way, carrying his carbine, canteen, and cartridge-belt. "i thought you were in hospital," wood said. "i was," rowland answered sheepishly, "but i didn't seem to be doing any good there." they gave him up as hopeless, and he continued his duties and went into the fight of the san juan hills with the hole still through his ribs. another cowboy named heffner, when shot through the body, asked to be propped up against a tree with his canteen and cartridge-belt beside him, and the last his troop saw of him he was seated alone grimly firing over their heads in the direction of the enemy. early in the fight i came upon church attending to a young cowboy, who was shot through the chest. the entrance to his wound was so small that church could not insert enough of the gauze packing to stop the flow of blood. "i'm afraid i'll have to make this hole larger," he said to the boy, "or you'll bleed to death." "all right," the trooper answered, "i guess you know your business." the boy stretched out on his back and lay perfectly quiet while church, with a pair of curved scissors, cut away the edges of the wound. his patient neither whimpered nor swore, but stared up at the sun in silence. the bullets were falling on every side, and the operation was a hasty one, but the trooper made no comment until church said, "we'd better get out of this; can you stand being carried?" "do you think you can carry me?" the trooper asked. "yes." "well," exclaimed the boy admiringly, "you certainly know your business!" another of the rough riders was brought to the dressing station with a shattered ankle, and church, after bandaging it, gave him his choice of riding down to siboney on a mule, or of being carried, a day later, on a litter. "if you think you can manage to ride the mule with that broken foot," he said, "you can start at once, but if you wait until to-morrow, when i can spare the men, you can be carried all the way." the cowboy preferred to start at once, so six hospital stewards lifted him and dropped him on the mule, and into a huge mexican saddle. he stuck his wounded ankle into one stirrup, and his untouched one into the other, and gathered up the reins. "does it pain you? can you stand it?" church asked anxiously. the cowboy turned and smiled down upon him with amused disdain. "stand _this_?" he cried. "why, this is just like getting money from home." toward the last, the firing from the enemy sounded less near, and the bullets passed much higher. roosevelt, who had picked up a carbine and was firing to give the direction to the others, determined upon a charge. wood, at the other end of the line, decided at the same time upon the same manoeuvre. it was called "wood's bluff" afterward, for he had nothing to back it with; while to the enemy it looked as though his whole force was but the skirmish-line in advance of a regiment. the spaniards naturally could not believe that this thin line which suddenly broke out of the bushes and from behind trees and came cheering out into the hot sunlight was the entire fighting force against it. they supposed the regiment was coming close on its heels, and as spanish troops hate being rushed as a cat hates water, they fired a few parting volleys and broke and ran. the cheering had the same invigorating effect on our own side as a cold shower; it was what first told half the men where the other half were, and it made every individual man feel better. as we knew it was only a bluff, the first cheer was wavering, but the sound of our own voices was so comforting that the second cheer was a howl of triumph. as it was, the spaniards thought the rough riders had already disregarded all the rules of war. "when we fired a volley," one of the prisoners said later, "instead of falling back they came forward. that is not the way to fight, to come closer at every volley." and so, when instead of retreating on each volley, the rough riders rushed at them, cheering and filling the hot air with wild cowboy yells, the dismayed enemy retreated upon santiago, where he announced he had been attacked by the entire american army. one of the residents of santiago asked one of the soldiers if those americans fought well. "_well_!" he replied, "they tried to catch us with their hands!" i have not attempted to give any account of general young's fight on our right, which was equally desperate, and, owing to the courage of the colored troops of the tenth in storming a ridge, equally worthy of praise. but it has seemed better not to try and tell of anything i did not see, but to limit myself to the work of the rough riders, to whom, after all, the victory was due, as it was owing to colonel wood's charge, which took the spaniards in flank, that general wheeler and general young were able to advance, their own stubborn attack in front having failed to dislodge the enemy from his rifle-pits. according to the statement of the enemy, who had every reason not to exaggerate the size of his own force, , spaniards were engaged in this action. the rough riders numbered , and general young's force numbered . the american troops accordingly attacked a force over four times their own number intrenched behind rifle-pits and bushes in a mountain pass. in spite of the smokeless powder used by the spaniards, which hid their position, the rough riders routed them out of it, and drove them back from three different barricades until they made their last stand in the ruined distillery, whence they finally drove them by assault. the eager spirit in which this was accomplished is best described in the spanish soldier's answer to the inquiring civilian, "they tried to catch us with their hands." the rough riders should adopt it as their motto. ii--the battle of san juan hill after the guasimas fight on june , the army was advanced along the single trail which leads from siboney on the coast to santiago. two streams of excellent water run parallel with this trail for short distances, and some eight miles from the coast crossed it in two places. our outposts were stationed at the first of these fords, the cuban outposts a mile and a half farther on at the ford nearer santiago, where the stream made a sharp turn at a place called el poso. another mile and a half of trail extended from el poso to the trenches of san juan. the reader should remember el poso, as it marked an important starting-point against san juan on the eventful first of july. for six days the army was encamped on either side of the trail for three miles back from the outposts. the regimental camps touched each other, and all day long the pack-trains carrying the day's rations passed up and down between them. the trail was a sunken wagon road, where it was possible, in a few places, for two wagons to pass at one time, but the greater distances were so narrow that there was but just room for a wagon, or a loaded mule-train, to make its way. the banks of the trail were three or four feet high, and when it rained it was converted into a huge gutter, with sides of mud, and with a liquid mud a foot deep between them. the camps were pitched along the trail as near the parallel stream as possible, and in the occasional places where there was rich, high grass. at night the men slept in dog tents, open at the front and back, and during the day spent their time under the shade of trees along the trail, or on the banks of the stream. sentries were placed at every few feet along these streams to guard them from any possible pollution. for six days the army rested in this way, for as an army moves and acts only on its belly, and as the belly of this army was three miles long, it could advance but slowly. this week of rest, after the cramped life of the troop-ship, was not ungrateful, although the rations were scarce and there was no tobacco, which was as necessary to the health of the men as their food. during this week of waiting, the chief excitement was to walk out a mile and a half beyond the outposts to the hill of el poso, and look across the basin that lay in the great valley which leads to santiago. the left of the valley was the hills which hide the sea. the right of the valley was the hills in which nestle the village of el caney. below el poso, in the basin, the dense green forest stretched a mile and a half to the hills of san juan. these hills looked so quiet and sunny and well kept that they reminded one of a new england orchard. there was a blue bungalow on a hill to the right, a red bungalow higher up on the right, and in the centre the block-house of san juan, which looked like a chinese pagoda. three-quarters of a mile behind them, with a dip between, were the long white walls of the hospital and barracks of santiago, wearing thirteen red cross flags, and, as was pointed out to the foreign attaches later, two six-inch guns a hundred yards in advance of the red cross flags. it was so quiet, so fair, and so prosperous looking that it breathed of peace. it seemed as though one might, without accident, walk in and take dinner at the venus restaurant, or loll on the benches in the plaza, or rock in one of the great bent-wood chairs around the patio of the don carlos club. but, on the th of june, a long, yellow pit opened in the hill-side of san juan, and in it we could see straw sombreros rising and bobbing up and down, and under the shade of the block-house, blue-coated spaniards strolling leisurely about or riding forth on little white ponies to scamper over the hills. officers of every regiment, _attaches_ of foreign countries, correspondents, and staff officers daily reported the fact that the rifle-pits were growing in length and in number, and that in plain sight from the hill of el poso the enemy was intrenching himself at san juan, and at the little village of el caney to the right, where he was marching through the streets. but no artillery was sent to el poso hill to drop a shell among the busy men at work among the trenches, or to interrupt the street parades in el caney. for four days before the american soldiers captured the same rifle-pits at el caney and san juan, with a loss of two thousand men, they watched these men diligently preparing for their coming, and wondered why there was no order to embarrass or to end these preparations. on the afternoon of june , captain mills rode up to the tent of colonel wood, and told him that on account of illness, general wheeler and general young had relinquished their commands, and that general sumner would take charge of the cavalry division; that he, colonel wood, would take command of general young's brigade, and colonel carroll, of general sumner's brigade. "you will break camp and move forward at four o'clock," he said. it was then three o'clock, and apparently the order to move forward at four had been given to each regiment at nearly the same time, for they all struck their tents and stepped down into the trail together. it was as though fifteen regiments were encamped along the sidewalks of fifth avenue and were all ordered at the same moment to move into it and march downtown. if fifth avenue were ten feet wide, one can imagine the confusion. general chaffee was at general lawton's head-quarters, and they stood apart whispering together about the march they were to take to el caney. just over their heads the balloon was ascending for the first time and its great glistening bulk hung just above the tree tops, and the men in different regiments, picking their way along the trail, gazed up at it open-mouthed. the head-quarters camp was crowded. after a week of inaction the army, at a moment's notice, was moving forward, and every one had ridden in haste to learn why. there were _attaches_, in strange uniforms, self-important cuban generals, officers from the flagship _new york_, and an army of photographers. at the side of the camp, double lines of soldiers passed slowly along the two paths of the muddy road, while, between them, aides dashed up and down, splashing them with dirty water, and shouting, "you will come up at once, sir." "you will not attempt to enter the trail yet, sir." "general sumner's compliments, and why are you not in your place?" twelve thousand men, with their eyes fixed on a balloon, and treading on each other's heels in three inches of mud, move slowly, and after three hours, it seemed as though every man in the united states was under arms and stumbling and slipping down that trail. the lines passed until the moon rose. they seemed endless, interminable; there were cavalry mounted and dismounted, artillery with cracking whips and cursing drivers, rough riders in brown, and regulars, both black and white, in blue. midnight came, and they were still stumbling and slipping forward. general sumner's head-quarters tent was pitched to the right of el poso hill. below us lay the basin a mile and a half in length, and a mile and a half wide, from which a white mist was rising. near us, drowned under the mist, seven thousand men were sleeping, and, farther to the right, general chaffee's five thousand were lying under the bushes along the trails to el caney, waiting to march on it and eat it up before breakfast. the place hardly needs a map to explain it. the trails were like a pitchfork, with its prongs touching the hills of san juan. the long handle of the pitchfork was the trail over which we had just come, the joining of the handle and the prongs were el poso. el caney lay half-way along the right prong, the left one was the trail down which, in the morning, the troops were to be hurled upon san juan. it was as yet an utterly undiscovered country. three miles away, across the basin of mist, we could see the street lamps of santiago shining over the san juan hills. above us, the tropical moon hung white and clear in the dark purple sky, pierced with millions of white stars. as we turned in, there was just a little something in the air which made saying "good-night" a gentle farce, for no one went to sleep immediately, but lay looking up at the stars, and after a long silence, and much restless turning on the blanket which we shared together, the second lieutenant said: "so, if anything happens to me, to-morrow, you'll see she gets them, won't you?" before the moon rose again, every sixth man who had slept in the mist that night was either killed or wounded; but the second lieutenant was sitting on the edge of a spanish rifle-pit, dirty, sweaty, and weak for food, but victorious, and the unknown she did not get them. el caney had not yet thrown off her blanket of mist before capron's battery opened on it from a ridge two miles in the rear. the plan for the day was that el caney should fall in an hour. the plan for the day is interesting chiefly because it is so different from what happened. according to the plan the army was to advance in two divisions along the two trails. incidentally, general lawton's division was to pick up el caney, and when el caney was eliminated, his division was to continue forward and join hands on the right with the divisions of general sumner and general kent. the army was then to rest for that night in the woods, half a mile from san juan. on the following morning it was to attack san juan on the two flanks, under cover of artillery. the objection to this plan, which did not apparently suggest itself to general shafter, was that an army of twelve thousand men, sleeping within five hundred yards of the enemy's rifle-pits, might not unreasonably be expected to pass a bad night. as we discovered the next day, not only the five hundred yards, but the whole basin was covered by the fire from the rifle-pits. even by daylight, when it was possible to seek some slight shelter, the army could not remain in the woods, but according to the plan it was expected to bivouac for the night in those woods, and in the morning to manoeuvre and deploy and march through them to the two flanks of san juan. how the enemy was to be hypnotized while this was going forward it is difficult to understand. according to this programme, capron's battery opened on el caney and grimes's battery opened on the pagoda-like block-house of san juan. the range from el poso was exactly , yards, and the firing, as was discovered later, was not very effective. the battery used black powder, and, as a result, after each explosion the curtain of smoke hung over the gun for fully a minute before the gunners could see the san juan trenches, which was chiefly important because for a full minute it gave a mark to the enemy. the hill on which the battery stood was like a sugar-loaf. behind it was the farm-house of el poso, the only building in sight within a radius of a mile, and in it were cuban soldiers and other non-combatants. the rough riders had been ordered to halt in the yard of the farm-house and the artillery horses were drawn up in it, under the lee of the hill. the first and tenth dismounted cavalry were encamped a hundred yards from the battery along the ridge. they might as sensibly have been ordered to paint the rings in a target while a company was firing at the bull's-eye. to our first twenty shots the enemy made no reply; when they did it was impossible, owing to their using smokeless powder, to locate their guns. their third shell fell in among the cubans in the block-house and among the rough riders and the men of the first and tenth cavalry, killing some and wounding many. these casualties were utterly unnecessary and were due to the stupidity of whoever placed the men within fifty yards of guns in action. [picture: grime's battery at el poso. the third spanish shell fell in among the cubans in the block-house and among the rough riders] a quarter of an hour after the firing began from el poso one of general shafter's aides directed general sumner to advance with his division down the santiago trail, and to halt at the edge of the woods. "what am i to do then?" asked general sumner. "you are to await further orders," the aide answered. as a matter of fact and history this was probably the last order general sumner received from general shafter, until the troops of his division had taken the san juan hills, as it became impossible to get word to general shafter, the trail leading to his head-quarters tent, three miles in the rear, being blocked by the soldiers of the first and tenth dismounted cavalry, and later, by lawton's division. general sumner led the sixth, third, and ninth cavalry and the rough riders down the trail, with instructions for the first and tenth to follow. the trail, virgin as yet from the foot of an american soldier, was as wide as its narrowest part, which was some ten feet across. at places it was as wide as broadway, but only for such short distances that it was necessary for the men to advance in column, in double file. a maze of underbrush and trees on either side was all but impenetrable, and when the officers and men had once assembled into the basin, they could only guess as to what lay before them, or on either flank. at the end of a mile the country became more open, and general sumner saw the spaniards intrenched a half-mile away on the sloping hills. a stream, called the san juan river, ran across the trail at this point, and another stream crossed it again two hundred yards farther on. the troops were halted at this first stream, some crossing it, and others deploying in single file to the right. some were on the banks of the stream, others at the edge of the woods in the bushes. others lay in the high grass which was so high that it stopped the wind, and so hot that it almost choked and suffocated those who lay in it. the enemy saw the advance and began firing with pitiless accuracy into the jammed and crowded trail and along the whole border of the woods. there was not a single yard of ground for a mile to the rear which was not inside the zone of fire. our men were ordered not to return the fire but to lie still and wait for further orders. some of them could see the rifle-pits of the enemy quite clearly and the men in them, but many saw nothing but the bushes under which they lay, and the high grass which seemed to burn when they pressed against it. it was during this period of waiting that the greater number of our men were killed. for one hour they lay on their rifles staring at the waving green stuff around them, while the bullets drove past incessantly, with savage insistence, cutting the grass again and again in hundreds of fresh places. men in line sprang from the ground and sank back again with a groan, or rolled to one side clinging silently to an arm or shoulder. behind the lines hospital stewards passed continually, drawing the wounded back to the streams, where they laid them in long rows, their feet touching the water's edge and their bodies supported by the muddy bank. up and down the lines, and through the fords of the streams, mounted aides drove their horses at a gallop, as conspicuous a target as the steeple on a church, and one after another paid the price of his position and fell from his horse wounded or dead. captain mills fell as he was giving an order, shot through the forehead behind both eyes; captain o'neill, of the rough riders, as he said, "there is no spanish bullet made that can kill me." steel, swift, henry, each of them was shot out of his saddle. hidden in the trees above the streams, and above the trail, sharp-shooters and guerillas added a fresh terror to the wounded. there was no hiding from them. their bullets came from every side. their invisible smoke helped to keep their hiding-places secret, and in the incessant shriek of shrapnel and the spit of the mausers, it was difficult to locate the reports of their rifles. they spared neither the wounded nor recognized the red cross; they killed the surgeons and the stewards carrying the litters, and killed the wounded men on the litters. a guerilla in a tree above us shot one of the rough riders in the breast while i was helping him carry captain morton henry to the dressing-station, the ball passing down through him, and a second shot, from the same tree, barely missed henry as he lay on the ground where we had dropped him. he was already twice wounded and so covered with blood that no one could have mistaken his condition. the surgeons at work along the stream dressed the wounds with one eye cast aloft at the trees. it was not the mauser bullets they feared, though they passed continuously, but too high to do their patients further harm, but the bullets of the sharp-shooters which struck fairly in among them, splashing in the water and scattering the pebbles. the sounds of the two bullets were as different as is the sharp pop of a soda-water bottle from the buzzing of an angry wasp. for a time it seemed as though every second man was either killed or wounded; one came upon them lying behind the bush, under which they had crawled with some strange idea that it would protect them, or crouched under the bank of the stream, or lying on their stomachs and lapping up the water with the eagerness of thirsty dogs. as to their suffering, the wounded were magnificently silent, they neither complained nor groaned nor cursed. "i've got a punctured tire," was their grim answer to inquiries. white men and colored men, veterans and recruits and volunteers, each lay waiting for the battle to begin or to end so that he might be carried away to safety, for the wounded were in as great danger after they were hit as though they were in the firing line, but none questioned nor complained. i came across lieutenant roberts, of the tenth cavalry, lying under the roots of a tree beside the stream with three of his colored troopers stretched around him. he was shot through the intestines, and each of the three men with him was shot in the arm or leg. they had been overlooked or forgotten, and we stumbled upon them only by the accident of losing our way. they had no knowledge as to how the battle was going or where their comrades were or where the enemy was. at any moment, for all they knew, the spaniards might break through the bushes about them. it was a most lonely picture, the young lieutenant, half naked, and wet with his own blood, sitting upright beside the empty stream, and his three followers crouching at his feet like three faithful watch-dogs, each wearing his red badge of courage, with his black skin tanned to a haggard gray, and with his eyes fixed patiently on the white lips of his officer. when the white soldiers with me offered to carry him back to the dressing-station, the negroes resented it stiffly. "if the lieutenant had been able to move, we would have carried him away long ago," said the sergeant, quite overlooking the fact that his arm was shattered. "oh, don't bother the surgeons about me," roberts added, cheerfully. "they must be very busy. i can wait." as yet, with all these killed and wounded, we had accomplished nothing--except to obey orders--which was to await further orders. the observation balloon hastened the end. it came blundering down the trail, and stopped the advance of the first and tenth cavalry, and was sent up directly over the heads of our men to observe what should have been observed a week before by scouts and reconnoitring parties. a balloon, two miles to the rear, and high enough in the air to be out of range of the enemy's fire may some day prove itself to be of use and value. but a balloon on the advance line, and only fifty feet above the tops of the trees, was merely an invitation to the enemy to kill everything beneath it. and the enemy responded to the invitation. a spaniard might question if he could hit a man, or a number of men, hidden in the bushes, but had no doubt at all as to his ability to hit a mammoth glistening ball only six hundred yards distant, and so all the trenches fired at it at once, and the men of the first and tenth, packed together directly behind it, received the full force of the bullets. the men lying directly below it received the shrapnel which was timed to hit it, and which at last, fortunately, did hit it. this was endured for an hour, an hour of such hell of fire and heat, that the heat in itself, had there been no bullets, would have been remembered for its cruelty. men gasped on their backs, like fishes in the bottom of a boat, their heads burning inside and out, their limbs too heavy to move. they had been rushed here and rushed there wet with sweat and wet with fording the streams, under a sun that would have made moving a fan an effort, and they lay prostrate, gasping at the hot air, with faces aflame, and their tongues sticking out, and their eyes rolling. all through this the volleys from the rifle-pits sputtered and rattled, and the bullets sang continuously like the wind through the rigging in a gale, shrapnel whined and broke, and still no order came from general shafter. captain howse, of general sumner's staff, rode down the trail to learn what had delayed the first and tenth, and was hailed by colonel derby, who was just descending from the shattered balloon. "i saw men up there on those hills," colonel derby shouted; "they are firing at our troops." that was part of the information contributed by the balloon. captain howse's reply is lost to history. general kent's division, which, according to the plan, was to have been held in reserve, had been rushed up in the rear of the first and tenth, and the tenth had deployed in skirmish order to the right. the trail was now completely blocked by kent's division. lawton's division, which was to have re-enforced on the right, had not appeared, but incessant firing from the direction of el caney showed that he and chaffee were fighting mightily. the situation was desperate. our troops could not retreat, as the trail for two miles behind them was wedged with men. they could not remain where they were, for they were being shot to pieces. there was only one thing they could do--go forward and take the san juan hills by assault. it was as desperate as the situation itself. to charge earthworks held by men with modern rifles, and using modern artillery, until after the earthworks have been shaken by artillery, and to attack them in advance and not in the flanks, are both impossible military propositions. but this campaign had not been conducted according to military rules, and a series of military blunders had brought seven thousand american soldiers into a chute of death from which there was no escape except by taking the enemy who held it by the throat and driving him out and beating him down. so the generals of divisions and brigades stepped back and relinquished their command to the regimental officers and the enlisted men. "we can do nothing more," they virtually said. "there is the enemy." colonel roosevelt, on horseback, broke from the woods behind the line of the ninth, and finding its men lying in his way, shouted: "if you don't wish to go forward, let my men pass." the junior officers of the ninth, with their negroes, instantly sprang into line with the rough riders, and charged at the blue block-house on the right. i speak of roosevelt first because, with general hawkins, who led kent's division, notably the sixth and sixteenth regulars, he was, without doubt, the most conspicuous figure in the charge. general hawkins, with hair as white as snow, and yet far in advance of men thirty years his junior, was so noble a sight that you felt inclined to pray for his safety; on the other hand, roosevelt, mounted high on horseback, and charging the rifle-pits at a gallop and quite alone, made you feel that you would like to cheer. he wore on his sombrero a blue polka-dot handkerchief, a la havelock, which, as he advanced, floated out straight behind his head, like a guidon. afterward, the men of his regiment who followed this flag, adopted a polka-dot handkerchief as the badge of the rough riders. these two officers were notably conspicuous in the charge, but no one can claim that any two men, or any one man, was more brave or more daring, or showed greater courage in that slow, stubborn advance, than did any of the others. some one asked one of the officers if he had any difficulty in making his men follow him. "no," he answered, "i had some difficulty in keeping up with them." as one of the brigade generals said: "san juan was won by the regimental officers and men. we had as little to do as the referee at a prize-fight who calls 'time.' we called 'time' and they did the fighting." i have seen many illustrations and pictures of this charge on the san juan hills, but none of them seem to show it just as i remember it. in the picture-papers the men are running uphill swiftly and gallantly, in regular formation, rank after rank, with flags flying, their eyes aflame, and their hair streaming, their bayonets fixed, in long, brilliant lines, an invincible, overpowering weight of numbers. instead of which i think the thing which impressed one the most, when our men started from cover, was that they were so few. it seemed as if some one had made an awful and terrible mistake. one's instinct was to call to them to come back. you felt that some one had blundered and that these few men were blindly following out some madman's mad order. it was not heroic then, it seemed merely absurdly pathetic. the pity of it, the folly of such a sacrifice was what held you. they had no glittering bayonets, they were not massed in regular array. there were a few men in advance, bunched together, and creeping up a steep, sunny hill, the tops of which roared and flashed with flame. the men held their guns pressed across their chests and stepped heavily as they climbed. behind these first few, spreading out like a fan, were single lines of men, slipping and scrambling in the smooth grass, moving forward with difficulty, as though they were wading waist high through water, moving slowly, carefully, with strenuous effort. it was much more wonderful than any swinging charge could have been. they walked to greet death at every step, many of them, as they advanced, sinking suddenly or pitching forward and disappearing in the high grass, but the others waded on, stubbornly, forming a thin blue line that kept creeping higher and higher up the hill. it was as inevitable as the rising tide. it was a miracle of self-sacrifice, a triumph of bull-dog courage, which one watched breathless with wonder. the fire of the spanish riflemen, who still stuck bravely to their posts, doubled and trebled in fierceness, the crests of the hills crackled and burst in amazed roars, and rippled with waves of tiny flame. but the blue line crept steadily up and on, and then, near the top, the broken fragments gathered together with a sudden burst of speed, the spaniards appeared for a moment outlined against the sky and poised for instant flight, fired a last volley, and fled before the swift-moving wave that leaped and sprang after them. the men of the ninth and the rough riders rushed to the block-house together, the men of the sixth, of the third, of the tenth cavalry, of the sixth and sixteenth infantry, fell on their faces along the crest of the hills beyond, and opened upon the vanishing enemy. they drove the yellow silk flags of the cavalry and the flag of their country into the soft earth of the trenches, and then sank down and looked back at the road they had climbed and swung their hats in the air. and from far overhead, from these few figures perched on the spanish rifle-pits, with their flags planted among the empty cartridges of the enemy, and overlooking the walls of santiago, came, faintly, the sound of a tired, broken cheer. iii--the taking of coamo this is the inside story of the surrender, during the spanish war, of the town of coamo. it is written by the man to whom the town surrendered. immediately after the surrender this same man became military governor of coamo. he held office for fully twenty minutes. before beginning this story the reader must forget all he may happen to know of this particular triumph of the porto rican expedition. he must forget that the taking of coamo has always been credited to major-general james h. wilson, who on that occasion commanded captain anderson's battery, the sixteenth pennsylvania, troop c of brooklyn, and under general ernst, the second and third wisconsin volunteers. he must forget that in the records of the war department all the praise, and it is of the highest, for this victory is bestowed upon general wilson and his four thousand soldiers. even the writer of this, when he cabled an account of the event to his paper, gave, with every one else, the entire credit to general wilson. and ever since his conscience has upbraided him. his only claim for tolerance as a war correspondent has been that he always has stuck to the facts, and now he feels that in the sacred cause of history his friendship and admiration for general wilson, that veteran of the civil, philippine, and chinese wars, must no longer stand in the way of his duty as an accurate reporter. he no longer can tell a lie. he must at last own up that he himself captured coamo. [picture: officers watching the artillery play on coamo. drawn by f. c. yohn from a photograph by the author] on the morning of the th of august, , the sixteenth pennsylvania volunteers arrived on the outskirts of that town. in order to get there they had spent the night in crawling over mountain trails and scrambling through streams and ravines. it was general wilson's plan that by this flanking night march the sixteenth pennsylvania would reach the road leading from coamo to san juan in time to cut off the retreat of the spanish garrison, when general wilson, with the main body, attacked it from the opposite side. at seven o'clock in the morning general wilson began the frontal attack by turning loose the artillery on a block-house, which threatened his approach, and by advancing the wisconsin volunteers. the cavalry he sent to the right to capture los banos. at eight o'clock, from where the main body rested, two miles from coamo, we could hear the sixteenth pennsylvania open its attack and instantly become hotly engaged. the enemy returned the fire fiercely, and the firing from both sides at once became so severe that it was evident the pennsylvania volunteers either would take the town without the main body, or that they would greatly need its assistance. the artillery was accordingly advanced one thousand yards and the infantry was hurried forward. the second wisconsin approached coamo along the main road from ponce, the third wisconsin through fields of grass to the right of the road, until the two regiments met at the ford by which the banos road crosses the coamo river. but before they met, from a position near the artillery, i had watched through my glasses the second wisconsin with general ernst at its head advancing along the main road, and as, when i saw them, they were near the river, i guessed they would continue across the bridge and that they soon would be in the town. as the firing from the sixteenth still continued, it seemed obvious that general ernst would be the first general officer to enter coamo, and to receive its surrender. i had never seen five thousand people surrender to one man, and it seemed that, if i were to witness that ceremony, my best plan was to abandon the artillery and, as quickly as possible, pursue the second wisconsin. i did not want to share the spectacle of the surrender with my brother correspondents, so i tried to steal away from the three who were present. they were thomas f. millard, walstein root of the _sun_, and horace thompson. by dodging through a coffee _central_ i came out a half mile from them and in advance of the third wisconsin. there i encountered two "boy officers," captain john c. breckenridge and lieutenant fred. s. titus, who had temporarily abandoned their thankless duties in the commissariat department in order to seek death or glory in the skirmish-line. they wanted to know where i was going, and when i explained, they declared that when coamo surrendered they also were going to be among those present. so we slipped away from the main body and rode off as an independent organization. but from the bald ridge, where the artillery was still hammering the town, the three correspondents and captain alfred paget, her majesty's naval attache, observed our attempt to steal a march on general wilson's forces, and pursued us and soon overtook us. we now were seven, or to be exact, eight, for with mr. millard was "jimmy," who in times of peace sells papers in herald square, and in times of war carries mr. millard's copy to the press post. we were much nearer the ford than the bridge, so we waded the "drift" and started on a gallop along the mile of military road that lay between us and coamo. the firing from the sixteenth pennsylvania had slackened, but as we advanced it became sharper, more insistent, and seemed to urge us to greater speed. across the road were dug rough rifle-pits which had the look of having been but that moment abandoned. what had been intended for the breakfast of the enemy was burning in pots over tiny fires, little heaps of cartridges lay in readiness upon the edges of each pit, and an arm-chair, in which a sentry had kept a comfortable lookout, lay sprawling in the middle of the road. the huts that faced it were empty. the only living things we saw were the chickens and pigs in the kitchen-gardens. on either hand was every evidence of hasty and panic-stricken flight. we rejoiced at these evidences of the fact that the wisconsin volunteers had swept all before them. our rejoicings were not entirely unselfish. it was so quiet ahead that some one suggested the town had already surrendered. but that would have been too bitter a disappointment, and as the firing from the further side of coamo still continued, we refused to believe it, and whipped the ponies into greater haste. we were now only a quarter of a mile distant from the built-up portion of coamo, where the road turned sharply into the main street of the town. captain paget, who in the absence of the british military attache on account of sickness, accompanied the army as a guest of general wilson, gave way to thoughts of etiquette. "will general wilson think i should have waited for him?" he shouted. the words were jolted out of him as he rose in the saddle. the noise of the ponies' hoofs made conversation difficult. i shouted back that the presence of general ernst in the town made it quite proper for a foreign attache to enter it. "it must have surrendered by now," i shouted. "it's been half an hour since ernst crossed the bridge." at these innocent words, all my companions tugged violently at their bridles and shouted "whoa!" "crossed the bridge?" they yelled. "there is no bridge! the bridge is blown up! if he hasn't crossed by the ford, he isn't in the town!" then, in my turn, i shouted "whoa!" but by now the porto rican ponies had decided that this was the race of their lives, and each had made up his mind that, mexican bit or no mexican bit, until he had carried his rider first into the town of coamo, he would not be halted. as i tugged helplessly at my mexican bit, i saw how i had made my mistake. the volunteers, on finding the bridge destroyed, instead of marching upon coamo had turned to the ford, the same ford which we had crossed half an hour before they reached it. they now were behind us. instead of a town which had surrendered to a thousand american soldiers, we, seven unarmed men and jimmy, were being swept into a hostile city as fast as the enemy's ponies could take us there. breckenridge and titus hastily put the blame upon me. "if we get into trouble with the general for this," they shouted, "it will be your fault. you told us ernst was in the town with a thousand men." i shouted back that no one regretted the fact that he was not more keenly than i did myself. titus and breckenridge each glanced at a new, full-dress sword. "we might as well go in," they shouted, "and take it anyway!" i decided that titus and breckenridge were wasted in the commissariat department. the three correspondents looked more comfortable. "if you officers go in," they cried, "the general can't blame us," and they dug their spurs into the ponies. "wait!" shouted her majesty's representative. "that's all very well for you chaps, but what protects me if the admiralty finds out i have led a charge on a spanish garrison?" but paget's pony refused to consider the feelings of the lords of the admiralty. as successfully paget might have tried to pull back a row-boat from the edge of niagara. and, moreover, millard, in order that jimmy might be the first to reach ponce with despatches, had mounted him on the fastest pony in the bunch, and he already was far in the lead. his sporting instincts, nursed in the pool-rooms of the tenderloin and at guttenburg, had sent him three lengths to the good. it never would do to have a newsboy tell in new york that he had beaten the correspondents of the papers he sold in the streets; nor to permit commissioned officers to take the dust of one who never before had ridden on anything but a cable car. so we all raced forward and, bunched together, swept into the main street of coamo. it was gratefully empty. there were no american soldiers, but, then, neither were there any spanish soldiers. across the street stretched more rifle-pits and barricades of iron pipes, but in sight there was neither friend nor foe. on the stones of the deserted street the galloping hoofs sounded like the advance of a whole regiment of cavalry. their clatter gave us a most comfortable feeling. we almost could imagine the townspeople believing us to be the rough riders themselves and fleeing before us. and then, the empty street seemed to threaten an ambush. we thought hastily of sunken mines, of soldiers crouching behind the barriers, behind the houses at the next corner, of mausers covering us from the latticed balconies overhead. until at last, when the silence had become alert and menacing, a lonely man dashed into the middle of the street, hurled a white flag in front of us, and then dived headlong under the porch of a house. the next instant, as though at a signal, a hundred citizens, each with a white flag in both hands, ran from cover, waving their banners, and gasping in weak and terror-shaken tones, "vivan los americanos." we tried to pull up, but the ponies had not yet settled among themselves which of us had won, and carried us to the extreme edge of the town, where a precipice seemed to invite them to stop, and we fell off into the arms of the porto ricans. they brought us wine in tin cans, cigars, borne in the aprons and mantillas of their women-folk, and demijohns of native rum. they were abject, trembling, tearful. they made one instantly forget that the moment before he had been extremely frightened. one of them spoke to me the few words of spanish with which i had an acquaintance. he told me he was the alcalde, and that he begged to surrender into my hands the town of coamo. i led him instantly to one side. i was afraid that if i did not take him up he would surrender to paget or to jimmy. i bade him conduct me to his official residence. he did so, and gave me the key to the _cartel_, a staff of office of gold and ebony, and the flag of the town, which he had hidden behind his writing-desk. it was a fine spanish flag with the coat of arms embroidered in gold. i decided that, with whatever else i might part, that flag would always be mine, that the chance of my again receiving the surrender of a town of five thousand people was slender, and that this token would be wrapped around me in my coffin. i accordingly hid it in my poncho and strapped it to my saddle. then i appointed a hotel-keeper, who spoke a little english, as my official interpreter, and told the alcalde that i was now military governor, mayor, and chief of police, and that i wanted the seals of the town. he gave me a rubber stamp with a coat of arms cut in it, and i wrote myself three letters, which, to insure their safe arrival, i addressed to three different places, and stamped them with the rubber seals. in time all three reached me, and i now have them as documentary proof of the fact that for twenty minutes i was military governor and mayor of coamo. during that brief administration i detailed titus and breckenridge to wigwag the sixteenth pennsylvania that we had taken the town, and that it was now safe for them to enter. in order to compromise paget they used his red silk handkerchief. root i detailed to conciliate the inhabitants by drinking with every one of them. he tells me he carried out my instructions to the letter. i also settled one assault and battery case, and put the chief offender under arrest. at least, i told the official interpreter to inform him that he was under arrest, but as i had no one to guard him he grew tired of being under arrest and went off to celebrate his emancipation from the rule of spain. my administration came to an end in twenty minutes, when general wilson rode into coamo at the head of his staff and three thousand men. he wore a white helmet, and he looked the part of the conquering hero so satisfactorily that i forgot i was mayor and ran out into the street to snap a picture of him. he looked greatly surprised and asked me what i was doing in his town. the tone in which he spoke caused me to decide that, after all, i would not keep the flag of coamo. i pulled it off my saddle and said: "general, it's too long a story to tell you now, but here is the flag of the town. it's the first spanish flag"--and it was--"that has been captured in porto rico." general wilson smiled again and accepted the flag. he and about four thousand other soldiers think it belongs to them. but the truth will out. some day the bestowal on the proper persons of a vote of thanks from congress, a pension, or any other trifle, like prize-money, will show the american people to whom that flag really belongs. i know that in time the glorious deed of the seven heroes of coamo, or eight, if you include "jimmy," will be told in song and story. some one else will write the song. this is the story. iv--the passing of san juan hill when i was a boy i thought battles were fought in waste places selected for the purpose. i argued from the fact that when our school nine wished to play ball it was forced into the suburbs to search for a vacant lot. i thought opposing armies also marched out of town until they reached some desolate spot where there were no window panes, and where their cannon-balls would hurt no one but themselves. even later, when i saw battles fought among villages, artillery galloping through a cornfield, garden walls breached for rifle fire, and farm-houses in flames, it always seemed as though the generals had elected to fight in such surroundings through an inexcusable striving after theatrical effect--as though they wished to furnish the war correspondents with a chance for descriptive writing. with the horrors of war as horrible as they are without any aid from these contrasts, their presence always seemed not only sinful but bad art; as unnecessary as turning a red light on the dying gladiator. there are so many places which are scenes set apart for battles--places that look as though nature had condemned them for just such sacrifices. colenso, with its bare kopjes and great stretch of veldt, is one of these, and so, also, is spion kop, and, in manchuria, nan shan hill. the photographs have made all of us familiar with the vast, desolate approaches to port arthur. these are among the waste places of the earth--barren, deserted, fit meeting grounds only for men whose object in life for the moment is to kill men. were you shown over one of these places, and told, "a battle was fought here," you would answer, "why, of course!" but down in cuba, outside of santiago, where the united states army fought its solitary and modest battle with spain, you might many times pass by san juan hill and think of it, if you thought of it at all, as only a pretty site for a bungalow, as a place obviously intended for orchards and gardens. on july st, twelve years ago, when the american army came upon it out of the jungle the place wore a partial disguise. it still was an irregular ridge of smiling, sunny hills with fat, comfortable curves, and in some places a steep, straight front. but above the steepest, highest front frowned an aggressive block-house, and on all the slopes and along the sky-line were rows of yellow trenches, and at the base a cruel cat's cradle of barbed wire. it was like the face of a pretty woman behind the bars of a visor. i find that on the day of the fight twelve years ago i cabled my paper that san juan hill reminded the americans of "a sunny orchard in new england." that was how it may have looked when the regulars were climbing up the steep front to capture the block-house, and when the cavalry and rough riders, having taken kettle hill, were running down its opposite slope, past the lake, to take that crest of san juan hill which lies to the right of the block-house. it may then have looked like a sunny new england orchard, but before night fell the intrenching tools had lent those sunny slopes "a fierce and terrible aspect." and after that, hour after hour, and day after day, we saw the hill eaten up by our trenches, hidden by a vast laundry of shelter tents, and torn apart by bomb-proofs, their jutting roofs of logs and broken branches weighed down by earth and stones and looking like the pit mouths to many mines. that probably is how most of the american army last saw san juan hill, and that probably is how it best remembers it--as a fortified camp. that was twelve years ago. when i revisited it, san juan hill was again a sunny, smiling farm land, the trenches planted with vegetables, the roofs of the bomb-proofs fallen in and buried beneath creeping vines, and the barbed-wire entanglements holding in check only the browsing cattle. san juan hill is not a solitary hill, but the most prominent of a ridge of hills, with kettle hill a quarter of a mile away on the edge of the jungle and separated from the ridge by a tiny lake. in the local nomenclature kettle hill, which is the name given to it by the rough riders, has always been known as san juan hill, with an added name to distinguish it from the other san juan hill of greater renown. the days we spent on those hills were so rich in incident and interest and were filled with moments of such excitement, of such pride in one's fellow-countrymen, of pity for the hurt and dying, of laughter and good-fellowship, that one supposed he might return after even twenty years and recognize every detail of the ground. but a shorter time has made startling and confusing changes. now a visitor will find that not until after several different visits, and by walking and riding foot by foot over the hills, can he make them fall into line as he thinks he once knew them. immediately around san juan hill itself there has been some attempt made to preserve the ground as a public park. a barbed-wire fence, with a gateway, encircles the block-house, which has been converted into a home for the caretaker of the park, and then, skirting the road to santiago to include the tree under which the surrender was arranged, stretches to the left of the block-house to protect a monument. this monument was erected by americans to commemorate the battle. it is now rapidly falling to pieces, but there still is enough of it intact to show the pencilled scribblings and autographs of tourists who did not take part in the battle, but who in this public manner show that they approve of its results. the public park is less than a quarter of a mile square. except for it no other effort has been made either by cubans or americans to designate the lines that once encircled and menaced santiago, and nature, always at her best under a tropical sun, has done all in her power to disguise and forever obliterate the scene of the army's one battle. those features which still remain unchanged are very few. the treaty tree, now surrounded by a tall fence, is one, the block-house is another. the little lake in which, even when the bullets were dropping, the men used to bathe and wash their clothes, the big iron sugar kettle that gave a new name to kettle hill, and here and there a trench hardly deeper than a ploughed furrow, and nearly hidden by growing plants, are the few landmarks that remain. of the camps of generals chaffee, lawton, bates, sumner, and wheeler, of colonels leonard wood and theodore roosevelt, there are but the slightest traces. the bloody bend, as some call it, in the san juan river, as some call that stream, seems to have entirely disappeared. at least, it certainly was not where it should have been, and the place the hotel guides point out to unsuspecting tourists bears not the slightest physical resemblance to that ford. in twelve years, during one of which there has been in santiago the most severe rainfall in sixty years, the san juan stream has carried away its banks and the trees that lined them, and the trails that should mark where the ford once crossed have so altered and so many new ones have been added, that the exact location of the once famous dressing station is now most difficult, if not impossible, to determine. to establish the sites of the old camping grounds is but little less difficult. the head-quarters of general wheeler are easy to recognize, for the reason that the place selected was in a hollow, and the most unhealthy spot along the five miles of intrenchments. it is about thirty yards from where the road turns to rise over the ridge to santiago, and all the water from the hill pours into it as into a rain barrel. it was here that troop g, third cavalry, under major hardee, as it was wheeler's escort, was forced to bivouac, and where one-third of its number came down with fever. the camp of general sam sumner was some sixty yards to the right of the head-quarters of general wheeler, on the high shoulder of the hill just above the camp of the engineers, who were on the side of the road opposite. the camps of generals chaffee, lawton, hawkins, ludlow, and the positions and trenches taken and held by the different regiments under them one can place only relatively. one reason for this is that before our army attacked the hills all the underbrush and small trees that might conceal the advance of our men had been cleared away by the spaniards, leaving the hill, except for the high crest, comparatively bare. to-day the hills are thick with young trees and enormous bushes. the alteration in the landscape is as marked as is the difference between ground cleared for golf and the same spot planted with corn and fruit-trees. of all the camps, the one that to-day bears the strongest evidences of its occupation is that of the rough riders. a part of the camp of that regiment, which was situated on the ridge some hundred feet from the santiago road, was pitched under a clump of shade trees, and to-day, even after seven years, the trunks of these trees bear the names and initials of the men who camped beneath them. { } these men will remember that when they took this hill they found that the fortifications beneath the trees were partly made from the foundations of an adobe house. the red tiles from its roof still litter the ground. these tiles and the names cut in the bark of the trees determine absolutely the site of one-half of the camp, but the other half, where stood tiffany's quick-firing gun and parker's gatling, has been almost obliterated. the tree under which colonel pitched his tent i could not discover, and the trenches in which he used to sit with his officers and with the officers from the regiments of the regular army are now levelled to make a kitchen-garden. sometimes the ex-president is said to have too generously given office and promotion to the friends he made in cuba. these men he met in the trenches were then not necessarily his friends. to-day they are not necessarily his friends. they are the men the free life of the rifle-pits enabled him to know and to understand as the settled relations of home life and peace would never have permitted. at that time none of them guessed that the "amateur colonel," to whom they talked freely as to a comrade, would be their commander-in-chief. they did not suspect that he would become even the next governor of new york, certainly not that in a few years he would be the president of the united states. so they showed themselves to him frankly, unconsciously. they criticised, argued, disagreed, and he became familiar with the views, character, and worth of each, and remembered. the seeds planted in those half-obliterated trenches have borne greater results than ever will the kitchen-garden. the kitchen-garden is immediately on the crest of the hill, and near it a cuban farmer has built a shack of mud and twigs and cultivated several acres of land. on kettle hill there are three more such shacks, and over all the hills the new tenants have strung stout barbed-wire fences and made new trails and reared wooden gateways. it was curious to find how greatly these modern improvements confused one's recollection of the landscape, and it was interesting, also, to find how the presence on the hills of , men and the excitement of the time magnified distances and disarranged the landscape. during the fight i walked along a portion of the santiago road, and for many years i always have thought of that walk as extending over immense distances. it started from the top of san juan hill beside the block-house, where i had climbed to watch our artillery in action. by a mistake, the artillery had been sent there, and it remained exposed on the crest only about three minutes. during that brief moment the black powder it burned drew upon it the fire of every rifle in the spanish line. to load his piece, each of our men was forced to crawl to it on his stomach, rise on one elbow in order to shove in the shell and lock the breech, and then, still flat on the ground, wriggle below the crest. in the three minutes three men were wounded and two killed; and the guns were withdrawn. i also withdrew. i withdrew first. indeed, all that happened after the first three seconds of those three minutes is hearsay, for i was in the santiago road at the foot of the hill and retreating briskly. this road also was under a cross-fire, which made it stretch in either direction to an interminable distance. i remember a government teamster driving a studebaker wagon filled with ammunition coming up at a gallop out of this interminable distance and seeking shelter against the base of the hill. seated beside him was a small boy, freckled and sunburned, a stowaway from one of the transports. he was grandly happy and excited, and his only fear was that he was not "under fire." from our coign of safety, with our backs to the hill, the teamster and i assured him that, on that point, he need feel no morbid doubt. but until a bullet embedded itself in the blue board of the wagon he was not convinced. then with his jack-knife he dug it out and shouted with pleasure. "i guess the folks will have to believe i was in a battle now," he said. that coign of safety ceasing to be a coign of safety caused us to move on in search of another, and i came upon sergeant borrowe blocking the road with his dynamite gun. he and his brother and three regulars were busily correcting a hitch in its mechanism. an officer carrying an order along the line halted his sweating horse and gazed at the strange gun with professional knowledge. "that must be the dynamite gun i have heard so much about," he shouted. borrowe saluted and shouted assent. the officer, greatly interested, forgot his errand. "i'd like to see you fire it once," he said eagerly. borrowe, delighted at the chance to exhibit his toy to a professional soldier, beamed with equal eagerness. "in just a moment, sir," he said; "this shell seems to have jammed a bit." the officer, for the first time seeing the shell stuck in the breech, hurriedly gathered up his reins. he seemed to be losing interest. with elaborate carelessness i began to edge off down the road. "wait," borrowe begged; "we'll have it out in a minute." suddenly i heard the officer's voice raised wildly. "what--what," he gasped, "is that man doing with that axe?" "he's helping me to get out this shell," said borrowe. "good god!" said the officer. then he remembered his errand. until last year, when i again met young borrowe gayly disporting himself at a lawn-tennis tournament at mattapoisett, i did not know whether his brother's method of removing dynamite with an axe had been entirely successful. he said it worked all right. at the turn of the road i found colonel leonard wood and a group of rough riders, who were busily intrenching. at the same moment stephen crane came up with "jimmy" hare, the man who has made the russian-japanese war famous. crane walked to the crest and stood there as sharply outlined as a semaphore, observing the enemy's lines, and instantly bringing upon himself and us the fire of many mausers. with every one else, wood was crouched below the crest and shouted to crane to lie down. crane, still standing, as though to get out of ear-shot, moved away, and wood again ordered him to lie down. "you're drawing the fire on these men," wood commanded. although the heat--it was the st of july in the tropics--was terrific, crane wore a long india rubber rain-coat and was smoking a pipe. he appeared as cool as though he were looking down from a box at a theatre. i knew that to crane, anything that savored of a pose was hateful, so, as i did not want to see him killed, i called, "you're not impressing any one by doing that, crane." as i hoped he would, he instantly dropped to his knees. when he crawled over to where we lay, i explained, "i knew that would fetch you," and he grinned, and said, "oh, was that it?" a captain of the cavalry came up to wood and asked permission to withdraw his troop from the top of the hill to a trench forty feet below the one they were in. "they can't possibly live where they are now," he explained, "and they're doing no good there, for they can't raise their heads to fire. in that lower trench they would be out of range themselves and would be able to fire back." "yes," said wood, "but all the other men in the first trench would see them withdraw, and the moral effect would be bad. they needn't attempt to return the enemy's fire, but they must not retreat." the officer looked as though he would like to argue. he was a west point graduate and a full-fledged captain in the regular army. to him, wood, in spite of his volunteer rank of colonel, which that day, owing to the illness of general young, had placed him in command of a brigade, was still a doctor. but discipline was strong in him, and though he looked many things, he rose from his knees and grimly saluted. but at that moment, without waiting for the permission of any one, the men leaped out of the trench and ran. it looked as though they were going to run all the way to the sea, and the sight was sickening. but they had no intention of running to the sea. they ran only to the trench forty feet farther down and jumped into it, and instantly turning, began pumping lead at the enemy. since five that morning wood had been running about on his feet, his clothes stuck to him with sweat and the mud and water of forded streams, and as he rose he limped slightly. "my, but i'm tired!" he said, in a tone of the most acute surprise, and as though that fact was the only one that was weighing on his mind. he limped over to the trench in which the men were now busily firing off their rifles and waved a riding-crop he carried at the trench they had abandoned. he was standing as crane had been standing, in silhouette against the sky-line. "come back, boys," we heard him shouting. "the other men can't withdraw, and so you mustn't. it looks bad. come on, get out of that!" what made it more amusing was that, although wood had, like every one else, discarded his coat and wore a strange uniform of gray shirt, white riding-breeches, and a cowboy stetson, with no insignia of rank, not even straps pinned to his shirt, still the men instantly accepted his authority. they looked at him on the crest of the hill, waving his stick persuasively at the grave-like trench at his feet, and then with a shout scampered back to it. [picture: rough riders in the trenches] [picture: the same spot as it appears to-day. the figure in the picture is standing in what remains of the trench] after that, as i had a bad attack of sciatica and no place to sleep and nothing to eat, i accepted crane's offer of a blanket and coffee at his bivouac near el poso. on account of the sciatica i was not able to walk fast, and, although for over a mile of the way the trail was under fire, crane and hare each insisted on giving me an arm, and kept step with my stumblings. whenever i protested and refused their sacrifice and pointed out the risk they were taking they smiled as at the ravings of a naughty child, and when i lay down in the road and refused to budge unless they left me, crane called the attention of hare to the effect of the setting sun behind the palm-trees. to the reader all these little things that one remembers seem very little indeed, but they were vivid at the moment, and i have always thought of them as stretching over a long extent of time and territory. before i revisited san juan i would have said that the distance along the road from the point where i left the artillery to where i joined wood was three-quarters of a mile. when i paced it later i found the distance was about seventy-five yards. i do not urge my stupidity or my extreme terror as a proof that others would be as greatly confused, but, if only for the sake of the stupid ones, it seems a pity that the landmarks of san juan should not be rescued from the jungle, and a few sign-posts placed upon the hills. it is true that the great battles of the civil war and those of the one in manchuria, where the men killed and wounded in a day outnumber all those who fought on both sides at san juan, make that battle read like a skirmish. but the spanish war had its results. at least it made cuba into a republic, and so enriched or burdened us with colonies that our republic changed into something like an empire. but i do not urge that. it will never be because san juan changed our foreign policy that people will visit the spot, and will send from it picture postal cards. the human interest alone will keep san juan alive. the men who fought there came from every state in our country and from every class of our social life. we sent there the best of our regular army, and with them, cowboys, clerks, bricklayers, foot-ball players, three future commanders of the greater army that followed that war, the future governor of cuba, future commanders of the philippines, the commander of our forces in china, a future president of the united states. and, whether these men, when they returned to their homes again, became clerks and millionaires and dentists, or rose to be presidents and mounted policemen, they all remember very kindly the days they lay huddled together in the trenches on that hot and glaring sky-line. and there must be many more besides who hold the place in memory. there are few in the united states so poor in relatives and friends who did not in his or her heart send a substitute to cuba. for these it seems as though san juan might be better preserved, not as it is, for already its aspect is too far changed to wish for that, but as it was. the efforts already made to keep the place in memory and to honor the americans who died there are the public park which i have mentioned, the monument on san juan, and one other monument at guasimas to the regulars and rough riders who were killed there. to these monuments the society of santiago will add four more, which will mark the landing place of the army at daiquairi and the fights at guasimas, el caney, and san juan hill. but i believe even more than this might be done to preserve to the place its proper values. these values are sentimental, historical, and possibly to the military student, educational. if to-day there were erected at daiquairi, siboney, guasimas, el poso, el caney, and on and about san juan a dozen iron or bronze tablets that would tell from where certain regiments advanced, what posts they held, how many or how few were the men who held those positions, how near they were to the trenches of the enemy, and by whom these men were commanded, i am sure the place would reconstruct itself and would breathe with interest, not only for the returning volunteer, but for any casual tourist. as it is, the history of the fight and the reputation of the men who fought is now at the mercy of the caretaker of the park and the cuban "guides" from the hotel. the caretaker speaks only spanish, and, considering the amount of misinformation the guides disseminate, it is a pity when they are talking to americans, they are not forced to use the same language. when last i visited it, carlos portuondo was the official guardian of san juan hill. he is an aged cuban, and he fought through the ten years' war, but during the last insurrection and the spanish-american war he not only was not near san juan, but was not even on the island of cuba. he is a charming old person, and so is his aged wife. their chief concern in life, when i saw them, was to sell me a pair of breeches made of palm-fibre which carlos had worn throughout the entire ten years of battle. the vicissitudes of those trousers he recited to me in great detail, and he very properly regarded them as of historic value. but of what happened at san juan he knew nothing, and when i asked him why he held his present post and occupied the block-house, he said, "to keep the cows out of the park." when i asked him where the americans had camped, he pointed carefully from the back door of the block-house to the foot of his kitchen-garden. i assured him that under no stress of terror could the entire american army have been driven into his back yard, and pointed out where it had stretched along the ridge of hills for five miles. he politely but unmistakably showed that he thought i was a liar. from the venus hotel there were two guides, old casanova and jean casanova, his languid and good-natured son, a youth of sixteen years. old casanova, like most cubans, is not inclined to give much credit for what they did in cuba to the americans. after all, he says, they came only just as the cubans themselves were about to conquer the spaniards, and by a lucky chance received the surrender and then claimed all the credit. as other cubans told me, "had the americans left us alone a few weeks longer, we would have ended the war." how they were to have taken havana, and sunk cervera's fleet, and why they were not among those present when our men charged san juan, i did not inquire. old casanova, again like other cubans, ranks the fighting qualities of the spaniard much higher than those of the american. this is only human. it must be annoying to a cuban to remember that after he had for three years fought the spaniard, the yankee in eight weeks received his surrender and began to ship him home. the way casanova describes the fight at el caney is as follows: "the americans thought they could capture el caney in one day, but the brave general toral fought so good that it was six days before the americans could make the spaniards surrender." the statement is correct except as regards the length of time during which the fight lasted. the americans did make the mistake of thinking they could eat up el caney in an hour and then march through it to san juan. owing to the splendid courage of toral and his few troops our soldiers, under two of our best generals, were held in check from seven in the morning until two in the afternoon. but the difference between seven hours of one day and six days is considerable. still, at present at san juan that is the sort of information upon which the patriotic and puzzled american tourist is fed. young casanova, the only other authority in santiago, is not so sure of his facts as is his father, and is willing to learn. he went with me to hold my pony while i took the photographs that accompany this article, and i listened with great interest to his accounts of the battle. finally he made a statement that was correct. "how did you happen to get that right?" i asked. "yesterday," he said, "i guided colonel hayes here, and while i guided him he explained it to me." the south african war i--with buller's column "were you the station-master here before this?" i asked the man in the straw hat, at colenso. "i mean before this war?" "no fear!" snorted the station-master, scornfully. "why, we didn't know colenso was on the line until buller fought a battle here. that's how it is with all these way-stations now. everybody's talking about them. we never took no notice to them." and yet the arriving stranger might have been forgiven his point of view and his start of surprise when he found chieveley a place of only a half dozen corrugated zinc huts, and colenso a scattered gathering of a dozen shattered houses of battered brick. chieveley seemed so insignificant in contrast with its fame to those who had followed the war on maps and in the newspapers, that one was not sure he was on the right road until he saw from the car-window the armored train still lying on the embankment, the graves beside it, and the donga into which winston churchill pulled and carried the wounded. and as the train bumped and halted before the blue and white enamel sign that marks colenso station, the places which have made that spot familiar and momentous fell into line like the buoys which mark the entrance to a harbor. we knew that the high bare ridge to the right must be fort wylie, that the plain on the left was where colonel long had lost his artillery, and three officers gained the victoria cross, and that the swift, muddy stream, in which the iron railroad bridge lay humped and sprawling, was the tugela river. six hours before, at frere station, the station-master had awakened us to say that ladysmith would be relieved at any moment. this had but just come over the wire. it was "official." indeed, he added, with local pride, that the village band was still awake and in readiness to celebrate the imminent event. he found, i fear, an unsympathetic audience. the train was carrying philanthropic gentlemen in charge of stores of champagne and marmalade for the besieged city. they did not want it to be relieved until they were there to substitute _pate de foie gras_ for horseflesh. and there were officers, too, who wanted a "look in," and who had been kept waiting at cape town for commissions, gladdening the guests of the mount nelson hotel the while with their new khaki and gaiters, and there were tommies who wanted "relief of ladysmith" on the claps of their medals, as they had seen "relief of lucknow" on the medals of the chelsea pensioners. and there was a correspondent who had journeyed , miles to see ladysmith relieved, and who was apparently going to miss that sight, after five weeks of travel, by a margin of five hours. we all growled "that's good," as we had done for the last two weeks every time we had heard it was relieved, but our tone was not enthusiastic. and when the captain of the natal carbineers said, "i am afraid the good news is too premature," we all said, hopefully, we were afraid it was. we had seen nothing yet that was like real war. that night at pietermaritzburg the officers at the hotel were in mess-jackets, the officers' wives in dinner-gowns. it was like shepheard's hotel, at the top of the season. but only six hours after that dinner, as we looked out of the car-windows, we saw galloping across the high grass, like men who had lost their way, and silhouetted black against the red sunrise, countless horsemen scouting ahead of our train, and guarding it against the fate of the armored one lying wrecked at chieveley. the darkness was still heavy on the land and the only lights were the red eyes of the armored train creeping in advance of ours, and the red sun, which showed our silent escort appearing suddenly against the sky-line on a ridge, or galloping toward us through the dew to order us, with a wave of the hand, to greater speed. one hour after sunrise the train drew up at colenso, and from only a mile away we heard the heavy thud of the naval guns, the hammering of the boer "pom-poms," and the maxims and colt automatics spanking the air. we smiled at each other guiltily. we were on time. it was most evident that ladysmith had not been relieved. this was the twelfth day of a battle that buller's column was waging against the boers and their mountain ranges, or "disarranges," as some one described them, without having gained more than three miles of hostile territory. he had tried to force his way through them six times, and had been repulsed six times. and now he was to try it again. no map, nor photograph, nor written description can give an idea of the country which lay between buller and his goal. it was an eruption of high hills, linked together at every point without order or sequence. in most countries mountains and hills follow some natural law. the cordilleras can be traced from the amazon river to guatemala city; they make the water-shed of two continents; the great divide forms the backbone of the states, but these natal hills have no lineal descent. they are illegitimate children of no line, abandoned broadcast over the country, with no family likeness and no home. they stand alone, or shoulder to shoulder, or at right angles, or at a tangent, or join hands across a valley. they never appear the same; some run to a sharp point, some stretch out, forming a table-land, others are gigantic ant-hills, others perfect and accurately modelled ramparts. in a ride of half a mile, every hill completely loses its original aspect and character. they hide each other, or disguise each other. each can be enfiladed by the other, and not one gives up the secret of its strategic value until its crest has been carried by the bayonet. to add to this confusion, the river tugela has selected the hills around ladysmith as occupying the country through which it will endeavor to throw off its pursuers. it darts through them as though striving to escape, it doubles on its tracks, it sinks out of sight between them, and in the open plain rises to the dignity of water-falls. it runs uphill, and remains motionless on an incline, and on the level ground twists and turns so frequently that when one says he has crossed the tugela, he means he has crossed it once at a drift, once at the wrecked railroad bridge, and once over a pontoon. and then he is not sure that he is not still on the same side from which he started. some of these hills are green, but the greater part are a yellow or dark red, against which at two hundred yards a man in khaki is indistinguishable from the rocks around him. indeed, the khaki is the english soldier's sole protection. it saves him in spite of himself, for he apparently cannot learn to advance under cover, and a sky-line is the one place where he selects to stand erect and stretch his weary limbs. i have come to within a hundred yards of a hill before i saw that scattered among its red and yellow bowlders was the better part of a regiment as closely packed together as the crowd on the bleaching boards at a base-ball match. into this maze and confusion of nature's fortifications buller's column has been twisting and turning, marching and countermarching, capturing one position after another, to find it was enfiladed from many hills, and abandoning it, only to retake it a week later. the greater part of the column has abandoned its tents and is bivouacking in the open. it is a wonderful and impressive sight. at the first view, an army in being, when it is spread out as it is in the tugela basin back of the hills, seems a hopelessly and irrevocably entangled mob. an army in the field is not regiments of armed men, marching with a gun on shoulder, or crouching behind trenches. that is the least, even if it seems the most, important part of it. before one reaches the firing-line he must pass villages of men, camps of men, bivouacs of men, who are feeding, mending, repairing, and burying the men at the "front." it is these latter that make the mob of gypsies, which is apparently without head or order or organization. they stretched across the great basin of the tugela, like the children of israel, their camp-fires rising to the sky at night like the reflection of great search-lights; by day they swarmed across the plain, like hundreds of moving circus-vans in every direction, with as little obvious intention as herds of buffalo. but each had his appointed work, and each was utterly indifferent to the battle going forward a mile away. hundreds of teams, of sixteen oxen each, crawled like great black water-snakes across the drifts, the kaffir drivers, naked and black, lashing them with whips as long as lariats, shrieking, beseeching, and howling, and falling upon the oxen's horns to drag them into place. mules from spain and texas, loaded with ammunition, kicked and plunged, more oxen drew more soberly the great naval guns, which lurched as though in a heavy sea, throwing the blue-jackets who hung upon the drag-ropes from one high side of the trail to the other. across the plain, and making toward the trail, wagons loaded with fodder, with rations, with camp equipment, with tents and cooking-stoves, crowded each other as closely as cable-cars on broadway. scattered among them were fixed lines of tethered horses, rows of dog-tents, camps of kaffirs, hospital stations with the red cross waving from the nearest and highest tree. dripping water-carts with as many spigots as the regiment had companies, howitzer guns guided by as many ropes as a may-pole, crowded past these to the trail, or gave way to the ambulances filled with men half dressed and bound in the zinc-blue bandages that made the color detestable forever after. troops of the irregular horse gallop through this multitude, with a jangling of spurs and sling-belts; and tommies, in close order, fight their way among the oxen, or help pull them to one side as the stretchers pass, each with its burden, each with its blue bandage stained a dark brownish crimson. it is only when the figure on the stretcher lies under a blanket that the tumult and push and sweltering mass comes to a quick pause, while the dead man's comrade stands at attention, and the officer raises his fingers to his helmet. then the mass surges on again, with cracking of whips and shouts and imprecations, while the yellow dust rises in thick clouds and buries the picture in a glaring fog. this moving, struggling mass, that fights for the right of way along the road, is within easy distance of the shells. those from their own guns pass over them with a shrill crescendo, those from the enemy burst among them at rare intervals, or sink impotently in the soft soil. and a dozen tommies rush to dig them out as keepsakes. up at the front, brown and yellow regiments are lying crouched behind brown and yellow rocks and stones. as far as you can see, the hills are sown with them. with a glass you distinguish them against the sky-line of every hill, for over three miles away. sometimes the men rise and fire, and there is a feverish flutter of musketry; sometimes they lie motionless for hours while the guns make the ways straight. any one who has seen epsom downs on a derby day, with its thousands of vans and tents and lines of horses and moving mobs, can form some idea of what it is like. but while at the derby all is interest and excitement, and every one is pushing and struggling, and the air palpitates with the intoxication of a great event, the winning of a horse-race--here, where men are killed every hour and no one of them knows when his turn may come, the fact that most impresses you is their indifference to it all. what strikes you most is the bored air of the tommies, the undivided interest of the engineers in the construction of a pontoon bridge, the solicitude of the medical staff over the long lines of wounded, the rage of the naked kaffirs at their lumbering steers; the fact that every one is intent on something--anything--but the battle. they are wearied with battles. the tommies stretch themselves in the sun to dry the wet khaki in which they have lain out in the cold night for weeks, and yawn at battles. or, if you climb to the hill where the officers are seated, you will find men steeped even deeper in boredom. they are burned a dark red; their brown mustaches look white by contrast, theirs are the same faces you have met with in piccadilly, which you see across the tables of the savoy restaurant, which gaze depressedly from the windows of white's and the bachelors' club. if they were bored then, they are unbearably bored now. below them the men of their regiment lie crouched amid the bowlders, hardly distinguishable from the brown and yellow rock. they are sleeping, or dozing, or yawning. a shell passes over them like the shaking of many telegraph wires, and neither officer nor tommy raises his head to watch it strike. they are tired in body and in mind, with cramped limbs and aching eyes. they have had twelve nights and twelve days of battle, and it has lost its power to amuse. when the sergeants call the companies together, they are eager enough. anything is better than lying still looking up at the sunny, inscrutable hills, or down into the plain crawling with black oxen. among the group of staff officers some one has lost a cigar-holder. it has slipped from between his fingers, and, with the vindictiveness of inanimate things, has slid and jumped under a pile of rocks. the interest of all around is instantly centred on the lost cigar-holder. the tommies begin to roll the rocks away, endangering the limbs of the men below them, and half the kopje is obliterated. they are as keen as terriers after a rat. the officers sit above and give advice and disagree as to where that cigar-holder hid itself. over their heads, not twenty feet above, the shells chase each other fiercely. but the officers have become accustomed to shells; a search for a lost cigar-holder, which is going on under their very eyes, is of greater interest. and when at last a tommy pounces upon it with a laugh of triumph, the officers look their disappointment, and, with a sigh of resignation, pick up their field-glasses. it is all a question of familiarity. on broadway, if a building is going up where there is a chance of a loose brick falling on some one's head, the contractor puts up red signs marked "danger!" and you dodge over to the other side. but if you had been in battle for twelve days, as have the soldiers of buller's column, passing shells would interest you no more than do passing cable-cars. after twelve days you would forget that shells are dangerous even as you forget when crossing broadway that cable-cars can kill and mangle. up on the highest hill, seated among the highest rocks, are general buller and his staff. the hill is all of rocks, sharp, brown rocks, as clearly cut as foundation-stones. they are thrown about at irregular angles, and are shaded only by stiff bayonet-like cacti. above is a blue glaring sky, into which the top of the kopje seems to reach, and to draw and concentrate upon itself all of the sun's heat. this little jagged point of blistering rocks holds the forces that press the button which sets the struggling mass below, and the thousands of men upon the surrounding hills, in motion. it is the conning tower of the relief column, only, unlike a conning tower, it offers no protection, no seclusion, no peace. to-day, commanding generals, under the new conditions which this war has developed, do not charge up hills waving flashing swords. they sit on rocks, and wink out their orders by a flashing hand-mirror. the swords have been left at the base, or coated deep with mud, so that they shall not flash, and with this column every one, under the rank of general, carries a rifle on purpose to disguise the fact that he is entitled to carry a sword. the kopje is the central station of the system. from its uncomfortable eminence the commanding general watches the developments of his attack, and directs it by heliograph and ragged bits of bunting. a sweating, dirty tommy turns his back on a hill a mile away and slaps the air with his signal flag; another tommy, with the front visor of his helmet cocked over the back of his neck, watches an answering bit of bunting through a glass. the bit of bunting, a mile away, flashes impatiently, once to the right and once to the left, and the tommy with the glass says, "they understand, sir," and the other tommy, who has not as yet cast even an interested glance at the regiment he has ordered into action, folds his flag and curls up against a hot rock and instantly sleeps. stuck on the crest, twenty feet from where general buller is seated, are two iron rods, like those in the putting-green of a golf course. they mark the line of direction which a shell must take, in order to seek out the enemy. back of the kopje, where they cannot see the enemy, where they cannot even see the hill upon which he is intrenched, are the howitzers. their duty is to aim at the iron rods, and vary their aim to either side of them as they are directed to do by an officer on the crest. their shells pass a few yards over the heads of the staff, but the staff has confidence. those three yards are as safe a margin as a hundred. their confidence is that of the lady in spangles at a music-hall, who permits her husband in buckskin to shoot apples from the top of her head. from the other direction come the shells of the boers, seeking out the hidden howitzers. they pass somewhat higher, crashing into the base of the kopje, sometimes killing, sometimes digging their own ignominious graves. the staff regard them with the same indifference. one of them tears the overcoat upon which colonel stuart-wortley is seated, another destroys his diary. his men, lying at his feet among the red rocks, observe this with wide eyes. but he does not shift his position. his answer is, that his men cannot shift theirs. on friday, february d, the inniskillings, dublins, and connaughts were sent out to take a trench, half-way up railway hill. the attack was one of those frontal attacks, which in this war, against the new weapons, have added so much to the lists of killed and wounded and to the prestige of the men, while it has, in an inverse ratio, hurt the prestige of the men by whom the attack was ordered. the result of this attack was peculiarly disastrous. it was made at night, and as soon as it developed, the boers retreated to the trenches on the crest of the hill, and threw men around the sides to bring a cross-fire to bear on the englishmen. in the morning the inniskillings found they had lost four hundred men, and ten out of their fifteen officers. the other regiments lost as heavily. the following tuesday, which was the anniversary of majuba hill, three brigades, instead of a regiment, were told off to take this same railway hill, or pieter's, as it was later called, on the flank, and with it to capture two others. on the same day, nineteen years before, the english had lost majuba hill, and their hope was to take these three from the boers for the one they had lost, and open the way to bulwana mountain, which was the last bar that held them back from ladysmith. the first two of the three hills they wanted were shoulder to shoulder, the third was separated from them by a deep ravine. this last was the highest, and in order that the attack should be successful, it was necessary to seize it first. the hills stretched for three miles; they were about one thousand two hundred yards high. for three hours a single line of men slipped and stumbled forward along the muddy bank of the river, and for three hours the artillery crashed, spluttered, and stabbed at the three hills above them, scattering the rocks and bursting over and behind the boer trenches on the crest. as is their custom, the boers remained invisible and made no reply. and though we knew they were there, it seemed inconceivable that anything human could live under such a bombardment of shot, bullets, and shrapnel. a hundred yards distant, on our right, the navy guns were firing lyddite that burst with a thick yellow smoke; on the other side colt automatics were put-put-put-ing a stream of bullets; the field-guns and the howitzers were playing from a hill half a mile behind us, and scattered among the rocks about us, and for two miles on either hand, the infantry in reserve were firing off ammunition at any part of the three hills they happened to dislike! the roar of the navy's four-point-sevens, their crash, their rush as they passed, the shrill whine of the shrapnel, the barking of the howitzers, and the mechanical, regular rattle of the quick-firing maxims, which sounded like the clicking of many mowing-machines on a hot summer's day, tore the air with such hideous noises that one's skull ached from the concussion, and one could only be heard by shouting. but more impressive by far than this hot chorus of mighty thunder and petty hammering, was the roar of the wind which was driven down into the valley beneath, and which swept up again in enormous waves of sound. it roared like a wild hurricane at sea. the illusion was so complete, that you expected, by looking down, to see the tugela lashing at her banks, tossing the spray hundreds of feet in air, and battling with her sides of rock. it was like the roar of niagara in a gale, and yet when you did look below, not a leaf was stirring, and the tugela was slipping forward, flat and sluggish, and in peace. the long procession of yellow figures was still advancing along the bottom of the valley, toward the right, when on the crest of the farthermost hill fourteen of them appeared suddenly, and ran forward and sprang into the trenches. perched against the blue sky on the highest and most distant of the three hills, they looked terribly lonely and insufficient, and they ran about, this way and that, as though they were very much surprised to find themselves where they were. then they settled down into the boer trench, from our side of it, and began firing, their officer, as his habit is, standing up behind them. the hill they had taken had evidently been abandoned to them by the enemy, and the fourteen men in khaki had taken it by "default." but they disappeared so suddenly into the trench, that we knew they were not enjoying their new position in peace, and every one looked below them, to see the arriving reinforcements. they came at last, to the number of ten, and scampered about just as the others had done, looking for cover. it seemed as if we could almost hear the singing of the bullet when one of them dodged, and it was with a distinct sense of relief, and of freedom from further responsibility, that we saw the ten disappear also, and become part of the yellow stones about them. then a very wonderful movement began to agitate the men upon the two remaining hills. they began to creep up them as you have seen seaweed rise with the tide and envelop a rock. they moved in regiments, but each man was as distinct as is a letter of the alphabet in each word on this page, black with letters. we began to follow the fortunes of individual letters. it was a most selfish and cowardly occupation, for you knew you were in no greater danger than you would be in looking through the glasses of a mutoscope. the battle unrolled before you like a panorama. the guns on our side of the valley had ceased, the hurricane in the depths below had instantly spent itself, and the birds and insects had again begun to fill our hill with drowsy twitter and song. but on the other, half the men were wrapping the base of the hill in khaki, which rose higher and higher, growing looser and less tightly wrapt as it spun upward. halfway to the crest there was a broad open space of green grass, and above that a yellow bank of earth, which supported the track of the railroad. this green space spurted with tiny geysers of yellow dust. where the bullets came from or who sent them we could not see. but the loose ends of the bandage of khaki were stretching across this green space and the yellow spurts of dust rose all around them. the men crossed this fire zone warily, looking to one side or the other, as the bullets struck the earth heavily, like drops of rain before a shower. the men had their heads and shoulders bent as though they thought a roof was about to fall on them; some ran from rock to rock, seeking cover properly; others scampered toward the safe vantage-ground behind the railroad embankment; others advanced leisurely, like men playing golf. the silence, after the hurricane of sounds, was painful; we could not hear even the boer rifles. the men moved like figures in a dream, without firing a shot. they seemed each to be acting on his own account, without unison or organization. as i have said, you ceased considering the scattered whole, and became intent on the adventures of individuals. these fell so suddenly, that you waited with great anxiety to learn whether they had dropped to dodge a bullet or whether one had found them. the men came at last from every side, and from out of every ridge and dried-up waterway. open spaces which had been green a moment before were suddenly dyed yellow with them. where a company had been clinging to the railroad embankment, there stood one regiment holding it, and another sweeping over it. heights that had seemed the goal, became the resting-place of the stretcher-bearers, until at last no part of the hill remained unpopulated, save a high bulging rampart of unprotected and open ground. and then, suddenly, coming from the earth itself, apparently, one man ran across this open space and leaped on top of the trench which crowned the hill. he was fully fifteen yards in advance of all the rest, entirely unsupported, and alone. and he had evidently planned it so, for he took off his helmet and waved it, and stuck it on his rifle and waved it again, and then suddenly clapped it on his head and threw his gun to his shoulder. he stood so, pointing down into the trench, and it seemed as though we could hear him calling upon the boers behind it to surrender. a few minutes later the last of the three hills was mounted by the west yorks, who were mistaken by their own artillery for boers, and fired upon both by the boers and by their own shrapnel and lyddite. four men were wounded, and, to save themselves, a line of them stood up at full length on the trench and cheered and waved at the artillery until it had ceased to play upon them. the boers continued to fire upon them with rifles for over two hours. but it was only a demonstration to cover the retreat of the greater number, and at daybreak the hills were in complete and peaceful possession of the english. these hills were a part of the same railway hill which four nights before the inniskillings and a composite regiment had attempted to take by a frontal attack with the loss of six hundred men, among whom were three colonels. by this flank attack, and by using nine regiments instead of one, the same hills and two others were taken with two hundred casualties. the fact that this battle, which was called the battle of pieter's hill, and the surrender of general cronje and his forces to lord roberts, both took place on the anniversary of the battle of majuba hill, made the whole of buller's column feel that the ill memory of that disaster had been effaced. ii--the relief of ladysmith after the defeat of the boers at the battle of pieter's hill there were two things left for them to do. they could fall back across a great plain which stretched from pieter's hill to bulwana mountain, and there make their last stand against buller and the ladysmith relief column, or they could abandon the siege of ladysmith and slip away after having held buller at bay for three months. bulwana mountain is shaped like a brick and blocks the valley in which ladysmith lies. the railroad track slips around one end of the brick, and the dundee trail around the other. it was on this mountain that the boers had placed their famous gun, long tom, with which they began the bombardment of ladysmith, and with which up to the day before ladysmith was relieved they had thrown three thousand shells into that miserable town. if the boers on retreating from pieter's hill had fortified this mountain with the purpose of holding off buller for a still longer time, they would have been under a fire from general white's artillery in the town behind them and from buller's naval guns in front. their position would not have been unlike that of humpty dumpty on the wall, so they wisely adopted the only alternative and slipped away. this was on tuesday night, while the british were hurrying up artillery to hold the hills they had taken that afternoon. by ten o'clock the following morning from the top of pieter's hill you could still see the boers moving off along the dundee road. it was an easy matter to follow them, for the dust hung above the trail in a yellow cloud, like mist over a swamp. there were two opinions as to whether they were halting at bulwana or passing it, on their way to laing's neck. if they were going only to bulwana there was the probability of two weeks' more fighting before they could be dislodged. if they had avoided bulwana, the way to ladysmith was open. lord dundonald, who is in command of a brigade of irregular cavalry, was scouting to the left of bulwana, far in advance of our forces. at sunset he arrived, without having encountered the boers, at the base of bulwana. he could either return and report the disappearance of the enemy or he could make a dash for it and enter ladysmith. his orders were "to go, look, see," and avoid an action, and the fact that none of his brigade was in the triumphant procession which took place three days later has led many to think that in entering the besieged town without orders he offended the commanding general. in any event, it is a family row and of no interest to the outsider. the main fact is that he did make a dash for it, and just at sunset found himself with two hundred men only a mile from the "doomed city." his force was composed of natal carbiniers and imperial light horse. he halted them, and in order that honors might be even, formed them in sections with the half sections made up from each of the two organizations. all the officers were placed in front, and with a cheer they started to race across the plain. the wig-waggers on convent hill had already seen them, and the townspeople and the garrison were rushing through the streets to meet them, cheering and shouting, and some of them weeping. others, so officers tell me, who were in the different camps, looked down upon the figures galloping across the plain in the twilight, and continued making tea. just as they had reached the centre of the town, general sir george white and his staff rode down from head-quarters and met the men whose coming meant for him life and peace and success. they were advancing at a walk, with the cheering people hanging to their stirrups, clutching at their hands and hanging to the bridles of their horses. general white's first greeting was characteristically unselfish and loyal, and typical of the british officer. he gave no sign of his own in calculable relief, nor did he give to caesar the things which were caesar's. he did not cheer dundonald, nor buller, nor the column which had rescued him and his garrison from present starvation and probable imprisonment at pretoria. he raised his helmet and cried, "we will give three cheers for the queen!" and then the general and the healthy, ragged, and sunburned troopers from the outside world, the starved, fever-ridden garrison, and the starved, fever-ridden civilians stood with hats off and sang their national anthem. the column outside had been fighting steadily for six weeks to get dundonald or any one of its force into ladysmith; for fourteen days it had been living in the open, fighting by night as well as by day, without halt or respite; the garrison inside had been for four months holding the enemy at bay with the point of the bayonet; it was famished for food, it was rotten with fever, and yet when the relief came and all turned out well, the first thought of every one was for the queen! it may be credulous in them or old-fashioned; but it is certainly very unselfish, and when you take their point of view it is certainly very fine. after the queen every one else had his share of the cheering, and general white could not complain of the heartiness with which they greeted him, he tried to make a speech in reply, but it was a brief one. he spoke of how much they owed to general buller and his column, and he congratulated his own soldiers on the defence they had made. "i am very sorry, men," he said, "that i had to cut down your rations. i--i promise you i won't do it again." then he stopped very suddenly and whirled his horse's head around and rode away. judging from the number of times they told me of this, the fact that they had all but seen an english general give way to his feelings seemed to have impressed the civilian mind of ladysmith more than the entrance of the relief force. the men having come in and demonstrated that the way was open, rode forth again, and the relief of ladysmith had taken place. but it is not the people cheering in the dark streets, nor general white breaking down in his speech of welcome, which gives the note to the way the men of ladysmith received their freedom. it is rather the fact that as the two hundred battle-stained and earth-stained troopers galloped forward, racing to be the first, and rising in their stirrups to cheer, the men in the hospital camps said, "well, they're come at last, have they?" and continued fussing over their fourth of a ration of tea. that gives the real picture of how ladysmith came into her inheritance, and of how she received her rescuers. on the morning after dundonald had ridden in and out of ladysmith, two other correspondents and myself started to relieve it on our own account. we did not know the way to ladysmith, and we did not then know whether or not the boers still occupied bulwana mountain. but we argued that the chances of the boers having raised the siege were so good that it was worth risking their not having done so, and being taken prisoner. we carried all the tobacco we could pack in our saddle-bags, and enough food for one day. my chief regret was that my government, with true republican simplicity, had given me a passport, type-written on a modest sheet of notepaper and wofully lacking in impressive seals and coats of arms. i fancied it would look to boer eyes like one i might have forged for myself in the writing-room of the hotel at cape town. we had ridden up pieter's hill and scrambled down on its other side before we learned that the night before dundonald had raised the siege. we learned this from long trains of artillery and regiments of infantry which already were moving forward over the great plain which lies between pieter's and bulwana. we learned it also from the silence of conscientious, dutiful correspondents, who came galloping back as we galloped forward, and who made wide detours at sight of us, or who, when we hailed them, lashed their ponies over the red rocks and pretended not to hear, each unselfishly turning his back on ladysmith in the hope that he might be the first to send word that the "doomed city" was relieved. this would enable one paper to say that it had the news "on the street" five minutes earlier than its hated rivals. we found that the rivalry of our respective papers bored us. we condemned it as being childish and weak. london, new york, chicago were names, they were spots thousands of leagues away: ladysmith was just across that mountain. if our horses held out at the pace, we would be--after dundonald--the first men in. we imagined that we would see hysterical women and starving men. they would wring our hands, and say, "god bless you," and we would halt our steaming horses in the market-place, and distribute the news of the outside world, and tobacco. there would be shattered houses, roofless homes, deep pits in the roadways where the shells had burst and buried themselves. we would see the entombed miner at the moment of his deliverance, we would be among the first from the outer world to break the spell of his silence; the first to receive the brunt of the imprisoned people's gratitude and rejoicings. indeed, it was clearly our duty to the papers that employed us that we should not send them news, but that we should be the first to enter ladysmith. we were surely the best judges of what was best to do. how like them to try to dictate to us from london and new york, when we were on the spot! it was absurd. we shouted this to each other as we raced in and out of the long confused column, lashing viciously with our whips. we stumbled around pieces of artillery, slid in between dripping water-carts, dodged the horns of weary oxen, scattered companies of straggling tommies, and ducked under protruding tent-poles on the baggage-wagons, and at last came out together again in advance of the dusty column. "besides, we don't know where the press-censor is, do we?" no, of course we had no idea where the press-censor was, and unless he said that ladysmith was relieved, the fact that twenty-five thousand other soldiers said so counted for idle gossip. our papers could not expect us to go riding over mountains the day ladysmith was relieved, hunting for a press-censor. "that press-censor," gasped hartland, "never--is--where he--ought to be." the words were bumped out of him as he was shot up and down in the saddle. that was it. it was the press-censor's fault. our consciences were clear now. if our papers worried themselves or us because they did not receive the great news until every one else knew of it, it was all because of that press-censor. we smiled again and spurred the horses forward. we abused the press-censor roundly--we were extremely indignant with him. it was so like him to lose himself the day ladysmith was relieved. "confound him," we muttered, and grinned guiltily. we felt as we used to feel when we were playing truant from school. we were nearing pieter's station now, and were half-way to ladysmith. but the van of the army was still about us. was it possible that it stretched already into the beleaguered city? were we, after all, to be cheated of the first and freshest impressions? the tall lancers turned at the sound of the horses' hoofs and stared, infantry officers on foot smiled up at us sadly, they were dirty and dusty and sweating, they carried rifles and cross belts like the tommies; and they knew that we outsiders who were not under orders would see the chosen city before them. some of them shouted to us, but we only nodded and galloped on. we wanted to get rid of them all, but they were interminable. when we thought we had shaken them off, and that we were at last in advance, we would come upon a group of them resting on the same ground their shells had torn up during the battle the day before. we passed boer laagers marked by empty cans and broken saddles and black, cold camp-fires. at pieter's station the blood was still fresh on the grass where two hours before some of the south african light horse had been wounded. the boers were still on bulwana then? perhaps, after all, we had better turn back and try to find that press-censor. but we rode on and saw pieter's station, as we passed it, as an absurd relic of by-gone days when bridges were intact and trains ran on schedule time. one door seen over the shoulder as we galloped past read, "station master's office--private," and in contempt of that stern injunction, which would make even the first-class passenger hesitate, one of our shells had knocked away the half of the door and made its privacy a mockery. we had only to follow the track now and we would arrive in time--unless the boers were still on bulwana. we had shaken off the army, and we were two miles in front of it, when six men came galloping toward us in an unfamiliar uniform. they passed us far to the right, regardless of the trail, and galloping through the high grass. we pulled up when we saw them, for they had green facings to their gray uniforms, and no one with buller's column wore green facings. we gave a yell in chorus. "are you from ladysmith?" we shouted. the men, before they answered, wheeled and cheered, and came toward us laughing jubilant. "we're the first men out," cried the officer and we rode in among them, shaking hands and offering our good wishes. "we're glad to see you," we said. "we're glad to see _you_," they said. it was not an original greeting, but it seemed sufficient to all of us. "are the boers on bulwana?" we asked. "no, they've trekked up dundee way. you can go right in." we parted at the word and started to go right in. we found the culverts along the railroad cut away and the bridges down, and that galloping ponies over the roadbed of a railroad is a difficult feat at the best, even when the road is in working order. some men, cleanly dressed and rather pale-looking, met us and said: "good-morning." "are you from ladysmith?" we called. "no, we're from the neutral camp," they answered. we were the first men from outside they had seen in four months, and that was the extent of their interest or information. they had put on their best clothes, and were walking along the track to colenso to catch a train south to durban or to maritzburg, to any place out of the neutral camp. they might have been somnambulists for all they saw of us, or of the boer trenches and the battle-field before them. but we found them of greatest interest, especially their clean clothes. our column had not seen clean linen in six weeks, and the sight of these civilians in white duck and straw hats, and carrying walking-sticks, coming toward us over the railroad ties, made one think it was sunday at home and these were excursionists to the suburbs. we had been riding through a roofless tunnel, with the mountain and the great dam on one side, and the high wall of the railway cutting on the other, but now just ahead of us lay the open country, and the exit of the tunnel barricaded by twisted rails and heaped-up ties and bags of earth. bulwana was behind us. for eight miles it had shut out the sight of our goal, but now, directly in front of us, was spread a great city of dirty tents and grass huts and red cross flags--the neutral camp--and beyond that, four miles away, shimmering and twinkling sleepily in the sun, the white walls and zinc roofs of ladysmith. we gave a gasp of recognition and galloped into and through the neutral camp. natives of india in great turbans, indian women in gay shawls and nose-rings, and black kaffirs in discarded khaki looked up at us dully from the earth floors of their huts, and when we shouted "which way?" and "where is the bridge?" only stared, or pointed vaguely, still staring. after all, we thought, they are poor creatures, incapable of emotion. perhaps they do not know how glad we are that they have been rescued. they do not understand that we want to shake hands with everybody and offer our congratulations. wait until we meet our own people, we said, they will understand! it was such a pleasant prospect that we whipped the unhappy ponies into greater bursts of speed, not because they needed it, but because we were too excited and impatient to sit motionless. in our haste we lost our way among innumerable little trees; we disagreed as to which one of the many cross-trails led home to the bridge. we slipped out of our stirrups to drag the ponies over one steep place, and to haul them up another, and at last the right road lay before us, and a hundred yards ahead a short iron bridge and a gordon highlander waited to welcome us, to receive our first greetings and an assorted collection of cigarettes. hartland was riding a thoroughbred polo pony and passed the gallant defender of ladysmith without a kind look or word, but blackwood and i galloped up more decorously, smiling at him with good-will. the soldier, who had not seen a friend from the outside world in four months, leaped in front of us and presented a heavy gun and a burnished bayonet. "halt, there," he cried. "where's your pass?" of course it showed excellent discipline--we admired it immensely. we even overlooked the fact that he should think boer spies would enter the town by way of the main bridge and at a gallop. we liked his vigilance, we admired his discipline, but in spite of that his reception chilled us. we had brought several things with us that we thought they might possibly want in ladysmith, but we had entirely forgotten to bring a pass. indeed i do not believe one of the twenty-five thousand men who had been fighting for six weeks to relieve ladysmith had supplied himself with one. the night before, when the ladysmith sentries had tried to halt dundonald's troopers in the same way, and demanded a pass from them, there was not one in the squadron. we crossed the bridge soberly and entered ladysmith at a walk. even the ponies looked disconcerted and crestfallen. after the high grass and the mountains of red rock, where there was not even a tent to remind one of a roof-tree, the stone cottages and shop-windows and chapels and well-ordered hedges of the main street of ladysmith made it seem a wealthy and attractive suburb. when we entered, a sabbath-like calm hung upon the town; officers in the smartest khaki and glistening stowassers observed us askance, little girls in white pinafores passed us with eyes cast down, a man on a bicycle looked up, and then, in terror lest we might speak to him, glued his eyes to the wheel and "scorched" rapidly. we trotted forward and halted at each street crossing, looking to the right and left in the hope that some one might nod to us. from the opposite end of the town general buller and his staff came toward us slowly--the house-tops did not seem to sway--it was not "roses, roses all the way." the german army marching into paris received as hearty a welcome. "why didn't you people cheer general buller when he came in?" we asked later. "oh, was that general buller?" they inquired. "we didn't recognize him." "but you knew he was a general officer, you knew he was the first of the relieving column?" "ye-es, but we didn't know who he was." i decided that the bare fact of the relief of ladysmith was all i would be able to wire to my neglected paper, and with remorses started to find the ladysmith censor. two officers, with whom i ventured to break the hush that hung upon the town by asking my way, said they were going in the direction of the censor. we rode for some distance in guarded silence. finally, one of them, with an inward struggle, brought himself to ask, "are you from the outside?" i was forced to admit that i was. i felt that i had taken an unwarrantable liberty in intruding on a besieged garrison. i wanted to say that i had lost my way and had ridden into the town by mistake, and that i begged to be allowed to withdraw with apologies. the other officer woke up suddenly and handed me a printed list of the prices which had been paid during the siege for food and tobacco. he seemed to offer it as being in some way an official apology for his starved appearance. the price of cigars struck me as especially pathetic, and i commented on it. the first officer gazed mournfully at the blazing sunshine before him. "i have not smoked a cigar in two months," he said. my surging sympathy, and my terror at again offending the haughty garrison, combated so fiercely that it was only with a great effort that i produced a handful. "will you have these?" the other officer started in his saddle so violently that i thought his horse had stumbled, but he also kept his eyes straight in front. "thank you, i will take one if i may--just one," said the first officer. "are you sure i am not robbing you?" they each took one, but they refused to put the rest of the cigars in their pockets. as the printed list stated that a dozen matches sold for $ . , i handed them a box of matches. then a beautiful thing happened. they lit the cigars and at the first taste of the smoke--and they were not good cigars--an almost human expression of peace and good-will and utter abandonment to joy spread over their yellow skins and cracked lips and fever-lit eyes. the first man dropped his reins and put his hands on his hips and threw back his head and shoulders and closed his eyelids. i felt that i had intruded at a moment which should have been left sacred. { } another boy officer in stainless khaki and beautifully turned out, polished and burnished and varnished, but with the same yellow skin and sharpened cheek-bones and protruding teeth, a skeleton on horseback, rode slowly toward us down the hill. as he reached us he glanced up and then swayed in his saddle, gazing at my companions fearfully. "good god," he cried. his brother officers seemed to understand, but made no answer, except to jerk their heads toward me. they were too occupied to speak. i handed the skeleton a cigar, and he took it in great embarrassment, laughing and stammering and blushing. then i began to understand; i began to appreciate the heroic self-sacrifice of the first two, who, when they had been given the chance, had refused to fill their pockets. i knew then that it was an effort worthy of the v. c. the censor was at his post, and a few minutes later a signal officer on convent hill heliographed my cable to bulwana, where, six hours after the boers had abandoned it, buller's own helios had begun to dance, and they speeded the cable on its long journey to the newspaper office on the thames embankment. [picture: "tommies" seeking shelter from "long tom" at ladysmith] when one descended to the streets again--there are only two streets which run the full length of the town--and looked for signs of the siege, one found them not in the shattered houses, of which there seemed surprisingly few, but in the starved and fever-shaken look of the people. the cloak of indifference which every englishman wears, and his instinctive dislike to make much of his feelings, and, in this case, his pluck, at first concealed from us how terribly those who had been inside of ladysmith had suffered, and how near to the breaking point they were. their faces were the real index to what they had passed through. any one who had seen our men at montauk point or in the fever camp at siboney needed no hospital list to tell him of the pitiful condition of the garrison. the skin on their faces was yellow, and drawn sharply over the brow and cheekbones; their teeth protruded, and they shambled along like old men, their voices ranging from a feeble pipe to a deep whisper. in this pitiable condition they had been forced to keep night-watch on the hill-crests, in the rain, to lie in the trenches, and to work on fortifications and bomb-proofs. and they were expected to do all of these things on what strength they could get from horse-meat, biscuits of the toughness and composition of those that are fed to dogs, and on "mealies," which is what we call corn. that first day in ladysmith gave us a faint experience as to what the siege meant. the correspondents had disposed of all their tobacco, and within an hour saw starvation staring them in the face, and raced through the town to rob fellow-correspondents who had just arrived. the new-comers in their turn had soon distributed all they owned, and came tearing back to beg one of their own cigarettes. we tried to buy grass for our ponies, and were met with pitying contempt; we tried to buy food for ourselves, and were met with open scorn. i went to the only hotel which was open in the place, and offered large sums for a cup of tea. "put up your money," said the scotchman in charge, sharply. "what's the good of your money? can your horse eat money? can you eat money? very well, then, put it away." the great dramatic moment after the raising of the siege was the entrance into ladysmith of the relieving column. it was a magnificent, manly, and moving spectacle. you must imagine the dry, burning heat, the fine, yellow dust, the white glare of the sunshine, and in the heat and glare and dust the great interminable column of men in ragged khaki crowding down the main street, twenty-two thousand strong, cheering and shouting, with the sweat running off their red faces and cutting little rivulets in the dust that caked their cheeks. some of them were so glad that, though in the heaviest marching order, they leaped up and down and stepped out of line to dance to the music of the bagpipes. for hours they crowded past, laughing, joking, and cheering, or staring ahead of them, with lips wide apart, panting in the heat and choking with the dust, but always ready to turn again and wave their helmets at sir george white. it was a pitiful contrast which the two forces presented. the men of the garrison were in clean khaki, pipe-clayed and brushed and polished, but their tunics hung on them as loosely as the flag around its pole, the skin on their cheek-bones was as tight and as yellow as the belly of a drum, their teeth protruded through parched, cracked lips, and hunger, fever, and suffering stared from out their eyes. they were so ill and so feeble that the mere exercise of standing was too severe for their endurance, and many of them collapsed, falling back to the sidewalk, rising to salute only the first troop of each succeeding regiment. this done, they would again sink back and each would sit leaning his head against his musket, or with his forehead resting heavily on his folded arms. in comparison the relieving column looked like giants as they came in with a swinging swagger, their uniforms blackened with mud and sweat and bloodstains, their faces brilliantly crimsoned and blistered and tanned by the dust and sun. they made a picture of strength and health and aggressiveness. perhaps the contrast was strongest when the battalion of the devons that had been on foreign service passed the "reserve" battalion which had come from england. the men of the two battalions had parted five years before in india, and they met again in ladysmith, with the men of one battalion lining the streets, sick, hungry, and yellow, and the others, who had been fighting six weeks to reach it, marching toward them, robust, red-faced, and cheering mightily. as they met they gave a shout of recognition, and the men broke ranks and ran forward, calling each other by name, embracing, shaking hands, and punching each other in the back and shoulders. it was a sight that very few men watched unmoved. indeed, the whole three hours was one of the most brutal assaults upon the feelings that it has been my lot to endure. one felt he had been entirely lifted out of the politics of the war, and the question of the wrongs of the boers disappeared before a simple propostiton of brave men saluting brave men. early in the campaign, when his officers had blundered, general white had dared to write: "i alone am to blame." but in this triumphal procession twenty-two thousand gentlemen in khaki wiped that line off the slate, and wrote, "well done, sir," in its place, as they passed before him through the town he had defended and saved. iii--the night before the battle the boer "front" was at brandfort, and, as lord roberts was advancing upon that place, one already saw in the head-lines, "the battle of brandfort." but before our train drew out of pretoria station we learned that the english had just occupied brandfort, and that the boer front had been pushed back to winburg. we decided that brandfort was an impossible position to hold anyway, and that we had better leave the train at winburg. we found some selfish consolation for the boer repulse, in the fact that it shortened our railroad journey by one day. the next morning when we awoke at the vaal river station the train despatcher informed us that during the night the "rooineks" had taken winburg, and that the burghers were gathered at smaaldel. we agreed not to go to winburg, but to stop off at smaaldel. we also agreed that winburg was an impossible position to hold. when at eleven o'clock the train reached kroonstad, we learned than lord roberts was in smaaldel. it was then evident that if our train kept on and the british army kept on there would be a collision. so we stopped at kroonstad. in talking it over we decided that, owing to its situation, smaaldel was an impossible position to hold. the sand river, which runs about forty miles south of kroonstad, was the last place in the free state at which the burghers could hope to make a stand, and at the bridge where the railroad spans the river, and at a drift ten miles lower down, the boers and free staters had collected to the number of four thousand. lord roberts and his advancing column, which was known to contain thirty-five thousand men, were a few miles distant from the opposite bank of the sand river. there was an equal chance that the english would attempt to cross at the drift or at the bridge. we thought they would cross at the drift, and stopped for the night at ventersburg, a town ten miles from the river. ventersburg, in comparison with kroonstad, where we had left them rounding up stray burghers and hurrying them to the firing-line, and burning official documents in the streets, was calm. ventersburg was not destroying incriminating documents nor driving weary burghers from its solitary street. it was making them welcome at jones's hotel. the sun had sunk an angry crimson, the sure sign of a bloody battle on the morrow, and a full moon had turned the dusty street and the veldt into which it disappeared into a field of snow. the american scouts had halted at jones's hotel, and the american proprietor was giving them drinks free. their cowboy spurs jingled on the floor of the bar-room, on the boards of the verandas, on the stone floor of the kitchen, and in the billiard-room, where they were playing pool as joyously as though the english were not ten miles away. grave, awkward burghers rode up, each in a cloud of dust, and leaving his pony to wander in the street and his rifle in a corner, shook hands with every one solemnly, and asked for coffee. italians of garibaldi's red-shirted army, swedes and danes in semi-uniform, frenchman in high boots and great sombreros, germans with the sabre cuts on their cheeks that had been given them at the university, and russian officers smoking tiny cigarettes crowded the little dining-room, and by the light of a smoky lamp talked in many tongues of spion kop, sannahspost, fourteen streams, and the battle on the morrow. they were sun-tanned, dusty, stained, and many of them with wounds in bandages. they came from every capital of europe, and as each took his turn around the crowded table, they drank to the health of every nation, save one. when they had eaten they picked up the pony's bridle from the dust and melted into the moonlight with a wave of the hand and a "good luck to you." there were no bugles to sound "boots and saddles" for them, no sergeants to keep them in hand, no officers to pay for their rations and issue orders. each was his own officer, his conscience was his bugle-call, he gave himself orders. they were all equal, all friends; the cowboy and the russian prince, the french socialist from la villette or montmartre, with a red sash around his velveteen breeches, and the little french nobleman from the cercle royal who had never before felt the sun, except when he had played lawn tennis on the isle de puteaux. each had his bandolier and rifle; each was minding his own business, which was the business of all--to try and save the independence of a free people. the presence of these foreigners, with rifle in hand, showed the sentiment and sympathies of the countries from which they came. these men were europe's real ambassadors to the republic of the transvaal. the hundreds of thousands of their countrymen who had remained at home held toward the boer the same feelings, but they were not so strongly moved; not so strongly as to feel that they must go abroad to fight. these foreigners were not the exception in opinion, they were only exceptionally adventurous, exceptionally liberty-loving. they were not soldiers of fortune, for the soldier of fortune fights for gain. these men receive no pay, no emolument, no reward. they were the few who dared do what the majority of their countrymen in europe thought. at jones's hotel that night, at ventersburg, it was as though a jury composed of men from all of europe and the united states had gathered in judgment on the british nation. outside in the moonlight in the dusty road two bearded burghers had halted me to ask the way to the house of the commandant. between them on a boer pony sat a man, erect, slim-waisted, with well-set shoulders and chin in air, one hand holding the reins high, the other with knuckles down resting on his hip. the boer pony he rode, nor the moonlight, nor the veldt behind him, could disguise his seat and pose. it was as though i had been suddenly thrown back into london and was passing the cuirassed, gauntleted guardsman, motionless on his black charger in the sentry gate in whitehall. only now, instead of a steel breastplate, he shivered through his thin khaki, and instead of the high boots, his legs were wrapped in twisted putties. "when did they take you?" i asked. "early this morning. i was out scouting," he said. he spoke in a voice so well trained and modulated that i tried to see his shoulder-straps. "oh, you are an officer?" i said. "no, sir, a trooper. first life guards." but in the moonlight i could see him smile, whether at my mistake or because it was not a mistake i could not guess. there are many gentlemen rankers in this war. he made a lonely figure in the night, his helmet marking him as conspicuously as a man wearing a high hat in a church. from the billiard-room, where the american scouts were playing pool, came the click of the ivory and loud, light-hearted laughter; from the veranda the sputtering of many strange tongues and the deep, lazy voices of the boers. there were boers to the left of him, boers to the right of him, pulling at their long, drooping pipes and sending up big rings of white smoke in the white moonlight. he dismounted, and stood watching the crowd about him under half-lowered eyelids, but as unmoved as though he saw no one. he threw his arm over the pony's neck and pulled its head down against his chest and began talking to it. it was as though he wished to emphasize his loneliness. "you are not tired, are you? no, you're not," he said. his voice was as kindly as though he were speaking to a child. "oh, but you can't be tired. what?" he whispered. "a little hungry, perhaps. yes?" he seemed to draw much comfort from his friend the pony, and the pony rubbed his head against the englishman's shoulder. "the commandant says he will question you in the morning. you will come with us to the jail now," his captor directed. "you will find three of your people there to talk to. i will go bring a blanket for you, it is getting cold." and they rode off together into the night. two days later he would have heard through the windows of jones's hotel the billiard balls still clicking joyously, but the men who held the cues then would have worn helmets like his own. the original jones, the proprietor of jones's hotel, had fled. the man who succeeded him was also a refugee, and the present manager was an american from cincinnati. he had never before kept a hotel, but he confided to me that it was not a bad business, as he found that on each drink sold he made a profit of a hundred per cent. the proprietress was a lady from brooklyn, her husband, another american, was a prisoner with cronje at st. helena. she was in considerable doubt as to whether she ought to run before the british arrived, or wait and chance being made a prisoner. she said she would prefer to escape, but what with standing on her feet all day in the kitchen preparing meals for hungry burghers and foreign volunteers, she was too tired to get away. war close at hand consists so largely of commonplaces and trivial details that i hope i may be pardoned for recording the anxieties and cares of this lady from brooklyn. her point of view so admirably illustrates one side of war. it is only when you are ten years away from it, or ten thousand miles away from it, that you forget the dull places, and only the moments loom up which are terrible, picturesque, and momentous. we have read, in "vanity fair," of the terror and the mad haste to escape of the people of brussels on the eve of waterloo. that is the obvious and dramatic side. that is the picture of war you remember and which appeals. as a rule, people like to read of the rumble of cannon through the streets of ventersburg, the silent, dusty columns of the re-enforcements passing in the moonlight, the galloping hoofs of the aides suddenly beating upon the night air and growing fainter and dying away, the bugle-calls from the camps along the river, the stamp of spurred boots as the general himself enters the hotel and spreads the blue-print maps upon the table, the clanking sabres of his staff, standing behind him in the candle-light, whispering and tugging at their gauntlets while the great man plans his attack. you must stop with the british army if you want bugle-calls and clanking sabres and gauntlets. they are a part of the panoply of war and of warriors. but we saw no warriors at ventersburg that night, only a few cattle-breeders and farmers who were fighting for the land they had won from the lion and the bushman, and with them a mixed company of gentleman adventurers--gathered around a table discussing other days in other lands. the picture of war which is most familiar is the one of the people of brussels fleeing from the city with the french guns booming in the distance, or as one sees it in "shenandoah," where aides gallop on and off the stage and the night signals flash from both sides of the valley. that is the obvious and dramatic side; the other side of war is the night before the battle, at jones's hotel; the landlady in the dining-room with her elbows on the table, fretfully deciding that after a day in front of the cooking-stove she is too tired to escape an invading army, declaring that the one place at which she would rather be at that moment was green's restaurant in philadelphia, the heated argument that immediately follows between the foreign legion and the americans as to whether rector's is not better than the cafe de paris, and the general agreement that ritz cannot hope to run two hotels in london without being robbed. that is how the men talked and acted on the eve of a battle. we heard no galloping aides, no clanking spurs, only the click of the clipped billiard balls as the american scouts (who were killed thirty-six hours later) knocked them about the torn billiard-cloth, the drip, drip of the kerosene from a blazing, sweating lamp, which struck the dirty table-cloth, with the regular ticking of a hall clock, and the complaint of the piano from the hotel parlor, where the correspondent of a boston paper was picking out "hello, my baby," laboriously with one finger. war is not so terribly dramatic or exciting--at the time; and the real trials of war--at the time, and not as one later remembers them--consist largely in looting fodder for your ponies and in bribing the station-master to put on an open truck in which to carry them. we were wakened about two o'clock in the morning by a loud knocking on a door and the distracted voice of the local justice of the peace calling upon the landlord to rouse himself and fly. the english, so the voice informed the various guests, as door after door was thrown open upon the court-yard, were at ventersburg station, only two hours away. the justice of the peace wanted to buy or to borrow a horse, and wanted it very badly, but a sleepy-eyed and sceptical audience told him unfeelingly that he was either drunk or dreaming, and only the landlady, now apparently refreshed after her labors, was keenly, even hysterically, intent on instant flight. she sat up in her bed with her hair in curl papers and a revolver beside her, and through her open door shouted advice to her lodgers. but they were unsympathetic, and reassured her only by banging their doors and retiring with profane grumbling, and in a few moments the silence was broken only by the voice of the justice as he fled down the main street of ventersburg offering his kingdom for a horse. the next morning we rode out to the sand river to see the boer positions near the drift, and met president steyn in his cape cart coming from them on his way to the bridge. ever since the occupation of bloemfontein, the london papers had been speaking of him as "the late president," as though he were dead. he impressed me, on the contrary, as being very much alive and very much the president, although his executive chamber was the dancing-hall of a hotel and his roof-tree the hood of a cape cart. he stood in the middle of the road, and talked hopefully of the morrow. he had been waiting, he said, to see the development of the enemy's attack, but the british had not appeared, and, as he believed they would not advance that day, he was going on to the bridge to talk to his burghers and to consult with general botha. he was much more a man of the world and more the professional politician than president kruger. i use the words "professional politician" in no unpleasant sense, but meaning rather that he was ready, tactful, and diplomatic. for instance, he gave to whatever he said the air of a confidence reserved especially for the ear of the person to whom he spoke. he showed none of the bitterness which president kruger exhibits toward the british, but took the tone toward the english government of the most critical and mused tolerance. had he heard it, it would have been intensely annoying to any englishman. "i see that the london _chronicle_," he said, "asks if, since i have become a rebel, i do not lose my rights as a barrister of the temple? of course, we are no more rebels than the spaniards were rebels against the united states. by a great stretch of the truth, under the suzerainty clause, the burghers of the transvaal might be called rebels, but a free stater--never! it is not the animosity of the english which i mind," he added, thoughtfully, "but their depressing ignorance of their own history." [picture: president steyn on his way to sand river battle] his cheerfulness and hopefulness, even though one guessed they were assumed, commanded one's admiration. he was being hunted out of one village after another, the miles of territory still free to him were hourly shrinking--in a few days he would be a refugee in the transvaal; but he stood in the open veldt with all his possessions in the cart behind him, a president without a republic, a man without a home, but still full of pluck, cheerful and unbeaten. the farm-house of general andrew cronje stood just above the drift and was the only conspicuous mark for the english guns on our side of the river, so in order to protect it the general had turned it over to the ambulance corps to be used as a hospital. they had lashed a great red cross flag to the chimney and filled the clean shelves of the generously built kitchen with bottles of antiseptics and bitter-smelling drugs and surgeons' cutlery. president steyn gave me a letter to dr. rodgers reid, who was in charge, and he offered us our choice of the deserted bedrooms. it was a most welcome shelter, and in comparison to the cold veldt the hospital was a haven of comfort. hundreds of cooing doves, stumbling over the roof of the barn, helped to fill the air with their peaceful murmur. it was a strange overture to a battle, but in time i learned to not listen for any more martial prelude. the boer does not make a business of war, and when he is not actually fighting he pretends that he is camping out for pleasure. in his laager there are no warlike sounds, no sentries challenge, no bugles call. he has no duties to perform, for his kaffir boys care for his pony, gather his wood, and build his fire. he has nothing to do but to wait for the next fight, and to make the time pass as best he can. in camp the burghers are like a party of children. they play games with each other, and play tricks upon each other, and engage in numerous wrestling bouts, a form of contest of which they seem particularly fond. they are like children also in that they are direct and simple, and as courteous as the ideal child should be. indeed, if i were asked what struck me as the chief characteristics of the boer i should say they were the two qualities which the english have always disallowed him, his simplicity rather than his "cuteness," and his courtesy rather than his boorishness. the force that waited at the drift by cronje's farm as it lay spread out on both sides of the river looked like a gathering of wisconsin lumbermen, of adirondack guides and hunters halted at paul smith's, like a methodist camp-meeting limited entirely to men. the eye sought in vain for rows of tents, for the horses at the picket line, for the flags that marked the head-quarters, the commissariat, the field telegraph, the field post-office, the a. s. c., the r. m. a. c., the c. o., and all the other combinations of letters of the military alphabet. i remembered that great army of general buller's as i saw it stretching out over the basin of the tugela, like the children of israel in number, like tammany hall in organization and discipline, with not a tent-pin missing; with hospitals as complete as those established for a hundred years in the heart of london; with search-lights, heliographs, war balloons, roentgen rays, pontoon bridges, telegraph wagons, and trenching tools, farriers with anvils, major-generals, mapmakers, "gallopers," intelligence departments, even biographs and press-censors; every kind of thing and every kind of man that goes to make up a british army corps. i knew that seven miles from us just such another completely equipped and disciplined column was advancing to the opposite bank of the sand river. and opposed to it was this merry company of boer farmers lying on the grass, toasting pieces of freshly killed ox on the end of a stick, their hobbled ponies foraging for themselves a half-mile away, a thousand men without a tent among them, without a field-glass. it was a picnic, a pastoral scene, not a scene of war. on the hills overlooking the drift were the guns, but down along the banks the burghers were sitting in circles singing the evening hymns, many of them sung to the tunes familiar in the service of the episcopal church, so that it sounded like a sunday evening in the country at home. at the drift other burghers were watering the oxen, bathing and washing in the cold river; around the camp-fires others were smoking luxuriously, with their saddles for pillows. the evening breeze brought the sweet smell of burning wood, a haze of smoke from many fires, the lazy hum of hundreds of voices rising in the open air, the neighing of many horses, and the swift soothing rush of the river. when morning came to cronje's farm it brought with it no warning nor sign of battle. we began to believe that the british army was an invention of the enemy's. so we cooked bacon and fed the doves, and smoked on the veranda, moving our chairs around it with the sun, and argued as to whether we should stay where we were or go on to the bridge. at noon it was evident there would be no fight at the drift that day, so we started along the bank of the river, with the idea of reaching the bridge before nightfall. the trail lay on the english side of the river, so that we were in constant concern lest our white-hooded cape cart would be seen by some of their scouts and we would be taken prisoners and forced to travel all the way back to cape town. we saw many herds of deer, but no scouts or lancers, and, such being the effect of many kopjes, lost all ideas as to where we were. we knew we were bearing steadily south toward lord roberts, who as we later learned, was then some three miles distant. about two o'clock his guns opened on our left, so we at least knew that we were still on the wrong side of the river and that we must be between the boer and the english artillery. except for that, our knowledge of our geographical position was a blank, and we accordingly "out-spanned" and cooked more bacon. "outspanning" is unharnessing the ponies and mules and turning them out graze, and takes three minutes--"inspanning" is trying to catch them again, and takes from three to five hours. we started back over the trail over which we had come, and just at sunset saw a man appear from behind a rock and disappear again. whether he was boer or briton i could not tell, but while i was examining the rock with my glasses two boers came galloping forward and ordered me to "hands up." to sit with both arms in the air is an extremely ignominious position, and especially annoying if the pony is restless, so i compromised by waving my whip as high as i could reach with one hand, and still held in the horse with the other. the third man from behind the rock rode up at the same time. they said they had watched us coming from the english lines, and that we were prisoners. we assured them that for us nothing could be more satisfactory, because we now knew where we were, and because they had probably saved us a week's trip to cape town. they examined and approved of our credentials, and showed us the proper trail which we managed to follow until they had disappeared, when the trail disappeared also, and we were again lost in what seemed an interminable valley. but just before nightfall the fires of the commando showed in front of us and we rode into the camp of general christian de wet. he told us we could not reach the bridge that night, and showed us a farm-house on a distant kopje where we could find a place to spread our blankets. i was extremely glad to meet him, as he and general botha are the most able and brave of the boer generals. he was big, manly, and of impressive size, and, although he speaks english, he dictated to his adjutant many long and old-world compliments to the greater republic across the seas. we found the people in the farm-house on the distant kopje quite hysterical over the near presence of the british, and the entire place in such an uproar that we slept out in the veldt. in the morning we were awakened by the sound of the vickar-maxim or the "pom-pom" as the english call it, or "bomb-maxim" as the boers call it. by any name it was a remarkable gun and the most demoralizing of any of the smaller pieces which have been used in this campaign. one of its values is that its projectiles throw up sufficient dust to enable the gunner to tell exactly where they strike, and within a few seconds he is able to alter the range accordingly. in this way it is its own range-finder. its bark is almost as dangerous as its bite, for its reports have a brisk, insolent sound like a postman's knock, or a cooper hammering rapidly on an empty keg, and there is an unexplainable mocking sound to the reports, as though the gun were laughing at you. the english tommies used to call it very aptly the "hyena gun." i found it much less offensive from the rear than when i was with the british, and in front of it. from the top of a kopje we saw that the battle had at last begun and that the bridge was the objective point. the english came up in great lines and blocks and from so far away and in such close order that at first in spite of the khaki they looked as though they wore uniforms of blue. they advanced steadily, and two hours later when we had ridden to a kopje still nearer the bridge, they were apparently in the same formation as when we had first seen them, only now farms that had lain far in their rear were overrun by them and they encompassed the whole basin. an army of twenty-five thousand men advancing in full view across a great plain appeals to you as something entirely lacking in the human element. you do not think of it as a collection of very tired, dusty, and perspiring men with aching legs and parched lips, but as an unnatural phenomenon, or a gigantic monster which wipes out a railway station, a cornfield, and a village with a single clutch of one of its tentacles. you would as soon attribute human qualities to a plague, a tidal wave, or a slowly slipping landslide. one of the tentacles composed of six thousand horse had detached itself and crossed the river below the bridge, where it was creeping up on botha's right. we could see the burghers galloping before it toward ventersburg. at the bridge general botha and president steyn stood in the open road and with uplifted arms waved the boers back, calling upon them to stand. but the burghers only shook their heads and with averted eyes grimly and silently rode by them on the other side. they knew they were flanked, they knew the men in the moving mass in front of them were in the proportion of nine to one. when you looked down upon the lines of the english army advancing for three miles across the plain, one could hardly blame them. the burghers did not even raise their mausers. one bullet, the size of a broken slate-pencil, falling into a block three miles across and a mile deep, seems so inadequate. it was like trying to turn back the waves of the sea with a blow-pipe. it is true they had held back as many at colenso, but the defensive positions there were magnificent, and since then six months had passed, during which time the same thirty thousand men who had been fighting then were fighting still, while the enemy was always new, with fresh recruits and re-enforcements arriving daily. as the english officers at durban, who had so lately arrived from home that they wore swords, used to say with the proud consciousness of two hundred thousand men back of them: "it won't last much longer now. the boers have had their belly full of fighting. they're fed up on it; that's what it is; they're fed up." they forgot that the boers, who for three months had held buller back at the tugela, were the same boers who were rushed across the free state to rescue cronje from roberts, and who were then sent to meet the relief column at fourteen streams, and were then ordered back again to harass roberts at sannahspost, and who, at last, worn out, stale, heartsick, and hopeless at the unequal odds and endless fighting, fell back at sand river. for three months thirty thousand men had been attempting the impossible task of endeavoring to meet an equal number of the enemy in three different places at the same time. i have seen a retreat in greece when the men, before they left the trenches, stood up in them and raged and cursed at the advancing turk, cursed at their government, at their king, at each other, and retreated with shame in their faces because they did so. but the retreat of the burghers of the free state was not like that. they rose one by one and saddled their ponies, with the look in their faces of men who had been attending the funeral of a friend and who were leaving just before the coffin was swallowed in the grave. some of them, for a long time after the greater number of the commando had ridden away, sat upon the rocks staring down into the sunny valley below them, talking together gravely, rising to take a last look at the territory which was their own. the shells of the victorious british sang triumphantly over the heads of their own artillery, bursting impotently in white smoke or tearing up the veldt in fountains of dust. but they did not heed them. they did not even send a revengeful bullet into the approaching masses. the sweetness of revenge could not pay for what they had lost. they looked down upon the farm-houses of men they knew; upon their own farm-houses rising in smoke; they saw the englishmen like a pest of locusts settling down around gardens and farm-houses still nearer, and swallowing them up. their companions, already far on the way to safety, waved to them from the veldt to follow; an excited doctor carrying a wounded man warned us that the english were just below, storming the hill. "our artillery is aiming at five hundred yards," he shouted, but still the remaining burghers stood immovable, leaning on their rifles, silent, homeless, looking down without rage or show of feeling at the great waves of khaki sweeping steadily toward them, and possessing their land. the japanese-russian war: battles i did not see we knew it was a battle because the japanese officers told us it was. in other wars i had seen other battles, many sorts of battles, but i had never seen a battle like that one. most battles are noisy, hurried, and violent, giving rise to an unnatural thirst and to the delusion that, by some unhappy coincidence, every man on the other side is shooting only at you. this delusion is not peculiar to myself. many men have told me that in the confusion of battle they always get this exaggerated idea of their own importance. down in cuba i heard a colonel inform a group of brother officers that a spanish field-piece had marked him for its own, and for an hour had been pumping shrapnel at him and at no one else. the interesting part of the story was that he believed it. but the battle of anshantien was in no way disquieting. it was a noiseless, odorless, rubber-tired battle. so far as we were concerned it consisted of rings of shrapnel smoke floating over a mountain pass many miles distant. so many miles distant that when, with a glass, you could see a speck of fire twinkle in the sun like a heliograph, you could not tell whether it was the flash from the gun or the flame from the shell. neither could you tell whether the cigarette rings issued from the lips of the japanese guns or from those of the russians. the only thing about that battle of which you were certain was that it was a perfectly safe battle to watch. it was the first one i ever witnessed that did not require you to calmly smoke a pipe in order to conceal the fact that you were scared. but soothing as it was, the battle lacked what is called the human interest. there may have been men behind the guns, but as they were also behind camel hill and saddle mountain, eight miles away, our eyes, like those of mr. samuel weller, "being only eyes," were not able to discover them. our teachers, the three japanese officers who were detailed to tell us about things we were not allowed to see, gazed at the scene of carnage with well-simulated horror. their expressions of countenance showed that should any one move the battle eight miles nearer, they were prepared to sell their lives dearly. when they found that none of us were looking at them or their battle, they were hurt. the reason no one was looking at them was because most of us had gone to sleep. the rest, with a bitter experience of japanese promises, had doubted there would be a battle, and had prepared themselves with newspapers. and so, while eight miles away the preliminary battle to liao-yang was making history, we were lying on the grass reading two months' old news of the st. louis convention. the sight greatly disturbed our teachers. "you complain," they said, "because you are not allowed to see anything, and now, when we show you a battle, you will not look." lewis, of the _herald_, eagerly seized his glasses and followed the track of the siberian railway as it disappeared into the pass. "i beg your pardon, but i didn't know it was a battle," he apologized politely. "i thought it was a locomotive at anshantien station blowing off steam." and, so, teacher gave him a bad mark for disrespect. it really was trying. in order to see this battle we had travelled half around the world, had then waited four wasted months at tokio, then had taken a sea voyage of ten days, then for twelve days had ridden through mud and dust in pursuit of the army, then for twelve more days, while battles raged ten miles away, had been kept prisoners in a compound where five out of the eighteen correspondents were sick with dysentery or fever, and finally as a reward we were released from captivity and taken to see smoke rings eight miles away! that night a round-robin, which was signed by all, was sent to general oku, pointing out to him that unless we were allowed nearer to his army than eight miles, our usefulness to the people who paid us our salaries was at an end. while waiting for an answer to this we were led out to see another battle. either that we might not miss one minute of it, or that we should be too sleepy to see anything of it, we were started in black darkness, at three o'clock in the morning, the hour, as we are told, when one's vitality is at its lowest, and one which should be reserved for the exclusive use of burglars and robbers of hen roosts. concerning that hour i learned this, that whatever its effects may be upon human beings, it finds a horse at his most strenuous moment. at that hour by the light of three paper lanterns we tried to saddle eighteen horses, donkeys, and ponies, and the sole object of each was to kick the light out of the lantern nearest him. we finally rode off through a darkness that was lightened only by a gray, dripping fog, and in a silence broken only by the patter of rain upon the corn that towered high above our heads and for many miles hemmed us in. after an hour, sataki, the teacher who acted as our guide, lost the trail and captain lionel james, of the _times_, who wrote "on the heels of de wet," found it for him. sataki, so our two other keepers told us, is an authority on international law, and he may be all of that and know all there is to know of three-mile limits and paper blockades, but when it came to picking up a trail, even in the bright sunlight when it lay weltering beneath his horse's nostrils, we always found that any correspondent with an experience of a few campaigns was of more general use. the trail ended at a muddy hill, a bare sugar-loaf of a hill, as high as the main tent of a circus and as abruptly sloping away. it was swept by a damp, chilling wind; a mean, peevish rain washed its sides, and they were so steep that if we sat upon them we tobogganed slowly downward, ploughing up the mud with our boot heels. hungry, sleepy, in utter darkness, we clung to this slippery mound in its ocean of whispering millet like sailors wrecked in mid-sea upon a rock, and waited for the day. after two hours a gray mist came grudgingly, trees and rocks grew out of it, trenches appeared at our feet, and what had before looked like a lake of water became a mud village. then, like shadows, the foreign attaches, whom we fondly hoped might turn out to be russian cossacks coming to take us prisoners and carry us off to breakfast, rode up in silence and were halted at the base of the hill. it seemed now, the audience being assembled, the orchestra might begin. but no hot-throated cannon broke the chilling, dripping, silence, no upheaval of the air spoke of canet guns, no whirling shrapnel screamed and burst. instead, the fog rolled back showing us miles of waving corn, the wet rails of the siberian railroad glistening in the rain, and, masking the horizon, the same mountains from which the day before the smoke rings had ascended. they now were dark, brooding, their tops hooded in clouds. somewhere in front of us hidden in the kiao liang, hidden in the tiny villages, crouching on the banks of streams, concealed in trenches that were themselves concealed, oku's army, the army to which we were supposed to belong, was buried from our sight. and in the mountains on our right lay the fourth army, and twenty miles still farther to the right, kuroki was closing in upon liao-yang. all of this we guessed, what we were told was very different, what we saw was nothing. in all, four hundred thousand men were not farther from us than four to thirty miles--and we saw nothing. we watched as the commissariat wagons carrying food to these men passed us by, the hospital stores passed us by, the transport carts passed us by, the coolies with reserve mounts, the last wounded soldier, straggler, and camp-follower passed us by. like a big tidal wave oku's army had swept forward leaving its unwelcome guests, the attaches and correspondents, forty lonely foreigners among seventy thousand japanese, stranded upon a hill miles in the rear. perhaps, as war, it was necessary, but it was not magnificent. that night major okabe, our head teacher, gave us the official interpretation of what had occurred. the russians, he said, had retreated from liao-yang and were in open flight. unless general kuroki, who, he said, was fifty miles north of us, could cut them off they would reach mukden in ten days, and until then there would be no more fighting. the japanese troops, he said, were in liao-yang, it had been abandoned without a fight. this he told us on the evening of the th of august. the next morning major okabe delivered the answer of general oku to our round-robin. he informed us that we had been as near to the fighting as we ever would be allowed to go. the nearest we had been to any fighting was four miles. our experience had taught us that when the japanese promised us we would be allowed to do something we wanted to do, they did not keep their promise; but that when they said we would not be allowed to do something we wanted to do, they spoke the truth. consequently, when general oku declared the correspondents would be held four miles in the rear, we believed he would keep his word. and, as we now know, he did, the only men who saw the fighting that later ensued being those who disobeyed his orders and escaped from their keepers. those who had been ordered by their papers to strictly obey the regulations of the japanese, and the military attaches, were kept by oku nearly six miles in the rear. [picture: war correspondents in manchuria. from a photograph by guy scull. r. h. davis (collier's), w. h. lewis (new york herald), john fox, jr. (scribner's), w. h. brill (associated press)] on the receipt of oku's answer to the correspondents, mr. john fox, jr., of _scribner's magazine_, mr. milton prior, of the london _illustrated news_, mr. george lynch, of the london _morning chronicle_, and myself left the army. we were very sorry to go. apart from the fact that we had not been allowed to see anything of the military operations, we were enjoying ourselves immensely. personally, i never went on a campaign in a more delightful country nor with better companions than the men acting as correspondents with the second army. for the sake of such good company, and to see more of manchuria, i personally wanted to keep on. but i was not being paid to go camping with a set of good fellows. already the japanese had wasted six months of my time and six months of mr. collier's money, mr. fox had been bottled up for a period of equal length, while mr. prior and mr. lynch had been prisoners in tokio for even four months longer. and now that okabe assured us that liao-yang was already taken, and oku told us if there were any fighting we would not be allowed to witness it, it seemed a good time to quit. other correspondents would have quit then, as most of them did ten days later, but that their work and ours in a slight degree differed. as we were not working for daily papers, we used the cable but seldom, while they used it every day. each evening okabe brought them the official account of battles and of the movements of the troops, which news of events which they had not witnessed they sent to their separate papers. but for our purposes it was necessary we should see things for ourselves. for, contrary to the popular accusation, no matter how flattering it may be, we could not describe events at which we were not present. but what mainly moved us to decide, was the statements of okabe, the officer especially detailed by the war office to aid and instruct us, to act as our guide, philosopher, and friend, our only official source of information, who told us that liao-yang was occupied by the japanese and that the russians were in retreat. he even begged me personally to come with him into liao-yang on the th and see how it was progressing under the control of the japanese authorities. okabe's news meant that the great battle kuropatkin had promised at liao-yang, and which we had come to see, would never take place. why okabe lied i do not know. whether oku had lied to him, or whether it was baron-general kodama or major-general fukushima who had instructed him to so grossly misinform us, it is impossible to say. while in tokio no one ever more frequently, nor more unblushingly, made statements that they knew were untrue than did kodama and fukushima, but none of their deceptions had ever harmed us so greatly as did the lie they put into the mouth of okabe. not only had the japanese _not_ occupied liao-yang on the evening of the th of august, but later, as everybody knows, they had _to fight six days_ to get into it. and kuroki, so far from being fifty miles north toward mukden as okabe said he was, was twenty miles to the east on our right preparing for the closing in movement which was just about to begin. three days after we had left the army, the greatest battle since sedan was waged for six days. so our half year of time and money, of dreary waiting, of daily humiliations at the hands of officers with minds diseased by suspicion, all of which would have been made up to us by the sight of this one great spectacle, was to the end absolutely lost to us. perhaps we made a mistake in judgment. as the cards fell, we certainly did. but after the event it is easy to be wise. for the last fifteen years, had i known as much the night before the grand prix was run as i did the next afternoon, i would be passing rich. the only proposition before us was this: there was small chance of any immediate fighting. if there were fighting we could not see it. confronted with the same conditions again, i would decide in exactly the same manner. our misfortune lay in the fact that our experience with other armies had led us to believe that officers and gentlemen speak the truth, that men with titles of nobility, and with the higher titles of general and major-general, do not lie. in that we were mistaken. the parting from the other correspondents was a brutal attack upon the feelings which, had we known they were to follow us two weeks later to tokio, would have been spared us. it is worth recording why, after waiting many months to get to the front, they in their turn so soon left it. after each of the big battles before liao-yang they handed the despatches they had written for their papers to major okabe. each day he told them these despatches had been censored and forwarded. after three days he brought back all the despatches and calmly informed the correspondents that not one of their cables had been sent. it was the final affront of japanese duplicity. in recording the greatest battle of modern times three days had been lost, and by a lie. the object of their coming to the far east had been frustrated. it was fatuous to longer expect from kodama and his pupils fair play or honest treatment, and in the interest of their employers and to save their own self-respect, the representatives of all the most important papers in the world, the _times_, of london, the new york _herald_, the paris _figaro_, the london _daily telegraph, daily mail_, and _morning post_, quit the japanese army. meanwhile, unconscious of what we had missed, the four of us were congratulating ourselves upon our escape, and had started for new-chwang. our first halt was at hai-cheng, in the same compound in which for many days with the others we had been imprisoned. but our halt was a brief one. we found the compound glaring in the sun, empty, silent, filled only with memories of the men who, with their laughter, their stories, and their songs had made it live. but now all were gone, the old familiar faces and the familiar voices, and we threw our things back on the carts and hurried away. the trails between hai-cheng and the sea made the worst going we had encountered in manchuria. you soon are convinced that the time has not been long since this tract of land lay entirely under the waters of the gulf of liaotung. you soon scent the salt air, and as you flounder in the alluvial deposits of ages, you expect to find the salt-water at the very roots of the millet. water lies in every furrow of the miles of cornfields, water flows in streams in the roads, water spreads in lakes over the compounds, it oozes from beneath the very walls of the go-downs. you would not be surprised at any moment to see the tide returning to envelop you. in this liquid mud a cart can make a trail by the simple process of continuing forward. the havoc is created in the millet and the ditches its iron-studded wheels dig in the mud leave to the eyes of the next comer as perfectly good a trail as the one that has been in use for many centuries. consequently the opportunities for choosing the wrong trail are excellent, and we embraced every opportunity. but friendly chinamen, and certainly they are a friendly, human people, again and again cheerfully went far out of their way to guide us back to ours, and so, after two days, we found ourselves five miles from new-chwang. here we agreed to separate. we had heard a marvellous tale that at new-chwang there was ice, champagne, and a hotel with enamelled bath-tubs. we had unceasingly discussed the probability of this being true, and what we would do with these luxuries if we got them, and when we came so near to where they were supposed to be, it was agreed that one of us would ride on ahead and command them, while the others followed with the carts. the lucky number fell to john fox, and he left us at a gallop. he was to engage rooms for the four, and to arrange for the care of seven japanese interpreters and servants, nine chinese coolies, and nineteen horses and mules. we expected that by eight o'clock we would be eating the best dinner john fox could order. we were mistaken. not that john fox had not ordered the dinner, but no one ate it but john fox. the very minute he left us priory's cart turned turtle in the mud, and the largest of his four mules lay down in it and knocked off work. the mule was hot and very tired, and the mud was soft, cool, and wet, so he burrowed under its protecting surface until all we could see of him was his ears. the coolies shrieked at him, prior issued ultimatums at him, the japanese servants stood on dry land fifteen feet away and talked about him, but he only snuggled deeper into his mud bath. when there is no more of a mule to hit than his ears, he has you at a great disadvantage, and when the coolies waded in and tugged at his head, we found that the harder they tugged, the deeper they sank. when they were so far out of sight that we were in danger of losing them too, we ordered them to give up the struggle and unload the cart. before we got it out of dry-dock, reloaded, and again in line with the other carts it was nine o'clock, and dark. in the meantime, lynch, his sense of duty weakened by visions of enamelled bathtubs filled with champagne and floating lumps of ice, had secretly abandoned us, stealing away in the night and leaving us to follow. this, not ten minutes after we had started, mr. prior decided that he would not do, so he camped out with the carts in a village, while, dinnerless, supperless, and thirsty, i rode on alone. i reached new-chwang at midnight, and after being refused admittance by the japanese soldiers, was finally rescued by the number one man from the manchuria hotel, who had been sent out by fox with two sikhs and a lantern to find me. for some minutes i dared not ask him the fateful questions. it was better still to hope than to put one's fortunes to the test. but i finally summoned my courage. "ice, have got?" i begged. "have got," he answered. there was a long, grateful pause, and then in a voice that trembled, i again asked, "champagne, have got?" number one man nodded. "have got," he said. i totally forgot until the next morning to ask about the enamelled bathtubs. when i arrived john fox had gone to bed, and as it was six weeks since any of us had seen a real bed, i did not wake him. hence, he did not know i was in the hotel, and throughout the troubles that followed i slept soundly. meanwhile, lynch, as a punishment for running away from us, lost his own way, and, after stumbling into an old sow and her litter of pigs, which on a dark night is enough to startle any one, stumbled into a japanese outpost, was hailed as a russian spy, and made prisoner. this had one advantage, as he now was able to find new-chwang, to which place he was marched, closely guarded, arriving there at half-past two in the morning. since he ran away from us he had been wandering about on foot for ten hours. he sent a note to mr. little, the british consul, and to bush brothers, the kings of new-chwang, and, still tormented by visions of ice and champagne, demanded that his captors take him to the manchuria hotel. there he swore they would find a pass from fukushima allowing him to enter new-chwang, three friends who could identify him, four carts, seven servants, nine coolies, and nineteen animals. the commandant took him to the manchuria hotel, where instead of this wealth of corroborative detail they found john fox in bed. as prior, the only one of us not in new-chwang, had the pass from fukushima, permitting us to enter it, there was no one to prove what either lynch or fox said, and the officer flew into a passion and told fox he would send both of them out of town on the first train. mr. fox was annoyed at being pulled from his bed at three in the morning to be told he was a russian spy, so he said that there was not a train fast enough to get him out of new-chwang as quickly as he wanted to go, or, for that matter, out of japan and away from the japanese people. at this the officer, being a yale graduate, and speaking very pure english, told mr. fox to "shut up," and mr. fox being a harvard graduate, with an equally perfect command of english, pure and undefiled, shook his fist in the face of the japanese officer and told him to "shut up yourself." lynch, seeing the witness he had summoned for the defence about to plunge into conflict with his captor, leaped unhappily from foot to foot, and was heard diplomatically suggesting that all hands should adjourn for ice and champagne. "if i were a spy," demanded fox, "do you suppose i would have ridden into your town on a white horse and registered at your head-quarters and then ordered four rooms at the principal hotel and accommodations for seven servants, nine coolies, and nineteen animals? is that the way a russian spy works? does he go around with a brass band?" the officer, unable to answer in kind this excellent reasoning, took a mean advantage of his position by placing both john and lynch under arrest, and at the head of each bed a japanese policeman to guard their slumbers. the next morning prior arrived with the pass, and from the decks of the first out-bound english steamer fox hurled through the captain's brass speaking-trumpet our farewells to the japanese, as represented by the gun-boats in the harbor. their officers, probably thinking his remarks referred to floating mines, ran eagerly to the side. but our ship's captain tumbled from the bridge, rescued his trumpet, and begged fox, until we were under the guns of a british man-of-war, to issue no more farewell addresses. the next evening we passed into the gulf of pe-chi-li, and saw above port arthur the great guns flashing in the night, and the next day we anchored in the snug harbor of chefoo. i went at once to the cable station to cable _collier's_ i was returning, and asked the chinaman in charge if my name was on his list of those correspondents who could send copy collect. he said it was; and as i started to write, he added with grave politeness, "i congratulate you." for a moment i did not lift my eyes. i felt a chill creeping down my spine. i knew what sort of a blow was coming, and i was afraid of it. "why?" i asked. the chinaman bowed and smiled. "because you are the first," he said. "you are the only correspondent to arrive who has seen the battle of liao-yang." the chill turned to a sort of nausea. i knew then what disaster had fallen, but i cheated myself by pretending the man was misinformed. "there was no battle," i protested. "the japanese told me themselves they had entered liao-yang without firing a shot." the cable operator was a gentleman. he saw my distress, saw what it meant and delivered the blow with the distaste of a physician who must tell a patient he cannot recover. gently, reluctantly, with real sympathy he said, "they have been fighting for six days." i went over to a bench, and sat down; and when lynch and fox came in and took one look at me, they guessed what had happened. when the chinaman told them of what we had been cheated, they, in their turn, came to the bench, and collapsed. no one said anything. no one even swore. six months we had waited only to miss by three days the greatest battle since gettysburg and sedan. and by a lie. for six months we had tasted all the indignities of the suspected spy, we had been prisoners of war, we had been ticket-of-leave men, and it is not difficult to imagine our glad surprise that same day when we saw in the harbor the white hull of the cruiser _cincinnati_ with our flag lifting at her stern. we did not know a soul on board, but that did not halt us. as refugees, as fleeing political prisoners, as american slaves escaping from their japanese jailers, we climbed over the side and demanded protection and dinner. we got both. perhaps it was not good to rest on that bit of drift-wood, that atom of our country that had floated far from the mainland and now formed an island of american territory in the harbor of chefoo. perhaps we were not content to sit at the mahogany table in the glistening white and brass bound wardroom surrounded by those eager, sunburned faces, to hear sea slang and home slang in the accents of maine, virginia, and new york city. we forgot our dark-skinned keepers with the slanting, suspicious, unfriendly eyes, with tongues that spoke the one thing and meant the other. all the memories of those six months of deceit, of broken pledges, of unnecessary humiliations, of petty unpoliteness from a half-educated, half-bred, conceited, and arrogant people fell from us like a heavy knapsack. we were again at home. again with our own people. out of the happy confusion of that great occasion i recall two toasts. one was offered by john fox. "japan for the japanese, and the japanese for japan." even the japanese wardroom boy did not catch its significance. the other was a paraphrase of a couplet in reference to our brown brothers of the philippines first spoken in manila. "to the japanese: 'they may be brothers to commodore perry, but they ain't no brothers of mine.'" it was a joyous night. lieutenant gilmore, who had been an historic prisoner in the philippines, so far sympathized with our escape from the yellow peril as to intercede with the captain to extend the rules of the ship. and those rules that were incapable of extending broke. indeed, i believe we broke everything but the eight-inch gun. and finally we were conducted to our steamer in a launch crowded with slim-waisted, broad-chested youths in white mess jackets, clasping each other's shoulders and singing, "way down in my heart, i have a feeling for you, a sort of feeling for you"; while the officer of the deck turned his back, and discreetly fixed his night glass upon a suspicious star. it was an american cruiser that rescued this war correspondent from the bondage of japan. it will require all the battle-ships in the japanese navy to force him back to it. a war correspondent's kit i am going to try to describe some kits and outfits i have seen used in different parts of the world by travellers and explorers, and in different campaigns by army officers and war correspondents. among the articles, the reader may learn of some new thing which, when next he goes hunting, fishing, or exploring, he can adapt to his own uses. that is my hope, but i am sceptical. i have seldom met the man who would allow any one else to select his kit, or who would admit that any other kit was better than the one he himself had packed. it is a very delicate question. the same article that one declares is the most essential to his comfort, is the very first thing that another will throw into the trail. a man's outfit is a matter which seems to touch his private honor. i have heard veterans sitting around a camp-fire proclaim the superiority of their kits with a jealousy, loyalty, and enthusiasm they would not exhibit for the flesh of their flesh and the bone of their bone. on a campaign, you may attack a man's courage, the flag he serves, the newspaper for which he works, his intelligence, or his camp manners, and he will ignore you; but if you criticise his patent water-bottle he will fall upon you with both fists. so, in recommending any article for an outfit, one needs to be careful. an outfit lends itself to dispute, because the selection of its component parts is not an exact science. it should be, but it is not. a doctor on his daily rounds can carry in a compact little satchel almost everything he is liable to need; a carpenter can stow away in one box all the tools of his trade. but an outfit is not selected on any recognized principles. it seems to be a question entirely of temperament. as the man said when his friends asked him how he made his famous cocktail, "it depends on my mood." the truth is that each man in selecting his outfit generally follows the lines of least resistance. with one, the pleasure he derives from his morning bath outweighs the fact that for the rest of the day he must carry a rubber bathtub. another man is hearty, tough, and inured to an out-of-door life. he can sleep on a pile of coal or standing on his head, and he naturally scorns to carry a bed. but another man, should he sleep all night on the ground, the next day would be of no use to himself, his regiment, or his newspaper. so he carries a folding cot and the more fortunate one of tougher fibre laughs at him. another man says that the only way to campaign is to travel "light," and sets forth with rain-coat and field-glass. he honestly thinks that he travels light because his intelligence tells him it is the better way; but, as a matter of fact, he does so because he is lazy. throughout the entire campaign he borrows from his friends, and with that _camaraderie_ and unselfishness that never comes to the surface so strongly as when men are thrown together in camp, they lend him whatever he needs. when the war is over, he is the man who goes about saying: "some of those fellows carried enough stuff to fill a moving van. now, look what i did. i made the entire campaign on a tooth-brush." as a matter of fact, i have a sneaking admiration for the man who dares to borrow. his really is the part of wisdom. but at times he may lose himself in places where he can neither a borrower nor a lender be, and there are men so tenderly constituted that they cannot keep another man hungry while they use his coffee-pot. so it is well to take a few things with you--if only to lend them to the men who travel "light." on hunting and campaigning trips the climate, the means of transport, and the chance along the road of obtaining food and fodder vary so greatly that it is not possible to map out an outfit which would serve equally well for each of them. what on one journey was your most precious possession on the next is a useless nuisance. on two trips i have packed a tent weighing, with the stakes, fifty pounds, which, as we slept in huts, i never once had occasion to open; while on other trips in countries that promised to be more or less settled, i had to always live under canvas, and sometimes broke camp twice a day. in one war, in which i worked for an english paper, we travelled like major-generals. when that war started few thought it would last over six weeks, and many of the officers regarded it in the light of a picnic. in consequence, they mobilized as they never would have done had they foreseen what was to come, and the mess contractor grew rich furnishing, not only champagne, which in campaigns in fever countries has saved the life of many a good man, but cases of even port and burgundy, which never greatly helped any one. later these mess supplies were turned over to the field-hospitals, but at the start every one travelled with more than he needed and more than the regulations allowed, and each correspondent was advised that if he represented a first-class paper and wished to "save his face" he had better travel in state. those who did not, found the staff and censor less easy of access, and the means of obtaining information more difficult. but it was a nuisance. if, when a man halted at your tent, you could not stand him whiskey and sparklet soda, egyptian cigarettes, compressed soup, canned meats, and marmalade, your paper was suspected of trying to do it "on the cheap," and not only of being mean, but, as this was a popular war, unpatriotic. when the army stripped down to work all this was discontinued, but at the start i believe there were carried with that column as many tins of tan-leather dressing as there were rifles. on that march my own outfit was as unwieldy as a gypsy's caravan. it consisted of an enormous cart, two oxen, three basuto ponies, one australian horse, three servants, and four hundred pounds of supplies and baggage. when it moved across the plain it looked as large as a fall river boat. later, when i joined the opposing army, and was not expected to maintain the dignity of a great london daily, i carried all my belongings strapped to my back, or to the back of my one pony, and i was quite as comfortable, clean, and content as i had been with the private car and the circus tent. throughout the greek war, as there were no horses to be had for love or money, we walked, and i learned then that when one has to carry his own kit the number of things he can do without is extraordinary. while i marched with the army, offering my kingdom for a horse, i carried my outfit in saddle-bags thrown over my shoulder. and i think it must have been a good outfit, for i never bought anything to add to it or threw anything away. i submit that as a fair test of a kit. further on, should any reader care to know how for several months one may keep going with an outfit he can pack in two saddle-bags, i will give a list of the articles which in three campaigns i carried in mine. personally, i am for travelling "light," but at the very start one is confronted with the fact that what one man calls light to another savors of luxury. i call fifty pounds light; in japan we each were allowed the officer's allowance of sixty-six pounds. lord wolseley, in his "pocketbook," cuts down the officer's kit to forty pounds, while "nessmut," of the _forest and stream_, claims that for a hunting trip, all one wants does not weigh over twenty-six pounds. it is very largely a question of compromise. you cannot eat your cake and have it. you cannot, under a tropical sun, throw away your blanket and when the night dew falls wrap it around you. and if, after a day of hard climbing or riding, you want to drop into a folding chair, to make room for it in your carry-all you must give up many other lesser things. by travelling light i do not mean any lighter than the necessity demands. if there is transport at hand, a man is foolish not to avail himself of it. he is always foolish if he does not make things as easy for himself as possible. the tenderfoot will not agree with this. with him there is no idea so fixed, and no idea so absurd, as that to be comfortable is to be effeminate. he believes that "roughing it" is synonymous with hardship, and in season and out of season he plays the spartan. any man who suffers discomforts he can avoid because he fears his comrades will think he cannot suffer hardships is an idiot. you often hear it said of a man that "he can rough it with the best of them." any one can do that. the man i want for a "bunkie" is the one who can be comfortable while the best of them are roughing it. the old soldier knows that it is his duty to keep himself fit, so that he can perform his work, whether his work is scouting for forage or scouting for men, but you will often hear the volunteer captain say: "now, boys, don't forget we're roughing it; and don't expect to be comfortable." as a rule, the only reason his men are uncomfortable is because he does not know how to make them otherwise; or because he thinks, on a campaign, to endure unnecessary hardship is the mark of a soldier. in the cuban campaign the day the american forces landed at siboney a major-general of volunteers took up his head-quarters in the house from which the spanish commandant had just fled, and on the veranda of which caspar whitney and myself had found two hammocks and made ourselves at home. the spaniard who had been left to guard the house courteously offered the major-general his choice of three bed-rooms. they all were on the first floor and opened upon the veranda, and to the general's staff a tent could have been no easier of access. obviously, it was the duty of the general to keep himself in good physical condition, to obtain as much sleep as possible, and to rest his great brain and his limbs cramped with ten days on shipboard. but in a tone of stern reproof he said, "no; i am campaigning now, and i have given up all luxuries." and with that he stretched a poncho on the hard boards of the veranda, where, while just a few feet from him the three beds and white mosquito nets gleamed invitingly, he tossed and turned. besides being a silly spectacle, the sight of an old gentleman lying wide awake on his shoulder-blades was disturbing, and as the hours dragged on we repeatedly offered him our hammocks. but he fretfully persisted in his determination to be uncomfortable. and he was. the feelings of his unhappy staff, several of whom were officers of the regular army, who had to follow the example of their chief, were toward morning hardly loyal. later, at the very moment the army moved up to the battle of san juan this same major-general was relieved of his command on account of illness. had he sensibly taken care of himself, when the moment came when he was needed, he would have been able to better serve his brigade and his country. in contrast to this pose is the conduct of the veteran hunter, or old soldier. when he gets into camp his first thought, after he has cared for his horse, is for his own comfort. he does not wolf down a cold supper and then spread his blanket wherever he happens to be standing. he knows that, especially at night, it is unfair to ask his stomach to digest cold rations. he knows that the warmth of his body is needed to help him to sleep soundly, not to fight chunks of canned meat. so, no matter how sleepy he may be, he takes the time to build a fire and boil a cup of tea or coffee. its warmth aids digestion and saves his stomach from working overtime. nor will he act on the theory that he is "so tired he can sleep anywhere." for a few hours the man who does that may sleep the sleep of exhaustion. but before day breaks he will feel under him the roots and stones, and when he awakes he is stiff, sore and unrefreshed. ten minutes spent in digging holes for hips and shoulder-blades, in collecting grass and branches to spread beneath his blanket, and leaves to stuff in his boots for a pillow, will give him a whole night of comfort and start him well and fit on the next day's tramp. if you have watched an old sergeant, one of the indian fighters, of which there are now too few left in the army, when he goes into camp, you will see him build a bunk and possibly a shelter of boughs just as though for the rest of his life he intended to dwell in that particular spot. down in the garcia campaign along the rio grande i said to one of them: "why do you go to all that trouble? we break camp at daybreak." he said: "do we? well, maybe you know that, and maybe the captain knows that, but i don't know it. and so long as i don't know it, i am going to be just as snug as though i was halted here for a month." in camping, that was one of my first and best lessons--to make your surroundings healthy and comfortable. the temptation always is to say, "oh, it is for only one night, and i am too tired." the next day you say the same thing, "we'll move to-morrow. what's the use?" but the fishing or shooting around the camp proves good, or it comes on to storm, and for maybe a week you do not move, and for a week you suffer discomforts. an hour of work put in at the beginning would have turned it into a week of ease. when there is transport of even one pack-horse, one of the best helps toward making camp quickly is a combination of panniers and bed used for many years by e. f. knight, the _times_ war correspondent, who lost an arm at gras pan. it consists of two leather trunks, which by day carry your belongings slung on either side of the pack-animal, and by night act as uprights for your bed. the bed is made of canvas stretched on two poles which rest on the two trunks. for travelling in upper india this arrangement is used almost universally. mr. knight obtained his during the chitral campaign, and since then has used it in every war. he had it with kuroki's army during this last campaign in manchuria. { } a more compact form of valise and bed combined is the "carry-all," or any of the many makes of sleeping-bags, which during the day carry the kit and at night when spread upon the ground serve for a bed. the one once most used by englishmen was lord wolseley's "valise and sleeping-bag." it was complicated by a number of strings, and required as much lacing as a dozen pairs of boots. it has been greatly improved by a new sleeping-bag with straps, and flaps that tuck in at the ends. but the obvious disadvantage of all sleeping-bags is that in rain and mud you are virtually lying on the hard ground, at the mercy of tarantula and fever. the carry-all is, nevertheless, to my mind, the most nearly perfect way in which to pack a kit. i have tried the trunk, valise, and sleeping-bag, and vastly prefer it to them all. my carry-all differs only from the sleeping-bag in that, instead of lining it so that it may be used as a bed, i carry in its pocket a folding cot. by omitting the extra lining for the bed, i save almost the weight of the cot. the folding cot i pack is the gold medal bed, made in this country, but which you can purchase almost anywhere. i once carried one from chicago to cape town to find on arriving i could buy the bed there at exactly the same price i had paid for it in america. i also found them in tokio, where imitations of them were being made by the ingenious and disingenuous japanese. they are light in weight, strong, and comfortable, and are undoubtedly the best camp-bed made. when at your elevation of six inches above the ground you look down from one of them upon a comrade in a sleeping-bag with rivulets of rain and a tide of muddy water rising above him, your satisfaction, as you fall asleep, is worth the weight of the bed in gold. my carry-all is of canvas with a back of waterproof. it is made up of three strips six and a half feet long. the two outer strips are each two feet three inches wide, the middle strip four feet. at one end of the middle strip is a deep pocket of heavy canvas with a flap that can be fastened by two straps. when the kit has been packed in this pocket, the two side strips are folded over it and the middle strip and the whole is rolled up and buckled by two heavy straps on the waterproof side. it is impossible for any article to fall out or for the rain to soak in. i have a smaller carry-all made on the same plan, but on a tiny scale, in which to carry small articles and a change of clothing. it goes into the pocket after the bed, chair, and the heavier articles are packed away. when the bag is rolled up they are on the outside of and form a protection to the articles of lighter weight. the only objection to the carry-all is that it is an awkward bundle to pack. it is difficult to balance it on the back of an animal, but when you are taking a tent with you or carrying your provisions, it can be slung on one side of the pack saddle to offset their weight on the other. i use the carry-all when i am travelling "heavy." by that i mean when it is possible to obtain pack-animal or cart. when travelling light and bivouacking by night without a pack-horse, bed, or tent, i use the saddle-bags, already described. these can be slung over the back of the horse you ride, or if you walk, carried over your shoulder. i carried them in this latter way in greece, in the transvaal, and cuba during the rebellion, and later with our own army. the list of articles i find most useful when travelling where it is possible to obtain transport, or, as we may call it, travelling heavy, are the following: a tent, seven by ten feet, with fly, jointed poles, tent-pins, a heavy mallet. i recommend a tent open at both ends with a window cut in one end. the window, when that end is laced and the other open, furnishes a draught of air. the window should be covered with a flap which, in case of rain, can be tied down over it with tapes. a great convenience in a tent is a pocket sewn inside of each wall, for boots, books, and such small articles. the pocket should not be filled with anything so heavy as to cause the walls to sag. another convenience with a tent is a leather strap stretched from pole to pole, upon which to hang clothes, and another is a strap to be buckled around the front tent-pole, and which is studded with projecting hooks for your lantern, water-bottle, and field-glasses. this latter can be bough ready-made at any military outfitter's. many men object to the wooden tent-pin on account of its tendency to split, and carry pins made of iron. with these, an inch below the head of the pin is a projecting barb which holds the tent rope. when the pin is being driven in, the barb is out of reach of the mallet. any blacksmith can beat out such pins, and if you can afford the extra weight, they are better than those of ash. also, if you can afford the weight, it is well to carry a strip of water-proof or oilcloth for the floor of the tent to keep out dampness. all these things appertaining to the tent should be tolled up in it, and the tent itself carried in a light-weight receptacle, with a running noose like a sailor's kit-bag. the carry-all has already been described. of its contents, i consider first in importance the folding bed. and second in importance i would place a folding chair. many men scoff at a chair as a cumbersome luxury. but after a hard day on foot or in the saddle, when you sit on the ground with your back to a rock and your hands locked across your knees to keep yourself from sliding, or on a box with no rest for your spinal column, you begin to think a chair is not a luxury, but a necessity. during the cuban campaign, for a time i was a member of general sumner's mess. the general owned a folding chair, and whenever his back was turned every one would make a rush to get into it. one time we were discussing what, in the light of our experience of that campaign, we would take with us on our next, and all agreed, colonel howze, captain andrews, and major harmon, that if one could only take one article it would be a chair. i carried one in manchuria, but it was of no use to me, as the other correspondents occupied it, relieving each other like sentries on guard duty. i had to pin a sign on it, reading, "don't sit on me," but no one ever saw the sign. once, in order to rest in my own chair, i weakly established a precedent by giving george lynch a cigar to allow me to sit down (on that march there was a mess contractor who supplied us even with cigars, and occasionally with food), and after that, whenever a man wanted to smoke, he would commandeer my chair, and unless bribed refuse to budge. this seems to argue the popularity of the contractor's cigars rather than that of the chair, but, nevertheless, i submit that on a campaign the article second in importance for rest, comfort, and content is a chair. the best i know is one invented by major elliott of the british army. i have an elliott chair that i have used four years, not only when camping out, but in my writing-room at home. it is an arm-chair, and is as comfortable as any made. the objections to it are its weight, that it packs bulkily, and takes down into too many pieces. even with these disadvantages it is the best chair. it can be purchased at the army and navy and anglo-indian stores in london. a chair of lighter weight and one-fourth the bulk is the willisden chair, of green canvas and thin iron supports. it breaks in only two pieces, and is very comfortable. sir harry johnson, in his advice to explorers, makes a great point of their packing a chair. but he recommends one known as the "wellington," which is a cane-bottomed affair, heavy and cumbersome. dr. harford, the instructor in outfit for the royal geographical society, recommends a steamer-chair, because it can be used on shipboard and "can be easily carried afterward." if there be anything less easy to carry than a deck-chair i have not met it. one might as soon think of packing a folding step-ladder. but if he has the transport, the man who packs any reasonably light folding chair will not regret it. as a rule, a cooking kit is built like every other cooking kit in that the utensils for cooking are carried in the same pot that is used for boiling the water, and the top of the pot turns itself into a frying-pan. for eight years i always have used the same kind of cooking kit, so i cannot speak of others with knowledge; but i have always looked with envious eyes at the preston cooking kit and water-bottle. why it has not already been adopted by every army i do not understand, for in no army have i seen a kit as compact or as light, or one that combines as many useful articles and takes up as little room. it is the invention of captain guy h. preston, thirteenth cavalry, and can be purchased at any military outfitter's. the cooking kit i carry is, or was, in use in the german army. it is made of aluminum,--weighs about as much as a cigarette-case, and takes up as little room as would a high hat. it is a frying-pan and coffee-pot combined. from the germans it has been borrowed by the japanese, and one smaller than mine, but of the same pattern, is part of the equipment of each japanese soldier. on a day's march there are three things a man must carry: his water-bottle, his food, which, with the soldier, is generally carried in a haversack, and his cooking kit. preston has succeeded most ingeniously in combining the water-bottle and the cooking kit, and i believe by cutting his water-bottle in half, he can make room in his coffee-pot for the food. if he will do this, he will solve the problem of carrying water, food, and the utensils for cooking the food and for boiling the water in one receptacle, which can be carried from the shoulder by a single strap. the alteration i have made for my own use in captain preston's water-bottle enables me to carry in the coffee-pot one day's rations of bacon, coffee, and biscuit. [picture: the component parts of the preston cooking kit] [picture: german army cooking kit after use in five campaigns. all of these articles pack inside the kettle] in tokio, before leaving for manchuria, general fukushima asked me to bring my entire outfit to the office of the general staff. i spread it out on the floor, and with unerring accuracy he selected from it the three articles of greatest value. they were the gold medal cot, the elliott chair, and preston's water-bottle. he asked if he could borrow these, and, understanding that he wanted to copy them for his own use, and supposing that if he used them, he would, of course, make some restitution to the officers who had invented them, i foolishly loaned them to him. later, he issued them in numbers to the general staff. as i felt, in a manner, responsible, i wrote to the secretary of war, saying i was sure the japanese army did not wish to benefit by these inventions without making some acknowledgment or return to the inventors. but the japanese war office could not see the point i tried to make, and the general staff wrote a letter in reply asking why i had not directed my communication to general fukushima, as it was not the secretary of war, but he, who had taken the articles. the fact that they were being issued without any return being made, did not interest them. they passed cheerfully over the fact that the articles had been stolen, and were indignant, not because i had accused a japanese general of pilfering, but because i had accused the wrong general. the letter was so insolent that i went to the general staff office and explained that the officer who wrote it, must withdraw it, and apologize for it. both of which things he did. in case the gentlemen whose inventions were "borrowed" might, if they wished, take further steps in the matter, i sent the documents in the case, with the exception of the letter which was withdrawn, to the chief of the general staff in the united states and in england. in importance after the bed, cooking kit, and chair, i would place these articles: two collapsible water-buckets of rubber or canvas. two collapsible brass lanterns, with extra isinglass sides. two boxes of sick-room candles. one dozen boxes of safety matches. one axe. the best i have seen is the marble safety axe, made at gladstone, mich. you can carry it in your hip-pocket, and you can cut down a tree with it. one medicine case containing quinine, calomel, and sun cholera mixture in tablets. toilet-case for razors, tooth-powder, brushes, and paper. folding bath-tub of rubber in rubber case. these are manufactured to fold into a space little larger than a cigar-box. two towels old, and soft. three cakes of soap. one jaeger blanket. one mosquito head-bag. one extra pair of shoes, old and comfortable. one extra pair of riding-breeches. one extra pair of gaiters. the former regulation army gaiter of canvas, laced, rolls up in a small compass and weighs but little. one flannel shirt. gray least shows the dust. two pairs of drawers. for riding, the best are those of silk. two undershirts, balbriggan or woollen. three pairs of woollen socks. two linen handkerchiefs, large enough, if needed, to tie around the throat and protect the back of the neck. one pair of pajamas, woollen, not linen. one housewife. two briarwood pipes. six bags of smoking tobacco; durham or seal of north carolina pack easily. one pad of writing paper. one fountain pen, _self-filling_. one bottle of ink, with screw top, held tight by a spring. one dozen linen envelopes. stamps, wrapped in oil-silk with mucilage side next to the silk. one stick sealing-wax. in tropical countries mucilage on the flap of envelopes sticks to everything except the envelope. one dozen elastic bands of the largest size. in packing they help to compress articles like clothing into the smallest possible compass and in many other ways will be found very useful. one pack of playing-cards. books. one revolver and six cartridges. the reason for most of these articles is obvious. some of them may need a word of recommendation. i place the water-buckets first in the list for the reason that i have found them one of my most valuable assets. with one, as soon as you halt, instead of waiting for your turn at the well or water-hole, you can carry water to your horse, and one of them once filled and set in the shelter of the tent, later saves you many steps. it also can be used as a nose-bag, and to carry fodder. i recommend the brass folding lantern, because those i have tried of tin or aluminum have invariably broken. a lantern is an absolute necessity. when before daylight you break camp, or hurry out in a wind storm to struggle with flying tent-pegs, or when at night you wish to read or play cards, a lantern with a stout frame and steady light is indispensable. the original cost of the sick-room candles is more than that of ordinary candles, but they burn longer, are brighter, and take up much less room. to protect them and the matches from dampness, or the sun, it is well to carry them in a rubber sponge-bag. any one who has forgotten to pack a towel will not need to be advised to take two. an old sergeant of troop g, third cavalry, once told me that if he had to throw away everything he carried in his roll but one article, he would save his towel. and he was not a particularly fastidious sergeant either, but he preferred a damp towel in his roll to damp clothes on his back. every man knows the dreary halts in camp when the rain pours outside, or the regiment is held in reserve. for times like these a pack of cards or a book is worth carrying, even if it weighs as much as the plates from which it was printed. at present it is easy to obtain all of the modern classics in volumes small enough to go into the coat-pocket. in japan, before starting for china, we divided up among the correspondents thomas nelson & sons' and doubleday, page & co.'s pocket editions of dickens, thackeray, and lever, and as most of our time in manchuria was spent locked up in compounds, they proved a great blessing. in the list i have included a revolver, following out the old saying that "you may not need it for a long time, but when you do need it, you want it damned quick." except to impress guides and mule-drivers, it is not an essential article. in six campaigns i have carried one, and never used it, nor needed it but once, and then while i was dodging behind the foremast it lay under tons of luggage in the hold. the number of cartridges i have limited to six, on the theory that if in six shots you haven't hit the other fellow, he will have hit you, and you will not require another six. this, i think, completes the list of articles that on different expeditions i either have found of use, or have seen render good service to some one else. but the really wise man will pack none of the things enumerated in this article. for the larger his kit, the less benefit he will have of it. it will all be taken from him. and accordingly my final advice is to go forth empty-handed, naked and unashamed, and borrow from your friends. i have never tried that method of collecting an outfit, but i have seen never it fail, and of all travellers the man who borrows is the wisest. footnotes: { } from "a year from a reporter's note book," copyright, , by harper & brothers. { } from "a year from a reporter's note book, copyright, , harper & brothers." { } for this "distinguished gallantry in action," james r. church later received the medal of honor. { } some of the names and initials on the trees are as follows: j. p. allen; lynch; luke steed; happy mack, rough riders; russell; ward; e. m. lewis, c, th cav.; alex; e. k. t.; j. p. e.; w. n. d.; r. d. r.; i. w. s., th u. s.; j. m. b.; j. m. t., c, th. { } a price list during the siege: siege of ladysmith, - . _i certify that the following are the correct and highest prices realised at my sales by public auction during the above siege_, joe dyson, _auctioneer_. ladysmith, february _st_, . pounds s. d. lbs. oatmeal condensed milk, per tin lb. beef fat lb. tin coffee lb. tin tongue sucking pig eggs, per dozen fowls, each small cucumbers green mealies, each small plate grapes small plate apples plate tomatoes vegetable marrow plate eschalots plate potatoes small bunches carrots glass jelly lb. bottle jam lb. tin marmalade dozen matches pkt. cigarettes cigars . lb. cake "fair maid" tobacco . lb. cake "fair maid" lb. sailors tobacco . lb. tin "capstan" navy cut tobacco { } the top of the trunk is made of a single piece of leather with a rim that falls over the mouth of the trunk and protects the contents from rain. the two iron rings by which each box is slung across the padded back of the pack-horse are fastened by rivetted straps to the rear top line of each trunk. on both _ends_ of each trunk near the top and back are two iron sockets. in these fit the staples that hold the poles for the bed. the staples are made of iron in the shape of the numeral , the poles passing through the circle of the . the bed should be four feet long three feet wide, of heavy canvas, strengthened by leather straps. at both ends are two buckles which connect with straps on the top of each trunk. along one side of the canvas is a pocket running its length and open at both ends. through this one of the poles passes and the other through a series of straps that extend on the opposite side. these straps can be shortened or tightened to allow a certain "give" to the canvas, which the ordinary stretcher-bed does not permit. the advantage of this arrangement is in the fact that it can be quickly put together and that it keeps the sleeper clear of the ground and safeguards him from colds and malaria. tales of aztlan, the romance of a hero of our late spanish-american war, incidents of interest from the life of a western pioneer and other tales. by george hartmann a note about this book: a maid of yavapai, the final entry in this book, is dedicated to smh. this refers to sharlot m. hall, a famous arizona settler. the copy of the book that was used to make this etext is dedicated: with my compliments and a happy easter, apr th , to miss sharlot m. hall, from the daughter of the author, carrie s. allison, presented march st, , prescott, arizona. revised edition memorial that this volume may serve to keep forever fresh the memory of a hero, captain william owen o'neill, u. s. v., is the fervent wish of the author. contents i. a frail bark, tossed on life's tempestuous seas ii. perilous journey iii. the mystery of the smoking ruin. stalking a warrior. the ambush iv. a strange land and stranger people v. on the rio grande. an abstract of the author's genealogy of maternal lineage vi. indian lore. the wily navajo vii. the fight in the sand hills. the phantom dog viii. with the navajo tribe ix. in arizona x. at the shrine of a "sphinx of aztlan" an uncanny stone. l'envoy. the birth of arizona. (an allegorical tale.) a royal fiasco. a maid of yavapai. chapter i. a frail bark, tossed on life's tempestuous seas a native of germany, i came to the united states soon after the civil war, a healthy, strong boy of fifteen years. my destination was a village on the rio grande, in new mexico, where i had relatives. i was expected to arrive at junction city, in the state of kansas, on a day of june, , and proceed on my journey with a train of freight wagons over the famous old santa fe trail. junction city was then the terminal point of a railway system which extended its track westward across the great american plains, over the virgin prairie, the native haunt of the buffalo and fleet-footed antelope, the iron horse trespassing on the hunting ground of the arapahoe and comanche indian tribes. as a mercantile supply depot for new mexico and colorado, junction city was the port from whence a numerous fleet of prairie schooners sailed, laden with the necessities and luxuries of an advancing civilization. but not every sailor reached his destined port, for many were they who were sent by the pirates of the plains over unknown trails, to the shores of the great beyond, their scalpless bodies left on the prairie, a prey to vultures and coyotes. if the plans of my relatives had developed according to program, this story would probably not have been told. indians on the warpath attacked the wagon train which i was presumed to have joined, a short distance out from junction city. they killed and scalped several teamsters and also a young german traveler; stampeded and drove off a number of mules and burned up several wagons. this was done while fording the arkansas river, near fort dodge. i was delayed near kansas city under circumstances which preclude the supposition of chance and indicate a subtle and inexorably fatal power at work for the preservation of my life--a force which with the giant tread of the earthquake devastates countries and lays cities in ruins; that awful power which on wings of the cyclone slays the innocent babe in its cradle and harms not the villain, or vice versa; that inscrutable spirit which creates and lovingly shelters the sparrow over night and then at dawn hands it to the owl to serve him for his breakfast. safe i was under the guidance of the same loving, paternal providence which in death delivereth the innocent babe from evil and temptation, shields the little sparrow from all harm forever, and incidentally provides thereby for the hungry owl. i should have changed cars at kansas city, but being asleep at the critical time and overlooked by the conductor, i passed on to a station beyond the missouri river. there the conductor aroused me and put me off the train without ceremony. i was forced to return, and reached the river without any mishap, as it was a beautiful moonlight night. i crossed the long bridge with anxiety, for it was a primitive-looking structure, built on piles, and i had to step from tie to tie, looking continually down at the swirling waters of the great, muddy river. as i realized the possibility of meeting a train, i crossed over it, running. at last i reached the opposite shore. it was nearly dawn now, and i walked to the only house in sight, a long, low building of logs and, being very tired, i sat down on the veranda and soon fell asleep. it was not long after sunrise that a sinister, evil-looking person, smelling vilely of rum, woke me up roughly and asked me what i did there. when he learned that i was traveling to new mexico and had lost my way, he grew very polite and invited me into the house. we entered a spacious hall, which served as a dining-room, where eight young ladies were busily engaged arranging tables and furniture. the man intimated that he kept a hotel and begged the young ladies to see to my comfort and bade me consider myself as being at home. the girls were surprised and delighted to meet me and overwhelmed me with questions. they expressed the greatest concern and interest when they learned that i was about to cross the plains. "poor little dutchy," said one, "how could your mother send you out all alone into the cruel, wide world!" "mercy, and among the indians, too," said another. when i replied that my dear mother had sent me away because she loved me truly, as she knew that i had a better chance to prosper in the united states than in the fatherland, they called me a cute little chap and smothered me with their kisses. the tallest and sweetest of these girls (her name was rose) pulled my ears teasingly and asked if her big, little man was not afraid of the indians. "not i, madame," i replied; "for my father charged me to be honest and loyal, brave and true, and fear not and prove myself a worthy scion of the noble house of von siebeneich." "oh, my! oh, my!" cried the young ladies, and "did you ever!" and "no, i never!" and "who would have thought it!" regarding me wide-eyed with astonishment, they listened with bated breath as i explained that i was a lineal descendant of the knight hartmann von siebeneich, who achieved everlasting fame through impersonating the emperor frederick (barbarossa) of germany, in order to prevent his capture by the enemy. i told how the commander of the italian army, inspired with admiration by the desperate valor of the loyal knight, released him and did honor him greatly. and how this noble knight, my father's ancestor, followed the emperor frederick to the holy land and fought the saracens. "and," added i, "my father's great book of heraldry contains the legend of the curse which fell on our house through the villainy of the imperial grand chancellor of blazonry, who was commanded to devise and procure a brand new heraldic escutcheon for our family. "he blazoned our shield with the ominous motto, 'in der fix, haben nix,' over gules d'or on a stony field, which was sown to a harvest of tares and oats, and embossed with a whirlwind rampant. as they were in knightly honor bound to live up to the motto on their shield, my ancestor were doomed to remain poor forever. at last they took service with the free city of hamburg, where they settled finally and became honored citizens." happening to remember my mother's admonishment not to annoy people with too much talk, i apologized to the young ladies. smilingly, they begged me to continue, for they seemed to enjoy my boyish prattle. "listen, now, girls," said rose laughingly to her companions, "now, i shall make him open his mother's closet and show us her choicest family skeleton." "oh, no, miss rose," i protested, "my mother has indeed a great closet, but it is full of good things to eat and contains no skeletons." "you little goosie-gander; you don't understand," replied miss rose; "i was only joking. of course your mother kept the door carefully locked to keep you boys from foraging?" "no madame," said i, "it was not necessary to lock the door." "did she keep a guard, then?" said rose. "oh, yes," i replied, "and it was very hard to pass in without being knocked down." "was it a man?" she asked mischievously. "why, yes; mamma kept a strong, old limburger right behind the door," i said. when the girls had ceased laughing, rose said, "what did your mother tell you when you left for america?" "my mother," i answered, "implored me with tearful eyes to ever remember how my father's great-great-grandmother brunhilde (who was exceedingly beautiful) was enticed into the depths of a dark forest by a wily, old german king. indiscreetly and unsuspectingly she followed him. there clandestinely did he favor her graciously by adding a bar sinister to our knightly escutcheon and a strain of the blood royal to our family. this happened long, long ago in the dark ages or some other dark place--it may have been the schwarzwald--and it was the curse of the stony field that did it. "'oh, my son,' mother urged me, 'we count on you to restore the unaccountably long-lost prestige of our ancient family. in america, behind the counters of your uncle's counting-rooms, you shall acquire great wealth, and his majesty the kaiser will be pleased to re-invest you with the coronet of a count. then, as a noble count will you be of some account in the exclusive circle of the four hundred of the great city of new york. beautiful heiresses will crave the favor of your acquaintance, and if wise, you will lead the most desirable one on the market, the lovely miss billiona roque-a-fellaire to the altar. his majesty the kaiser will then graciously change the "no-account" words on our family's escutcheon to the joyful motto, "mit geld," and lift the blighting curse from our noble house.'" next i related how surprised i was when i saw the great city of new york. however, i expected to see a large city of many houses, ever so high and some higher yet, and therefore i was not so very much surprised, after all. but in illinois i first saw the wonderful forest. oh, the virgin forest! never had i seen such grand, beautiful trees, oak and hickory, ash and sycamore, maple, elm, and many more giant trees, unknown to me, and peopled by a multitude of wild birds of the brightest plumage. there were birds and squirrels everywhere! i actually saw a sky-blue bird with a topknot, and another of a bright scarlet color, and gorgeous woodpeckers who were too busy hammering to look at me even. oh, but they did not sing like the birds in germany! all were very grave and sad. they seemed to know, as everybody else did, that i was a stranger in their land, for they gave me all sorts of useful information and advice, with many nods of their little heads. "peep, peep!" counseled the bluebird. "thank you," i replied, "seeing is believing." "whip-poor-will, whip-poor-will," cried a large, spotted bird. "that," thought i, "is a prize fighter." "cheat, cheat!" urged a pious-looking cardinal, who evidently mistook me for a gambler. "don't," roared a bullfrog, who was seated on a log and winked his eye at me. "there is an honest man," i thought. "shake, good sir." in consternation and surprise, i instantly released his hand. "how is it possible to be both honest and slippery at the same time! this must be a yankee-man," thought i. i saw real moss, green and velvety as the richest carpet, and i drank of singing, bubbling waters. many kinds of berries and nuts, hard to crack, grew in the wild glens of the forest. i gathered flowers, larger and more beautiful than any i had ever seen, but they lacked the perfume of german flowers; only the roses were the same. many children did i see, but they had not the rosy cheeks of german children. and i met the strongest of all beasts on earth and tracked him to his native lair; and there, in the sacred groves of the illini, i worried him sorely, and as david did unto goliath, so did i unto him; and sundown come, i slew him. and for three-score days and ten the smoke of battle scented the balmy air. the young ladles laughed heartily and said that never before had they been so delightfully entertained, and they gave me sweets and nice things to eat, and said they hoped i might stay with them forever and a day. we exchanged confidences, and they warned me to beware of the landlord, who had been known to rob people. they advised me to secrete my money, if perchance i had any. i thanked them kindly, replying that i had only one dollar in my purse. this was true, but i did not tell them that i had sewed a large sum in banknotes and some german silver into my kite's tail when i set out on my journey to the west. i complimented these charming girls on their good fortune to be in the service of so generous a gentleman as their landlord seemed to be; for i saw that they wore very fine dresses and had many jewels. "why, you little greenie," said miss rose, "he does not pay us high wages." "oh, i see, how romantic! how nice!" exclaimed i. "you do as the ladies in the good old time of chivalry, when knights donned their colors and sallied forth to battle with lions and tigers. you crave largesse, and the gentlemen favor you with money and jewels." then the youngest girl laughed and said, "oh, you pore, innicent bairn, and how do yez ken all this? and how did yez know that misther payterson kapes a tiger at all, at all, begorra!" another young lady said, "dutchy, i reckon yore daddy is a right smart cunning old fox!" "madame," replied i, indignantly, "my father is no fox, but a minister of the gospel." "oh, this bye is the son of a praste," screamed the loveliest girl in all missouri. "indade, i misthrusted the little scamp. och! oh and where is me brooch? i thought all the time the little divvil was afther something. thieves! murther!" confusion in pandemonium now reigned supreme. for one precious moment the air seemed full of long-legged stockings and delicate hands and purses. luckily, the brooch was found and peace restored at once. and rose said, "oh, girls, how could you!" and she begged my pardon and said they did not mean it. and then i made myself very useful and agreeable to these lovely maids, lacing their shoes and dusting their chamber, and right gallantly did i serve them until evening. after supper reappeared my evil genius in the person of the landlord, who took me out to the woodshed. "dutchy, i have decided to adopt you as my only son; have you ever bucked a wood saw?" said he, and a sardonic leer distorted his evil features. after i recovered sufficiently from the shock, i answered indignantly, "sir, know ye not that i have pledged my service to the vestal virgins of yon temple?" "ha! ha!" laughed the villain, "get busy now, son, and if by morning this wood has not been cut, you will go minus your breakfast." thereupon he locked me in. caught as a rat in a trap, i had no alternative but to comply with this man's outrageous demands. despairingly i plied that abominable instrument of torture, the national bucksaw of america. this is the only american institution i could never accustom myself to. i have endured bucking bronchos in new mexico, i have bucked the tiger in arizona, but to buck a wood-saw--perish the thought! sore and weary, i lay down in a corner of the shed on some hay and fell asleep. i dreamed that i heard screams of women, mingled with song and laughter, and through it all the noise of music and dancing. then the dream changed into a horrible nightmare in the shape of a big sawhorse which kicked at me and threatened me with hard labor. toward morning, when the door was opened and a drunken ruffian entered, i awoke from my troubled slumbers. "hi, dutchy, and have yez any tin?" he threatened. "kind sir," i replied, "when i departed for the west i left all my wealth behind me." verily, now i was proving myself the worthy scion of valiant men, who had laid aside hauberk, sword, and lance, taken up the bible and stole, and thenceforth fought only with the weapon of samson, the strong! "and so yez are, by special appointment, chamberlain to the gurruls by day, and ivver sawing wood at nighttime! bedad! i'll shpile the thrick for misther payterson, the thaving baste, and take this little greenhorn out of his clutches and sind him about his business." with these words, he opened the door for me and i escaped. farewell, lovely maids of kansas and missouri! if mayhap this writing comes to you, oh, let us meet again; my heart yearns to greet you and your granddaughters. for surely, though it seems to me as yesterday, the blossoms of forty summers have fallen in our path and whitened our hair. chapter ii. perilous journey after several days i arrived at the end of my railway journey, junction city, without delay or accident. the trip was not lacking in interesting details. the monotony of the never ending prairie was at times enlivened by herds of buffalo and antelope. on one occasion they delayed our train for several hours. an enormous herd of thousands upon thousands of buffalo crossed the railroad track in front of our train. bellowing, crowding, and pushing, they were not unlike the billows of an angry sea as it crashes and foams over the submerged rocks of a dangerous coast. their rear guard was made up of wolves, large and small. they followed the herd stealthily, taking advantage of every hillock and tuft of buffalo grass to hide themselves. the gray wolf or lobo, larger and heavier than any dog, and adorned with a bushy tall was a fierce-looking animal, to be sure. the smaller ones were called coyotes or prairie wolves, and are larger than foxes and of a gray-brown color. these are the scavengers of the plains, and divide their prey with the vultures of the air. at times we passed through villages of the prairie dog, consisting of numberless little mounds, with their owners sitting erect on top. when alarmed, they would yelp and dive into their lairs in the earth. these little rodents share their habitations with a funny-looking little owl and the rattlesnake. i believe, however, that the snake is not there as a welcome visitor, but comes in the role of a self-appointed assessor and tax gatherer. i picked up and adopted a little bulldog which had been either abandoned on the cars or lost by its owner, not then thinking that this little cerberus, as i called it, should later prove, on one occasion, to be my true and only friend when i was in dire distress and in the extremity of peril. the town of junction city, which numbered less than a score of buildings and tents, was in a turmoil of excitement, resembling a nest of disturbed hornets. several hundred angry-looking men crowded the only street, every one armed to the teeth. the great majority were dark-skinned mexicans, but here and there i noticed the american frontiersman, the professional buffalo hunter and scout. these were men of proved courage, and i observed that the mexicans avoided looking them squarely in the face; and when meeting on the public thoroughfare, they invariably gave them precedence of passage. i found opportunity to hire out to a pleasant-looking young mexican as driver of a little two-mule provision wagon. in this manner i earned my passage across the plains. don jose lopez, that was his name, said that i need not do much actual work, as he would have his peons attend to the care of the mules and have them harness up as well. he also told me that we would have to delay our departure until every team present in the town had its cumulation of cargo. they dared not travel singly, he said, for the indians were very hostile. in consequence whereof our departure was delayed for six weeks. i camped with the mexicans and accustomed myself very soon to their mode of living. the fact that i understood their language and spoke it quite well was a never-ending surprise and mystery to them. i took dally walks over the prairie to the junction of two creeks, a short distance from the town, bathed and whiled away the time with target practice, and soon became very proficient in the use of firearms. the banks of these little streams would have made a delightful picnic ground, covered as they were by a luxuriant growth of grasses and bushes and some large trees also, mostly of the cottonwood variety. but there were no families of ladies and children here to enjoy the lovely spot. a feeling of intense uneasiness seemed to pervade the very air and a weird presentiment of impending horror covered the prairie as with a ghostly shroud. the specter of a wronged, persecuted race ever haunted the white man's conscience. in vain did the red man breast the rising tide of civilization. in their sacred tepees, their medicine men invoked the aid of their great spirit and they were answered. the spirit sent them for an ally, an army of grasshoppers, which darkened the sun by its countless numbers. it impeded the progress of the iron horse, but not for long. then he sent them continued drouth, but the pale face heeded not. "onward, westward ever, the star of empire took its course." we camped out on the prairie within a short distance and in full sight of the town. i made the acquaintance of a merchant, mr. samuel dreifuss, who kept a little store of general merchandise. this gentleman liked to converse with me in the german tongue and was very kind to me, even offering to employ me at a liberal salary, which i, of course, thankfully declined. one morning after breakfast i went to this store to purchase an article of apparel. the door was unlocked and i entered, but found no one present. i waited a while, and as mr. dreifuss did not appear, i knocked at the bedroom door, which was connected with the store. receiving no response to my knocks, i opened the door and entered. there was poor mr. dreifuss lying stone dead on his couch. i knew that he was dead, for his hands were cold and clammy to the touch. i was struck with astonishment. the day before had i spoken to him, when he appeared to be hale and hearty. there were some ugly, black spots on his face, and i thought that it was very queer. i did not see any marks of violence on his person and nothing unusual about the premises. i looked around carefully, as a boy is apt to do when something puzzles him. then i thought i would go up-town and tell about this strange circumstance. the store was the first building met with in the town if a person came from the railway station. as i went toward the next house, which was a short distance away, i was hailed by a tall, broad-shouldered man with long hair, who commanded me to halt. i kept right on, however, meaning to tell him about my gruesome discovery. as i advanced toward him he retreated, and i called to him to have no fear, as i did not intend to shoot. the big man shook with laughter and cried, "hold, boy, stop there a minute until i tell you something. they say that 'wild bill' never feared man, but i fear you, a mere boy. did you come out of that store?" "yes, sir," i said. "and did you see the jew?" "yes, sir," i answered; "mr. dreifuss is dead." "how do you know that?" he questioned. "his hands feel cold as ice," i said, "and there is a black spot on his nose." again the man laughed and said, "do you know what killed him?" "i do not know, sir," i answered, "but i was going uptown to inquire." "well," said the scout, "mr. dreifuss had the cholera." "that's too bad," said i; "let us go back and see if we can be of any assistance." "no, you don't," said the long-haired scout; "i have been stationed here, as marshal of the town, to warn people away from the place. you take my advice and go to the creek and plunge in with all your clothes and play for an hour in the water, then dry yourself, go back to camp, and keep mum!" this was the year of the cholera. it started somewhere down south, and many people died from it in the city of st. louis, and it followed the railway through kansas to the end of the track. many soldiers died also at fort harker, which was farther out west on the plains. at last we started on our perilous journey, an imposing caravan of one hundred and eighty wagons, each drawn by five yoke of oxen. our force numbered upward of two hundred and fifty men, the owners, teamsters, train masters or mayordomos and the herders of the different outfits; all were mexicans except myself. several days were spent in crossing the little stream formed by the confluence of two creeks. the water was quite deep and had to be crossed by means of a ferryboat. here i met with my first adventure, which nearly cost me my life. my wagon was loaded with supplies and provisions and with several pieces of oak timber, intended for use in our train. when i drove down the steep bank on to the ferryboat, the timbers, which were not well secured, slid forward and pushed me off my seat, so that i fell right under the mules just as they stepped on the ferry. the frightened mules trampled and kicked fearfully. i lay still, thinking that if i moved they would step on me, as their hoofs missed my head by inches only. i thought of my mother and how sorry she would be if she could see me now, but i was thinking, ever thinking and lay very still. then my guardian angel, in the person of a mexican, crawled under the wagon from the rear end and pulled me by my heels, back to safety under the wagon. when i came out from under i threw my hat in the air and gave a whoop and cheer, at which the mexicans were greatly enthused. they yelled excitedly and our mayordomo exclaimed: "caramba, mira que diablito!" (egad, see the little devil!) we traveled in two parallel lines, about fifty feet apart and kept the spare cattle and remounts of horses, as also the small provision teams between the lines. a cavalcade of train owners and mayordomos was constantly scouting in all directions, but they never ventured out of sight of the traveling teams. we started daily at sunrise and traveled till noon or until we made the distance to our next watering place. then we camped and turned our live stock out to rest and crop the prairie grass. after several hours we used to resume our journey until nightfall or later to our next camping ground. every man had to take his turn about at herding cattle and horses during the nighttime. only the cooks were exempt from doing herd and guard duty. we pitched our nightly camps by forming two closed half circles of our wagons, one on each side of the road so as to form a corral. by means of connecting the wagons with chains, this made a strong barricade, quite efficient to repulse the attacks of hostile indians, if defended by determined men. every freight train when in camp was a little fort in itself and an interesting sight at nighttime, when the blazing fires were surrounded by men who were cooking and passing the time in various ways. some were cleaning and loading their guns, others mended their clothes. here and there you would find some genius playing dreamy, monotonous spanish airs on the guitar, in the midst of a merry group of dancing and singing young mexicans, many of whom were not older than i. card-playing seemed, however, to be their favorite pastime; all mexicans are inveterate gamesters, who look upon the profession of gambling as an honorable and desirable occupation. after the first day out i did not see an inebriated man in the whole party. the mexicans are really a much maligned and slandered people. they are often charged with the sin of postponing every imaginable thing until manana, but, to do them justice, i must say that they drank every drop of liquor they carried on the first day out; also ate all the dainties which other people would have saved and relished for days to come. surely, not manana, but ahora, or "do it now" was their soul-stirring battle cry on this occasion. after several days of travel we encountered herds of buffalo and mustangs or wild horses, and when our scouts reported numerous indian signs, we advanced slowly and carefully, momentarily expecting an ambuscade and attack. our column halted frequently while our horsemen explored suspicious-looking hillocks and ravines. a dense column of smoke rose suddenly in our front, and i saw several detachments of indian warriors on a little hill, who were evidently reconnoitering, and spying our strength, but did not expose themselves fully to view. simultaneously columns of signal smoke arose in all directions round about. instantly our lines closed in the front and rear and we came to an abrupt halt. what i saw then made my heart sink, for the drivers seemed to be paralyzed with terror. the very men who had heretofore found a great delight in trying to frighten me with tales of indian atrocities were now themselves scared out of their wits. young and inexperienced though i was, i realized that to be now attacked by indians meant to be slaughtered and scalped. some of the men were actually crying from fright, seeming to be completely demoralized. i noticed how one of our men in loading his musket rammed home a slug of lead, forgetting his charge of powder entirely. the sight of this disgusted me so that i became furious, and in the measure that my anger rose my fear subsided and vanished. i railed at the poor fellow and abused and cursed him shamefully, threatening to kill him for being a coward and a fool. i made him draw the bullet and reload his musket in a proper manner. when i grew older i acquired the faculty to curb the instinctive feeling of fear which is inborn in all creatures and undoubtedly is a wise provision of nature, necessary to the continuance of life and conducive to self-preservation. knowing that all men who ever lived and all who now live must surely die, i failed to see anything particularly fearful in death. i may truthfully say that i have several times met death face to face squarely and feared not. on these occasions i tried not to escape what seemed to be my final doom, but in the dim consciousness of mind that i should be dead long enough anyway, i tried to delay my departure to a better life as long as possible, exerting myself exceedingly to accomplish this purpose. undoubtedly this must have made me a very undesirable person to contend with in a fight. luckily for me, i have never been afflicted with a quarrelsome or vindictive mind. this is not a boastful or frivolous assertion, but is uttered in the spirit of thankfulness to the allwise creator of heaven and earth. looking around, i beheld a sight which cheered me mightily. there, a few yards ahead of my wagon, was a great hole in the ground, made by badgers; or it may have been the palace of a king of prairie dogs. quickly i drove my team forward, right over it. then, pretending to be rearranging my cargo, i took out the end gate of my wagon and covered the hole with it. next, i wet some gunny sacks and placed them on the ground under the board. now, thought i, here is my chance for an honorable retreat if anything should go wrong. i intended to close up the hole behind me with the wet sacks, taking the risk of snake bites in preference to the tender mercies of the indians. as these ground lairs take a turn a few feet down and are connected with various underground passages and have several outlets, i had a fair prospect to escape should the indians discover my whereabouts, for they could neither burn nor smoke me out, and were not likely to take the time to reduce my fort by starvation. it took me but a very short time to make my preparations, and i did it unnoticed by my companions, who seemed fully preoccupied with their own troubles. a horseman galloped up to our division, a great, swarthy, fierce-looking man, bearded like the pard. this man did not act like a scared person. one glance at the frightened faces of his countrymen sufficed to enlighten and also to enrage him. "senores," he said, "i perceive you are anxious and ready for a fight. i hope the indians will accommodate us, as we are greatly in need of a little sport. it may happen that some of you will lose your scalps, and i hope that it is not you, senor felipe morales. i should be very sorry for your poor old mother and your crippled sister, for who will support them if you should fail them? as for you, senor juan, it does not matter much if you never again breathe the air of new mexico. your young little wife has not yet had an opportunity to know you fully, anyway, and your cousin, the strapping don isidro chavez, will surely take the best care of her. they say he calls on her daily to inquire after her welfare. senor cuzco gonzales, as you might be unlucky enough to leave your bones on this prairie, i would advise you to make me heir to your garden of chile peppers. to be sure, i never saw a more tempting crop! mayhap you will have no further use for chile, as the indians are likely to heat your belly with hot coals, in lieu of peppers." then he called for the cook. "senor doctor," he said, "prepare the medicine for this man, who is too sick to load a musket properly, and had to be shown how to do so by a little gringo, as i observed a while ago. hold him, senores." and they held him down while the cook administered the medicine, forcing it down his unwilling throat. the medicine was compounded from salt, and the prescribed dose was a handful of it dissolved in a tin cupful of water. this seemed to revive the patient's faltering spirit wonderfully. the cook, a half-witted fellow, was another man who seemed to have no fear. his eyes shone wickedly and he was stripped for the fight. a red bandanna kerchief tied around his head, he glided stealthily about, thirsty for indian blood as any wolf. they told me that his mother and sister had died at the hands of the cruel apaches. to me the rider said, "senor americanito, i know your gun is loaded right and is ready to shoot straight. look you, if you plant a bullet just below an indian's navel, you will see him do a double somersault, which is more wonderful to behold than any circus performance you ever saw." here was a man good to see, a descendant of the famous don fernando cortez, conquistador, and molded on the lines of pizarro, the wily conqueror of peru, and he heartened our crew amazingly. he exhorted the men to be brave and fight like spaniards, and he prayed to the saints to preserve us; and piously remembering his enemies, he called on the devil to preserve the indians. such zealous devotion found merited favor with the blessed saints in heaven, for they granted his prayer, and the indians did not attack us that day. on the following day, don emillo cortez came again and asked me to ride with him as a scout. he had brought a young man to drive the team in my stead. gladly i accepted his invitation. he arranged a pillion for his saddle and mounted me behind him, facing the horse's tail. then he passed a broad strap around his waist and my body and armed me with a henry repeating rifle, then a new invention and a very serviceable gun. in this manner i had both hands free and made him the best sort of a rear guard. we cantered toward a sandy hill on our left. a coyote came our way, appearing from the crest of the hill. the animal was looking back over its shoulder and veered off when it scented us. don emilio halted his horse. "that coyote is driven by indians," said he; "do you think you can hit it at this distance?" i thought i could by aiming high and a little forward. at the crack of my rifle the coyote yelped and bit its side, then rolling on the grass, expired. "carajo! a dead shot, for dios!" exclaimed don emilio. "that will teach the heathen indians to keep their distance; they will not be over-anxious to meet these two christians at close quarters!" we were not molested on this day nor on the next, but on the day thereafter we were in terrible danger. the indians fired the dry grass, and if the wind had been stronger we must have been burned to death. as it was we were nearly suffocated from traveling in a dense smoke for several hours. then, fortunately, we reached the bottom lands of the arkansas river and were safe from fire, as the valley was very wide and covered with tall green grass which could not burn; and no sooner was the last wagon on safe ground than the fire gained the rim of the green bottomland. our oxen were exhausted and in a bad plight, so we fortified and camped here for several days to recuperate before we forded the river. this took up several days, as the water was quite high and the river bottom a dangerous quicksand. to stop the wheels of a wagon for one moment meant the loss of the wagon and the lives of the cattle, perhaps. the treacherous sands would have engulfed them. forty yoke of oxen were hitched to every vehicle, and we had no losses. on the other side we found the prairie burned over, and we traveled all day until evening in order to reach a suitable camping place with sufficient grass for our animals. as there was no water and the cattle were suffering, we were compelled to drive our herd back to the river and return again that same night. the rising sun found us under way again, and by noon we came to good camping ground with an abundance of grass and water. chapter iii. the mystery of the smoking ruin. stalking a warrior. the ambush now we were past the most dangerous part of our journey, leaving the comanche country and entering the domain of the ute indians and other tribes, who were not as brave as the arapahoes and comanches. here our caravan-formation was broken up and each outfit traveled separately at its own risk. the next day we witnessed a most horrible and distressing sight. willingly would i surrender several years of my allotted lifetime on earth if i could thereby efface forever the awful impression of this pitiful tragedy from my memory. alas i that i was fated to behold the shocking sight! for days thereafter we plodded on, a sad-looking, sober, downhearted lot of men, grieved to distraction, and there i left the innocence of boyhood--wiser surely, but not better! we neared the still smoking ruins of what had once been a happy home. as i approached to gratify my curiosity, i met several of my companions, who were returning and who implored me not to go nearer. an old mexican, ignorant, rough, and callous as he was, begged me, with tears streaming down his face, to retrace my steps. alas, when would impulsive youth ever listen to wise counsel and take heed! i entered the ruins and saw a dark telltale pool oozing forth from under the door of a cellar. oh, had i but then overcome my morbid curiosity and fled! but no! i must needs open the door and look in. i saw--i saw a beautiful whiskey barrel, its belly bursted and its head stove in! the trip across the plains was a very healthful and pleasant experience to me. during the greatest heat and while the moon favored us, we often traveled at night and rested in daytime. by foregoing my rest, i found opportunity to hunt antelope and smaller game. i was very fond of this sport and indulged in it frequently. one day i sighted a band of antelope--these most beautiful and graceful animals. i tried to head them off, in order to get within rifle-shot distance, and drifted farther and farther away from camp until i must have strayed at least five miles. like a rebounding rubber ball, their four feet striking the ground simultaneously, they fled until at last they faded from sight on the horizon, engulfed in a shimmering wave of heat, the reflection from a sun-scorched ground. reluctantly i gave up the chase, as i could by no means approach the game, although they could not have winded me. in order to determine the direction of our camp, i ascended a little hill, when i suddenly espied an indian. he was in a sitting posture, less than a quarter of a mile away. apparently he was stark naked and his face was turned away from me, for i saw his broad back where not covered by his long hair glisten in the hot rays of the sun. his gun was lying within reach of his right hand, but i could not see what he was doing. on the impulse of the moment i dropped behind a flowering cactus for concealment. then i took counsel with myself and decided that it would be too risky to return to camp as i had intended to do. in that direction for a long distance the ground was gently rising and most likely the indian would have seen me. i thought it probable that he had staked his horse out in some nearby gulch, and if seen i would have been at his mercy, as perhaps he was also in touch with other indians of his tribe. i reasoned that i could not afford to make the mistake of incurring the risk to stake my life on the chance of escaping his observation. i had started out to hunt antelopes, but now i coolly prepared myself to stalk an indian warrior instead. i went about it as if i were hunting a coyote. first of all, i ascertained the direction of the wind, which was very light. it blew from the quarter the indian was in toward me. next, lying on my stomach, i dug the large flowering plant up, and holding it by its roots in front of myself, i crawled toward my quarry, as a snake in the grass. cautiously, stealthily, avoiding the slightest noise, and always on the lookout for snakes and thorns, i crept slowly on, making frequent halts to rest myself. twice the indian turned his head and looked in my direction, but apparently he did not perceive me. in this manner i came within easy gunshot distance. now i took my last rest, and with my knife dug a hole in the ground and replanted my cactus shield firmly. then i placed my rifle in position to fire and drew a fine bead on the nape of his neck. "adios, indian brave, prepare thy soul to meet the great spirit in the ever grassy meadows of the happy hunting grounds of eternity, for the spider of thy fate is weaving the last thread in the web of thy doom!" my finger was coaxing the trigger, when a feeling of intense shame rose fiercely in my breast. was i, then, like unto this indian, to take an enemy's life from ambush? up i jumped with a challenging shout, my gun leveled, ready for the fight. "por dios, amigo, amigo!" cried the frightened indian, holding up his hands. "no tengo dinero!" (i have no money. don't shoot!) he begged, speaking to me in spanish. then i went to him and learned that he belonged to a wagon train, traveling just ahead of us. he was a full-blood navajo, who had been made captive in a mexican raid into the navajo country. the mexicans used to capture many navajo pappooses and bring them up as bond servants or peons. this indian told me that he had been following the same band of antelopes as myself, and on passing a beautiful hill of red ants, he yielded to temptation and thought he would have his clothes examined and laundered by the ants. these little insects are really very accommodating and work without remuneration. at the same time he likewise took a sun bath on the same liberal terms. this episode made me famous with every spanish freighter over the santa fe trail, from kansas into new mexico. just before we reached the cimarron country, which is very hilly and is drained by the red river, and where we were out of all danger from indians, i had a narrow escape from death. i was in the lead of our train and had crossed a muddy place in the road. i drove on without noticing that i was leaving the other teams far behind. a wagon stuck fast in the mire, which caused my companions a great deal of labor and much delay. at last i halted to await the coming of the other teams. suddenly there fell a shot from the dense growth of a wild sunflower copse. it missed my head by a very close margin and just grazed the ear of one of the mules. i believe that if i had attempted to rejoin the train then i would have been killed from ambush. instead, i quickly secured the brake of my wagon, then i unhooked the trace chains of the mules and quieted them and lay down under the wagon, ready to defend myself. i was, however, not further molested and my companions came along after a while. they had heard the shot and thought it was i who had fired it. chapter iv. a strange land and stranger people we were now within the boundaries of the territory of colorado and approaching the northern line of new mexico. when we passed through trinidad, which was then a small adobe town, we met don emilio cortez again. he was at home in this vicinity and came for the express purpose of persuading me to come with him. "my good wife charged me to bring her that little gringo," he said; "she longs for an american son." "our daughter, mariquita, is now ten years of age, and has been asked in marriage by don robusto pesado, a very rich man. but the child is afraid of him, as he is a mountain of flesh, weighing close on twelve arrobas. now we thought that two years hence thou wilt be seventeen years old and a man very sufficient for our little mariquita, who will then, with god's favor, be a woman of twelve years. she will have a large dowry of cattle and sheep, and as the saints have blessed us with an abundance of land and chattels, thou art not required to provide." i thanked don emilio very kindly, but was, of course, too young then to entertain any thought of marrying. i was really sorry to disappoint him, as he seemed to have formed a genuine attachment for me and was seriously grieved by my refusal. rumor spreads its vagaries faster among illiterate people than among the enlightened and educated. therefore, it was said in new mexico long before our arrival there that don jose lopez's outfit brought a young american, the like of whom had never been known before. he was not ignorant, as other americans, for he not only spoke the spanish, but he could also read and write the castillan language. it was well known that most americans were so stupid that they could not talk as well as a mexican baby of two years, and that often after years of residence among spanish people they were still ignorant of the language. and would you believe it, but it was the sacred truth, this little american, albeit a mere boy, had the strength of a man. he made that big heathen navajo brute pancho, the mayordomo of don preciliano chavez, of las vegas, stand stark before him in his nakedness, with his hands raised to heaven and compelled him, under pain of instant death, to say his pater noster and three ave marias. others said that don jose lopez was a man of foresight and discretion and saw that the indians were on the warpath and very dangerous. therefore, he prayed to his patron saint for spiritual guidance and succor. san miguel, in his wisdom, sent this young american heretic, as undoubtedly it was best to fight evil with evil. and when the devil, in the guise of a coyote, led the indians to the attack, then he was sorely wounded by the unerring aim of the gringito's rifle. others said that don jose lopez had set up a shrine for the image of his renowned patron saint, san miguel, in his provision wagon, which was being driven by the american boy, and the boy took the bullet which wounded the coyote so sorely out of the saint's mouth, who had bitten the sign of the cross thereon. and the evil one, in the likeness of the coyote, rolled in his agony on the grass when he was hit by the cross-marked bullet. of course, the grass took fire and very nearly burned up the whole caravan. other people said they were not surprised to hear of miracles emanating from the shrine of the patron saint of don jose. his grandfather had whittled this famous image out of a cottonwood tree, whereon a saintly penitente had been crucified after the custom of the order of flagellants. this penitente resembled the penitent thief who died on the cross and entered paradise with the saviour in this, that he was known to be a good horse thief, and as he had died on the cross on a night of good friday, he surely went to glory everlasting. don jose's grandfather made a pilgrimage with this image he had made to the city of mexico, to have the archbishop bless it in the cathedral before santa guadalupe. during the ceremony, it was said, there grew a fine head of flaxen hair on the image and it received beautiful blue eyes. and it had the miraculous propensity to ever after wink its eye in the presence of a priest and at the approach of a christ-hating jew, it would spit. this virtue saved much wealth for the family of don jose, as they were ever put on their guard against jewish peddlers. the rumor that don jose lopez had carried the household saint with him in his wagon was at once contradicted and disproved by his wife, dona mercedes. the lady declared that san miguel had never left his shrine in the patio of their residence except for the avowed purpose of making rain. in seasons of protracted drouth, when crops and live stock suffer for want of water, crowds of mexican people, mostly farmers' wives and their children, form processions and carry the images of saints round about the parched fields, chanting hymns and praying for rain. on this occasion dona mercedes availed herself of the chance to extol the prowess and power of her family's idolized saint, san miguel. she said as a rainmaker he had no equal. he disliked and objected to have himself carried about the fields when there was not a certain sign of coming rain in the heavens. her little saint, she said, was too honorable and too proud to risk the disgrace of failure and bring shame on her family. therefore, he would not consent to be carried out in the fields until kind nature, through unfailing signs, proclaimed a speedy downpour. when thunder shook the expectant earth and the first drops of rain began to fall, then he started on his little business trip and never had he failed to make it rain copiously. friends of don jose lopez, hearing all this talk, were not slow to take advantage of it. the time for the election of county officials was near and they promptly placed don jose in nomination for the office of the sheriff of san miguel county. when people applied to the parish priest for advice in this matter, he laughingly told them that he did not know if all these current rumors were true, quien sabe, but surely nothing was impossible before the lord and the blessed saints, and don jose being a friend, he advised them to give him their support, as he was a very good and capable man who would make an ideal sheriff. to be sure, the don paid his debts and was never remiss in his duties to holy church. we crossed over the raton mountains and were then in the northern part of the territory of new mexico. what a curious country it was! the houses were built of adobe or sun-dried brick of earth, in a very primitive fashion. we seemed to be transported as by magic to the holy land as it was in the lifetime of our saviour. the architecture of the buildings, the habits and raiment of the people, the stony soil of the hills, covered by a thorny and sparse vegetation, the irrigated fertile land of the valleys, the small fields surrounded by adobe walls--all this could not fail to remind one vividly of descriptions and pictures of old egypt and palestine. here you saw the same dusty, primitive roads and quaint bullock carts, that were hewn out of soft wood and joined together with thongs of rawhide and built without the vestige of iron or other metal. there were the same antediluvian plows, made of two sticks, as used in ancient egypt at the time of the exodus, when moses led the jews out of captivity to their promised land. the very atmosphere, so dry and exhilarating, seemed strange. in this transparent air, objects which were twenty miles distant seemed to be no farther than two or three miles at most. in such a country it would not have surprised anyone to meet the saviour face to face, riding an ass or burro over the stony road, followed by his disciples and a multitude of people, who, with the most implicit faith in the lord's power to perform miracles, expected him to provide them with an abundance of loaves and fishes. here we were in a country, a territory of the united states, which was about eighteen hundred years behind the civilization of other christian countries. as we passed through the many little hamlets and towns, the male population, who were sitting on the shady side of their houses, regarded us with lazy curiosity. they were leaning against the cool, adobe walls, dreaming and smoking cigarettes. the ladies seemed to possess a livelier disposition and emerged from their houses to gossip and gather news. they viewed me with the greatest interest and curiosity and, shifting the mantillas, or rebozos, behind which they hid their faces after the moorish fashion, they gazed at me with shining eyes. and i believe that i found favor with many, for they would exclaim, "m'ira que americanito tan lindo, tan blanco!" (what a handsome young american. see what beautiful blue eyes he has and what a white complexion.) and mothers warned the maidens not to look at me, as i might have the evil eye. i heard one lady tell her daughter, "you may look at him just once, dolores; oh, see how handsome he is!" (valga me, dios, que lindo es, pobrecito!)and the way the young lady gazed was a revelation to me. the fire of her limpid black eyes struck me as a ray of glorious light. an indescribable thrill, never before known, rose in my breast and she held me enthralled under a spell which i had not the least desire to break. and they said that it was i who had the evil eye! to say that these people were lacking in the virtues and accomplishments of modern civilization entirely would be a mistake very easily made indeed by strangers who, on passing through their land, did not understand their language and were unfamiliar with their social customs and mode of living. they extended unlimited hospitality to every one alike, to friend or stranger, to poor or rich. they were most charmingly polite in their conversation, personal demeanor, and social intercourse and very charitable and affectionate to their families and neighbors. these people are happy as compared with other nations in that they do not worry and fret over the unattainable and doubtful, but lightheartedly they enjoy the blessings of the present, such as they are. therefore, if rightly understood, they may be the best of companions at times, being sincere and unselfish; so i have found many of them to be later on, during the intercourse of a more intimate acquaintance. in the large towns, as santa fe, albuquerque, and las vegas, where there lived a considerable number of americans, these would naturally associate together, as, for instance, the american colony in paris or berlin or other foreign places, so as not to be obliged to mingle with the natives socially any more than they chose. but in the village where my relatives lived, we had not the alternative of choosing our own countrymen for social companionship. therefore, i realized when i reached my destination that i had to change my accustomed mode of living and adapt myself to such a life as people had led eighteen hundred years ago. i thought that if i took the example of the saviour's life for my guiding star, i would certainly get along very well. undoubtedly this would have sufficed in a spiritual sense, but i found that it would be impractical as applied to my temporal welfare and the requirements of the present time. for i could not perform miracles nor could i live as the saviour had done, roaming over the country and teaching the natives. and then, seeing that there were so many jews in new mexico, i feared they might attempt to crucify me and i did not relish the thought. therefore i accepted king solomon's life as the next best one to emulate. while i was greatly handicapped by not possessing the riches of the great old king, i fancied that i had a plenty of his wisdom, and although i could not cut as wide a swath as he had done, i did well enough under the circumstances. i was, of course, limited to a vastly smaller scale in the pursuit and enjoyment of the many good things to be had in new mexico. ever joyous, free from care, i drifted in my voyage of life with the stream of hope over the shining waters of a happy and delightful youth. chapter v. on the rio grande. an abstract of the author's genealogy of maternal lineage in the month of september i came to the end of my journey, as i arrived on the rio abajo. now i began the second chapter of my life's voyage. no longer a precocious child, i was growing to young manhood and was not lacking in those qualities which are essential in the successful performance of life's continual struggle. i was heartily welcomed by my uncle, my mother's brother. my aunt, poor lady, had, of course, given me up as lost and greeted me with joyful admiration. but she did not venture close to me, for in me she saw a strong, lusty young man, bright eyed, alert-looking and carrying a deadly army revolver and wicked hunting knife at his belt. to be sure, i was suntanned and graybacked beyond comparison with the dust of a thousand miles of wagon road. as i had expected, i found my uncle in very prosperous circumstances, in a commercial sense. and no wonder, for he was a tall, fine-looking man, under forty and overflowing with energy and personal magnetism. and my mother's little family tree did the rest--aye, surely, it was not to be sneezed at, as will be presently seen. of course, mother traced her ancestral lineage, as all other people do, to adam and eve in general, but in particular she claimed descent from those ancient heroes of the northland, the vikings. these daring rovers of the seas were really a right jolly set of men. in their small galleys they roamed the trackless seas, undaunted alike by the terrors of the hurricane as by the perils of unknown shores. on whatever coast they chanced--finding it inhabited, they landed, fought off the men and captured their women. they sacked villages and plundered towns, and loading their ships with booty, they set sail joyfully, homeward bound for the shores of the misty north sea, the shallow german ocean. here they had a number of retreats and strongholds. there was helgoland, the mysterious island; cuxhaven, at the mouth of the river elbe; buxtehude, notoriously known from a very peculiar ferocious breed of dogs; norse loch on the coast of holstein, and numerous other locker, or inlets, hard to find, harder to enter when found and hardest to pronounce. in the course of time these rovers were visited by saintly christian missionaries and, like all other saxon tribes, they accepted the light of the christian gospel. they saw the error of their way and eschewed their vocation of piracy and devoted their energies to commerce and the spreading of the gospel of christ. piously they decorated the sails of their crafts and blazoned their war shields with the sign of the cross. they kidnapped holy priests (for otherwise they came not), and taking them aboard their ships, they sailed to their several ports. then they forced the unwilling fathers to unite them in holy wedlock to the maidens of their choice. to many havens they sailed, and in every one they had an only wife. they made their priests inscribe texts from the holy gospel on pieces of parchment made from the skin of hogs, and instead of robbing people, as of yore, they paid with the word of holy scripture for the booty they levied. this, they said, was infinitely more precious than any worldly dross. all hail to the memory of my gallant maternal ancestor, who, when surfeited with the caresses of his fifine of normandy, flew to the arms of mercedes of andalusia. next, perhaps, he appeared in greenland, blubbering with an esquimau heiress. anon, you might have found him in columbia in the tolls of a princely pocahontas. in mexico he ate the ardent chile from the tender hand of his guadalupita, and later on he was on time at a five o'clock family tea party in japan, or he might have kotowed pidgin-love to a trusting maid in a china town of fair cathay. in africa--oh, horror!--here i draw the veil, for in my mind's eye i behold a burly negro (yes, sah!) staring at me out of fishy, blue eyes. it is said of these gallant rovers of the seas that they were subject to a peculiar malady when on shore. it caused them to stagger and swagger, use violent language, and deport themselves not unlike people who are seized with mal de mer, or sickness of the sea. when attacked by this failing, their wives would cast them bodily into the holds of their ships and start them out to sea, where they soon recovered their usual health and equilibrium and continued on their rounds. they were the first of all commercial travelers and the hardiest, jolliest and most prosperous--but they did not hoard their earnings. my uncle conducted a store, selling merchandise of every description. dutch uncle though he was to me, i must give him thanks for the careful business training he bestowed on me. i say with pride that i proved to be his most apt and willing pupil. he taught me how the natives, by nature simple-minded and unsophisticated, had lost all confidence in their fellow-men in general and merchants in particular through the, to say the least, very dubious and suspicious dealings of the tribes of israel. my uncle said he was an old timer in new mexico, but the jew was there already when he came and, added he, thoughtfully, "i believe the jews came to america with columbus." with a pack of merchandise strapped to his back, this king of commerce crossed the plains in the face of murderous indians and with the unexplainable, crafty cunning of his race, he sold tobacco and trinkets to the warriors who had set out to kill him, and to the squaws he sold parisian lingerie at a bargain. he swore that he was losing money and selling the goods below cost, not counting the freight. as the indians had no money and nothing else of commercial value to him, he bartered for the trophies of victory which the proud chiefs carried suspended from their belts. deprecatingly he called their attention to the undeniable fact that these articles had been worn before and had to be rated as second-hand goods. but he hoped that his brother-in-law, isaac dreibein, who conducted a second-hand hairdressing establishment in new york city, would take these goods off his hands. this trade flourished for a time, until, as usual, israel fell off from the lord, by opening shop on the sabbath. an unlucky moses got into a fatal altercation with a comanche chief, whom he cheated out of a scalplock, as he was as baldheaded as a hen's egg. thereat the indians became suspicious and refused to trade with the jews ever after. with proverbial german thoroughness, uncle instructed me in all the tricks and secrets of his profession. he had found that the mexicans were good buyers, if handled scientifically, for they would never leave the store until they had spent all their money. therefore, in order to encourage our customers, we kept a barrel of firewater under the counter as a trade starter. one or more drams of old magnolia would start the ball to roll finely. our merchandise cost mark was made up from the words, "god help us!" every letter of this pious sentiment designated one of the numbers from one to nine and a cross stood for naught. when i said to uncle, "no wonder that our business prospers under this mark--god help us!--but say, who helps our customers?" he was nonplussed for a moment, and then he laughed heartily and said that this had never worried him yet. there was not much money in circulation in new mexico at that time, as the country was without railroads and too isolated to market farm produce, wool and hides profitably. mining for gold was carried on at pinos altos, near the southern boundary, but the apaches did not encourage prospecting to any extent. during the period of the discovery of gold in california, in the days of "forty-nine," the people of new mexico had become quite wealthy through supplying the california placer miners with mutton sheep at the price of an ounce of gold dust per head, when muttons cost half a dollar on the rio grande. at that rate of profit they could afford the time and expense of driving their herds of sheep to market at los angeles, even though the apaches of arizona took their toll and fattened on stolen mutton. chapter vi. indian lore. the wily navajo the principal source of the money supply was the united states government, which maintained many forts and army posts in the territories as a safeguard against the apache and navajo indians. during the civil war, the navajo indians broke out and raided the mexican settlements along the rio grande and committed many outrages and thefts. the government gave these indians the surprise of their lives. an army detachment of united states california volunteers swooped suddenly down on the navajos and surprised and conquered them in the strongholds of their own country. the whole tribe was forced to surrender, was disarmed, and transported to fort stanton by the government. this military reservation lies on the eastern boundary of new mexico, on the edge of the staked plains of texas. here the navajos were kept in mortal terror of their hereditary enemies, the comanche indians, for several years, and they were so thoroughly cowed and subdued by this stratagem that they were good and peacable ever after. the government allowed them to reoccupy their native haunts and granted them a reservation of seventy-five miles square. these indians are blood relatives to the savage apaches. they speak the same language, as they are also of mongolian origin. they came originally from asia in an unexplained manner and over an unknown route. they have always been the enemies of the pueblo indians, who are descendants of the toltec and aztec races. unlike the pueblo indians, who live in villages and maintain themselves with agricultural pursuits, the navajos are nomads and born herdsmen. the navajo tribe is quite wealthy now, as they possess many thousands of sheep and goats, and they are famed for their quaint and beautiful blankets and homespun, which they weave on their hand looms from the wool of their sheep. they owned large herds of horses, beautiful ponies, a crossed breed of mustangs and mormon stock, which latter they had stolen in their raids on the mormon settlements in utah. as saddle horses, these ponies are unexcelled for endurance under rough service. mentally the navajo is very wide awake and capable of shrewd practices, as shown by the following incident, which happened to my personal knowledge. a tall, gaudily appareled indian, mounting a beautiful pony, came to town and offered for sale at our store several gold nuggets the size of hazelnuts. he took care to do this publicly, so as to attract the attention of some mexicans, who became immensely excited at the sight of the gold and began to question him at once in order to ascertain how and whence he had obtained the golden nuggets. they almost fought for the privilege of taking him as an honored guest to their respective homes. the indian was very non-committal as regarded his gold mine, but very willing to accept the sumptuous hospitality so freely rendered him. he was soon passed on from one disappointed mexican to another, who in turn fared no better and invariably sped the parting guest to the door of his nearest neighbor. when the indian had made the circuit of the town in this manner he looked very sleek and happy, indeed, but the people were no wiser. the knowledge of having been shamefully buncoed by an indian and disappointed in their lust for gold made the mexicans desperate. they held an indignation meeting and resolved to capture the wily navajo and compel him, under torture, if necessary, to divulge the secret of his gold mine. consequently, they overcame the indian, and when they threatened him with torture and death, he yielded and said that he had found the gold in the rio de san francisco, a mountain stream of arizona. he promised to guide them to the spot where he obtained the nuggets, saying that the bottom of the stream was literally covered with golden sand, which might be seen from a distance, as it shone resplendently in the sun. then every able-bodied mexican in town who possessed a horse prepared to join a prospecting expedition to the wild regions of mysterious arizona. they organized a company and elected a captain, a man of courage and experience. the captain's first official act was to place a guard of four armed men over the navajo to prevent his escape, otherwise they treated their prisoner well. the women of the town cooked and baked for the party, and undoubtedly each lady reveled in the hope to see her own man return with a sackful of gold; and as a result of these fanciful expectations they were in the best of spirits, laughing and singing the livelong day. at last the party was off, and what happened to them i shall relate, as told me by the captain, don jose marie baca y artiaga, and in his own words as nearly as i can remember them. "valga me, dios, senor! what an experience was that trip to arizona! it began and ended with disappointment and disaster. all the men of our party seemed to have lost their wits from the greed of gold. they began by hurrying. those who had the best mounts rushed on ahead, carrying the indian along with them, and strove to leave their companions who were not so well mounted behind. the first night's camp had of necessity to be made at a point on the rio puerco, distant about thirty-five miles. as the last men rode into camp, the first comers were already making ready to leave again. in vain i remonstrated and commanded. there was a fight, and not until several men were seriously wounded came they to their senses and obeyed my orders. i threatened to leave them and return home, for i knew very well that unless our party kept together we were sure to be ambushed and attacked. i cautioned my companions as they valued their lives to watch the navajo and shoot him on the spot at the first sign of treachery. this devil of an indian led us over terrible trails, across the roughest and highest peaks and the deepest canyons of a wild, broken country. he seemed to be on the lookout ever for an opportunity to escape, but i did not give him the chance. our horses suffered and were well-nigh exhausted when we finally sighted the coveted stream from a spur of the mogollon range which we were then descending. the stream glistened and shone like gold in the distance, under the hot rays of a noonday sun and my companions would have made a dash for the coveted goal if their horses had not been utterly exhausted and footsore. as it was, i had the greatest trouble to calm them. arriving at the last and steepest declivity of the trail, i succeeded in halting the party long enough to listen to my words. 'companions,' i said, 'hear me before you rush on! i shall stay here with this indian, whom you will first tie to this mesquite tree. now you may go, and may the saints deliver you from your evil passion and folly. mind you, senores, i claim an equal share with you in whatever gold you may find. if any one objects, let him come forth and say so now, man to man. i shall hold the trail for those among you who would haply choose to return. forsooth, companions, i like not the actions of this indian. beware the apache, senores; remember we are in the tonto's own country!' "from my position i witnessed the exciting race to the banks of the stream, and saw plainly how eagerly my companions worked with pick and pan. hard they worked, but not long, for soon they assembled in the shade of a tree, and after a conference i saw them make the usual preparations for camping. several men looked after the wants of the horses, others built fires, and four of the party returned toward me. 'what luck, companeros!' i hailed them when they came within hearing distance. 'senor capitan, we have come for the indian,' said the spokesman of the squad. 'and what use have you for the indian?' i asked. 'we shall hang him to yonder tree,' they said, 'as a warning to liars and impostors.' bueno, caballeros, he deserves it. i deliver him into your hands under this condition, that you grant him a fair trial, as becomes men who being good catholics and sure of the salvation of their souls may not, without just cause, consign a heathen to the everlasting fires of perdition.' "silently, stoically, the indian suffered himself to be led to the place of his execution. after the enraged mexicans had placed him under a tree with the noose of a riata around his neck, they informed him that he might now plead in the defense of his life if he had anything to say. 'mexicans,' said the navajo, 'i fear not death! if i must die, let it be by a bullet. i call the great spirit, who knows the hearts of his people, to witness that i beg not for my life. i have not a split tongue nor am i an impostor. i have guided you to the place of gold. i have kept my promise. you mexicans came with evil hearts. you fought your own brothers. you abandoned your sick companions on the trail to the coyote. you have broken the law of hospitality toward me, your guest, as no spaniard has ever done before. therefore, has your god punished you. he has changed the good gold of these waters to shimmering mica and shining dross. fool gold he gives to fools! as you serve me now, so shall the apaches do to you. never more shall you taste of the waters of the rio grande, so says the spirit in my heart!' "the indian's dignified bearing and his inspired words on the threshold of eternity moved my conscience and caused a feeling of respect and pity for him in my breast as well as in others of our party. when juan de dios carasco, who was known and despised by all for being a good-for-nothing thieving coward, drew his gun to shoot the navajo in the back, i could not control my anger. 'stop,' i shouted, 'you miserable hen thief, or you die at my hands, and now. this indian should die, but not in such a manner. senores, you have made me your capitan. now i shall enforce my orders at the risk of my life's blood. give that indian a knife and fair play in a combat against the prowess of the valiant don juan de dios carasco.' "although greatly disconcerted, juan de dios had to toe the mark. there was no alternative for him now, as i was desperate and my orders were obeyed to the letter, for death was the penalty for disobedience. the fight between the mexican and the indian ended by the navajo, who was sorely wounded, throwing his knife into the heart of his enemy. it was a fair fight, although we accorded juan de dios, he being a christian, this advantage against the indian (who was better skilled in the use of weapons) that we allowed him to wrap his coat about his left arm as a shield, while the indian was stripped to his patarague, or breechclout. we buried the body and allowed the indian to shift for himself. i observed him crawling near the water's edge in quest of herbs, which he masticated and applied to his wounds with an outer coating of mud from the banks of the stream. during the following night he disappeared. i suspect that the golden nuggets which caused all our troubles were taken from the body of a prospector who had been murdered in the lonesome mountains of arizona. "we allowed our horses several days' rest to recuperate before starting on our return trip. you saw, senor, how we arrived. starved, sore, and discouraged, we straggled home, jeered at and ridiculed by wiseacres who are always ready to say, 'i told you so!' and by enemies who had no liking for us. but the women, may santa barbara keep them virtuous! they who loved their husbands truly rejoiced to welcome us home, although we failed to bring them chispas de oro. "as concerns the wife of juan de dios, and who was now his widow, pobrecita, she was not to be found at her home. she had taken advantage of her man's absence to decamp to the mountain of manzana with a strapping goat-herder, a very worthy young man, whom she loved and is now happily free to marry." chapter vii. the fight in the sand hills. the phantom dog a number of years had i lived with my relatives when uncle found it expedient to sell out his business. he had prospered wonderfully in his commercial ventures. long since had his coffers absorbed most of the money circulating within his sphere of trade. thereafter he accepted commercial paper in payment for merchandise, and trade grew immensely. our customers soon learned how easy it was to affix their signatures to promissory notes and to mortgages on their lands or cattle, their horses, sheep, crops, and chattels. of course there was a little interest to be paid on the indebtedness, but as it was merely a trifling one and a half per centum per month or eighteen per cent yearly, it was of no consequence. and it was so easy to pay your debts. just think of it, people bought everything they needed and longed for at the store and paid for it by simply signing their names to several papers. when the day of payment came, they could liquidate their debts by renewing their obligations. they simply signed a new set of similar papers with the interest compounded and added to the original debt. surely don guillermo was conceded to stand highest in popular estimation of any set of men who had ever come to the rio grande. had he not shown the people how to do business in a convenient and easy manner? under such a system nobody worried or labored very much and life was like a pleasant dream. but alas! there has always been a beginning and an ending to everything under the sun, good or evil. the awakening from an easy life's dream was occasioned by a crushing blow. it fell on the day of final reckoning, when don guillermo, my good uncle, thought the time was propitious to realize something tangible on sundry duly signed, sealed, and witnessed instruments. there was a rumpus; neither earthquake nor cyclone would have caused a greater commotion in the community. what, then, did this lying gringo mean by resorting to the trickery of the united states law courts and the power and services of the county sheriff? why did he wrest their property from them? had this gringo not always accepted their signatures as a legal tender for the payment of their debts? had he not told them time and again that their handwriting was better than gold? if uncle had fallen into the clutches of these furious people, he would undoubtedly have been lynched. but he had wisely disposed of all his property in the country and had left with his family for the states. i remained in the service of the buyer of and successor to his business. soon after i began to feel lonesome, restless and dissatisfied, and that life among the natives was not as pleasant and satisfactory as formerly may be easily imagined. in fact, the gringos were now cordially hated and envied by a certain class, the element of greatest influence among the people. this produced a feeling of unpleasantness not to be overcome, and i resolved to emigrate to california, overland, by way of arizona. i longed for the companionship of people of my own race and wanted to see more of the world. there was an opportunity to go to a mining town of northern arizona, with several ox-teams which were freighting provisions. the freighter, don juan mestal, assured me that he was very glad to have the pleasure and comfort of my company and would not listen to an offer of remuneration on my part. he said there was the choice of two routes; one road passed through the country of the navajo indians and the other road led past zuhl, the isolated pueblo village. don juan said that he would not go by way of zuni, if he could avoid it, as he was prejudiced against this tribe. not that they were hostile or dangerous, but he had acquired a positive aversion, amounting to abhorrence, for those peaceful people when he, as a boy, accompanied his father on a trading expedition there. at that time he witnessed the revolting execution of a score of navajos who had been apprehended as spies by the zunis. these unfortunates came to their village as visiting guests, it being in the time of the harvest of maize, when these indians celebrate their great thanksgiving feast. a young navajo chief, who led the visiting party, aroused the ire of the old medicine chief of the tribe, who had lately added a new attraction to his household, beshrewing himself with another lovely young squaw. it was said that the enamored damsel had made preparations to elope with the gallant navajo chief, but was betrayed by the telltale barking of the dogs, great numbers of which infest all indian villages. the old doctor accused the navajos of espionage and had them taken by surprise and imprisoned in an underground foul den. then met the chiefs of the tribe in their estufa, or secret meeting place, to pass judgment on the culprits. the old medicine chief smoked himself into a trance in order to receive special instructions from the great spirit regarding the degree of punishment to be inflicted on the unlucky navajos. after sleeping several hours, he awoke and announced that he had dreamed the navajos were to be clubbed to death. after sunrise the next morning these poor indians met their doom in the public square of the village unflinchingly in the presence of the whole population. they were placed in a row, facing the sun, about ten feet apart. a zuni executioner, armed with a war club, was stationed in front of each victim, and another one, armed likewise, stood behind him. a war chief raised his arms and yelled, and forty clubs were raised in air. then the great war drum, or tombe, boomed out the knell of death. there was a sickening, crashing thud, and twenty navajos fell to earth with crushed skulls, each cabeza having been whacked simultaneously, right and left, fore and aft, by two stone clubs in the hands of a pair of devils. it had always been an enigma to me that the pueblo indians, who were not to be matched as fighters against the apache and navajo had been able to defend their villages against the onslaught of these fierce tribes, their hereditary enemies. don juan mestal enlightened me on that topic. he said the explanation therefor was to be found in a certain religious superstition of the navajos and apaches, which circumstance the pueblo indians took advantage of and exploited to the saving of their lives. when they had reason to expect an attack on their villages, the pueblo laid numerous mines and torpedoes on all the approaches and streets of their towns. while these mines did not possess the destructive power of dynamite or gunpowder, they were equally effective and powerful, and never failed to repulse the enemy, especially if reinforced by hand grenades of like ammunition, thrown by squaws and pappooses from the flat roofs of their houses. by some means or other it had become known to the descendants of montezuma that when an apache stepped on something out of the ordinary "he scented mischief" and believed himself unclean and befouled with dishonor, and fancied himself disgraced before god and man; and forthwith he would hie himself away to do penance at the shrine of the nearest water sprite. this superstition they brought from asia, their native land. when the day of our departure drew near, i visited my numerous friends to bid them farewell and receive many like wishes in return. i must own that i felt a pang of sadness when i saw tears well up in the innocent eyes of sweet maidens and saw the fires dimmed in the black orbs of lovely matrons whom i had held often in my arms to the measure and tuneful melody of the fantastic wild fandango; musical andalusian strains which words cannot describe--soul-stirring, enchanting, promising and denying, plaintive or jubilant, songs from heaven or wails from the depths of hades. here i lived the happiest hours of my life, but being young, i did not realize it then. when i came to the house of don reyes alvarado, who was my chum and bosom friend, and also of like age, he gave me a pleasant surprise. he informed me that there would be a dance at the hancho indian's settlement that same night, one of those ceremonial events which i had long desired to attend in order to study the customs and habits of these descendants of the aztecs. their social dances are inspired by ancient customs and are the outbursts of the dormant, barbaric rites of a religion which these people were forced to abandon by their conquering masters, the spaniards. outwardly and visibly christians, taught to observe the customs of the roman catholic church and to conform to its ritual, these people, who were the scum and overflow from villages of pueblo indians, were yet aztec heathens in the consciousness of their souls and inclination of their hearts. shortly after sunset we were on our way to the sand dunes of the rio grande, where these poor outcasts had squatted and built their humble homes of terron, or sod, which they cut from the alkali-laden soil of the vega. they held their dance orgies in the estufa, the meeting house of the tribe. this was a long, low structure built of adobe, probably a hundred feet long and nine feet wide, inside measure. the building was so low that i could easily lay the palm of my uplifted hand against the ceiling of the roof, which was made of beams of cottonwood, covered with sticks off which the bark had been carefully peeled, the whole had then been covered with clay a foot in depth. the floor of this long, low tunnel-like room was made of mud which had been skilfully tampered with an admixture of short cut straw and had been beaten into the proper degree of hardness. dampened at intervals, this floor was quite serviceable to dance on. there were no windows or ventilators in this hall and only one door at the end. this was made out of a slab of hewn wood and was just high and wide enough to admit a good sized dog. the hall was brilliantly lighted by a dozen mutton tallow dips, which were distributed about the room in candelabra of tin, hanging on the mud-plastered and whitewashed walls. the orchestra consisted of one piece only, an ancient war drum, or tombe, and was located at the farther end of the room. it was beaten by an indian, who was, if possible, more ancient than the drum. as we approached we heard the muffled sound of the drum within. "caramba, amigo!" said my friend; "they are at it already, and judging from the sound, they are very gay to-night. madre santissima! i remember that this is a great night for these indians, as it is the anniversary of the noche triste, which they celebrate in commemoration of the aztec's victory over the spaniards when the indians almost wiped their enemies off the face of the earth. senor, to tell the truth, rather would i turn my horse's head homeward. pray, let us return!" "and why, amigo," i asked. "because this has always been a day of ill luck for our family," said don reyes. "it began with the misfortune of the famed knight don pedro alvarado, the bravest of men and the right hand of don fernando cortez. in the bloody retreat of the spaniards from mexico, in their fight with the aztecs, during the noche triste, don pedro alvarado, from whom we were descended, lost his mare through a deadly arrow. "muy bien, amigo don reyes," said i; "if you fear these people, i advise you to return home to dona josefita, but i shall go on alone." "i fear not man or beast!" flared up don reyes, "as you well know, friend, but these are heathen fiends, not human, who worship a huge rattlesnake, which they keep in an underground den and feed with the innocent blood of christian babes. lead on, senor, i shall follow. i see it is as dona josefita, my little wife, says: "if these young gringos crave a thing, there is no use in denying them, for they seem to compel! to the very door of that uncanny place i follow you, amigo, but enter therein i shall not, unless i be first absolved from my sins and shriven by the padre." we had now arrived at the door of the estufa (oven), where the entertainment was going on, full blast. i alighted and my friend took charge of my horse and stationed himself at the door while i got down on all fours and crawled inside. i seated myself on a little bench at one side of the entrance. when my eyes got accustomed to the dense atmosphere of the place, i observed that the room was full of people, dancing in couples with a peculiar slow-waltz step. the ladies stayed in their places while the men made the rounds of the hall. after a few turns with a lady, they shuffled along to the next one, continually exchanging their partners. as the dancers passed me by, one after another, they noticed me, and many among them scowled and looked angry and displeased. suddenly the drum stopped for a few minutes. then it began in a faster tempo. now the men remained stationary, while the ladies made the circuit of the room and each one in her turn passed in front of me. they looked lovely in their costumes of finely embroidered snow-white single garments, trimmed with many silver ornaments and trinkets and in their short calico skirts and beautiful moccasins. their limbs were tastefully swathed in white buckskin leggins, which completed the costume. faster and faster beat the drum, and the sobbing, rhythmic sound thrilled my senses and filled my heart with an indescribable weird, fierce longing. i saw a maiden approach taller and finer than the rest. one glance of her soft, wild eyes and i flew to her arms. "back, indians!" i shouted, "honor your queen!" and entered the lists of the frolicsome dance. wilder beat the drum and faster. as the old indian warmed to his work, he broke out in a doleful, monotonous song, the words of which i did not understand. it sounded to me like this: anna-hannah-- anna-hannah-- may-ah!-- anna-hannah-sarah-wah! moolow-hoolow, ji-hi-tlack! anna-hannah-- may-ah-ha! so it went on indefinitely. to lay this troubled spirit i tossed him a handful of coins, with the unfortunate result that his guttural song became, if anything, more loud and boisterous. i had no thought of exchanging my partner, as the aztec maiden clung to me. with closed eyes and parted lips she moved as in a blissful dream. i have known christian people become frantic under the impetus of great religious excitement and i have seen them act very strangely, also have i seen indians similarly affected during their medicine-ghost dances. now i, who had not thought it possible of myself, had become more savage and uncontrollable than any one. i suppose it was the irritating, monotonous sound of the war drum that did it, jarring my nerves, and the peculiar indian odor in the stifling hot air of the close room, enhanced by the exhilarating sensation of threatening danger, and that in the presence of the adored sex. assuredly all this was more than enough to set me off, as i am naturally impulsive and of a high-strung nervous temperament. i must say that considering the modest costumes of these indian ladies and their bashful and shrinking disposition, it does seem strange that they should fascinate one like myself of the saxon race. to be sure the sight of the bared shoulders and necks of society belles when undressed in the decollete fashion of their ball gowns ravishes and gluts our sensuality, but a momentary glimpse of the indian maid's brown knee flashing by during the excitement of the fandango is just as suggestive, and the inch of hand-made embroidery on the edge of their short skirts is as effective as priceless lace on gowns of worth. and the indian fashion has this to recommend it, that it is the less expensive of the two costumes. ever watchful, ever on the alert, i saw the sheen of a knife flash from its scabbard in the hazy air, and my beautiful partner shivered and moaned in my arms. "dog of an indian, dare and die," shouted i, angrily. four times i made the circuit of the room, and when again opposite the entrance of this man-kennel, i heard the voice of my faithful friend, don reyes alvarado, calling me anxiously. i gave my lovely partner in charge of her tender-hearted sisters, for the poor wild thing had fainted and lay limply in my arms. the strong arm of my companion grasped me and drew me out into the fresh air, where i almost collapsed, overcome. "surely, amigo," said reyes, "you will not blame me now for not entering, but you have endurance, for dios! i should not have survived so long. thank god you came out alive! when i saw them pass in knives, i had my doubts and momentarily expected to hear the report of your revolver. but when i saw you pass by infatuated with jtz-li-cama, the cacique's daughter and wife of the murderous scoundrel, el macho, then i gave you up. oh, see what is happening now. amigo, you have broken up the dance. so it seemed. the drum was silent now and we heard the voices of men arguing in the aztec idiom. of a sudden the lights were extinguished and the crowd came out with a rush, and silently they stole away in the darkness. "now, amigo," said reyes, "let me tell you something, which may haply serve you well. knowing that an american accomplishes things which a mexican like myself must let alone, i advise you to try for the hidden treasure of la gran quivira. seeing that you are in the good graces of jtz-li-cama, you might prevail with the cacique to guide you. he is said to be the only living man who knows the secret of the trove in the ruins of the sacred temple of the ancient city. the indians believe that this treasure, which the aztecs hid from the spaniards, is guarded by a terrible phantom dog, the specter of one of the great dogs of fernando cortez which ravened among their aztec ancestors. they fear the specter of this fabled perro de la malinche more than anything else on earth, as it is said to harrow their souls in hades as it ravened their bodies when in the flesh." after smoking a few cigarritos, my friend proposed to ride home, as there was really nothing else to be done. we rode slowly along, enjoying the beautiful night of this faultless climate, and i shall ever remember this night to my last day. there was a pleasant, refreshing odor in the air, the scent of the wild thyme which grows in these sand dunes. the moon rose over the manzana range and flooded the broad valley with its soft, silvery rays. suddenly, at a sharp turn of the trail, we found ourselves surrounded by silent forms arisen from the misty ground. "don reyes alvarado," spoke the voice of the indian, known as the macho, "i have come for revenge and am now ready to wipe out the insults you heaped on me when you charged me with the theft of your calves. i challenge thee to fight. alight from thy horse, cowardly spaniard! to-night of all nights shalt thou feel the indians' blade between thy ribs." "fight him, amigo," i said. "i shall enforce fair play." but my friend reyes whom i knew to be a man of both strength and courage, weakened, being cowed with the superstition of the unlucky noche triste. "tomorrow i shall fight thee, indian," he answered "not at nighttime, like a thieving coyote." "if thou wert not astride thy horse and out of my reach, thou wouldst not dare say that to me, thou cuckold dupe of the americans!" sneered the indian. this insult to my companion angered me, and i demanded a retraction and an apology therefor from the indian. when the macho flatly refused and repeated the insult in a more aggravating manner, i replied that i feared not to meet him or any other goatherding indian and was ready to fight him on the spot. saying this, i dismounted and threw my horse's bridle to my friend reyes to hold. then the cacique, or pueblo chief, the father of jtz-li-cama, appeared and demanded our weapons. "i shall not interfere in this fight, senores," said he, "if you surrender your weapons to me, the lawful alguacil (officer) of this district." he then took the macho's knife, and i gave him my revolver and stripped for the fray. i advanced and scratched a circle of about twelve feet diameter in the deep sand with my foot, then i stepped to the center of this ring and awaited my antagonist. i cautioned my friend reyes to see to it that no one else overstepped the line. to the lonely sand dunes of the rio grande unwittingly i thus introduced the manly sport of the prize ring. but the battle was not fought for lucre or fame, nor according to the london prize ring rules; it was fought in defense of a friend's honor, and the stake was life or death. the indian made a rush for me, but i avoided him and warded off his blows. i did not touch him till i saw my chance, and then i tapped him under the chin which sent him sprawling. he arose promptly and came for me in a rage, when i felled him with a blow on the head. again he came, and this time he gave me a stunning blow in the face, which maddened me so, that i took the offensive and laid him low with a terrific hit. i was now thoroughly infuriated and threw all caution to the winds. when he arose once more, i attacked him. he took to his heels and i followed him up. i noticed then that the whole crowd of indians were running after us, but i had now become reckless and did not mind. then i stumbled over a root and fell face down in the sand. before i could arise fully the macho had turned and thrown himself upon me. i managed to turn over on my back and gripped him by throat and face, so that he was really in my power, and i felt that he was subdued so that i could easily force him under, and, small wonder, for with the terrible grip of my hand had i once crushed a man's fingers in a wrestling match. now i used the macho's body as a shield against the furious onslaught of his people, who attacked me with rocks, clubs, and anything they could lay hands to. i thought, and i never ceased thinking and planning for one moment, that the affair looked very serious for me, when i saw the cacique approach with my pistol in hand, exclaiming, "now, gringo, thou shalt die, on the altar of the god, at the sacred shrine of aztlan, i shall lay thy quivering heart!" in vain i looked for help from my companion, who had sought safety in flight. something had to be done and that quickly. surely i had one trusty friend, true as steel, who would not forsake me in the extremity of my peril. i bethought me of my little "american bulldog" which i had picked up in the cars in kansas, and which had ever since followed me faithfully. "sic-semper-cerberus-sic!" my right hand stole to my hip, a short sharp bark, and the treacherous cacique fell over with a crimson stain on his forehead. at the same moment a weird, uncanny yelp pierced the night, and a tremendous shaggy phantom cloud obscured the slender sickle of the moon. terrified, the indians screamed "el perro! el perro de la malinche!" and shrilly the voices of frightened squaws took up the refrain, "perro! perro! gringo perro!" when i staggered to my feet, i was alone, sorely bruised and wounded, but master of the field. i recovered my revolver, which lay at my feet and contrived to mount my horse, whose bridle had caught on the greasewood brush, and i headed for home. not long thereafter i met my friend reyes, who was followed by a retinue of peons. "gracias a dios. amigo!" he exclaimed, on seeing me. "i came after your body, if it were to be found, and here you are alive. when i heard the report of firearms and knowing that those devils had your weapon, i feared the worst. how on earth did you manage to escape them? seeing you down and beset by the whole tribe, i gave you up for dead and fled." i told my friend that with god's help and the phantom dog's assistance i had beaten off my assailants, and i thought that the cacique had been sorely bitten by the dog. dona josefita was very anxious and excited. when she saw me coming, she cried, "the saints preserve us, oh here he is! mercy, how he looks, pobrecito! he is cut all to pieces. hurry, reyes, bring him in here and lay him gently down. hombre, husband, coward! how couldst thou abandon thy friend who fought for thy honor, not fearing the death. i wager that pale hussy, jtz-li-cama, was, as usual, the cause of this strife between men!" the kind lady then attended deftly and skillfully to the dressing of my wounds, applying soothing herbs and healing ointments, which tended to allay the fever, and she nursed me with the tenderest care, so that in a week's time i was as well as ever, though not without a feeling of regret for my too speedy recovery. of course, there arose the rumor of a fierce battle between americans and indians. to silence this silly talk and to avoid unpleasant complications, i surrendered myself to the alcalde of the precinct and accused myself of having disturbed the peace of the realm. pleading my case, i stated that as there was nobody but the peace disturbers involved, and as said parties did not make any further claim upon the honorable court, therefore, under the statute of the territory and the constitution of the united states, the law required that the court mulct the guilty parties in the payment of a nominal fine and discharge the culprits. the honorable court decreed that i as an american ought to know the american law best, and discharged me after i paid my self-imposed fine. the administering of justice in cases of importance was, of course, relegated to the united states circuit courts, but uncle sam did not care to meddle with the many troublesome alcaldes or justices of the peace, as he did not understand the spanish language very well. this was certainly humiliating and embarrassing, but who can blame him, as no one is over anxious to be rated an ignorant person. my mexican friends decided to give a farewell party in my honor. accordingly they made great preparations. they secured the largest sala, or hall, in the township and scoured the country for musicians--fiddlers and guitar players. every person of any social notability was invited. they drew the line of social respectability at peons, or bondmen. this was a happy-go-lucky caste of people who possessed no property nor anything else, and consequently they had no cares and were under no responsibility of any kind, as the wealthier classes, who virtually owned them, had to provide for their necessities. the system of peonage in new mexico had been abolished with the abolition of slavery in the united states, but the peons did not realize the wretchedness of their deplorable social status, and in their ignorance they regarded their bondage as a privilege, believing themselves fortunate to have their wants provided for by their patrones. they were treated kindly by their masters and looked upon as poor relations and intimate but humble friends. the entertainment was to be of the velorio (wake) type, which begins as a prayer meeting and ends in a dance. my friends exerted themselves to the utmost to make this event the social climax of the season. they sent a committee to the pueblo of isleta for several goatskins full of native wine, and incidentally they borrowed san augustin, the pueblo's famous image saint, who they intended should preside over the velorio. as this prayer meeting was to be in my honor and for the sake of invoking the protection of the saints on my journey, they thought it best to procure san augustin, who being the patron saint of the heathen isleta indians, would not mind giving a heretic protestant gringo a good send-off, as he was accustomed to deal with heresy. they also procured a dozen fat mutton sheep, which were to be barbecued and served with chile pelado to the invited guests, surely a tempting menu and hot! the ladies baked bollos, tamales and frijoles. melons and cantaloupes were brought in by the cartload. i was waited upon by a committee and received a formal invitation; for everything was done in grand spanish style. when i arrived at the festive hall the ceremonies began. the ladies knelt before san augustin, praying and chanting alternately. i took my customary station at the door, as master of the artillery. at the singing of a certain stanza and after the words, "angeles, y seraphim es! santo! santo! santo!" i received my cue from one of the deacons who gave the order: "fuego, maestro!" and i discharged my double barreled shotgun and a brace of six shooters in lightning-like succession. surely this was pious devotion, properly emphasized, and it kept san augustin from falling asleep. i used up a pound of gunpowder that night, and this was said to have been the grandest, most successful velorio ever held in that part of the world. at eleven o'clock i announced that my battery was overheated and too dangerous to reload, which stopped the praying and the grand baile began. there were several hundred dancing couples, who enjoyed themselves to the utmost until sunrise, and nobody thought of leaving for home until everything eatable and liquid was disposed of. now the date of our departure had arrived, and very sad, indeed, was i to leave these people who had done their very best to make me feel at home with them and who seemed to be really fond of me. i consoled dona josefita somewhat with the promise that i would return some day and find her the treasure of la gran quivira. don juan mestal, the freighter, seemed as reluctant to leave as i was; something was always turning up to delay our start. but at last we were off. after three days of travel, we came to a small town, where i met a mexican whom i knew on the rio grande, where he had formerly lived. he invited me cordially to the wedding of his sister, which was to be on the next day at old fort wingate, an abandoned fort, and then a mexican settlement. this man said that he had come on purpose to meet me, as he had heard of my intentions to leave the country. although i did not like the man, who was said to be jealous of americans, i accepted his urgent invitation more from curiosity to learn what he meant to do than for other reasons. the next morning i started early from camp and rode over to the little town, distant fifteen miles. when i arrived in front of my prospective host's house i caught a glimpse of two men, who were sneaking off toward an old corral. then i knew what was in the wind, for those two men were known to me as desperate cutthroat thieves and highwaymen; their specialty was to waylay and murder american travelers. my kind friend professed to be overmuch delighted at my arrival. he took charge of my horse and invited me into his house, where i met the bridal couple and their friends, who were carousing and gambling. i joined and made merry with them. at ten o'clock the whole party made ready to proceed to the chapel, where the marriage ceremony was to be performed. i simulated the part of a very inebriated person, a condition which they looked forward to with hope and satisfaction, and told them that i would stay at the house to await their return. when everybody had left i thought i might as well get under way, feeling lonesome. i went out and around to the rear of the house, where the corral was, to get my horse, but found the gate fastened with chains and securely locked. the corral walls were built of adobe, and the two walls of it were a continuation of the side walls of the house, and its end wall formed an enclosure or backyard. my horse was there, and i found my saddle in one of the rooms of the building, hidden under a blanket. i entered the corral through the back door of the house, caught and saddled my horse, and then led him out to the street. this was a very laughable manner of leave-taking. the house was cut up into a labyrinth of small rooms, just large enough for a horse to turn around in, and the doors were low and narrow. as i could not find the outer door, i led my horse successively into every room in the house. there is no furniture such as we use in a typical spanish dwelling, no bedsteads, tables, or chairs. the inmates squat on divans arranged on the floor around the walls of the rooms, and at nighttime they spread their bedding on the floors. some of the rooms were nicely carpeted with mexican rugs. my horse must have thought he had come to a suite of stables, for he acted accordingly. he nosed around after grain and hay, whinnied and pawed, and seemed to enjoy himself generally. at last i found the right door, came out into the street and rode to the church to tender my best wishes to the happy couple and bid them adios. when the party emerged from the chapel they seemed to be very much surprised at seeing me. i told my host that i regretted to leave them so early in the day, but had an appointment to keep elsewhere. i would ride slowly out of town so that they could overtake me easily, should they wish to see me later, but nobody came, and after several hours i caught up with my companions. chapter viii. with the navajo tribe after a couple of days we came to fort wingate, which controls the navajo indian reservation. we camped here for a day to have some repair work done to our wagons, and i took a stroll over the hills after rabbits and returned to camp at nightfall. don juan told me that he had been visited by a number of indians, who had bartered him some blankets and buckskins and he was highly pleased thereat. the next morning we started early and traveled until noon. several indians had been following us for some time, and as soon as we made camp they squatted at our fire, while others were continually arriving, some afoot, but most of them on horseback. manuelito, a grand-looking chief, rode into camp on the finest indian pony i had ever seen. it was beautifully caparisoned; the saddle, bridle, and trappings were covered with silver mountings. this was by far the most gorgeously dressed navajo i had ever met. he wore tight-fitting knickerbockers of jet-black buckskin, which resembled velvet, with a double row of silver buttons, set as close as possible on the outward seams, from top to bottom. on his legs from knee to ankle he wore homespun woolen stockings and his feet were covered by beaded moccasins of yellow, smoke-tanned buckskin. his bright red calico shirt was literally covered with silver ornaments and his ears were pierced with heavy silver rings, at least three inches in diameter. his wrists and arms were heavy with massive silver bracelets and others, carved from a stone, which resembled jade. about his neck he wore strings of wampum and glass beads, garnets, and bits of turquoise. the turquoise and garnet is found here in places known only to these indians. his fingers were encircled by many rings, but the finest ornament he possessed was his body belt of great disks of silver, the size of tea saucers. all this jewelry was of a fair workmanship, such as is made by navajo silversmiths out of coin silver. in fact, these indians prefer silver to gold for purposes of personal adornment. the blanket which this indian wore around his waist was worth at least two hundred dollars; never have i seen its equal in beauty of pattern and texture. the chief dismounted and withdrew with don juan behind a wagon for a talk, as i presumed. they reappeared soon, and the chief mounted his steed and cavorted around our camp as one possessed. furiously lashing his horse, he scattered our cooking utensils and acted in a most provoking manner generally. i noticed then that the noble chief was intoxicated, and when i questioned don juan sharply, he admitted that he had given the indian some whiskey, and on the day before as well. i warned the don to have no further dealings with these indians and advised him to break camp at once in order to avoid trouble. i informed him also that he had committed a serious crime by selling liquor to indians and that he was liable to be arrested at any time should a patrol from the fort happen our way. as the mexican was frightened now, we took to the road in a hurry and traveled until a late hour that night. in fact, we did not stop until the cattle were exhausted. hardly had we prepared our camp and were sitting around our fire, when a horde of indians appeared, clamoring for whiskey. as they were armed and threatening, don juan became so terrified that he climbed to the interior of a wagon to comply with the demand of the savages. when i saw this, i drew my rifle from its place under my bedding and placed it in readiness. plainly i saw don juan come out of the wagon with the mischievous stone jug, as this happened in the bright light of our camp fire. that will never do, thought i, and quickly drawing my revolver, i persuaded the don to drop the jug, incidentally smashing it with a caliber bullet, taking care not to hurt anybody; and this was easily done, as the jug was a large one, it held three gallons. instantaneously i grabbed my winchester, and with my back against a wagon stood ready for action. the indians uttered a howl of disappointment when they saw the jug collapse and its precious contents wasted, but were silenced by an exclamation of their chief. after an excited pow-wow between themselves, they disappeared among the hills in the shadows of the night. "muchas gracias, senor americana," said don juan, "quien sabe?" what would have happened if the indians had gotten the liquor, which i dared not refuse them; but i think this ends our troubles. we passed a sleepless night, and long before sunrise don juan made preparations for our departure. when the herders rounded up the cattle, they found that several yoke of oxen were missing, and greatly alarmed, they said that they believed the indians had stolen them during the night. don juan did not appear to be very anxious to search for the missing cattle himself, so he sent out the herders again after breakfast. they returned with the report of having found the tracks of indians who had apparently driven the cattle toward the hills, and stated that they were afraid to follow, fearing for their lives. as it was nearly noon by this time, we cooked our dinner, and while doing so were visited again by a number of the indians. don juan intimated to them that several of his oxen had strayed off during the night, and the navajos kindly offered to go in search of them for a remuneration. they demanded a stack of tortillas a foot high and a sack of flour. nolens-volens, squatted don mestal before the fire and baked bread for the wily indians as a ransom for his cattle. of course then the missing oxen were soon brought up, and we lost no time in getting under way. until midnight we traveled, as don juan was very anxious to get away from the reservation of these indians, which is seventy-five miles across. this night we experienced a repetition of the tactics of the night before, as regarded the safety of our herd, but don juan had to pay a higher ransom in the morning. while we were awaiting the arrival of the indians with our lost steers, chief manuelito honored us again with his presence. he sat down at our fire, and producing a greasy deck of spanish playing cards, he challenged don juan to a game of monte. that was an irresistible temptation for my companion. by the smiling expression of his wizened features i divined that he thought he saw his chance for revenge. manuelito undoubtedly had a strain of sporting blood in his veins, as he offered to stake his horses, blankets, squaws, and everything he had against the mexican's wagons and cargo. i warned don juan to have a care, as i knew the cunning of the navajo tribe, having dealt with them before, and advised him to play the traps he had bought from them with liquor against a chipper little squaw who was richly dressed and had come with chief manuelito, mounted on a white pony. i believed her to be the chief's daughter. when she understood the import of the conversation, she looked haughtily and in a disdainful manner at don juan, but appeared to be pleased with me and eyed me with symptoms of curiosity. of course, i expected her to defy don juan to take her, and simply ride off in case he should win the game. at any rate, i meant to take her under my protection, if necessary, and send her home to her people. in fact, the liquor which don juan had sold these indians had belonged to me and had been presented to me by a friend as an antidote for possible snake bites on the road to arizona. the gambling began, and my mexican companions became so engrossed in the enjoyment of their alluring national game of monte that they forgot everything else. the drivers were as interested as their employer and bet the poor trinkets they possessed on the result of the game. there arrived more indians continually, and i observed a familiar face amongst these and saw that i myself was recognized. the game was ended as i had foreseen, with don juan as the loser. he was an easy prey for these indians, who are as full of tricks as the ocean is of water. then chief manuelito, who was highly elated with his victory over the mexican, challenged me to a game in a very overbearing and provoking manner. i replied that i despised the game of monte, which was perhaps good enough for mexicans and indians, but was decided by chance; i boasted that i was ready to bet anything i had on my skill at shooting with the rifle, and challenged him and his whole tribe to the sport which was worthy of men, a shooting match. i think manuelito would have accepted my challenge without hesitation and in great glee if he had not been restrained by the indian whom i have mentioned before as having just arrived and recognized me. this indian said something to the chief, which seemed to interest and excite them all. chief manuelito advanced, and extending his hand in greeting, said that he had often wished to meet me, the wizard who had beaten the champion marksman of the navajo tribe. several years before i had in the town of cubero, at the request of mexican friends, shot a target match with the most renowned marksman of the navajo tribe, my pistol being pitted against the navajo's rifle, and had beaten him with a wonderful shot to the discomfiture and distress of a trading band of indians, who bet on their champion's prowess and lost their goods to the knowing mexicans. the chief then requested me to favor them with an exhibition of my skill. i readily assented and directed them to put up a target. they placed a flat rock against the trunk of a pine tree at so great a distance that it was barely distinguishable to the naked eye. i guessed the distance and my shot fell just below the mark. then i raised the hind sight of my winchester a notch and the next shot shattered the stone to pieces. at this the indians went wild. they had thought it impossible for any man to perform this feat of marksmanship, and were most enthusiastic in the profession of their admiration. gladly would they have adopted me into their tribe as a great chief or medicine man had i wished to ally myself to them. there was the opportunity of a lifetime, but i did not embrace it. as the sun was now low in the heavens, i advised don juan to remain in camp for the night and spoke to chief manuelito, expressing my wish to pass through his country unmolested and without delay. the chief assured me of his protection and bade us have no care. we slept soundly that night, a band of indians guarding our camp and herd under orders of manuelito, who had become my stanch friend and admirer. the following day we came to the end of the reservation and soon crossed the boundary line of new mexico into arizona. chapter ix. in arizona i left new mexico with the intention of making los angeles in the golden state my future home, and now, thirty years later, i have not reached there yet. vainly have i tried to break the thraldom of my fate, for i did not know that here i was to meet face to face with the mighty mystery of an ancient cult, the god of a long-forgotten civilization, a psychic power which has ordered my path in life and controlled my actions. as its servant, at its bidding, i write this, and shall now unfold, and in the course of this narrative give to the world a surprising revelation of the power of ancient aztec idols, which would be incredible in the light of our twentieth century of christian civilization if it were not sustained by the evidence of undeniable facts. our road led through a hilly country toward the little colorado river. in the distance loomed the san francisco mountains, extinct craters which had belched fire and lava long, long ago at the birth of arizona, when the earth was still in the travail of creation. we forded the little colorado at sunset crossing, a lonely colony, where a few mormons were the only inhabitants of a vast area of wilderness. we were headed due west toward a mesa rising abruptly from the plateau which we were then traversing. this mesa was again capped by a chain of lofty peaks, one of the mogollon mountain ranges. we ascended the towering mesa through the difficult chavez pass, which is named after its discoverer, the noted mexican, colonel francisco chavez, who may be remembered as a representative in congress of the united states, for the territory of new mexico. a day's heavy toil brought us to the summit of the mesa, which was a beautiful place, but unspeakably lonesome. this wonderful highland is a malpais or lava formation and densely covered with a forest of stately pines and mountain juniper. strange to say, vegetation thrives incredibly in the rocky lava; a knee-high growth of the most nutritious grama grasses, indigent to this region, rippled in the breeze like waves of a golden sea and we saw numerous signs of deer, antelope, and turkey. our road, a mere trail, wound over this plateau, which was a veritable impenetrable jungle in places, a part of the great coconino forest. think and wonder! an unbroken forest of ten thousand square miles, it is said to be the most extensive woodland on the face of the globe. this trail was the worst road to travel i have seen or expect ever to pass over. the wagons moved as ships tossed on a stormy sea, chuck! chuck! from boulder to boulder, without intermittence. we found delicious spring water about noon and passed a most remarkable place later in the day. this must have been the pit of a volcano. a few steps aside from the road you might lean over the precipice and look straight down into a great, round crater, so deep that it made a person dizzy. at the bottom there was a ranch house, a small lake and a cultivated field, the whole being apparently ten acres in area. i looked straight down on a man who was walking near the house and appeared no larger than a little doll and his dog seemed to be the size of a grasshopper, but we heard the dog bark and heard the cackling of hens quite plainly. on one side of this pit there was a break in the formation, which made this curious place accessible by trail. we had been advised that we would find a natural tank of rain water in the vicinity of this place and camped there at nightfall. we turned our stock out, but our herders did not find the promised water. our cook reported that there was not a drop of water in camp, as the spigot of his water tank had been loosened by the roughness of the road and all the water was lost. now this would have been a matter of small consequence if don juan had not been taken ill suddenly. he threw himself on the ground and cried for water. "agua, por dios!" (water, for god's sake) he cried, "or i shall die." "why, don juan," i said, "there is no water here. i advise you to wait till moonrise when the cattle are rested and then leave for the next watering place, which is beaver head, at the foot of the mesa; we ought to reach there about ten o'clock to-morrow morning. surely until then you can endure a little thirst!" "amiga, i cannot, i am dying," moaned don juan, in great distress. as i suspected that he had lost his nerve on the navajo reservation, i felt greatly annoyed, and when he became frantic in his cries i promised to go down to beaver creek to get him a drink of water, for i recalled to mind his little daughter who bid me farewell with these words: "adios, senor americano, i charge you with the care of my padrecito. if you promise me, i know that he will return to me safely." i set out on my long night-walk, stumbling over rocks and boulders in the darkness. it was a beautiful night, the crisp atmosphere was laden with the fragrant exhalation of the nut pines and junipers and there was not a breath of air stirring. i got down to water at midnight, the time of moonrise, filled my canteen and started on the return trip. slowly i reascended the steep mesa, and when i reached the summit i sat down on a rock in a thicket of junipers. the moon had now risen above the trees and cast its dim light over an enchanting scene. the sense of utter loneliness, a homesickness, a feeling of premonition, stole over me, and weirdly i sensed the presence of i knew not what. from the shadows spoke an owl, sadly, anxiously, "hoo, hoo! where are you? you!" and his mate answered him tenderly, seductively, "tee, hee! come to me! me!" in the west, far, far away, clustered a range of mountains, spread out like an enormous horse-shoe and in its center arose the form of a solitary hill. in the heavens from the east drifted a white, ragged cloud. the solitary hill seemed to rise high and higher and all the mountains bowed before it. the spectral cloud resolved itself into a terrible vision which enveloped the central hill. great heavens! again i saw the phantom dog and fancied that i heard shrill screams of "perro, perro, gringo perro!" a crackling noise, a coming shadow, and forward i fell on my face, ever on the alert, ever ready. an unearthly yell and a great body flew over, fierce claws grazing me. two balls of fire shone in the bush, but my rifle cracked and a great lion fell in its tracks. i expected my companions to meet me soon, coming my way. instead, i found them, after my all-night's walk, snugly camped where i had left them. don juan explained that with god's favor they had found the water soon after i had left them. he said that they had called loud and long after me, but i did not seem to hear. this day we descended the mesa and entered the valley of the verde river, one of arizona's permanent water courses. this valley is cultivated for at least forty miles from its source to where it enters precipitous mountains. we forded the crystal waters of the river at camp verde, an army post, and crossed another range of mountains and several valleys into a comparatively open country, and on the night of a day late in november we camped on lynx creek, and were then within a half day's travel of our destination. chapter x. at the shrine of a "sphinx of aztlan" not a drop of rain had fallen on us since we left the rio grande, the days were as summer in a northern climate, but the nights were quite chill, the effect of an altitude of five thousand feet above sea level. the country had lost its appearance of loneliness, for we passed several parties of miners and heard the heavy booming of giant powder at intervals, and from various directions all through the day. we were joined by a jolly party of miners who were eager for news and camped with us over night. there were three men in this outfit. keen-looking, hearty old chaps with ruddy faces and gray beards, they looked like men who are continually prospecting for the "main chance." i passed a delightful evening in their company. they said they owned rich silver mines farther up on lynx creek, and had come out from town to perform the annual assessment work on their claims, as prescribed by the laws of the united states, in order to hold possession and perfect legal title to the ground. as i was not versed in matters pertaining to the mines, i asked why they did not work their mines continually for the silver. they explained that they could not work to good advantage for lack of transportation facilities which made it very difficult and costly to bring in machinery for developing their prospects into mines. therefore, until the advent of railroads they chose to perform their annual assessment work only. two of these gentlemen were substantial business men and the other was their confidential secretary or affidavit man. it was his duty to make an affidavit before a magistrate that his employers had performed the labor required by law, which is not less than one hundred dollars per claim and incidentally he cooked for the outfit and attended to the horses. of course, they might have hired mine laborers to do this work, but they said they enjoyed the outing and exercise, especially as this was the time of house cleaning and they were glad to get away from home. "yes," affirmed the affidavit man, "and so are your wives." these gentlemen rode horses and carried a supply of provisions on a pack mule. the most conspicuous object of their pack was a keg labelled "dynamite." when the clerk placed this dangerous thing near the fire and sat on it, i became fidgety, but was reassured when subsequently i saw him draw the stopper and fill a bottle labelled "old crow" from it. they advised me to go prospecting and gave me much valuable information and kindly offered to sell me a prospecting outfit, "for cash," at their stores. as we were chatting, i became aware of a delicious, pungent odor, like the perfume of orange blossoms. "is it possible," said i, astonished, "that there are orange groves in bloom in this vicinity?" the old gentlemen said they did not smell anything wrong, but the clerk jumped to his feet and sniffed the air in the direction of prescott. "why, gentlemen," said he, "of course, you cannot smell any further than the blossoms on the tips of your noses, but the young man has a sharp proboscis, he scents the girls. here comes dan bound for the silver bell mine with his blooming show." we heard the clatter of hoofs and wheels and saw a large coach pass by, crowded with passengers, mostly ladies. the clerk said that the genial owner of the silver bell mine, who was also the proprietor of a popular resort in town, was going out to pay his miners their monthly wage. "that is it," said one of the merchants, "and to keep the boys from leaving the mine in order to spend their money at his resort in town, he takes his variety show out there. he cannot afford to have his mine shut down just now, as they have struck horn silver, and that is the kind of tin he needs in his business." these kind old gentlemen cautioned me to keep away from a dark-looking, broken mountain, looming to the north. "that country is no good," they said; "there is nothing but copper there, even the water is poisoned with it." those were the black hills where there is now the prosperous town of jerome and one of the great mines of the earth, the famous united verde mine, the property of senator william clark. the following day, about noon, we rounded a sharp bend of the road and fort whipple and the town of prescott came into view. a pretty and gratifying sight truly, but imagine my astonishment! here to the right was the identical mysterious hill which i had seen in that memorable night from the height of the mogollon mesa and behind it was the black range, the sierra prieta, which had formed a part of the encircling horseshoe. never in my lifetime have i come to a town where the people were as hospitable and kindly disposed toward strangers as here. it is no wonder that i got no farther, for here the people vied with each other to welcome the wayfarer to the gates of their city. the town was then young and isolated. the inhabitants had come by teams or horseback from as far away as the state of kansas, where the nearest railway connection was eastward, or from california, via yuma and ehrenberg on the colorado river. stages and freight teams made regular trips across the arid desert to ehrenberg. the first settlers of this region came from california in search of gold. they first found it in the sands of the hassayampa, which is born of mighty mount union, the mother of four living streams. from its deathbed in the hot sands of the desert, they traced the precious waters to its source. gold they found in plenty with hardship and privation. they encountered a band of hostile indians, and hardest to bear, a loneliness made sufferable only by the illusive phantasies of the golden fever. their expectations realized, the majority of these pioneers returned to the golden state and civilization with the burden of their treasure, saying they had not come to arizona for their health. now in these present days there comes a throng of people in quest of health solely, and many are they who find its blessing in the sunny and bracing air of this climate, in hot springs and the balmy breath of the fir and juniper of our mountains. i found employment in a mercantile establishment of this little mining town and grew up with the country, as the saying is. i formed new acquaintances and made new friends. among others, i met william owen o'neill. i cannot now remember the exact time or year. attracted by the light-hearted, cheerful, and dare-devil spirit of this ambitious and cultured young man, i joined a military organization, of which he was then a lieutenant and later the captain, this was company f of prescott grays, national guard of arizona. poor, noble-hearted, generous buckie--he knew it not, but this was his first step on the path of glory leading to the altar of patriotism whereon he laid his life. it was he who, with a poet's inspiration, first divined the mystery of the mountain which i have before alluded to. he likened this beautiful mound to a sleeping lion who guarded the destinies of the mountain city. poor friend, his glorious song stirred the dormant life in the metallic veins of the butte and, wonder of wonders, the sleeping lion awoke, the poet's lay had brought the sphinx to life--the die of fate was cast and he had sealed his doom! when i read his beautiful poem, i gasped in wonder, for only i on earth fathomed the significance of this revelation. this dream of a poet's fanciful soul, soaring on the wings of pegasus, was stern reality to me and anxiously i awaited developments. nor waited i in vain. the grateful sphinx showered honor and wealth upon my friend. the generous sportive boy, who cared naught for gold, actually grew rich, for the sphinx had granted him the most lucrative office in the county, the people made him their sheriff. he rose step by step to the highest place of honor in the community until he became the mayor of prescott. not satisfied with this token of its favor, the sphinx rewarded him in a most extraordinary and convincing manner. by the help of nature, its help-meet, it transformed a great deposit of siliceous limestone into beautiful onyx and painted it in all the colors and after the pattern of the rainbow. this magnificent gift made captain o'neill independently rich, but it is a fact that as soon as it passed from his hands, the stone lost in value and no one has since profited from it. i believe that our hero would have risen to the highest position of dignity on earth, the presidency of the united states, if he had not unwittingly aroused the jealousy of the terrible heathen god. when he chose a wife from the lovely maidens of prescott, then the vengeful sphinx laid its sinister plans for his undoing, for it is in the nature of cats, small or great, to be exceedingly jealous. the furious idol remembered the people of a long forgotten race, its loyal subjects, who had reared and worshiped it, inconceivably long ago, when the grand canyon of arizona was but a tiny ravine and before icy avalanches had ground the rocks at the dells into boulders. it remembered the descendants of its subjects, the aztec indians. it remembered how the spaniards had cruelly broken the aztec nation. through the subtle influence of psychic forces, it stirred up a passion of hate for spain in the hearts of the people of the united states, and it fostered the awful spirit of strife, and at the right moment it let loose the dogs of war. one convulsive touch of its rocky claws on the hidden currents coursing in earth's veins and an evil spark fired the fatal mine under the battleship maine, in the harbor of havana. "is this possible; can this be true?" if not, why is it that at the call to arms, even before the nation rallied from the shock of the cowardly deed which sacrificed the lives of inoffensive sailors--why is it, i say, that from under the very paws of the sphinx, so far away in arizona--and at the call of captain o'neill, the noble mayor of prescott, there arose the first contingent of fighting volunteers in our war with spain? the inexorable sphinx had resolved to grant to our beloved and honored friend its last and most exalted gift, a hero's death on the field of battle. it has graven the name of prescott, the city of the sphinx, on scrolls of everlasting fame, as the town which rallied first to the call of the president and as the only town which gave the life of its mayor, its first, its most honored citizen, to the nation. on the isle of cuba, in the battle of san juan hill, fell the gallant captain william owen o'neill of the regiment of rough riders. peace to his ashes! i have been told the circumstances surrounding his death by friends, who were soldiers of his company. they were lying under cover behind every available shelter to dodge a hailstorm of mauser bullets, awaiting the order to advance. captain o'neill exposed himself and was instantly killed. how could he avoid it? how could it have been otherwise? what can keep an irishman down in the ditch when bullets are flying in air, "murmuring dirges" and "shells are shrieking requiems?" you may readily imagine an irishman on the firing line, poking his head above the ground, exclaiming: "did yez see that? and where did that dago pill come from now? shure it spoke spanish, but it did not hit me at all, at all, begorra!" the activity of the sphinx ended not with the battle of san juan hill, for it cast the luster of its glorious power on the gallant lieutenant colonel of the famous regiment of rough riders, theodore roosevelt, and on him it conferred in time the greatest honor to be achieved on earth, it made him president of the united states of america. not knowing it, perhaps, he still is at the time of this writing in the sphere of influence and in the power of the sphinx and is doing its bidding. else why should he, as is well known, favor the jointure of new mexico and arizona into one state? surely the loyal subjects of the sphinx, the pueblo indians of aztec blood, live mostly in new mexico, and the cunning idol plans to deliver them out of the hands of the spanish mexicans, and place them under the protection and care of the americans of arizona, knowing full well that the anglo-saxon blood will rule. every miner and prospector of arizona knows that there have been, and are found to this day nuggets of pure gold and silver on the summit of barren hills, in localities and under geological conditions which are not to be reckoned as possible natural phenomena. whence came the golden nuggets on the summit of rich hill at weaver, where a party of men gathered two hundred thousand dollars worth in a week's time? whence came the isolated great chunk of silver at turkey creek, valued at many thousands? the wisest professor of geology and expert of mines cannot explain it. this, i say, is the gold and silver from ornaments employed in temples of the idols of ancient races, who lived unthinkable thousands of years ago. the very stones of their temples have crumbled and been decomposed, but the precious metal has been formed into nuggets, according to the natural laws of molecular attraction, and under the impulse of gravity and in obedience to the laws of affinity of matter. people from prescott in their rambles in the vicinity of thumb butte have probably noticed a slag pile as comes from a furnace. i have heard them theorize and argue on the question of its origin or use, as there is not a sign of ore in existence thereabouts to indicate a smelting furnace. i say this was an altar erected i by the ancient worshipers to their idol, the sphinx. before it stood the awful sacrificial stone, whereon quivered the bodies of victims while priests tore open their breasts and offered their throbbing hearts in the sacred fire on the altar, a sacrifice to their cruel god. many prospectors have undoubtedly traced a blood red vein of rock coursing from this place toward willow creek--a valuable lode of cinnabar, they must have thought. if they had tested the ore for quicksilver, they would have received discouraging results. porphyry stained with an unknown petrified substance and without a trace of metal invariably read the analytical assays. this is the innocent, petrified blood of victims which stained a ledge of porphyry when it ran down the mountain side in torrents, an awful sacrifice to the ancient idols of lust and ignorance. a kindly warning to you, fellow-prospectors and miners, who delve in the vitals of mother earth! beware thumb butte, beware the district of the sphinx! have a care, for you know not what you may encounter in this mystic neighborhood! shun strange gods and set up no idols in your hearts, as you value the salvation of your souls. but if your mine lies in this district, be fearful not to excite the anger of the gnomes of the mountain. charge lightly, lest you blast the bottom out of your mine. disturb not the slumber of the spirits of the hills lest they throw a horse into the shaft and push your pay-ore down a thousand feet. now, i who am what i am, a servant of the sphinx, have erected the shrine of my household gods in the beautiful town, which lies in its shadow and is held in its paw. even now is the sphinx weaving on the web of my destiny. i hope i may be spared the cumbersome burden of the wealth of a rockefeller, who is said to possess a billion dollars for every hair on his head. one thousandth part of his wealth would suffice to reward me amply. i received a message in a dream, in a vision of the night, a promise from the sphinx. i fancied that i was on lynx creek, sitting on the windlass at the shaft of my silver mine. this mine is within a mile of the place where we had camped and met the party of miners. i had worked the mine with profit until i met, through no fault of mine, with a fault in the mine and encountered a horse in the formation which faulted the ground in such a manner as to interrupt the pay chute and to make further work unprofitable. while i sat there, lighting my pipe and blessing my luck, i saw a black tomcat come along and jump my claim. as i have always detested claim jumpers, i threw a rock at him and with an uncanny mee-ow and bristling tail he disappeared down the mine. when i went to the spot where he had scratched, after the fashion of cats, probably preparing to build his location monument and place his notice, i was thunderstruck to see that the rock i had thrown at him had been transformed into a chunk of pure gold. surely where that cat jumped into the mine, there lies a bonanza, there shall i sink to the water level. from the time of my youth have i always possessed great bodily strength and physical endurance, combined with good health, and now, i am, if anything, stronger in body than ever and i am blessed with the identical passions and thoughts i harbored in the days of my youth. to me this signifies that my life's real task is now beginning, the sphinx is fitting me for glorious work. what and where, i care not; but ambitious hope leads me on, past wealth and power to visions of a temple of divine, pictorial art. fain would i guide my light, frivolous thoughts long enough into the calm channels of serious reflection to bid you, my kind readers, a dignified farewell and express the sincere hope that, when we have prospected life's mortal vein to the end of time and our souls soar on the last blast of gabriel's trumpet to shining sands on shores of bliss eternal. an uncanny stone. (a sequel to the last chapter of "wooed by a sphinx of astlan."') "gigantic shadows, dancing in the twilight fade with the sun's last golden ray. on quivering bat-wings, sad and silent, flits darkness--night pursuing day. hark! as the twelfth hour sounds its knell at midnight, tolls a whimpering bell when yawning graves profane their secrecy. ghosts stalk in dreamland haunting memory and spectral visions of departed friends arise who freed of sin, that fetter of mortality, with angels in their kingdom of eternal life grace heaven's choir of harmony." the third day of july a. d. was a gala-day for the citizens of prescott, a historic date for arizona, as then our governor, in behalf of the territory, formally accepted an equestrian statue from its sculptor. this monument which commemorates our war with spain had been erected on the public plaza of prescott in honor of "roosevelt's rough riders," the first regiment of united states volunteer cavalry. a master-piece of modern art the statue breathes life and action in the perfection of its every detail, representing a rough rider who is about to draw his weapon while reining his terrified horse as it rears in a last lunge. this is indicated by the steed's gaping mouth, distended nostrils, the bent knees, knotted chords and veins of its neck and body. the expression of a noble beast's agony is rendered in so life-like a manner that its protruding eyes seem to glaze into the awful stare of death, and instinctively the spectator listens for the stifled whimper and whinnying screams of a wounded creature. borglum's splendid statuary, this heroic cast of bronze which so faithfully portrays the destiny of a dumb animal, man's most useful and willing slave, always ready to share its master's fate, even unto death--to my mind is a most eloquent, if silent, argument against all warfare. but the glory of the monument is its pedestal. a solid stone, a bed-rock from the cradle of the idol-mountain it was contributed by nature to the memory of one of its noblemen, "captain william owen o'neill," who crowned his life with immortality, suffering a soldier's death. during the storming of san juan hill to anxious friends imploring him not recklessly to expose himself, with smiling lips he gave this message of death's angel, that mysterious oracle of a sphinx which from the gaze of mortals veils their ordained doom: "comrades, sergeant! i thank you for your kindly warning--fear not for me, the spanish bullet that could kill me is not molded!"--when instantly he fell struck dead--not by a "spanish" bullet--"no!" but by the bullet fired from a mauser rifle, "not made in spain." not an ordinary stone this arizona granite rock is entitled to highest honors among the stones of the earth. by none outclassed in witchery it ranks equally in fame with the blarneystone of ireland; old plymouth rock does not compare with it, for that derives its prestige only from "mayflower pilgrims" who accidentally landing at its base merely stepped over it. proudly our arizona stone bears a most precious burden--the tribute of a people who in exalting patriotism honor themselves. originally an archaean sea-bottom rock this stone lay submerged in the ocean until during the jurassic period, under the lateral pressure of a cooling earthcrust the table-lands and mountain-chains of arizona rose from the seas. then it slumbered through several epochs of geology, representing many millions of years in the bosom of earth, the mother, until at the beginning of the psychozoic era, through erosion or the action of atmospheric influences and nature's chemistry it came to the surface; uncovered and freed from all superimposed stratified rock. it saw the light of day long before the advent of primitive man; but the giant-flora and fauna of pre-historic time had developed, flourished and vanished while it rested under ground. contrary to the habit of rolling stones which gather no moss, this arizona stone accumulated much, for when it had reached its assigned site on the plaza of prescott it had become a very valuable, expensive rock. when first i saw it, this fearful aztec juggernaut was within a half mile of its destination. slowly it crawled along, threatening destruction to everything in its path, and in the course of a week had arrived at the granite-creek bridge. it moved by main strength and brute force employing men and horses after the custom of the ancients when more than thirty-seven hundred years ago king menes, son of cham reigned in egypt, who albeit surnamed mizrain the laggard, yet was the first king of the first dynasty of the children of the sun. when i saw the direction from whence the stone had come i feared that disaster would overwhelm our town and unfortunately was i not mistaken. at the bridge the stone gave the first manifestation of its unholy heathen power when it balked, defying modern civilization and through sorcery or in other unhallowed ways contrived to interfere with the public electric traction service, paralyzing the traffic so effectively that every street car in the town was stopped; not merely a few hours, but for days. like that colossus of strength and wisdom, the elephant which refuses to pass over a bridge until satisfied that this will uphold its weight, the cunning stone did not budge another inch until the bridge had been braced with many timbers. as foreseen by me this uncanny rock was sent by the idol of the mountain, the "sphinx of aztlan," to cast a hoodoo, an evil spell over the monument. it caused dissension among the people and confused their minds into rendering abnormal criticisms, making them indulge in eccentric vagaries and speculations on the artistic and intrinsic value of the monument. some persons guessed at the value of the metal contained in the statue, while others reckoned the cost of the horse or that of the rider's accoutrements. however, of thousands of admiring and delighted spectators none shared an exactly like opinion except in this, that the statue bore no individual resemblance; but that also was contradicted by a young lady whom i heard exclaim: "girls, surely that looks like buckie o'neill, but in love and war men are not themselves!" "how do i know? oh, mamma said so!" during the ceremony of unveiling the monument a dark, ragged storm cloud hung over the aztec mountain, fast overcasting the sky. thousands of people strained their eyes and held their breath in the glad anticipation of seeing the features of their lamented friend, prescott's honored mayor, immortalized in bronze. when after moments of anxious suspense the veil which draped the statue parted and fell to earth, the sun's rays pierced the clouds, while deafening cheers rent the air. i thought i heard a weird, faint cry, an echo from the past--but cannons boomed, drums crashed as a military band rendered its patriotic airs. and we saw--not the familiar, fine features of our soldier hero, so strikingly portrayed by a famed artist and molded into exact, lifelike resemblance, but instead we beheld an unknown visage--a type, merely the semblance of a "rough rider," its rigid gaze riveted on the idol-mountain, forever enthralled by the sphinx. in nineteen hundred seven, on the third day of july with shining mien and naming sword earthward st. michael came to save--ever auspicious be the blessed day-- from blighting heathen guile a christian hero's fame the while, breathless with awe, solemn the people gazed and rhetoric's inspired flame on aztlan's altar blazed. adore the saints, behold a miracle divine! hallowed, our saviour, be thy name and heaven's glory thine! of idol-worship now has vanished every trace in deepest crevice and highest place on mesa, butte and mountain-face; from the grand canyon's somber shade the sun-scorched desert, the dripping glade and sunken crater of stoneman's lake. the "casa grande," a home of ancient race-- a ruin now--is haunted by montezuma's wraith. in montezuma's castle, crumbling from roof to base the winds and rain of heaven ghosts of the past now chase. where erstwhile the great spirit's children dwelt forever hushed is the papoose's wail, and stilled the squaw's low-crooning lilt. no longer shimmers starlight from eyes of savage maids worshippers of the fire and sun, poor dwellers of the caves-- the sisters of the deer and lo, shy startled fawns of aztec race or coy ancestral dams of moon-eyed toltec doe. now verde witches bathe in montezuma's well and over its crystal waters the tourists cast their spell. rejoice! to arizona has the saviour vouchsafed his grace for our salvation army lass teaches true gospel faith: "be saved this night, poor sinner, repent, the hour is late! salvation is in store for thee, brother do not delay as fleeting time and sudden death for no man ever wait!" "praise god!" the lassie's war-cry is, the keynote of her song. to the tune of "annie roonie" and kindred fervid lay with mandolin and banjo, marching in bold array the devil's strongholds storming, battling to victory-- with banners flying, the tambourine and drum forever has she silenced the shamans vile tom-tom. all fetish spirit-medicine she has tabooed, banished away except bourbon and rye, sour-mash, hand-made and copper-distilled, licensed, taxed and gauged, then stored in bond to ripen, mellow, age. god bless the army, rank and file who fight our souls to save! modern disciples of the son of man, true followers of christ, they work by day, then preach and pray and pound their drum at night. l'envoy. farewell, this ends my rhyming, submitted at its worth. lest i forget--pride goes before the fall, on earth and exceeding fine if slowly, grind the mills of angry gods-- the muses' steed, a versifying bronco had i caught and recklessly i rode; but fast as thought fate overtook me when pegasus bucked me off. sorely distressed i hear a satyr's mocking laugh as on my laurels resting, on my seat of honor cast and thanking you for kind attention now your indulgent censure ask. the birth of arizona. (an allegorical tale.) on the summit of a mountain i staked my claim; in the shade of a balsam-spruce i built my hut. when the south wind that rises on the desert climbs to the mountain's ridge and rustling among silvery needles, rattles the cones on boughs and twigs--the tree-giant whispers with resinous breath, bemoaning the fate of a prehistoric civilization, and lisps of the mystery and romance of a humanity long extinct, mourning for races forgotten and vanished. alone--unrivaled in her weird, wild grandeur stands arizona where spiry rock-ribbed giants stab an emerald, opal-tinted sky, and terraced mesas of wondrous amber hue form natural stairways, that grandly wrought were carved step after step, through successive epochs of erosion, affording thus an easy ascent to the rugged profile of this land of the western hemisphere. all this is of historic record in stony cypher of geology indelibly engraved by time on the rocky walls of deepest canyons, as traceable from the primordial archaean to our present era, the age of man. in tremor-spasms of terrestrial creation, 'midst chaotic fiery turmoil of volcanos, out of the depth of globe-encircling waters, from the womb of universe--eternity--came the almighty word, and then was born fair arizona. fraught with golden prophecy was her horoscope, cast by fate's oracle for her birthday fell under the sign of the scorpion when in the path of planets venus contended with the earth for first place of ascendency to the second house of the heavens. high above the tidal wave rose arizona, as fleecy clouds float in the rays of apollo's sun-torch when at eventide his flaming chariot plunges into unfathomed depths of the pacific ocean. with her first breath this daughter of columbia, born of gods, clamored for aid. neptune was first among the planets to heed the plaintive cry and held her to his breast, with fond caresses. the grandest canyon on the face of earth with flowing streams and limpid crystals he gave her as a birthday present. these crystals rare are famed as arizona diamonds now. bright, lovely venus, the sister of earth, a shining planet, gave the ruby-red garnet, her pledge of love and arizona hid it in her bosom. there shall you find it, if worthy so you be, in the hearts of happy maidens. saturn gave her his ring of amethysts and uranus the greenish malachite, of buoyant hope the emblem. this, in time, was changed to copper, the king of all commercial metals. mars gave the bloodstone. from it came soldiers bold, heroes who fought apaches and the spaniard. the winged mercury on passing tossed her two stones, most precious; the lodestone and a blackstone. the lodestone was a stone of grit. when arizona placed it in her crib thence came the lucky prospector who sinks his shafts through earth and rock in search of mineral treasure. then opened she the blackstone and lo, from it arose the men of eloquence who aided by retainers fight keenly in continued terms for order, law and justice with weapons that are mightier than the sword which giveth glory, eternal rest and immortality to heroes only whom it smiteth. behold, a shadow now fell on the earth and as a serpent coils and creeping stretches forth its slimy length, it came apace. foreboding evil it announced the knight-errant of never-ending space, a wicked comet. to arizona gave he playthings many: the rattlesnake, hairy tarantelas and stinging scorpions, horned toads and centipedes, a scented hydrophobia-cat, the gila monster, a mexican and the apache; also a thorny cactus plant. anon the tricky hassayampa rose from his source. on mischief bent he overflowed his bed, teasing the infant arizona. he worried her, poor dearie--dear till she shed tears and nature adding to the gush of waters there flowed a brackish stream away; now named saltriver and on its banks nested the phoenix. from elysium in his chariot descended then the sungod to nurse his infant daughter. he dried the hassayampa's bed in the hot desert sand and where man-like, incautiously he scorched the hem of arizona's dress--where now lies yuma--there the temperature rose ten degrees hotter than hades; but luckily since then it has cooled off as much. the happy maiden smiled with joy as apollo kissed her long and often. he took the turquoise from the skies, an emblem of unfaltering faith. it and a lock of shining hair he gave her. that hid she in her rocky bed where it became gold of the mint; the filthy lucre of unworthiness and avarice, a blessing when in charity bestowed; a boon as the reward of honest labor! with lengthening shadows luna, night's gentle goddess came, a full mile nearer to arizona than to other lands beaming her softest rays over the sleeping child. under the lunar kisses woke arizona and stored the moonshine in her gown. that nature has transformed to silver; serving the poor man as his needed coin. in sadness waned the moon, for caught between the horns of a dilemma she had no wealth left to endow the infant with. intemperate habits had the goddess always, was often full and now reduced to her last quarter, but that was waning fast and her man's shadow also growing less. her semi-transparent stone, alas! had given she long since to california, but this proudest of all daughters of the seas did not appreciate the kindly gift. she cast it on the white sands of her beaches where it is gathered by the thankful tourist who shouts exultantly, delighted with his find: the moonstone, climate, atmosphere, the only things free-gratis here-- eureka! i have found! a royal fiasco. (historical anecdotes.) a village on the coast of northern germany, where the elbe flows into the north sea, was my birthplace, its parsonage, my childhood's home. two great earth-dikes which sheltered our village from fierce southwesterly gales were the only barrier standing between untold thousands of lives and watery graves, for the coasts of holland and northern germany are below the level of high tides. it is known that through inundations caused by breaks in these levees, occurring as late as the tenth and eleventh centuries of our era more than three hundred thousand persons with all their domestic cattle were drowned over night. these dikes which extend for many miles along the banks of the river were erected by the systematic herculean toil of generations of our ancestors. according to a popular tradition it was rolof, the dwarf, a thrall of vulcan, who taught my forefathers the art of forging tools from iron ore, enabling them to battle successfully against the might of neptune. they blunted the angry sea-god's trident with their plows and shovels and repulsed him at the very threshold of his element, stemming the inroads of hungry seas with their stupendous handiwork which still stands intact, an imposing monument to the memory of my forebears, being their children's children's most precious inheritance. on the soil which my ancestors reclaimed from the sea they founded their homes and sowed grasses and cereals. but ere long a dire calamity came over the land, for at the command of the revengeful neptune his mermaids spewed sea-foam into the river's fresh water addling it with their fish-tails into a nasty brine. luckily the good dwarf who in his youth had served his term of apprenticeship at the court of king gambrinus and was therefore master of the noble craft of brewing kindly taught my forefathers to brew a foaming draught from the malt of barleycorn, which thereafter they drank instead of water. and now all seafaring men who navigate the river elbe between cuxhaven and hamburg are still troubled with a tremendous thirst which nothing but foaming lager beer may quench. the founding of the village's church dates from the conversion of saxon tribes who inhabited that country. the chapel's original walls were built of rock, but its newer part was constructed of brick-work during the fourteenth century. our domicile, the parsonage, although not quite as ancient, was a very picturesque ruin with its moss-covered roof of thatched straw, under which a flock of sparrows made their homes; but a modern building, how prosaic-looking it might be, or deficient in uniqueness and the charm of its surroundings, would undeniably have made a better, more sanitary and comfortable residence. mother, at least, thought this when father landed her, his blushing bride at the ancient parsonage in a rain storm which compelled them to retire for the night under the shelter of an umbrella; and thus the honeymoon of their married life waxed with uncommon hardship. later the old leaky house received a tile roof, part of it was removed and with it the room where first i saw the light of day. that was a cold day for father indeed, as there was another mouth to be fed then, a very serious problem for a poor parson to solve. when my aunt remarked that i looked like a "monk" father eyed me thoughtfully, saying: "perhaps there is something to darwin's theory after all," but mother took me to her arms, withering her sister with scornful glances of her flashing eyes. "certainly does he look like a monk, the poor little tiddledee-diddy darling," she said; "what else would you expect of him, being the son of a preacher and a descendant of priests?" on a certain fateful summer day when assembled at dinner we heard the rumble of wheels as an imperial post-chaise hove into view, lumbering lazily past the parsonage. the postillion's horn sounded a letter-call and my sisters rushed out, racing over our lawn to the gate, in order to take the message. they returned with a large envelope bearing great official seals, both girls struggling for its possession and fighting like cats for the privilege of carrying the precious document. mother's face was wreathed in smiles of ecstacy. "your salary, papa," she whispered, but father was very solemn. "no, dear, it is not due," he answered. he took the missive from my sister's hands and turned it over and over, guessing at its contents until mother who was favored with more of that quality which is commonly called "presence of mind" urged him to open it, and see. an ashen pallor spread over father's countenance, the letter dropped from his hand and he would have fallen if mother had not caught him in her arms. she grabbed the evil message, slipping it into the bosom of her gown, where it could do no further harm. then she guided father's faltering steps to the sanctity of his studio, where he wrote his sermons and closed the door. my sisters availed themselves of the opportunity to make a raid on mother's pantry, but i, poor little innocent, waited in the corridor for mother's return, dreading to hear the worst. i heard my dear father groan aloud and bemoan his fate and listened to mother's soothing sympathetic words as she begged father to be calm and bear it like a man and a christian. when at last mother came out i flew to her. she took me to her arms, kissing my tear-stained face. "poor little boy," she said, "cheer up and you shall have a big cookie, don't you cry!" "oh, mamma," i faltered, "will papa die?" "no, sonny, that he won't," said she with a determined glint of her eyes and a twitching of the corners of her mouth, "for i won't let him; but he does suffer anguish!" "oh, tell me, mamma, what misfortune has befallen us," i cried. "it is very sad," said mother. "your father, who is the finest speaker in the country, has been commanded by a worshipful senate and most honorable civic corporation of the free city of hamburg to appear before the visiting king in full dress, and officiate as orator of the day at a reception to be tendered his majesty by our city"--here mother broke down completely, overwhelmed by grief and wept copiously into her handkerchief. "oh, oh," i wailed, "do say it, mamma!" "and--and your father has no coat!" she sobbed. "poor man, he fears disgrace and dreads the loss of preferment and of a royal decoration, perhaps. he will have to feign sickness as an excuse for his absence; but i hope he realizes now how degraded and unhappy i must feel with my last year's gowns and made-over millinery--and your poor sister's ancient bonnets, i dare not look at them any longer!" "but papa has a coat," i said, "a royal prince albert!" "true," answered mother, "but it has no swallow's tails!" "a prince albert has no swallow-tails?" i gasped wonderingly; "but it has great, long tails, surely!" "oh, now i see," an idea flashing through my mind; "it has cock-tails, has it, mamma, and it can't swallow them, can it, mamma?" "oh my, oh my!" screamed mother, "you are the funniest little chap to ask me questions. go, ask pussy!" then i went into the back yard to interview my favorite playmate, our big, black tomcat, and aroused him from his cat nap. but he blinked sleepily only, saying nothing. however, speech was not to be denied me in that manner, for i held the combination which unlocks the portals of silence. i gave the handle a double twist and he spat and spluttered: "sh--sh--sht--t--t!" as may be imagined, my father passed a sleepless night in the solitude of his studio. he wrestled with a host of demons and made a good fight of it; for finally in the small hours of morning he overcame the evil spirit of worldly ambition and with true christian humility, his soul purified by vanquished temptation, resigned himself unreservedly, good man that he was, to the mandate of a cruel fate. he began to write his sermon for the sabbath, and being spiritually chastened and battle-sore, naturally his thoughts dwelt on melancholy topics. therefore, he took the text of his sermon from the lamentations of jeremiah, chapter , v. i: "i am the man that hath seen affliction by the rod of his wrath." it may be stated here that on the next sabbath, from "firstly" to "seventhly" for two long hours father pondered over the uncertainties of earthly life, and that on this occasion he delivered the most effective sermon of his pastoral career. when father had written his sermon he resumed work on an unfinished volume of historical sketches which he prepared for future publication. meantime mother, who was busy with a pleasanter task was correspondingly cheerful. she altered father's "prince albert" into a stately full-dress coat, ripping up its waist-seams, and pinned back the skirts of the coat into the proper claw-hammer shape. then she took that other garment which goes with the long waistcoat and the full-dress coat of a courtier's suit, in hand. this article had not been mentioned before by anyone, as there was a goodly supply of it known to be in mother's wardrobe. deftly cutting the lace away, a few inches above the knees she placed some mother-of-pearl buttons and bows of ribbons and with few stitches fashioned a beautiful pair of courtier's small clothes, or knickerbockers, for father's use. father had begun a description of the battle of waterloo, for nothing so touched a responsive chord in his mind as the recording of a most fearful catastrophe, the direst calamity known to history, nor served as well to alleviate by comparison his mind's distress and mortification. just as he wrote the sentence, "alas for napoleon, here set his lucky star; not only was his misfortune repeated, but also his final downfall accomplished when blucher's tardy cavalry appeared on the field, turning the tide of battle in favor of the british"--in came mother with happy, triumphant laughter, unfolding and flaunting to the breeze the so anxiously wished-for full-dress suit. "julia, darling, you have saved the day, oh you are so clever," shouted father, joyfully embracing her; "but i say!" he exclaimed in startled surprise, "where on earth did you get this--er--trousseau? do you really think i shall need those?" "yes, indeed you shall, dearest, when you are going to court," replied mother. "here you have everything needed except the silken hose which you must buy." "but you have a plenty of long-limbed stockings," said father, wrinkling his brow. "my good man, look here now!" answered mother, bristling, "well enough you know that all my stockings are very old and holey!" "oh, darn them!" growled father testily. "wilhelm, do you wish the king to see my stockings then?" cried mamma, angrily. "but, my dear, you know that he can't see, as he is stone-blind," said father. "so he is, wilhelm, and for that very reason he could not find the throne of england," snapped mother, "but never was he blind as you to his queenly wife's unfashionable appearance, nor was he ever deaf to her demands for something decent to wear!" and mother, as always when it came to ultimate extremes, finally gained her point, for father loved her dearly and dared not deny her. on the following day arrived the king, for whose reception our township had made grand preparations. festoons of evergreen decorated the roadway from the parsonage to the opposite house, and mother and my sisters were stationed at our gate with an abundance of roses to strew in the king's path. from the steeple pealed the chimes, heralding his majesty's arrival. he traveled in an open landau, which was drawn by six milk-white arabian steeds and surrounded by a select escort of young men who were his subjects and served as his guard of honor. they wore scarfs of the royal colors over breasts and shoulders. a courtier sat on either side of the king for the purpose of advising him and to direct his movements. poor man, he turned his sightless white eyes on us, bowing to the ladies in acknowledgment of their curtesies and roses. this king was very unlike his royal namesake predecessors, as he was pitied by everyone and not envied or hated. i must confess to having been sorely disappointed with this sight of royalty, for i thought a king must be an extraordinary being, expecting to see a double-header, as kings and queens are pictured on playing cards, the kings holding scepters in their left hands and bearing a ball with their right, but i saluted and shouted as everyone else did, and when my sisters pelted the royal equipage with their roses i shied my cap at his majesty, at which the people who saw this laughed as loudly as they dared in the presence of a king. i expected also to see a military display, but there were no soldiers present, because the king traveled "incognito," which means that it was forbidden to reveal his royal identity. he was supposed to be a plain nobleman merely, "herr von beerstein" for instance. but a king, who is human after all, may wish to enjoy himself as others do and desire to associate occasionally with ordinary people. so "herr von beerstein" goes to a beer garden in quest of a pleasing companion who is readily found, for he has money to burn and invests it freely. an obliging bar-maid introduces him to her lovely cousin and they retire to a lonely seat in the most secluded spot of the garden. "herr von beerstein" now places his heart and purse in the keeping of his gentle companion, who calls directly for "zwei beers." now follows a repetition of the old, old legend that yet is always new and ever recurring in the romance of mutual love on sight, two hearts beating as one and in the love that laughs at locksmiths, but as the course of true love seldom runs smooth, now with the maiden's oft repeated calls for "lager" "herr von beerstein" grows by stages sentimental, incautious and then so reckless that "presto!" before he is aware of any danger to himself he has stopped cupid's fatal dart with his royal personal circumference. maddened with pain he exhibits symptoms of a most violent passion and becomes very aggressive. but the cunning maid appeals to the protecting presence of fritz, the waiter, with other calls for beer, whispering in the ear of her love-lorn swain: "nine, mine lieber herr von beerstein, ven you has married me once alretty, nicht wahr? ach vas, den shall you kiss me yet some more, yaw!" thus she tantalizes the poor man until he becomes desperate under the strain of an unrequited love and as a last resort he places his hand over his heart, bares the bosom of his shirt and exposes the insignia of royalty, flashing the sovereign's star before her eyes. humbly, overcome with shame and remorse at the thought of having trifled with her king's affections, and prompted by her pitiful exaggerated notion of loyalty the poor thing kneels before his majesty, craving his pardon. with royal hands the king uplifts her, graciously kissing her rosebud mouth and when she says: "your majesty's slightest wish is a command to me, your servant!" and is about to surrender her loveliness to cupid's forces and temporarily lose her heart, but her soul forever--in the very nick of time comes her guardian-angel to the rescue. when she, poor little gray dove, lies trembling in the royal falcon's talons a head rises up and peeps over the fence, for the royal star has been seen through a crack between the boards, its knowing, sly grin passing into the lusty shout: "heil dem koenig, hoch, hoch!" an excited crowd rushes from all directions, cheering: "ein, zwei, drei, hurrah!" while a constable places the damsel under arrest, charging her with lese majeste. when, however, his majesty intercedes most graciously the your lady is promptly released, and restored to freedom. but the constable's fee that she must pay--in earthly power, not even a king can save her from it, for that is a "trinkgeld" and she pays it from the royal purse. on the evening of the king's arrival i accompanied my father to the castle where the reception royal took place. there were no ladies present on this occasion. the king was, as has been said, totally blind, but indulged in the curious habit of feigning to have an unimpaired eye sight and pretended to admire scenic objects which had been pointed out to him beforehand as though he really saw them, carrying out this illusion to the extent of ridiculousness. it is said that at a hunt-meet a courtier incurred his royal displeasure through these incautious words: "sire, you shot this hare from a next to impossible distance, condescend to feel how fat it is!" as the poor man failed to say "see how fat," he fell promptly into disfavor, which is equivalent to being blacklisted in our country. the king's general behaviour suggests that he deemed his blindness not merely to be a most regrettable misfortune, but that he regarded it as a deserved culpable affliction. when a small boy i was told that he lost his eyesight through an act of charity. he drew a purse from his pocket, intending to give a beggar an aim when his horse shied violently, causing the steel-beaded tassels of the purse to injure his eyes. later, as i grew older, i heard a different tale: the king as a student, then being crown-prince of the realm, found pleasure in looking at the wine which was red, and at a pair of eyes that were blue and shone like heavenly stars, oh so gently and tenderly! but he looked, alas, once too often--into eyes that blazed with lurid flames of hate and fury--the terrible eyes of the green-eyed monster. there came a flash as of lightning with a loud report and he saw stars that fell fiercely fast until they vanished under a cloud of awful gloom in the hopeless despair of perpetual night; but the glorious luminous star of day for him shone not again, nevermore, on earth! to this day i know not which version tells the truth. the castle's grand hall was overflowing with people. i followed in the wake of father, who had fallen into line, advancing gradually toward the august presence of a crowned king. nervously father awaited his turn to bask for one anxious moment in the sunshine of royal favor and touch a king's hand. i slipped away unperceived to the kitchen, knowing well the premises of this fine old castle which was kept in good repair by the city of hamburg, its present owner. it had been won by conquest of arms in a.d. from the noble family "von lappe." the principal occupation of these knights was the waylaying and robbing of merchants; but the wrecking of ships was their favorite, most profitable pastime. the kitchen was in the basement of the castle and great in size, its floor paved with slabs of stone, the walls and ceilings were paneled in oak. on one side of the room were stone-hearths with blazing fires, over which hung pots and brazen kettles. game and meats broiled on spits, there being no cook-stoves in those days. heavy doors, strapped with great wrought iron hinges and studded with ornamental scroll-work led into pantries and cellars. the place swarmed with liveried servants and cooks; also the king had brought his "chef de cuisine and own butler. the latter, a lordly englishman, was a grand, haughty person who superintended the extravagant preparations for the entertainment of royalty. a maid conducted me to a corner where i was out of harm's way and regaled me with delicacies when the courses were served, oh it was fine! the chef prepared certain dishes for the king and i saw the butler taste of the viands that were placed on crown-marked dishes of porcelain and gold. he also tasted the king's wine. when at last i grew sleepy, kind maids arranged a couch of snowy linen for me, and i slept until the banquet royal was over when the guests returned to their homes. but me lord, the butler, eyed me with questioning curiosity. "aw me lad, h'and where did your father get 'is blooming costume?" he asked. "mother supplied it, good sir," i answered. "hi say, me lad," he laughed, "your mother h'is a grand lydie, you tike me word for h'it; h'in h'england they would decorate that suit with the h'order h'of the garter!" "honi soit, qui mal y pense!" i lisped. a maid of yavapai. to s. m. h. (an idyllic sketch.) people from every land sojourn in arizona. from the atlantic's sandy coasts, the icy shores of crystal lakes, from turbid miasmatic swamps--east, north and south, they come. over mountain, canyon and gulch they roam, prospecting nature's grandest wonders. but the purest gold on arizona's literary field, that was found by the genius of a lonesome valley's queen, the song-lark of our "great southwest." from the sheltering tree of her ancestral hall shyly she fluttered forth. among stony crags of the sierra, on fearsome dizzy trails, in the somber shadows of virgin forests, in the rustling of wind-blown leaves (the seductive swish of elfin skirts) she heard the voices of juno's sylvan train. enchanted she listened to the syren's call, and ere the echo died within her ear she had devoted her talent to literature, a priestess self-ordained in arizona's temple of the muses. in the flight of her poetic mind she met his majesty, king of the hills, the mountain-lion at the threshold of his lair and toyed with his cubs, princes and heirs to freedom. she heard the were-wolf scourge of herds, fierce lobos snarl in silent groves of timber and shivered at the coyote's piercing yelps from grave yards in the valleys. at nighttime, in her lonely camp the dread tarantela disturbed her rest and in day's early gloam a warning rattle of creepy serpents sounded her reveille: "fair maid, awake, arise in haste! when darkness vanishes with dawn, heed our alarm-clock in the morn!" she spoke not to the sullen bear, in cautious silence passed him by and shunned the fetid breath of monster lizards and venom stings of centipedes and scorpions; but woman-like she feared the hydrophobia-skunk more for its scent than for its deadly poison. she heeded not the half-tamed indian on the trail; but the insolent leer of sonora's scum, the brutalized peon, the low caste chulo of chihuahua, froze into the panic-stare of abject terror under the straight glance of her eye. the slightest motion of her tender hand to him augured a sudden death, for she was of arizona's daughters, invulnerable in the armor of their self-reliant strength, a shield of lovely innocence, white as the snow is driven. on the mesa del mogollon, in the darkling coconino forest she interviewed the cowboy, that valiant belted knight of modern western chivalry, and in the chaparral she cheered the lonesome herder. in the treasure-vaults of earth, a thousand feet below the surface, invading the domain of pluto's treacherous gnomes she met the hardiest man in arizona, the miner, who always happy is and full of hope. poor fellows, they hobnob with death and do not mind it! floods of rivers, cloudbursts in narrow gorges, the lightning of the hills, blinding and smothering sandstorms on the desert detained her not, for in her chosen path not on delay she thought. by fragrant orange groves in the valley of saltriver, past "lowing kine on pastures green," under the luring shade of palms, among the vines she passed. winging her virgin-flight to snowclad pinnacles of parnassus she pours her jubilant songs of hope, faith, love into men's souls and women's hearts. "may constant happiness attend thee, fair lady, our precious pearl in arizona's diadem!" though time shall wreath thy raven tresses with silvery laurel, and with his palsied hand forever stay, in the fulfilment of thy mortal destiny, the throbbing of thy faithful heart--"yet shall the genius of thy lyre with angel-hands reverberate the shining chords through untold future ages in heavenly strains of resonance and glory, until the solace of their faintest echoes dies within the last true heart in arizona." generously made available by the internet archive/american libraries.) an american by belle willey gue boston richard g. badger the gorham press copyright, , by belle willey gue all rights reserved made in the united states of america the gorham press, boston, u. s. a. to the memory of him whom we all delight to honor as first in peace ... first in war ... and first in the hearts of his countrymen ... george washington an american introduction there are many characteristics that are essential to true americanism; among these, none is more prominent than an inborn desire, not only to obtain personal liberty, but, also, to see justice done to others. we, as americans, say, with loving pride, that we are citizens of that _one fair land whose single boast has always been that it was free_. oppression of the weak and ignorant, by those who are wiser and stronger than they, has, always, aroused in us pronounced, and, often, openly expressed, indignation. more than once, have we, as a nation, arrayed ourselves upon the side of the down-trodden and pitiful, and, in every such instance, we have greatly increased and enhanced the well-being of those whose cause we have espoused. we have never gone out of our way to look for trouble, being more inclined to attend to our own affairs than to oversee those of our neighbors, and, yet, when, repeatedly, gross acts of injustice and cruelty have been forced under our observation, we have, at times, been aroused to a state of what we have honestly believed to be righteous indignation, and, in these circumstances, we have conducted ourselves in accordance with our ability and the fervor of our convictions. prior to the evening of february fifteenth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, our relations with the government of spain were amicable; while we, as a people, sympathized, to some extent, with the uprisings of native cubans, yet, those who were at the head of our national affairs did not, in any instance, uphold or palliate the unlawful acts of the insurrectionists; but, during the hours of darkness of that never-to-be-forgotten night, a dastardly and totally inexcusable deed, in spite of the recent renewal of our friendly intercourse with the spanish government, made of that nation a foe to be contended against with all the might that was in us. while our only object, in the beginning of the spanish-american war, was to teach the spaniard the lesson he had so richly deserved to learn, at the same time, as the results of autocratic misrule were brought, more and more closely, under our direct observation, we took much honest pride in the reflection that we were not only resenting, as became free and enlightened men and women, an injury to our own well-beloved country, but that we were, at the same time, giving to a people, whose necks were raw and bleeding from the yoke of a tyrannical exercise of absolute power, an opportunity to throw off that yoke, and become, in due time, a self-governed and a self-respecting and an independent nation. our short and fiery encounter with spain demonstrated, as many years of unbroken peace and prosperity had not done and never could do, the invincibility of american arms, and the unexampled superiority of american daring, devotion, inventive genius and self-adjusting prowess; it was supposed that we had a very inadequate naval equipment, and that our standing army was very small, besides being poorly trained; in spite of this widely spread supposition, our troops won many brilliant victories upon the sea as well as on the land. the same spirit that saved the day for freedom and the right at bunker hill and bennington animated the descendants of those gallant and intrepid warriors, who, soon after the heroic birth of our republic, defended the cause they deemed to be a sacred one with all that they held dear, when they, too, went to meet the carefully trained and richly caparisoned phalanxes of those who bowed their heads and bent their suppliant knees unto an earthly king. an american volunteer is as nearly unconquerable as any merely human being can ever really be; his whole being is entirely devoted to the principle for the vindication of which he is about to enter into bodily combat; he is not hampered or bound down by anything that does not meet with the approval of his own conscience; physically, mentally, and morally, he is the equal of any enemy against whom he may be pitted; above him there floats a flag that has never been defeated, behind him are glorious deeds of valor that are well worthy of emulation, and before him are the hopes and aspirations of those who, with their feet firmly planted upon solid ground, practical, energetic and capable, yet, always, move among their fellows, seeing visions, dreaming dreams. shortly before the beginning of the spanish-american war, there were some, across the water, who dared to complacently imagine that the glowing spark of patriotism, implanted in the breast of every true american at the time of his birth, had lost its kindling power; those who were depending upon this erroneous idea must have had their complacency somewhat rudely shaken when it became known, all over the world, that, within ten days after president mckinley issued a call for one hundred and twenty-five thousand volunteers, seven hundred and fifty thousand eager patriots answered to that call, offering their energies and, if needs be, their lives, to the service of the land they loved and honored. after thirty-three years of peace, the fighting men of america buckled on their armor, bade a tearful farewell to their homes and families, and, determined, enthusiastic and buoyant, went, blithely, forward to meet, and conquer, a foreign foe; there was not one among these who did not realize and consider the seriousness of the enterprise he had started out upon, yet neither was there one who did not add, in every way within his power, to the light-hearted joyousness, and gentle, childish humor, with which our fearless and devoted "boys" undertook to secure the freedom and general well-being of the island people, as well as to resent the insult that had been offered to our own country. the central figure of the spanish-american war, from its hasty inception until its brilliant and triumphant close, was that of a gallant gentleman, mounted on a high-lifed horse ... as sternly devoted to principle and duty as any puritan had ever been, as full of the bounding joy of life as any boy who followed him, leader, comrade, friend and brother, fearless, resourceful, primitive, refined, highly educated, yet as simple-hearted as an innocent child, bold, yet cautious and careful, unselfish, yet richly endowed with worldly wisdom, respected almost to the height of reverence, yet looked upon as a cheery, helpful companion, by those with whom he was most closely associated ... theodore roosevelt ... a typical american, using that word in its widest and loftiest sense. after the close of our struggle with spain, we discovered that we had not only given, but, also, derived, many benefits as the results of that short, but decisive, conflict; we had acquired considerable territory over which to extend the advantages to be gained from our educational and commercial institutions; we had come into such close contact with the people of these, and adjacent, territories that we were enabled to understand their needs and their desires, more fully than we could, otherwise, have done; we had presented to the powers ruling the old world an object lesson as to the people of the united states of america being, at any and all times, and under every possible circumstance, fully able to take care of themselves, as well as all that, intrinsically, belongs to them; we had set before the mighty nations of europe an example of the proper attitude of the strong toward the weak; we had bound together, in a common, just and righteous cause, all factions, all clans, all religions, and all parties, in short, we had bound together the entire population of our well-beloved country, and in such a way that the bonds were indissoluble, unbreakable, and permanent. while we are, above all things, a peaceful and a law-abiding people, yet we not only can, but always will, defend our altars and our homes against any harm that may be threatened to them; while we do not seek an encounter with any government other than our own, yet at the same time, we are not afraid to meet any nation on the face of the earth, in open combat, giving our enemy the privilege of selecting his own weapons and following out his own ideas as to legitimate warfare. the blood of the sturdy and militant anglo-saxon, flowing, now, in yankee veins, is richer and more life-supporting than it was before the mayflower landed her precious freight of human strength and more than human aspiration upon plymouth rock. all the fond hopes and all the high ambitions, all the daring and all the deep devotion, all the practical achievements and all the airy dreams, of their revered forefathers, are, now, alive and potent, although, it may be, hidden, in the breasts of all my fellow-countrymen. if all the titles that have ever been bestowed by human beings upon each other ... all the names that indicate the possession of wealth or fame or place or power upon the earth ... should be displayed before my eyes, and i be asked to select but one among them all to be the one by which i would be known, i would without a moment's hesitation, choose an american. plot ruth wakefield, as the daughter of the united states consul to cuba, has lived in a beautiful home which her father prepared for his family on a height above havana harbor since early childhood. having lost both her natural protectors ... her parents ... through earthly death, she has been much alone with trusty servants, as she has found little companionship among the natives of cuba. however, she has found a highly respected friend in father felix, priest of the village of san domingo; to him she has confided her great anxiety concerning some prisoners confined, ex communicado, in the village jail, at the end of the prado, or central park of the village. "the lady of the mansion on the hill," as she is known among the villagers, has not, though, told the priest her real reason for wishing the freedom of the political prisoners. victorio colenzo is a handsome but unscrupulous fellow of mixed blood, being part spanish and part cuban; he has found the lonely american girl and has courted her with such dash and apparent sincerity that she has married him secretly, not even informing father felix of her union with the attractive stranger. this man is among the political prisoners and it is to free him from bondage that ruth wakefield has furnished father felix with means with which to overpower and overawe those who have him in charge. ruth wakefield is herself deceived, for in the village is a girl, named estrella, whose lover victorio colenzo is known to be by her associates, among whom is another of her lovers ... manuello ... a native cuban. this man is also in the san domingo bastile. father felix, at the head of a procession of his followers, breaks into the jail and confronts the keepers with a crucifix which he holds before them, commanding them to release the prisoners; superstitious terror finally induces them to yield to his demands; in the confusion, manuello contrives to sever the handsome head of victorio colenzo from his strong and manly body, so that his corpse is found when the doors are finally thrown open to the people; estrella finds this body and weeps above it. father felix meets ruth wakefield by appointment to report as to what he has done, and, in this manner, she discovers the perfidy of her so-called husband. she confesses the truth to father felix who sympathizes deeply with her as he knows her to be innocent. she visits the morgue and meets estrella whom she befriends and, eventually, adds to her household. she has among her servants, a unique character, named mage, who has been her nurse in babyhood and who is always faithful to her in her own strange way; this old woman, throughout the entire twenty-one chapters of this story, continues to perform unexpected and startling deeds. old mage accompanies her dear young lady when she goes to san juan and is stationed not far from the battle-field of san juan hill. here, as elsewhere, she continues to exhibit her own individual characteristics as her central and almost sole idea is to protect and assist ruth wakefield, whom, although she regards her with unlimited respect and is entirely devoted to her interests, she still thinks of as the small child she loved before they landed upon the island of cuba; realizing how different she is from those around her, only increases the worship of her faithful attendant, who, on the other hand, does not hesitate to use language that will express what she wishes those whom she is addressing to fully understand. manuello has a primitive, passionate, unbridled and selfish nature; he is wildly in love with estrella and because she has selected another lover he has committed murder; with this man out of his way, he hopes to succeed with estrella and goes to her intimate friend, tessa, to find out how she actually feels about the death of her lover, victorio colenzo; tessa secretly adores manuello; she is, also, a native cuban, but her nature is more sluggish than that of manuello and she has a dog-like affection for estrella, who has become separated from her own family as a child and is a member of the household of manuello, being known as his half-sister among the villagers; the handsome peon makes love to little tessa but she is loyal to estrella and does what she can to contribute to her happiness, although, when manuello becomes a fugitive and has been wounded, she ministers to him in a deserted cabin up among the hills where it is almost entirely hidden in a jungle of weeds and rank vegetation. this cabin is the scene of many pitiful endeavors on the part of little tessa who resists the desires of manuello to make her his mistress although she dearly and devotedly loves him. here, at one time, she is secretly followed by estrella who is led to suspect some secret by tessa's actions; estrella informs father felix of the situation. tessa, in one of her struggles with manuello, has wounded him in one cheek with a knife which she happened to have in her hand. father felix visits the hut and manuello, after severely wounding poor little tessa, so that she is unable to leave the place, disappears, but turns up again, after the battle of camp mccalla in a temporary hospital where ruth wakefield and estrella are acting as nurses. old mage takes a hand in this affair and so frightens manuello that he escapes from the hospital although he is wearing many bandages, and, painfully, but determinedly, reaches the deserted hut where he hopes to hide until he has recovered from his wounds. as he approaches the hut he realizes that someone is within it and looks through a small window, seeing tessa lying on the rude bed she originally prepared for him, and, beside her, kneeling on the floor, father felix who has found the weak and suffering girl and is engaged in prayer; manuello breaks into the cabin and attempts to thrust the priest aside so that he may wreak his vengeance on the helpless woman. father felix, however, proves to be a worthy antagonist and does not hesitate to use his strength in the defense of the innocent, even though it becomes necessary for him to seriously injure the young man who is like a wild beast foiled of its prey. this struggle in the deserted hut, with the wounded girl looking on, continues for some time, but the younger man is finally overpowered, and, seeing himself to be at the mercy of his antagonist, becomes the penitent sinner and confesses to the priest who labors with him lovingly and ministers to his spiritual condition. the two men then improvise a stretcher and place tessa upon it, after which they carry the girl to the door of her own home in the village. here, the priest dismisses manuello and tells him to go in peace. the young man then limps back to the deserted hut and remains there unmolested for some time when he disappears again from the neighborhood. the americanism of ruth wakefield is pronounced. father felix is equally devoted to their common country. these two often confer as to possible complications connected with international affairs; at one of these consultations, estrella happens to be present and declares that she believes that she, also, is an american and that she wishes to serve under the same flag as that to which the other two have so often pronounced themselves to be devoted. she offers to assist ruth in every way she can should there be an occasion that would demand their help. ruth wakefield is awake in her own room and looking down upon havana harbor on the night of february th, and sees the blowing up of the maine with her own eyes; father felix also sees this and hurries up the hill to talk matters over with ruth; they form plans as to what they can do for their own country and in the service of the down-trodden people of cuba whose sufferings under spanish tyranny they have so often witnessed. ruth opens her home and offers it as a refuge to all those who wish to escape from spanish oppression. father felix keeps ruth well informed as to military matters and, when, on june th, , our stars and stripes are waving, for the first time, over cuban soil, ruth wakefield is standing beside father felix, who has become an army chaplain, at the window of a temporary hospital which her wealth has made possible. this hospital is situated near santiago and many american soldiers as well as many cuban scouts are cared for within its shadowy rooms. after the battle of san juan hill on july st , ruth wakefield is one among many volunteer nurses who went to the assistance of a righteous cause. she stands beside a little cot and meets a man who speaks to her of "teddy" and of the grand and glorious work that he had done that day; with this bond between them, they soon become friends. ruth, as one who has authority, moves from cot to cot and, so, comes to stand beside the murderer of her husband or him whom she had called so, for manuello evened up some of his wickedness by serving nobly in the battle of san juan hill and died in consequence of that day's dreadful harvest of human forms. estrella, too, and father felix, come to stand beside his cot, but ruth is all alone when his soul leaves the clay that it has been inhabiting for awhile, and, so, she realizes as never before, that the man she knew as husband was beneath her in every way and in that terrible and heart-rending moment, she begins to learn the way to forget the first wild love of her young womanhood and find the steps that lead to saner, quieter and happier hours and days and years. ruth is given privileges that are not accorded to many near a bloody battle-field, and, when she leaves the hospital for the night on july st, , she drives her team along a lonely road, hoping to leave behind her, not only the scenes she has just been among, but, also, the thoughts that those scenes have awakened in her mind. she thinks she is going directly away from the recent battle-field. her team is startled by the sudden rising of a man near the road and runs away, throwing her out upon the ground; she climbs over a low embankment beside the road and finds herself among the dead; she is almost stupefied by this knowledge, but, soon, her instincts for helping those who are in trouble rise above her fears and she cries aloud and calls ... asking if any there are in need of help that she can give to them. a faint voice answers her and she seeks it out and finds an officer who has been stricken down at the head of his squad of men; they are all lying in a disordered heap and ruth is obliged to lift one dead body off of the man who seems to be alive. having found him, she proceeds, from her knowledge as a nurse, to aid him ... finds a wound from which his life-blood is flowing fast and forms a tourniquet with a silken scarf she happens to be wearing. he revives enough to whisper to her, naming her, on the instant "tender heart" by which title he afterwards addresses her. having rendered all the aid she can, she speeds away, without fear, now, as she has an object in her flight, until she secures help when she returns and removes the one whom she has found among the dead to the hospital, where, after a long period of suffering and faithful nursing, he recovers sufficiently to accompany her when she returns to her home. here he proves himself to be worthy of her love which is bestowed upon him with the approval of father felix and even of old mage. ruth's home has been destroyed by fire and her entire estate has suffered much from vandalism and from enemies of cuba and of her own country as well, but she still has plenty with which to rebuild her home and to assist many in the village of san domingo who require aid and comfort from those who are stronger than they are. among other patients in her temporary hospital near santiago, ruth discovers one who is a spanish spy, for she remembers meeting him when he was a spanish officer under most distressing circumstances, when it had been his great desire to do a grievous wrong to a young, ignorant girl whom ruth rescued from his vile clutches. ruth hesitates to report this case to the authorities as she is well aware of the fate meted out to spies, and she compromises by telling the facts to father felix, who, while he is very tender of the innocent, is just and stern where hypocrites and liars are concerned. the good priest soon disposes of the spanish spy. father felix distinguishes himself in many ways during the hostilities between the opposing forces in the spanish-american war and does much good, for he does not hesitate to do anything that he finds to do regardless of whether it is in the line of his profession or not. he has many experiences as thrilling as the one in the deserted hut with manuello. he throws himself into many a breach ... wins many a hard-fought battle, and, through it all maintains not only his religious attitude toward all mankind, but manifests a gracious and uplifting love for all who dwell upon the earth, and, at the end of his activities, resumes the humble station he occupied at first, for, as he believes, he can do more good right there in the little village of san domingo than in a wider and more elevated station. many refugees leave santiago during, and directly after, the naval battle of santiago; among these are very many wealthy women who are forced to leave their splendid homes and flee, in silken garments, with the riff-raff of the city. some among these wealthy women sought to help in temporary hospitals, and one of them, at least, came to that which ruth wakefield had endowed; this woman was noticeable in many ways, being of superior intelligence as well as birth and breeding; she, soon, became proficient as a nurse, and when ruth sees her standing close beside estrella in the hospital, she suddenly recognizes a subtle resemblance between the two young women and calls their attention to the fact. and, so, it develops that estrella finds her own blood-kin ... her own loving sister ... there in that shadowy hospital, for it is proven beyond a shadow of a doubt by a little trinket that the girl has always worn about her neck ... a little cross of golden memories, through which, and through the girl herself, her lineage is traced, so that she remains with her own kin, and does not return to the little village where she suffered so much sorrow. tessa, with the stolidity of the cuban peasant, seems to entirely recover both from her wounded leg and her wounded heart, for she marries a sturdy workman who supplies the earthly wants of tessa and her numerous progeny. if she ever remembers the romantic days through which she has passed, her appearance belies the fact, for she becomes, apparently, contented with her lot in life. an american chapter i about the beginning of the year eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, there had been aroused in the hearts of the people of the united states a strong feeling of pity and compassion toward the inhabitants of the island of cuba who were under the ironshod heel of spain and who had made many appeals for help to our own government in one way and in another. the time was ripe for a revolution among the dark-skinned populace of the large cities of the island empire and many confusing circumstances combined to add to the confusion of sentiments entertained toward the government by those who suffered from its rulings. many indignities had been heaped upon the cubans by those who claimed to represent the young king alfonso xiii, who, in his far-away palace in old madrid was as unconscious of what was done in his name, very many times, as he would have disapproved of it had he known it. the young king and his mother, the queen _regent_, tried, in every way within their power, to adjust matters amicably between their rebellious subjects and those whom they had sent across the sea to govern them, but they found this a very difficult matter indeed, and between the fiery tempers of the natives and the over-bearing arrogance of the officers who represented them, the poor crowned heads of sunny spain certainly had a pretty hard time of it. the queen mother was naturally a gentle and a very highly educated and studious woman, while the boy king was as far from being the typical idea of a reigning tyrant as a handsome, well-trained young fellow could well be. but those who represented these two crowned heads were of quite another pattern as to character and disposition and many were the cruelties charged to the account of certain ones among their number due to the opportunities afforded them of gratifying their lowest impulses and following along the paths that led, for the time being, into what seemed to them to be very pleasant pastures and beside very still waters, which, as is well known, often, besides being still, run deep. one evening, just as dusk was falling over the little town of san domingo, there appeared, passing along one of the quiet, shadowy narrow streets, a rather strange procession ... well in advance of the rest of the motley company appeared a village priest bearing in his hand a crucifix which he held before him as if to fend off something evil ... he was dressed, as is the custom of the catholic priests of cuba, in the flowing vestments of his office and the long cord that was knotted round his ample waist had a huge cross dangling from the end of it which struck against his well-formed legs as he strode along with head held high as if he saw beyond the things of earth and gazed upon some beatific vision which upheld him and lifted him above his immediate environment. indeed, there was one who walked beside him though he, himself, was unaware of it, except subconsciously, for father felix, as this priest was known, was wandering among strange thoughts as he passed along that almost silent little street, that one sad evening. he had been, for many peaceful years, the priest who had officiated at almost all the public meetings of the village, but, never in his life devoted, as it was to the consideration of holy, high and spiritual matters, had he been called upon to conduct so weird a service as he was, then, about to do. he wondered, as he marched along, whether he was doing just exactly right in leading these, his simple-minded followers, into what it seemed to them they must do, that night ... he wondered whether, even now, he would not better turn to those who followed after him and call to them to halt and to consider well before they took another single step that might, each one of them, be an irrevocable and a much-to-be-regretted step, for it might lead to what they could not know of ways that might, as well as not, prove very winding and even thorn-strewn ways for those who followed along them. and father felix knew that he, alone of all that little company, was gifted with the power to reason out a fair and just conclusion from the premises presented to them all; he knew that he alone had enough of education to even understand the meaning of the words that had been spoken to them all ... he knew that those who came along that little street behind him had trusted to him most implicitly, for many years, in matters that required thought, and, although they had been the ones to beg him to take the step that they were then about to take, he knew that, even then, right at the last, had he been minded to, he might, yet, turn their minds away from what they seemed to be so set upon. he knew that, if he wished to do so, he could make them see the matter under their consideration in quite another light from what they saw it in at that time ... he knew that he could bend their wills to make them match with his own will for he had done this very many times before ... he was a natural leader, and being well equipped for leadership, he took that place as if it were his natural right ... and so it seemed to be. any stranger, glancing along the line of human beings that followed father felix and his upheld crucifix, would have noticed many weak and vacillating faces ... many weak and vacillating wills as evidenced by the expressions on those weak and vacillating faces ... many wills that could be bent by anyone who had a strong and capable and domineering mind, and father felix had a mind like that ... a natural leader's most commanding mind ... he was a man to win respect wherever he might go ... a man to dominate the wills of those about him ... a man to lead the crowd ... a man to guide the minds of those he met, and, after having occupied the one place in the village that commanded the respect of all, for long, of course they looked to him for guidance and followed where he led as little children follow after the one full-grown human being in their midst. but, as they marched along, full many whispers ran along that motley little company and gave some prescience of the clamor that would come if all their bridled tongues should really become loose again, for, now, they only spoke in whispers dreading discovery of what they were about to do by some of those against whose orders they were doing it. "i wonder what the governor would say if he could know the thing that we're about to do," a beardless youth began, as he edged a little nearer to his mother's side, "i wonder what would happen to us, now, if he discovered our intention." the mother only put her finger on her lips and shook her head at him, but, later on, when they had gone a little further on their journey, she whispered to him: "i hope the governor will never know who did what we're about to do, at least, for, if he should discover which of us accomplished the purpose that all the villagers are interested in, we would suffer for our temerity in doing this ... i almost wish we had not joined this mob, my boy ... i almost wish, at least, that i had left you home to mind the house while i will be away from it," and, then, she ended, sadly, "god knows if we shall ever be allowed to see our home again." there was one who walked among that little company, that evening, who was not as the rest in very many ways, and, yet, her lot was cast in with the rest for she had lived in that small village since her infancy, and, so, it seemed to her and them as well, that she was one of them and, so, must be among them even then, when they were casting in their lots, at father felix' instigation, with the ones who so violently opposed the reigning powers that they were held, then, and had been so held, for many weary months, as _incommunicado_ in the village jail or prison in the wide and beautiful and picturesque great prado in the very centre of the town. the girl who, in very many ways, was different from all the rest was walking in the very centre of the little crowd and, as the others jostled against her, her great blue eyes stared almost vacantly, as it seemed, around her like a startled fawn's when something unknown ventures near to its retreat within its native forest. she drew her slender figure up to its full height, and she was taller than the rest of those who walked beside her, when someone whispered to her: "what think you of all this, estrella? is it to your taste to be a part of those who, in their puny strength, contend against the strong? do you think that you'll enjoy the future that we are advancing to? what do you think will happen to us when we reach the prado, anyway? do you think the governor has found out what we are going to do and if he does what action will he take? i'm more than half afraid myself ... i don't deny that i'm afraid ... how do you feel about it all?" "i don't believe i know just how i _do_ feel, tessa," said the taller girl, "i think that i'm afraid, too ... i know my knees are trembling a very little, so i must be scared the same as you say you are. let us keep as close together as we can, so, if anything happens to one it will be sure to happen to us both ... it seems to me ..." she ended, dreamily, "that even death itself could not be much worse than the things that we've endured just lately, here." and then the two young creatures shuddered at the very thought of death and huddled just as close together as they could and marched along among the rest as quietly as if they had not been afraid of anything at all. at last they reached the prado and father felix paused and held his crucifix even a little higher than he had done all along and waited for the little company to assemble directly in front of him, when he stretched his arms out wide in silent blessing on their undertaking, and proceeded toward the little prison that stood at one end of the prado facing the great public square where games were held when _fiestas_ were in order. but it was for no festal undertaking that they had gathered there, that evening; silent preparations were making as they halted ... battering rams were being raised and carried forward by the men and tears and flowers seemed to be the offering of the women in the crowd to the ones they hoped to liberate from the dark, forbidding precincts of the edifice before them. father felix motioned those who held the battering rams to hold them in their hands in readiness for instant action at a word from him ... then he called aloud to him who kept the keys to bring them forth and give them to him, or he would be, in case that his request should be refused, compelled, in spite of his strong desire to avoid all violence if possible, to use force in effecting the object for which the multitude surrounding him, outside, had gathered there. he waited, patiently, for several minutes, but, as he received no answer to his demand, he called again: "bring forth the keys at once!" he cried raising his voice so that it carried far beyond the limits of the building that stood there before him, "bring them forth unless you wish to force me to use violence for i am determined to liberate the prisoners you hold within, and, if you do not bring to me the keys so that i may open the strong doors with them, why, then, i'll be obliged to break down the barriers that are between the ones you hold within that prison and the freedom that is their natural right. once more do i command you ..." he cried in a stentorian voice, using the quality of voice that he employed when he intoned with due solemnity, the holy mass, "bring forth to me the keys that i may liberate my children that you hold without the right to hold them, or, if you refuse to do my bidding, then may the consequences of what will follow that refusal be upon your own head...." as, still there was no answer from the dark and gloomy precincts of the edifice before him, he prepared to carry out the threats that he had made. first, he commanded those who held the battering rams in readiness to advance until they were the proper distance from the doors for the use of their rude weapons, then he told the others to await his word but to be in readiness, each one, to follow where he led, then, holding high his crucifix and calling most devoutly, on the name of god, he came as near to those who were about to use the battering rams as he could do and not impede their movements, then he cried: "advance and give no quarter! do your duty as i have instructed you to the full extent of it! follow me, my little children, god is good and he will care for us in this our desperate undertaking." as the heavy detonation of the strokes of those who held the battering rams rang through the building, cries were heard as if of those who were in agony and many shuddered at the sound for well they thought they knew its cause ... it seemed to them that they would be too late ... that those they sought to rescue were even at that moment being foully murdered in their cells because they were about to save them from the fate that they had been condemned to undergo. the fair estrella clung to her dark little friend and whispered to her: "tessa, it is more terrible than we imagined it would be ... what shall we do? how can we bear to go yet nearer to the horror that the prison hides from us? tessa ... little friend ..." she ended, "i'm awfully afraid ... are you?" "i'm almost scared to death myself, estrella," tessa whispered back, "i know i'll die of fright alone if this keeps on much longer ... hear that scream! it's very terrible!" but, then, all sounds were hushed, for prison doors that had been locked as tight as any prison doors could be had yielded to the heavy blows that had been rained upon them and, as they opened, they could plainly see, in the dim light that fell within that prison's entrance, that they had been, indeed, too late for him who lay at his full length across the entrance to the prison, for his body had been twisted in its fall so that his head that had been almost severed from it lay askew as if its eyes, that stared as wildly and as full of earthly horror as dead eyes could, had been trying to discover something strange about the figure that, but only lately, was as full of life and vigor as was any figure standing there without that prison door. estrella gazed at that still figure ... then she screamed in almost more than human agony and darted forward till she crouched beside it as it lay there at the entrance to the prison ... straightening the handsome head, she lifted it until it rested in her lap, and, then, she softly smoothed the dark and clustering curls that hung above the broad, full brow, and looked within the great brown eyes that stared at her, or so it seemed, as if the owner of them had been walking in his sleep, and then she pressed her virgin lips upon the full, be-whiskered mouth of him whose head she held within her lap. she fainted, then, and fell across the body of the man who lay across the entrance to that prison, and father felix lifted her and laid the senseless, almost severed head upon the floor again, and supported her until he left her with her little friend, outside, among the crowd. and then the village priest came back and led the men who held the battering rams within the prison to the cells of those they wished to liberate and commanded them to break down those doors as they had broken down the other ones, but, here, he found his way was barred, for, just as soon as blows began to fall upon the doors of those narrow cells those within those cells began to call to them and caution them that, if the doors were broken down, they'd find the prison-guards behind them with their loaded guns and the prisoners told their friends that those loaded guns were pointed at their breasts and would be fired at them just as soon as their cell-doors gave way. when father felix heard this ultimatum he thought that all his efforts had been useless and his deep-laid plans of no avail until he heard a voice behind him softly whisper ... a voice that he had never heard before: "be not weary in well-doing. the cell-doors will open and the prisoners come forth alive if you but use the proper means to bring about that end. call out to those you wish to succor, now, and tell them to be of good cheer for deliverance is at hand." the soft voice drifted away into silence, then, but the village priest obeyed its mandates and reassured the ones within those narrow cells and gave them courage to withstand the threats of instant death that faced them there. and, then, he turned to those who waited his commands and told them that help was very near ... that, waiting there within the corridors of that small prison were those who'd come from far to bring to them assistance ... the kind of help that loaded guns would not affect. then, he told them of the punishment that would await the ones who disobeyed the orders he was just about to give ... a punishment that would not only last through earthly life but would go on into eternity ... a punishment that would not only blast the earthly tenements but would condemn the souls of those who chose to act in opposition to his orders to everlasting torment. and, then, he turned to those who, breathlessly, were waiting for the orders he was just about to give, and said to them: "when i have counted up to three, prepare to break the doors down ... when i have counted up to six, if so be they remain unopened, go on and break them in!" he stopped a moment, then, to ascertain whether his followers fully understood the instructions he was giving to them ... seeing all of them alert, he continued, "to you who are within, i make this unalterable statement. choose between a longer lease of earthly life and instant death! choose between forgiveness for your past sins or everlasting punishment! open these doors from within or we will break them down and those whose human bodies we will find, lying stark and cold in earthly death, will not be those of our dear friends who are your prisoners, for there are those within those cells of whose presence you are unaware but who are potent in the cause of right and truth and justice. i will now proceed to count ... one ... two ... three ..." at that, he heard a key thrust rapidly within a lock, but, as it was unturned, he went on counting, "four ..." he heard another key inserted in a lock, "five ..." he waited just a second longer, then, than he had done before, hoping that the keys would turn before the final number had to come, but, as they did not do that, he opened his mouth to pronounce the fatal word and was about to utter it, when, suddenly, all the cell-doors opened and the prison-guards within had fallen on their knees in superstitious terror of what they did not know, and, so, instead of uttering the fatal number, good father felix said, "thank god!" and raised his crucifix and pronounced a blessing on them all, both prisoners and those who'd guarded them. chapter ii when father felix ceased to be engaged in silent prayer he lowered the crucifix he held in his right hand and placed it in the bosom of the robe he wore and welcomed those who came from out that gloomy prison-cell with praises and with prayers upon their trembling lips; he took their hands in his and held them for a moment as they passed in slow procession, for they were very weak from fasting and from long confinement, on their way out into the open light of day. the first of all who passed from out those gloomy cells was he who'd called to father felix to stay the hands of those who sought to liberate the prisoners ... he was taller than the rest of those who crowded out into the corridor and they seemed to follow him as if he were their natural leader. he only paused a moment when he reached the side of the priest and hurried on as if he sought someone whom he hoped to find among the motley multitude who surged around the broken doors that led into the prado where most of the women were assembled waiting for the more desperate action of the men who'd gone inside the prison. the liberated prisoner, although he, too, was weak and worn as all of his companions were, yet rushed with rapid strides from side to side of the excited mob whose clamor, now released, quite filled the prado with vociferous shouts of joy, until he seemed to find the object of his hasty search, for, when he came to where estrella lay supported by her little friend upon a hastily constructed bed of straw and grass, he stooped above her anxiously and leaned to look within her face, but, when her wide and terror-stricken eyes looked into his, he turned away as if he had not found the one he was in search of after all. estrella raised herself upon one elbow and rested on the ready shoulder of her little friend while she gazed after his retreating form with an eagerness not unmixed with sudden fear; it seemed as if the girl were fascinated by him, and, yet, dreaded his approach, for she did not even speak to him although she knew that he had been one of those whom they had come to liberate and had looked forward to greeting him when he should be released. but the horror that had been thrust upon her at the very entrance of that dark and gloomy prison had quite unnerved her and had made her shrink from any contact with the prisoners who, now, came trooping out and mingled with the crowd by which they were soon, as it seemed, absorbed. then, suddenly, a trumpet blast rang through the wide and spacious prado and a company of mounted cavalry, with naked swords uplifted, rode madly in among the crowd and scattered it as chaff is scattered by a furious wind ... cries of agony were heard as some were trampled by the horses, tortured by the cruel spurs which their infuriated riders were driving into their tender skins, and many men and women fell into disordered heaps of human misery in wildly scrambling toward a place of temporary safety. the soldiers gave no quarter to the fleeing masses of the people but kept driving all of them who stood upon their feet at all toward the open streets of the little village that led out of the prado, ordering them to cease from disturbing the peace and calling upon them in the name of the young king, alfonso xiii, to disperse at once and to return to their homes in the village without delay. the most of those within the prado had been driven out before the commanding officer of the soldiers noticed that the prison doors were open, even then, at first he did not perceive just what the crowd had been collected for, or he might have given other orders than he had. when he beheld the broken doors he marvelled greatly, for this was an unlooked-for and unprecedented method of liberating political prisoners in san domingo and the commanding officer did not know just what action to take in the matter but felt that he must wait for further orders from his superiors in command before taking any drastic steps to quell the evident uprising of public opinion. father felix had seen the soldiers as they dashed into the prado and he hastened outside the prison intending to meet them and hold some colloquy with their leader, but, when he had reached the centre of the prado the soldiers were driving the crowd out at the farther end of the enclosure, so that, instead of meeting the leader of the soldiery he came upon his own people as they lay in disordered heaps or staggered to their feet. observing estrella and tessa crouched back against a wall as far away from the soldiers as they could manage to put themselves, he approached them and asked them what they knew about this new phase of the tumultuous doings of the day. the two girls greeted him joyfully for they had had their fill of horror and welcomed the priest who represented to them the sanctity of the church: "father felix," cried the little tessa, "tell us what we are to do next and where we are to go and what we are to do when we get there, for we are dreadfully upset and poor estrella has had a terrible shock and is still weakened from her fainting fit, while i am just as i have been right along ... scared half to death." the good priest stopped beside the girls long enough to tell them to quietly go to their own homes and stay indoors until morning, then he passed on to the other groups, and, where he could do so, assisted them to leave the prado, preparatory to seeking their own places of abode where he advised them all to remain if possible without molestation from the authorities. when father felix had reached the little cluster of people surrounding the liberated prisoner whom we have mentioned before, he came to a halt, and, beckoning the young man referred to to follow him, he passed on out of ear-shot of the rest and said to him: "i wish that you would explain to me how it happens that estrella is in need of help and you, although free, are not by her side. how does it happen, manuello, that your half-sister has only her little friend, tessa, to lean upon, while your strong arms are without a burden?" the young fellow hung his head as if ashamed, for a moment, before he answered father felix, and seemed to ponder deeply over his reply to the good priest's intimate question: "i can tell you about that in a very few words, father," he at length summoned courage to say, "i have only within the past few most delightful moments been freed from a loathesome dungeon and have been receiving the felicitations of some of my friends on my fortunate escape. i did not realize that estrella needed my services ... if so, of course i will at once offer them to her." bowing low before father felix, he put his right hand to his head as if to doff its covering, but, finding it bare except for his thick mop of dishevelled brown hair, he smiled, instead, and, suiting his actions to his words, approached the two girls who still remained where father felix had left them as if afraid to move: "allow me!" he cried, gayly, extending one strong arm to each of the maidens, "accept my escort to whatever place you desire to go!" estrella seemed to take no notice of the offered arm, but tessa eagerly laid hold of the proffered protection and snuggled her small person against the tall figure of the young fellow who turned to her companion as if to discover the cause of her apparent coolness. "why so silent, fair lady?" he inquired, "have you no congratulations to offer me upon my recent harrowing experience and subsequent and most fortunate escape?" estrella did not answer him at first, but gazed intently into his eager face as if to read there the inner motives that prompted his lightly-spoken words. after she had looked into his face for a few seconds of earnest scrutiny, she said to him: "manuello, why did you not speak to me when we first met after your liberation from the prison? why have you spent the time since then among the others instead of looking after my interests? have you ceased to care for me during your incarceration? what have i done to deserve such treatment from you? have i not treated you as a sister should? in what way have i offended you, manuello?" as she uttered these words her fair face flushed with the tide of deep emotion that swept over it and her blue eyes grew dark and full of feeling. she placed one of her hands on his arm, lightly, but held herself aloof from contact with his person. he recognized this attitude of hers by standing a little more erectly and holding the arm on which her hand had been laid, stiffly extended a little from his body: "how suddenly affectionate you have become, my soft and yielding sister! it seems to me that i remember how earnestly you plead with me to cease embracing you whenever opportunity was afforded to me, before i went to prison for my sins.... i think you are the girl who used to say to me 'please, manuello, don't hold my hand so tightly! you are too rough!' i do not wish to be considered rough by any woman, and, so, i am more cautious in approaching your sacred person, now that i have had time to reflect upon your many words." "how can you speak so to her, manuello," exclaimed the dark-skinned tessa, "now that you are free once more? poor estrella has had a most terrible experience, here, tonight ... you ought to comfort instead of scolding her." the tender-hearted little girl looked up at the big man reproachfully and reached around his back to pat estrella's shoulder, but he only stalked along between the two girls, sullenly and almost silently. at length, they reached the little cottage where estrella and her family lived and tessa ran along a little further to her own home while manuello and his half-sister entered their own dwelling. it happened that they were alone, at first, as the other members of the little family had not yet returned from the prado, and, in that interval of time, considerable was said and done by both of them. "manuello," said the girl, putting one hand on each of his broad shoulders, "have you no pity for me, now that victorio is dead? you must have seen his poor, mangled body lying there at the entrance of the prison, manuello ... can you tell how he came to die just as he and all the rest were about to be released from prison?" her tear-stained face was very near to his and his own lips began to tremble before he mustered courage to answer her: "of course, i'm sorry for you, estrella," he began haltingly and slow, "of course i pity you as well as any other woman whose lover's newly dead. as to how he happened to be killed ... why, i guess you will never know just what did happen in that prison when those battering rams began to rock it by their impact ... i am certain that i cannot give you much explanation as i, myself, was one of those who suffered, although you do not seem concerned as to that in any way." "you escaped alive, manuello, and poor victorio did not for his poor head was almost severed from his body ..." said estrella, weeping violently, with deep-drawn sobs of agony, "i lifted him and tried to hold his head upon my lap ... oh, manuello," she continued, clinging to him involuntarily, "it was very terrible!" her sufferings seemed to move him for he put his arms about her shoulders and drew her head forward until it rested on his broad and palpitating breast: "poor little girl!" he murmured, softly, stroking her fair hair, "poor little estrella! i _am_ sorry for you ... i _do_ pity you, though why you chose victorio for your lover was always beyond my comprehension." chapter iii when father felix left the prado he went directly to the church where he officiated, and, thence, into the small refectory behind it; here, he removed the flowing vestments he had worn when engaged in the enterprise which we have described in a previous chapter of this book, and assumed a more conventional and handy garb for he had work to do that would require all the strength of his arms and all the muscles of his broad back; he had set himself a task that was never meant for priestly hands to do, and, in the doing of it, he would need all the strength that years of careful living and an inherited and bounding health had bestowed upon him. he, at once, began preparations for the work he had to do, and, to begin with, he adjusted the heavy cross which he always wore about his neck so that it would hang exactly in front of him and not over-balance his body by being on one side or the other; this cross had been a relic much prized by him of an old priest with whom he had studied and whose sainted memory he revered almost as much as that of the saints whom he had been taught to worship along with the virgin mary and the babe of bethlehem; then, he put on next to his skin a hair-cloth shirt so constructed as not to scratch and yet to be very warm; over this he placed a heavy riding-coat which had been given to him by one of those who attended the services he conducted in the church; these garments, together with heavy breeches and warm, woolen stockings worn under heavy boots, completed, with the addition of a broad-brimmed hat, a disguise that would deceive almost any person who was acquainted with his ordinary appearance. having clothed himself to his own satisfaction, he took a heavy stick he had handy in his strong right hand and proceeded to leave the vicinity where he was accustomed, at all hours, to be found, and, stealthily and quietly, exercising all the precaution of which he was capable, he proceeded up the street that ran behind the little church with as much of haste as was consistent with the object of his journey. when he had gone about two blocks from the church he turned sharply to his left and proceeded about as far again up the street that led away from the village, then, turning again to his left, he walked briskly for another block or two, when he came to a sharp turn and paused as if in doubt as to just which turn to take, when, suddenly, as if from the ground at his feet, he heard a low voice addressing him in no uncertain language: "turn toward the right side of this street," whispered the voice, "take the right-hand side of this street and then turn again toward the left when you have gone for two more blocks toward the right. you will find the object of your search has been in waiting for you for some hours and is now growing impatient ... so make all possible haste, good father felix ... make all possible haste for she is sore pressed with fatigue and fear." when the voice had ceased speaking to him, father felix followed the direction it gave him, implicitly, and found, indeed, as it had assured him, the object of the night-journey he had just made, waiting for him with great impatience, coupled with much fear and dread of consequences; he hastened to reassure her as soon as he reached her side by saying softly to her: "be of good cheer, dear madam. the work that you commissioned me to do has been well done and all of the prisoners excepting one are now at liberty. unfortunately, one of our friends lost his life just before the wide doors of the prison were burst open ... no one seems to know how this came about, but we found his dead body across the very entrance as if, indeed, he had been about to join our ranks outside when death overtook and stopped him." "which of the prisoners was killed?" asked the woman who had been waiting there for his coming, eagerly and apprehensively. "i do not suppose that you were acquainted with the young fellow ..." answered the good father felix, soothingly, "he was called victorio colenzo ... he was the lover of a girl i know very well and she was with the crowd, who followed me; she dashed into the entrance of the prison and held his head, which had been almost severed from its body, in her lap until she fainted and became mercifully unconscious of her horrible surroundings ... the poor girl was almost crazed with agony and regret, for she had flouted him to some extent because of his revolutionary sentiments...." he had gotten that far in his narrative little thinking of the intense interest it had for the woman listening to it, until he happened to look earnestly at her when he saw, in an instant, that it held for her great personal appeal; he stopped at that knowledge and waited for her to explain the situation if so be she wished to do so; at length, between low-drawn sobs, she said, falteringly: "you say victorio colenzo was the lover of some light girl you know? indeed, you are much mistaken. instead of being any girl's lover, he belonged solely to me. he was my own dearly beloved husband, father felix. i had not yet told you of our marriage for i wanted you to think of me only in my own personal right, but i am the widow of the man whose shameful and horrible death you have just been describing to me ... i am the weeping widow of victorio colenzo, father felix, and, if it be in my power, his death shall be avenged in blood!" as she ceased speaking she put her hands before her face and gave way, utterly, to her great sorrow, for she had but spoken the solemn truth although no one of her many acquaintances suspected that she was a married woman at all. father felix was dumbfounded by the intelligence the young woman had just given to him and pitied her from the very bottom of his tender heart and he blamed his blundering tongue for giving to her such a shock as he had just been the cause of; at the same time he could not blame himself as much as he might have done had he not known of the marriage contract of estrella and this same man of whom he had been speaking; he hastened to place this young girl in the right light before his companion by saying: "my dear madam, as to the girl of whom i was just speaking, she is in every sense of the word a good girl and innocent of any wrong intention; if there is a sinner in this matter it was he who is now not to be condemned by any human being, for he has gone before his maker who will mete out to him whatever is his just dessert. i am deeply grieved that i should have caused you this deep grief at this time, but, as the circumstances are, you would have been obliged to know it very soon in any case." the young woman who had been waiting for the priest to come to her to make his report as to how he had done the work that she had set for him to do, was beautiful as any dream of womanhood could ever be. her great gray eyes, that shone like stars upon a misty night, were lifted to his face and questioned him as to the truth of his last statement while they plainly showed the almost holy faith she had in all he did: "dear father felix," she said, finally, stifling as best she could the sobs that shook her slender figure, "dear father felix, i know you speak the truth, and, yet, it does not seem to me that he could have ever been a hypocrite such as a man would have to be to be what you infer he was. he was my darling husband ... if he, also, was the lover of a trusting girl, then he sinned most grievously ... it breaks my heart," she ended, clasping her soft, white hands together spasmodically, "it breaks my heart to think he could be such a villain as you say he was. dear father felix," she began again, for hope will sometimes come upon the very heels of wild despair, "dear father felix, are you sure that this man who is newly dead can be the victorio colenzo that i know ... the man who is ... i hope he is ... my own dear husband? the one i mean was a prisoner with the others you have liberated ... it was for his sake alone that i arranged to have you do the work you've done ... might it not be that you have been mistaken in the man? might there not have even been two men bearing the same name within that prison?" eagerly and hopefully, she questioned the good priest. he sadly shook his head and said to her: "the young man whose body lay within the entrance to the prison when we had battered down the door, was tall and very dark ... his hair was like a raven's wing for blackness ... his eyes were like the falcon's in their keenness ... he was a handsome fellow in every possible way and the girl, estrella, of whom i spoke, fairly worshipped him although her own family flouted her for doing so, as he only came to see her at long intervals and seemed ashamed to be seen with her ... seldom ever went out anywhere with her, but they were plighted lovers ... that i know ... they came to me together, one evening, in the church, and i blessed their future union, believing him to be an honest man and knowing her to be a gentle, true and loving girl." "i fear he was my husband, father felix.... i fear the very one i hoped to liberate has lost his life and lost his honor, too. father felix, tell me how to bear this great and hopeless sorrow! _is_ there any way to bear a sorrow such as this one is? _can_ i shut my husband's memory from my heart because i can no longer have respect for him? _is_ there any way," she wailed, pleadingly, "_is_ there any way to bear a sorrow such as this one is? _tell_ me, good father, _tell_ me, is there any way of escape for me who am as innocent as is this young girl of whom you have just spoken? is there some way in which i can assist her, father felix? perhaps it is my duty, under these circumstances, to hunt her up and try to help her, who is, also, as it were, a widow of my darling husband. must i do this, father? would it be my duty, as the wife of victorio colenzo, to look this girl up and try to help her bear her sorrow on account of his death?" the good priest looked at her in deep amazement, but he answered her as calmly as he could command his voice to speak: "no, my daughter, no ... that would be going beyond reason as to duty. it might be right for you to send her something if she were in need of monetary assistance.... i do not think she is, however, i do not think estrella is in need of anything to live upon ... they had not been married, you understand ... she was not his wife as you were ... only just he'd promised he would marry her, sometime. no, you owe her nothing more than womanly sympathy in her bereavement and you do not need to see her at all, for that matter. it would give you unnecessary pain, it seems to me. as for her, if we can, we will let her remain in ignorance of the character of him she loved ... she would the sooner repair the injury, it seems to me, if she could still respect his memory. it must be doubly hard for you, my daughter, to lose him and respect for him at the same time ... yet, it would have been a terrible knowledge for you to have gained ... that he had misled this innocent girl ... even during his life. a man has little thought of the women who love him when he plays fast and loose with more than one of them at a time, anyway. i wish i knew what words to say to you to make you strong to bear this misery, dear daughter ... you must bear it all alone, i know that much ... only god in his great mercy, can assist you in this matter ... only he can tell you what to do or how to endure your agony of spirit, for only he can understand your heart. i am but a feeble instrument in god's own hands, my dear, afflicted daughter.... i am but a very feeble instrument.... i wish i knew the way to help you bear this thing. i wish that i could say the fitting word to turn your mind to other thoughts, for only in the mind can fitting help be found ... only the spiritual side of your strong nature can uphold you now." he'd kept on talking to her hoping to alleviate her pain in some degree ... hoping that her fits of violent and heart-breaking weeping would grow farther and farther apart until they would cease altogether so that, being calmer, she could better face this heavy burden that was hers, and hers alone, to bear. seeing no cessation of her sobs and moans of agony of spirit, he began to speak of other matters, hoping to distract her mind and turn her thoughts to other things, thereby giving her an opportunity to face the sorrow that had come upon her so suddenly with more strength than she would have if she continued to dwell on it alone. so he bethought him of the soldiery and of their coming riding into the prado and he began to tell her of this phase of the adventure he had on her account, mainly. she listened calmly to this narrative and even asked some questions, haltingly, but, just as soon as that account was ended, she began again to ask concerning poor victorio: "where have they taken his remains, good father? where can i find my darling husband's body? how can i bear to have to see his face which has always to my knowledge been so full of life and youth and perfect health lying stark and still with no expression in his glorious dark eyes that always looked so lovingly at me? father felix, even now, it seems to me that there must be some mistake about my husband's being the same man who was the lover of this girl you know about.... i think that i will see her ... there ... beside my darling husband's body and decide the matter for myself instead of listening to the tales that have been told to me. that is how i think i will proceed," she ended, then, quite calmly, as it seemed, for secretly she then began to hope that it was not her husband, after all, "that is how i will proceed about this terrible calamity, father felix. i will see this girl beside the body of the man she says has been her lover ... he may not be my darling husband, after all." and so their conference ended, he giving her explicit directions as to where victorio's body had been placed, and she thanking him for carrying out her wishes even though, as it seemed then, the very thing she had him do the work for had failed her utterly. father felix went back, then, to the refectory, with this complicated matter bearing hard upon his heart. he pitied both the suffering women very much and wished to help them both if so be he could find the proper way to do the task in. he pondered deeply on the various situations he'd surprised in carrying out the project of the woman he had met, that night; she had not told him of her plans in their entirety, and, so, it seemed, the very plans she doted on the most had very far miscarried and the work, so far as she had been concerned, had not only been as futile as any work could ever be, but, also, it had brought to her a new and horrible calamity besides the failure of her plans and loss of him she evidently deeply loved as tender women love but only once in all their human lives, perhaps, for victorio colenzo had been a man to claim the love of tender women ... he was very tall and very handsome, too; his deep, dark eyes were very full of loving expression and his strong arms, folded close about a tender woman's yielding form, would lift her spirit up and make her almost wild with joy and gladness. and, as it looked now, those strong arms had been folded, not only round his own wife's tender form, but, also, about, at least, one other woman's, too. good father felix reflected on the fraility of man and pondered deeply on the tenderness of women, but he did not, even then, reach the very root of the whole matter, for he, being what he was, would not be very likely ever to know the heights and depths, as well, of human love, for he had always been a religious devotee in spite of his great strength of limb ... he'd only used his bodily powers to forward the work to which his whole life was devoted utterly, and, so, good father felix could not fully understand a man such as victorio colenzo must have been to leave the record that he'd left behind him when he died, there, in the entrance to that dark and gloomy prison, just as he had been about to come again, a free man, into the glorious light of day. chapter iv father felix had prepared the widow of victorio colenzo for the sight she would behold when she went to the rude dwelling where they had laid the form of the prisoner whose dead body had been found lying in the entrance to the prison on the day the people battered down the doors and set at liberty several political prisoners confined therein, but no one could, really, prepare a woman for the vision presented to her eyes when she entered the cottage that had been turned into a temporary morgue, for more than one of those engaged in the deadly strife with the soldiery in the prado after the deliverance of the prisoners had given up his earthly life, either at the time of the attack or afterwards from wounds inflicted either intentionally or inadvertently by those who had been sent to the prado to quell an uprising of the cuban populace. as the woman we have before described entered the rude shelter where the dead bodies of several of the residents of the little village lay, she was surprised and grieved by the number of the dead and, also, by the many mourners who crowded among the slabs on which the bodies lay, for there was little of orderly array there, everything being of the rudest and most primitive pattern as the reigning government did not wish to dignify those who had opposed it even after death had taken from their limbs the power to oppose anything in the world of men and women. the woman, who was of a higher class than most of those assembled there, was treated with marked deference as became her superior position both as to wealth and education, for the widow of victorio colenzo occupied a proud place in her own right, having been, for a long time, the occupant of a large and beautiful residence that commanded a wide view of the harbor of havana and was situated on an elevation above the little village of san domingo; this home had been hers long before she had ever met the handsome peon whom she had acknowledged as her husband to father felix after having learned of his death. it was through her own instigation that the man had taken the position which had, subsequently, placed him among the prisoners for offenses against the reigning government who had been liberated under her direct orders and with her pronounced sanction, although she had not actually taken part in the work which she had directed. this woman was of another type entirely as compared with the others in that small dwelling and walked among them almost haughtily in spite of her eagerness in the search after evidence that would convince her that she had not been utterly mistaken in the man she had secretly married, believing him to represent the finest and highest example of patriotic courage and devotion that she had met during the whole of her long residence in the island of cuba. she had come to the island, in her first youth, as the daughter of the american consul who represented the united states in the council chambers where were gathered those who discussed affairs of state with the ruling spanish powers; her father had purchased the beautiful site on which he had built the home that was still hers, although both of her parents had died, there in cuba, within the past few years; the girl had been left practically without living relatives, and, so, loving her island home, she had remained there in spite of the solicitations of many american friends who had visited her in cuba and urged her to return to the united states with them; she was of a reticent and retiring disposition, loving a good book more than almost anything else in the world, and being surrounded by a splendid library, her time was fully and pleasantly occupied, as she had trustworthy retainers who followed her mandates because they loved to fulfill them and pitied her loneliness while they almost worshiped her superior manners and style of speech as well as of living; father felix, alone, understood her mental attainments and was greatly bewildered when she told him that she had married victorio colenzo as he considered her far removed from the peons who were the regular inhabitants of the island and among whom he labored as a missionary rather than as an equal, although his deep humility of manner always led them to believe that he was on their own level of intelligence, while the aloofness of this one woman set her apart from all of her neighbors and made her seem to them like a being from another and a higher world. as she walked among the slabs on which the dead bodies had been laid, that morning, for she had come down from her home early, having slept, during the past night, only the few hours preceding her meeting with father felix, as she hoped to have her doubts set at rest and to be assured that the man she had secretly united to herself by marriage was still worthy of her respect and love which she had given to him without further knowledge of his character than what he chose to exhibit to her in their infrequent meetings prior to his declaration of undying worship and deep and overpowering love for herself as well as of patriotic zeal which latter emotion she fully sympathized with, as she regarded it as similar in many ways to her own feeling for her much-beloved land which was all the more powerful because of her isolation from others of her own nation, she representing, to herself at least, the whole of the entire broad expanse of the united states; it was this sympathy with the ardent patriotism of victorio colenzo that had led to her present plight for, believing him to possess the strong feelings for his native land which he had professed to her to have, she had urged his participation in the plot which, on its discovery by the spanish authorities, had plunged him, with others, into the prison from which, through her own earnest efforts, they had just been liberated, or, at least, a part of them. now, she reached the side of the farthest slab in that small room, and noticed, at once, crouching down beside it, a fair-haired girl who seemed, beyond all doubt, the one bereft by the condition of the body lying there, so straight and still, beneath the rude pall that had been thrown over it so that even its face was hidden from sight. she softly touched the mourner on the shoulder nearest to her and whispered: "my poor girl, for whom do you mourn? is it the body of your brother lying here, or, yet," she went on, hesitatingly, for a horrible suspicion began to thrust its ugly head before her vision, "can he who lies here so quietly have been, maybe, your husband? you are young but i know well that the girls, here, marry very young...." she ended haltingly, for the girl had raised her lovely face, tear-stained and drawn by sorrow, and looked up into the face that bent so near to her own: "he was my plighted husband, lady; he _would_ have been my husband had death not intervened to take him from me! i _love_ him so ..." she suddenly screamed in agony, "i _love_ him so ... victorio! why have you left me all alone in a cruel world to be a widow before i was a wife? victorio...." and, then, she rose, as one who had that right, and turned the pall back from the countenance of him who lay there on that senseless slab. the other woman did not scream, as poor estrella had ... she did not even move, indeed, but stood as if she had been carved from marble, for her face was almost just as pale as death itself ... the pulsing blood receded from her cheeks and from her trembling lips ... she stood so tall and still that the poor girl became conscious of her in spite of her own grief and wondered if she, also, sought to find some one she loved among the dead; with that thought in her mind, she stepped back from the corpse she had been leaning over, and said to her who stood there silently as if her interest in the affairs of life had, suddenly, ceased: "i beg your pardon for my selfishness. are you, too, one of those who lost some loved one yesterday? do you seek, here, in this sad place, the body of one whom you've loved as i have loved the man who lies here ... dead ... before me?" the older girl was silent, for she could not talk to poor estrella as she wished to do ... as she had meant to do in case her worst fears had to be realized; she did not wish to add a single hair's weight to the sorrow that the poor girl felt for him who had been false to both of those trusting women who stood there beside his corpse; she did not wish to harm the innocent girl, for she could see how true and loving she had been by gazing, only for a moment, in her wide, blue eyes, and, yet, it was her right and, perhaps, it was also her duty, to the man who had been her earthly husband, to claim his body and to bury it as would become the husband of a woman such as she had, always, been; but, as he'd always begged her to keep secret their marriage which had taken place in havana instead of having father felix marry them at his request, for political reasons, he had told her, with the thought that she, being an american, might complicate his position with the spanish government, as he had occupied a place of trust under the governor, until the proper time would come to expose his actual feelings for his native land. and, so, she had to think of this side of the complicated problem presented to her by her strange position while she stood there with that weeping, loving, sympathetic, untaught girl clinging to her hand and questioning her. at length, having collected a little of her usual unselfish consideration for the people living on the island, she turned to poor estrella and said to her, softly, and, yet, without condescension in her manner: "yes, my poor girl, i, also, seek someone i love among the newly dead.... i, also, wish to find the man i loved as you have loved the man who lies here on this slab.... i, also...." then, her courage failed her utterly and she fainted dead away, even as poor estrella, herself, had, when she had first beheld the body of the man who had made love to both of them. the fair-haired girl bent over the older woman and lifted her in her strong arms and carried her into the outer air and found the carriage where it waited for its mistress and placed her in the care of those who served her; then, for the first time, she realized who the lady was who'd found her there beside her dead, as she supposed, for victorio had no family in san domingo, having only come there recently, and having held himself as somewhat superior to the most of his own countrymen whom he met, so poor estrella claimed his body as having been his sweetheart, since he had, as she believed, no wife in all the world, for he had often told her he had never found a woman he could love before he met her. now, she helped to chafe the hands of her who lay there in that costly carriage with her brown hair making a soft frame for her pale face which lay upon the lap of one who loved her with the kind of love an ignorant, older woman gives to one she much admires and who is far superior to her in every possible way; this woman smoothed the fluffy hair back from the high white brow, now, and spoke to her as if she were her baby instead of one whom she looked up to and respected: "there ... there! my pretty! open your sweet eyes and look at your own loving mage!" she said, as the long, brown lashes that fringed the delicate white lids still brushed the rounded cheeks that were almost as white as the smooth brow. "look up at me and let me see your shining eyes, again!" "her heart is beating, now, more regularly," said estrella, for her hand had sought the other's bosom to see if she still lived at all. "she breathes more easily, too. i think she will recover very soon ... poor lady! she sympathized with me in my great sorrow so deeply that she fainted. how sweet and dear she is!" she added, softly, as a shudder shook the form before her. "how very sweet and dear she is. you _must_ love her very much indeed.... i never happened to see her before today, but i know who she is, now, and how very kind she has been to so many of our people." "i wish the color would creep back into her cheeks ..." moaned mage. "her cheeks are almost always rosy as the dawn ... it seems so strange to see them white ... she don't look natural to me this way ... you should see her when she thinks her husband's coming to the house ... _then_ her cheeks are like a flame of light ... her eyes are just as bright as stars at midnight ... there! they've opening, now ... my pretty ... my own pretty dear ... mage is here ... i'm right here by you dearie ... there! i'm afraid she's fainted away, again. she seemed to look at you, estrella, stand farther back so, when she opens her eyes next time, she'll see just me ... she knows old mage loves her always ... she knows her own old mage would take good care of her no matter what would come.... dearie ... i am right here ... old mage is close beside you...." at that, the woman lying there within her faithful arms, stirred softly, and, once again, her glorious gray eyes opened, and she looked at poor old mage whose face was all distraught with many wrinkles and with deep anxiety for her. then she raised herself to a sitting posture and put her hands before her eyes as if to hide some horrible spectre from her sight, and, then, she looked at poor estrella standing there not knowing what to do, for mage would not allow her, even now, to come a single step nearer to her mistress, and then she spoke: "my poor girl," she said, "my poor girl, i too, sought to find the man i loved, but his body is not here. i pity you with all my heart and wish that i could help you bear your sorrow. come to me and i will try to help you ... come this evening, just at sunset, to my house. i think you know which one it is.... mage, you tell her where to come." for she had reached the limit of her endurance, for the moment, and old mage, seeing her evident distress, hurriedly told estrella where to come to find her mistress, and gave the orders to the coachman to drive home at once. and, then, estrella went again into the habitation of the dead and the other woman, with her heart like lead within her breast, went back to her own place and left the body of the man she'd called her husband for a few short months lying there upon that senseless slab with the weeping girl beside it. chapter v when the evening shadows were falling over the almost palatial home of ruth wakefield, the young girl whom she had begged to come to her climbed the rugged height upon which the former united states consul had erected his residence hoping to occupy it long after his term of office should expire as he had found the climate very beneficial to the health of his entire family, as it seemed, and desired to have a fitting place of abode during the childhood of his only and much-loved child, who, now, a sorrowing widow and a humiliated wife, was sitting idly waiting to receive poor estrella, not knowing, certainly, just what she would do or say when she had to really face the situation into which she had been forced by untoward circumstances. as estrella reached the rear door, to which she had gone by an almost unerring instinct, feeling strange and unnatural among the rich surroundings, old mage appeared to welcome her, as she had been directed by her mistress to do; the old woman was greatly in doubt as to the condition of affairs in the home she loved to be a part of and had longed to get hold of the peon girl alone. there was something about ruth wakefield that commanded the respect of even the lowest among those who knew her ... her natural refinement had been accentuated by her seclusion from the outer world and by her almost constant thought of higher and better matters than the gross and humdrum affairs of the daily life by which she was surrounded. yet, she always entered into practical affairs with vigor and entire understanding, so that, while she was counted as a dreamer of dreams beyond the earth, yet she was acknowledged to be eminently practical and able to attend to her own business affairs with no danger of being over-reached by those with whom she dealt as to monetary matters, as her natural acumen in such matters had been sharpened by various experiences of a more or less unpleasant character, such as the loss of certain sums of money through trusting to the honor of some of those with whom she had had sympathy in their need, for she had discovered that, when it comes to money, people are very apt to forget their obligations entirely, only attending to that part of life when in need themselves and not considering the fact that, unless one gets what is one's due, at least to some extent, one cannot, on the other hand, meet one's own obligations, so that the lonely girl had learned some hard lessons by practical knowledge of human nature gained in the only school where such knowledge can be gained ... experience. but old mage was of a far different type of womankind ... true as steel to her beloved young lady as she always called her in her thoughts, although she often found verbal fault with her to her fair and tender face ... fond of gossip and garrulous to an almost alarming extent yet she could keep a secret as inviolate as even ruth wakefield herself. at this moment, her great desire was to worm out of poor estrella whatever it was that had made her own young lady faint that morning ... she was not worried about the poor girl's loss of him she had called her lover except in so far as it affected her own people as she was fond of distinguishing them, for old mage, although uneducated and almost unaware of her own nationality as her mother had died at her birth and her father had immediately deserted her, yet prided herself on being far superior to the natives among whom she dwelt, for she had come to cuba with the wakefield family, having been employed by them as nurse for the small ruth and having stuck tightly to her charge from that time on. so that, when she faced the poor, ignorant, as she secretly considered estrella, girl, it was with an air of superiority as belonging to a higher race than she, for it is a fact that uneducated persons feel any elevation above their fellows much more strongly than those who have had more insight into the humble attainments of even the wisest of human beings, for those who have been permitted to climb the heights of thought have had a glimpse of the vastness and unattainable grandeur of which even the highest human intellect must only be a spectator ... an humble and admiring witness of the matchless beauty and majestic splendor that dwell beyond and yet beyond the vision of the keenest human imagination. but old mage seldom allowed herself even to wonder about what she could not understand, being content with the plane of existence upon which she found herself and finding amusement and profit as well in attending to the various small duties of her daily life as she performed those duties through love and pride. having seated the girl who was almost overpowered, already, by the unknown glamour of wealthy surroundings, she proceeded to follow out her own ideas and to attempt to satisfy her own curiosity before apprising ruth of the arrival of her invited guest. she began by commiserating the girl upon her recent loss, little dreaming that, in this way, she would find out far more than had been her own desire, for old mage, while she had never liked the young man who, for the past few months, had been an almost daily visitor at the home she dearly loved, yet had tried to think that her young lady had chosen wisely, even if unconventionally, when she had married him, as it was very hard for her ever to really question any object upon which ruth had set her heart, it having been one of the criticisms of the parents of the little girl that old mage had always indulged her slightest whim and always satisfied at least her own conscience by finding some good reason for the indulgence; in the present instance, she had often said to herself: "my poor child is alone so much with her own thoughts and what she gets out of all those big books," for what anyone could find in the way of company in a book which required so much labor, in her own case, to decipher at all was a mystery to her, "and she needs company ... a woman needs a man around to make love to her and this fellow is good at that what with his guitar and his mandolin and his fine voice, not to speak of his wonderful dark eyes and his curly black hair and his strong, powerful figure ... it is too bad that he is only a native cuban instead of an american ... that is too bad ... but..." she would end, brightly, "he can be naturalized if we ever go back to the states." so, now, when she turned to estrella with the conventional question as to the identity of her lover on her ready tongue, she little dreamed of the consequences: "my poor girl," she began, "you were to have been married, they tell me, to the man who was found dead at the entrance to the prison, last night.... i wonder if i happened to know him ... what was his name?" she had asked the question idly, wishing only to engage the girl in conversation to find out whatever she could. "my lover was a wonderful man ..." declared estrella; "he was not a common man at all ... he was superior to all the men i know or ever have known ... he was the handsomest as well as the most intelligent man among the whole people of this island, i think.... i know i never saw anyone either so handsome or so smart as was my dear victorio.... i don't suppose you would ever have met him for he was not a servant and yet he was a cuban ... he was a wonderful man and i was to have been his wife and he was most foully murdered there in that hateful prison." and the poor bereft creature began to moan and sob and wring her hands in agony of spirit. this was not at all what mage desired to do ... to get the girl all wrought up before her young lady even saw her, so she tried to comfort and calm her by speaking rather sharply to her as she knew hysteria can only be overcome by the application of fierce remedies, or, at least, that is what she had been taught, so, in order to cauterize the wound her words seemed to have made, she said: "you say your lover was a superior man ... was he, then, a leader among the political prisoners who were liberated?" "indeed he was ..." proudly answered the bereaved girl. "victorio colenzo was a leader where-ever he went ... why ..." but even her pride in her dead lover did not hide from her the effect his name had had on poor old mage for she had crumpled down in her chair as if she had received a stroke of some kind and seemed as if paralyzed, for her poor old mouth fell open, revealing its entire innocence of teeth; she gasped for breath for a moment and then demanded: "say that name again! what kind of looking man was he?" hastening to comply with the demand made on her, the girl proceeded, proudly: "his name was victorio colenzo and he was the handsomest man in the whole of cuba, i believe ... his eyes were very dark and expressive and his hair was the very most beautiful curly hair that ever grew on any human head ... he was tall and strong and handsome in every way and, yet," she ended dreamily, "and, yet, he never loved a woman in his life before he found me." old mage had other words upon her lips than those which she said after having hauled herself up sharply, remembering how unprotected her dear young lady was and wishing, above all else, even her own almost insatiable curiosity, to shield her from any harm: "it must be a great comfort to you to know that, now that he is dead and gone," she said to the girl, though what she added in her own mind may as well not be recorded here, for, with all the fierceness of the far-famed tiger with her young, old mage, in her own primitive mind, was wishing several distinct kinds of punishment would fall, in its immediate future, upon the soul of the man who had brought sorrow to her dear, innocent lamb. as far as the girl was concerned she felt that she had had more than her just deserts already and wished to relieve her young lady of any further torture regarding the mixed matter, for old mage, though an ignorant woman in many ways, had lived a great many observant years among human men and women, and, now, that her experience might serve to protect ruth in this hard crisis of her young womanhood, she threw herself and all her previous knowledge of the world right into the breach. she reflected only for a few moments after having made the diplomatic speech referred to above, before she decided on a course of immediate action. to begin with, she decided to clear the decks, as it were, of the obstruction of the girl's presence in the home of the wronged wife; she went about this with precision and dispatch, for, once she had settled on any certain course, old mage was like a mild whirlwind, scattering everything before her: "well," she began, eyeing the girl suspiciously, wondering whether she had any inkling of the exact situation, "i suppose you have folks to live with and are not in need of anything much?" "i am alone in this wide world," declared estrella, "for i am but a foster child among the people who have brought me up ... my parents i know nothing of but believe that i am not of cuban blood.... i think ..." she hesitated, "i think ... i am ... an american, the same as the sweet young lady who lives here with you." the last few words almost undid old mage's stern resolve, but she kept her one idea of saving her young lady from further annoyance in view and answered this appeal: "it don't make much difference in this world _who_ you are but it does matter _what_ you are ... now, i take it, you are a good girl and will marry some good man when you have recovered from this loss ... you are too young to feel this as deeply as you might ... i hope so, anyway ..." she temporized, seeing the look of despair that settled on estrella's really beautiful and innocent features, "and my young lady wanted me to help you if you needed any help for she feels so sorry that your lover happened to be killed just as he was about to get free ... she wanted me to tell you ..." but at that point in her benevolent intention she was interrupted by the appearance of the mistress of the place, and ended, rather lamely, "she wanted me to tell you to come to her as soon as you got here." "why, mage," said ruth in her usual sweet, low voice, "you had not told me that estrella had come ... have you been waiting for me very long?" she kindly asked the girl. "no, madam," said estrella feeling the immense difference in their positions in spite of the evident indisposition and tender youth of the other woman, "i have only rested for a few moments after my climb to the top of the hill. it was very kind," she added, "of you to ask me to come and the cool air of the evening has refreshed my head for it has been aching terribly, all day." "can't you find some sort of refreshments for her, mage?" asked ruth, feeling sorry for the other's plight. "maybe a good cup of tea would give you added strength to bear your great sorrow ... we women," she said while her sweet, low voice trembled, "we women are but weak and yet often the very heaviest of sorrows is laid upon us.... i do not know the reason for this ... i do not understand ... but i believe that we are all but a part of a very great plan which is beyond our comprehension while we are here in this finite world, and i hope ..." she had the look of one of god's good angels on her face as she said it, "and i hope to know more about this great plan when i have passed beyond this world and all its many disappointments. you have had a terrific blow, my poor girl," she went on, kindly. "you alone must bear this grief but god has sent other human beings into this human life so that we may help each other, if only by our mutual sympathy, when we must meet what it seems almost impossible for us to bear alone ... so," she ended, "so, maybe i have been sent to try to give you courage to go on in life when your future must look dreadfully black to you." "it surely does look black ..." moaned poor estrella, "victorio was all i had to lean upon in this wide world for i don't belong to the people where i live and manuello persists in making love to me and i can't bear to have him touch me after having known the love of a man who never even looked at any other woman but me, and who was," her pride in her dead lover again taking the ascendency in her emotions, "the handsomest and smartest man who ever came to cuba." "the low-lived pup!" said old mage, who had just come in with the tea-tray in her hands and heard the last few words, but she made this remark to herself alone and would have ground her teeth in making it had it not happened that she had mislaid those triumphs of the dentist's art, for old mage was the proud possessor of two entire sets of teeth, although she seldom could lay her hands on them as she invariably removed them from her mouth each time she wished to eat anything, having grown so accustomed to gumming her food that the teeth were dreadfully in her way. she set the tea-tray with its array of cups and saucers down and added several little concoctions of her own making to the little feast before she began, thinking to change the subject: "dear miss ruth, i wish you could have seen little tid-i-wats a few minutes ago; she was out in the big yard and i wanted her to come back in her own place so as to be safe and so instead of going to pick her up as you know very well she won't allow anyone to do except yourself, i just got one of her saucers and a silver spoon and pounded on the edge of the saucer with the spoon, and here she came fairly bounding along the driveway; she galloped, miss ruth, just like a little colt out in one of our own big pastures, back home." "the dear little dadditts!" exclaimed her young lady, using a pet name of her own making. "how cute she must have looked ... she is so little," she explained to estrella, "she is so very small and so very cute ... i have had her with me, now, for ... how long is it, mage?" for she knew the old woman enjoyed being asked for information, "since we came from america the last time?" "let me see ..." answered mage, deliberating, "it must be anyway twelve years and tid-i-wats was not a young cat, even then, for she had raised one family of kittens at least ... she must be thirteen or more years old, my dear," she said to the young girl, hoping to attract her attention to herself and so leave ruth free from her immediate scrutiny, "just think of that! you must come with me, when you have had your tea, and see the cute little yard we have for her and then you must look over the grounds with me. miss ruth is not feeling very well, today, although she has such a healthy-looking, rosy face, and, so, i'll entertain you while you're here; miss ruth is a great reader and her eyes are not very strong ... sometimes the sun hurts them awfully." and ruth let here have her way, that time, as she found that she could scarcely endure the calm, blue, staring eyes of the girl and listen to her innocent gabble concerning her own husband; so she called old mage into another room and cautioned her to be very kind to poor estrella and gave her quite a sum of money to hand to her, thinking, in this manner to defray the funeral expenses of the man whom she had believed to be the very soul of honor fired with an almost holy patriotism. old mage received her directions quietly enough and used her own good judgment as to carrying them all out; her main idea was to relieve her mistress and this she did by assuring her that she would look after the girl and would ask her to come to see them again when she had in some measure recovered from her sorrow. what she was saying to her own self we will not record but she relieved her own feelings, while attempting to help estrella who was as innocent as her own young lady was, as she could see, for old mage was seldom mistaken in her estimate of women, although men, as she expressed it, quite often "pulled the wool over her eyes." chapter vi as the young girl descended the hill to the little village she reflected upon the splendor of the home she had just quitted and wondered if such wealth as was displayed there could take the place of the companionship of a loved and loving human being; she remembered the very sad expression of the great gray eyes into which she had peered for a few fleeting moments and she marveled at the memory, for, as it seemed to the inexperience of estrella, ruth wakefield should have been as happy as a queen indeed for she had the proud position, almost, of royalty among the peons to whose constant society she, herself, had had to be accustomed from her earliest recollection of society at all. in spite of her own great sorrow on account of the sudden death of victorio colenzo she felt comforted, somehow, by the memory of the vital nearness of the woman who was so much her superior, as it seemed to her, in every possible way; she could not know that in ruth wakefield's gentle bosom there throbbed a deeper and more lasting agony than any that she, herself, had ever experienced ... she only saw her own position among those who had little sympathy for her, as all the girls she knew well, except little tessa, envied her as having been the sweetheart of a man they all admired, and the young men, feeling that she was superior, in many ways, to the girls of their own type, were jealous of the handsome colenzo who had won so easily what they had failed to even attract. chief among these latter was manuello who called himself her half-brother, half in derision and half in rough sport, for well he knew that no similar blood flowed through their veins as estrella had been taken care of by his own mother simply from motives of pity for a deserted and helpless orphan; this loving and unselfish mother had passed away some time before the opening of this tale and estrella had taken full charge of the household affairs of the family among whom she had grown up, as being the eldest of the girls, having always been of a domestic turn of mind and wishing to repay the kindness of those who had cared for her when she was unable to do so. as she walked along she remembered several little duties for her to perform yet that night, although she felt that she wished to devote her entire attention to the funeral arrangements that she had made for poor victorio whose mangled remains still lay at the improvised morgue in the village. reflecting on these arrangements, she remembered the money that old mage had given to her which was yet clutched in the hand that had received it; hearing a slight noise in the path ahead of her, she hastily thrust the money into the bosom of her gown and advanced, cautiously, for there was much unrest all over the island of cuba at this time and no one was really safe, either at home or abroad, as the governor-general had issued positive orders to arrest without question all those who were, in any manner, detrimental to the ruling powers. estrella was aware, in a dim and uncertain way, of existing conditions, and, having been a participant in the recent uprising, she was afraid that she might be detained by the government, in which case, how she could attend to the sorrowful duty of the morrow was a problem too big for her to solve on the spur of the moment; with the thought of this danger in her mind, she stepped carefully to one side of the narrow path, hoping that whoever or whatever had made the noise she had heard would pass on up the hill without observing her; she was standing as still as possible, fairly holding her breath and involuntarily clutching at the bundle of money in her dress, when she became conscious of the approach of someone or something from behind her and jumped, like a startled fawn, back into the path and down the hill at top speed; she knew that she was followed but did not stop until she had reached the door of the little cottage where she made her home; as she pushed madly at the door it yielded to her touch too quickly to have been moved by herself alone, and, hurridly entering, she found herself face to face with manuello who pulled her hastily inside and barred the simple door, saying testily: "why did you startle me so? had i not known your step, i would have kept you out until you had told me who you were ... don't you know that we, who have made ourselves conspicuous in the recent uprising, are being closely watched by the authorities and are liable to arrest at any moment? why do you expose us in this manner by staying out after nightfall and perhaps bringing the soldiers who are stationed in the block-houses upon us? is it not enough that you are marked as being the sweetheart of our dead leader? must you even stray about the country-side after dark?" "manuello ..." panted the poor girl, "i was so frightened ... someone was in the path and i jumped to one side and then someone came behind me and i ran! i did not mean to do wrong ... i went to see the lady at the mansion on the hill ... she asked me to come for she pitied me because of victorio's death.... i am sorry if i did wrong by going, manuello ... i hope you will forgive me ..." she ended, pleadingly, leaning against the door with one hand over her fluttering heart and looking up into his angry eyes. his countenance softened in a moment as he gazed upon her delicate beauty, and stretching out his arms he said to her: "rest, little sister, here, here upon my breast. all the others are asleep and you and i are alone. i would not scold you for the world, but we must all be as cautious as we can for we are living in very dangerous times." estrella evaded his offered embrace and hastened into her own little room after bidding him a short goodnight; she wondered, vaguely, what it was that had startled her in the path, but, in spite of everything, her healthy youth soon asserted itself and she was lost to her little world upon the earth with all its many disappointments and unknown turnings. the day upon which estrella made her visit to the mansion on the hill, as the residence of ruth wakefield was popularly known in the village of san domingo, was a memorable one in the history of the spanish-american war for it happened to be the fifteenth day of february in the year of our lord and master . upon that fateful day secret preparations had been made by the agents of some of those who were then in power over the people of cuba ... secret mines had been laid and large quantities of explosives had been placed in havana harbor with a set purpose in view; many of those who had been incarcerated in political prisons had been kept in total ignorance of the movements of spanish troops in cuba but most of the inhabitants of the island had known that, for some time, some definite object with reference to our own united states was being considered by those who directed the spanish soldiery. among those who had been apprised of what had been going on during the confinement of those who had been liberated the night before in san domingo was manuello; during the absence of estrella from their home, that evening, this redoubtable warrior had been hobnobbing with the spanish soldiers in the block-house nearest to the village and had discovered something of the plot to blow up a united states battleship in havana harbor; as it was known that the _maine_, an armored cruiser of the second-class, had been lying in the harbor for some weeks, the young fellow was especially nervous, and, hearing estrella's flying feet approaching their dwelling, he dreaded some new horror. the little village of san domingo was wrapped in the first sound slumber of the night. good father felix had been dreaming, for some hours, of the heavenly home he hoped, sometime, to reach; old mage had long ago forgotten all about her defense of her dear young lady, that day, and estrella was far away from every human care. but ruth wakefield was one of those who never sleep right through the dark hours of any night; from her earliest recollection, she had been wide awake, with a clarified vision of the affairs of daily life as well as of those that were quite beyond the world of men and women who were yet embodied, about the hour of two a.m., and, when she had some especially knotty problem to solve, she seldom slept for more than an hour or so at a time, but would waken to a consciousness of the facts of her human existence with a shock that would almost always cause her to jump as if struck a blow, which, indeed, was the exact state of affairs, only the blow was a mental one. on this one night, having lost the most of the sleep she should have had upon the previous one, her bodily strength was almost entirely exhausted so that she sunk into a deep and dreamless sleep during the first part of the evening and woke, with a start, about nine p.m. rising from her bed, as was her custom upon awakening in the night, she approached one of the large windows of her own room facing havana harbor; she could see the lights from the various vessels lying at anchor and imagined that she could make out those of the _maine_, which, as it represented her own native land to her, was, naturally, of deep interest to her; she fell to imagining how it would seem to return to the united states on that great ship lying so peacefully and appearing to be so stanch and strong in the harbor below her window ... she wondered if it might not be better for her, now that she no longer had the keen interest in cuba that she had only recently had, to go back to her own country and so possibly forget the dark eyes and lying lips of the man to whom she had given her virginity only to find it flouted and treated with disdain; for, try as she would to vindicate victorio colenzo, she was too just and reasonable to deny to herself that he had acted the part of a sneaking villain both to her and to poor, trusting estrella, who had not had to see her dream of him lying in fragments at her feet, but who still believed that he had spoken the truth to her when he had told her that she was the only woman he had ever loved; she was too young to know that this statement is a regular trite and tried prevarication, common to almost all male lovers. but ruth, at present, was laboring under no delusions with regard to the man she had married, although his dead body was still unburied and she had not so much as said a prayer over his remains ... she knew beyond all shadow of doubt that he had been untrue to both of the women he had professed to love in san domingo, and her mind was much distraught as she sat at her window and, gazed down upon havana harbor upon that memorable evening of february fifteenth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight. she had been watching a little boat plying back and forth between the wharf and the battleship which she had picked out among the other black hulks in the harbor as being the _maine_, and was speculating, idly, what it could be about, as it seemed busily engaged in something of importance, when, all at once, a mighty detonation shook the entire harbor and the adjacent shore, making even her own stout residence tremble, and, where the majestic battleship had, only just a moment before, been a thing of beauty and power, there was nothing but a wild mass of flying débris and a raging furnace of belching, flaming fire. ruth wakefield realized, even as the terrific explosion occurred, that here was a turning point in the affairs of state and that, in all probability, her own country would, after this, become involved in the war that had been raging in cuba, then, for about three years; it was with mingled feelings of dismay and dread that she surveyed the activity that very soon became apparent both in the harbor and in the city of havana; she could see the lights of the rescuing boats as they circled about the scene of the wreck and even hear the groans and supplications of some of the severely wounded survivors, for the night was clear and the light wind carried the sounds from the harbor up to her window so that her very acute hearing told her that this was no casual accident, but, in all probability, a carefully planned holocaust in which her own much-loved native land would, inevitably be involved. manuello was one of the first to rush out upon the streets of the little village after the terrific noise of the explosion had rolled away; he passed hastily from cottage to cottage asking the inmates if they were aware of the cause of it, for, being a little below the level of havana harbor, the inhabitants of san domingo could not command a view of it. as no one seemed able to give him any explanation of the disturbing detonation, he even dared to approach one of the block houses held by the spanish soldiery; here, he found everything in confusion and excitement ... men were hastily arming themselves so as to be in readiness for whatever orders might come from their superiors, and manuello found no one among them who seemed much better informed than he, himself, was; he imagined that what he had heard had been the result of the consummation of the plans upon which he had stumbled earlier in the evening and started to climb to the top of the hill upon which ruth wakefield's residence was located in order to gain a view of havana harbor. manuello had almost reached the very top of the hill before he realized that he had come out into the night without a weapon of any kind, and, no sooner had he made this disconcerting discovery than he became aware of some sort of movement directly in his rear; wishing to avoid whatever it might be, he hastily concealed himself and waited for the approach of his unseen companion in the darkness; the steps he had heard came along the path hastily, yet steadily, and the owner of them soon appeared; as he passed manuello, the young fellow made out that the new-comer was none other than the village priest who, as it seemed likely, was bent upon the same errand as the hidden peon; father felix kept on, sturdily, climbing the grade to the mansion on the hill; having reached the house he at once disappeared inside it and manuello was again alone upon the hillside. gaining a point of vantage, manuello looked down upon havana harbor, and, at once, decided upon the course that he must pursue to cover himself from danger of suspicion as to the possibility of his having participated in the terrible calamity that had befallen the united states battleship, for manuello knew the exact location of the different ships then anchored in havana harbor as he had in his possession a map of it upon which he had drawn certain black crosses which indicated the positions of different vessels, also certain ingenious little flourishes told him the nationality of the various ships, so that he felt as sure as if he were right upon the scene that the battleship _maine_ had been blown up in havana harbor, that fateful evening, and he knew that there would be a searching investigation made as to what had caused the explosion, so that manuello had this little problem to consider as well as the one concerning the sudden and mysterious death of victorio colenzo just as he was about to be liberated from the prison at san domingo; for manuello knew far more concerning that casualty than he had imparted to estrella when she had so diligently inquired of him about it. father felix found ruth wakefield and her little, frightened household fully awake as well as fully aware of the nature of the episode that had startled him to such an extent that he had climbed the hill to ascertain the safety of the inhabitants of the mansion on the hill, for the good priest pitied the mistress of the mansion far more than he did the poor girl in the cottage, knowing that added refinement often makes more poignant a sorrow that would inevitably be hard for any human heart to bear. chapter vii all over the little village of san domingo, on the morning of february sixteenth, , the news spread like wild-fire that the united states battleship, _maine_, had been blown up in havana harbor. manuello, having secreted his map in what he considered to be a safe place, and having remained quietly inside his own domicile during the balance of the night preceding the general acceptance of the the salient facts concerned in the great disaster, ventured forth at daylight, hoping to discover the condition of the public mind with regard to it. the first place he visited was one of the block-houses where he had hob-nobbed with the soldiers before the news of the explosion had reached them; here he found closely shut mouths and stern countenances meeting him on every side, as he was known to be engaged in stirring up strife and dissatisfaction among the peons of whom, to some extent, now that victorio colenzo was dead, he was an acknowledged leader; the soldiers, knowing nothing of what action would be taken by their own government, much less of how far the resentment of the powerful nation involved in the disaster would carry them, thought that discretion was, by all means, the better part of valor, in this instance, and, accordingly, had no private conversation with manuello at all, being careful to have several of their number within ear-shot of every word he uttered; he, realizing the situation, after some few moments, went quietly away, glad, indeed, to escape so easily from among the armed hosts of spain, for his own native country had been under the heel of spanish oppressors for more than three years, at this time. from the block-house, the young fellow proceeded to the dwelling of little tessa for he had a sort of mild affection for her, knowing how profoundly she admired him and being flattered by her preference, while his own heart was set on estrella, to win whom he had, indeed, committed a most terrible crime, for it had been his hand that had almost severed the handsome head of victorio colenzo from his strong and agile body, he having taken advantage of the confusion in the prison at the time of the liberation of the political offenders to vent his own jealous spite upon the natural leader of them all, little dreaming that he had cut off in his prime the husband of the lady of the mansion on the hill, but only congratulating himself on having removed from his own path a dangerous rival in the affections, not only of estrella, but also of all of those with whom he, manuello, hoped to advance his own interests; for victorio colenzo was a man to be feared by all those who opposed him as manuello knew very well; now that his dead body was lying there in the little improvised morgue, it seemed to the young cuban that his great influence would soon die away, and, so far as estrella was concerned, he felt pretty sure of her as she was so near to him and would, naturally, lean upon him in trouble. so that, he felt quite complacent as to the recent turns in his affairs, when he entered the rude home of little tessa; he found that small, dark young woman standing quietly beside a window watching his approach; she turned to him, when another member of the family had admitted him, eagerly and expectantly: "what do you think, manuello?" she inquired. "what will be the result of last night's terrible disaster? shall we, now, have the americans to fight as well as the spanish? will the great united states hold us responsible for this crime? i wondered, right away, what you would think about it all and am so glad you have come over early. is dear estrella as well as we could expect under her distressing circumstances? will the body of her lover be buried, today? will this new trouble make any difference with the burial of the bodies in the morgue? tell me everything you know, manuello. don't pay any attention to my questions ... just go ahead and tell me!" she had come near to him as she kept asking questions, and was now beside him and had grasped the collar of his short jacket, for manuello was something of a dude among his associates and was very particular as to his appearance, being proud of his straight, strong figure and broad shoulders which towered above many of the heads of his companions, so that little tessa had to stretch her small, dark hands well above her smooth, black head in order to cling as closely as she desired to him. the young fellow looked down into the eager face lifted toward his own and hesitated a little while before he answered her; diplomacy had become so much a part of his acquired habit that, even when it was unnecessary, as in the present instance, for tessa trusted him implicitly, he still employed it: "to begin with," he said, as if issuing a decree from a judgment-seat, "i do not think that the blowing up of the battleship, last night, will make our case in cuba much harder than it already is ... in fact, it might be that the american government would resent the loss of their property and the murder of their sailors sufficiently to induce them to assist us in our struggle for independence from the tyranny of spain." he looked about him anxiously, as he made this last statement, for he knew that agents of the government might be in hiding almost anywhere. "as to the burial of victorio colenzo," he pronounced the name with some braggadocio, "and the rest, this disaster should make no difference as to that, for when human beings die they have to be buried somehow, no matter what happens." it was with secret satisfaction that he explained this last matter, for, so far as he was concerned, the sooner the body of his victim was under the ground the better he, himself, would feel, "and as to estrella, as soon as she recovers from the loss of her handsome lover, i think she will listen to reason again and be the same nice girl she was before she ever met this stranger who came among us like a whirlwind and who has left us as suddenly as he appeared among us. now, little tessa," he ended, "i think that i have answered all of your questions ... suppose you answer some of mine ... for example," and he bent his bold eyes on her little face, "why are you growing to be so beautiful? whom do you love more than anything else in the world? when will you be a married woman? do you like me as well as you did when we were little children? do you think that estrella will ever marry me, now that she has lost her new lover? are you my little friend in this matter and will you assist my cause with estrella?" seeing a look of consternation spread over her countenance, he ended his category with, "who is _your_ lover, little tessa? i know you must have one for you have grown to be very fair and winsome since we were shut up in that hateful prison." "manuello," said the girl, "i don't believe that i will ever marry.... i have no lover and i am not beautiful. estrella does not love you, now, but she may learn to do so. i wish her to be very happy and if being your wife would make her so, and i see no reason why a girl could not be happy as your wife, manuello, then i will do what i can to further your cause with her. i know she is in deep sorrow, today, and i intend to do all that i can to help her. of course you know what arrangements have already been made. father felix will take charge of the ceremonies, i understand. i will accompany poor estrella to the burial place. you may tell her that i will soon be with her." the simplicity and truth of the young and innocent girl affected even the hardened heart of the murderer and the evident adoration with which she regarded him also had its effect upon him, so that manuello trembled, inwardly, in spite of all his hardihood and determination to force his passionate love upon estrella, as he intended only to use poor little tessa's admiration for him to influence the older and fairer woman; the very fact that estrella was, very evidently, not of his own race had a powerful attraction for his untutored imagination and, in secret, he often dwelt upon her difference from all the other women of his acquaintance, while he assumed toward herself an air of superiority, hoping thereby to attract her to himself as being above all of the others of their acquaintance; now that his successful rival was out of his way the young fellow looked forward to an early conquest of the heart and hand of estrella, and, now that the americans had become involved in the cuban war, he hoped for the defeat of the spaniards as he never had before. therefore, he could well afford to be a little condescending to the young girl who still clung to his hands as if to her only hope of happiness and looked up adoringly into his smiling eyes. stooping toward her a little, he suddenly raised her in his strong arms and lifted her small, eager face to a level with his own; her lips were very near to his and were trembling for that very reason, so he stilled them by holding them for a passionate moment against his virile mouth. tessa yielded to his embrace without thinking of its import for manuello was a strong and healthy man, full of the electrical attraction that goes with those of his build, and, like many uneducated human beings, the animal side of his nature was more fully developed than any other part of it so that almost any healthy young woman appealed to him in some degree and tessa's evident affection for himself added to her power in this respect. the two young beings were placed in the situation in which we have described them for only a very short space of earthly time, but it was sufficient to build up a barrier around manuello that separated him from all the rest of the young men known to the simple-minded girl with whom he was only playing at making love, for all of that sacred emotion of which he was capable had been laid at the feet of the girl who had scoffed at his advances, for some years. when he had set her, gently, upon her small feet again, manuello addressed the small maiden in an almost wheedling tone, for he thought that he could, now, better control her feelings than before the episode of the past few moments: "you _do_ like me as much as before i was put away in prison, don't you, little tessa? estrella's aloofness from me on account of her crazy notions about victorio colenzo has not affected you with regard to me, has it? i can depend upon you as upon a faithful little friend, i believe i can, anyway ... how about that, little girl?" he bent his black eyes upon her as he asked the question, and, with his picturesque costume, dark face, up-tilted _mustachio_, as black as his heavy, curling hair, and his strong and agile figure, in many ways, he was as handsome as anyone upon whom tessa's eyes had ever rested, for, to her simple mind, victorio had been too much inclined toward intellectual pursuits to really appeal very strongly to her untutored mind and she had never been able to understand why estrella preferred him to manuello; now, she answered the latter in no uncertain language: "of _course_ you can depend on my friendship ... of _course_ i would always do anything i could to help you ... even ..." her voice shook over the words, "even with the woman whom you love and prefer to all the other women whom you know ... estrella," she said this firmly as if to convince even herself of the truth of the statement. "estrella _is_ superior to the rest of us girls around here ... she is of another race of people, i believe ... a superior race, i guess ... anyway," she ended naïvely, "i love her and do not blame _you_, manuello, for doing the same thing." it took a good deal of courage and loyalty combined for the girl to make the remarks we have just recorded here with her small mouth yet tingling from the kisses, for manuello had not been chary of their number while he had the opportunity to bestow them, of the man whom she almost worshiped as earthly women adore merely human men, but she had waded through the above sentences, bravely, and felt better after having passed through what was an ordeal for her to undergo. manuello scarcely knew how to meet this plain exposition of the matter under consideration and quickly changed the subject of conversation, not wishing to go too far, all at once, with tessa, as that might complicate his relations with estrella, and, yet, feeling the need of some stanch friend, in case he should have need of one, for he realized, dimly, that he might easily be in danger, at any time, for various good reasons, for he had been implicated in many of the plots of the revolutionists as well as having secrets of his own to cover up; he was naturally cautious as far as his own safety was concerned and did not wish to involve himself any farther than seemed best for his own interests with tessa, and, yet, he desired to have her assistance ready at hand in case he should have need of anything so feeble. he had now fixed her previous regard for him upon a vital memory, so that she would not soon forget the few moments she had passed encircled by his arms, and this was all he cared to do in that line, at present.... later on, in case estrella still remained obdurate ... why ... that would be a far different matter; he had now arranged for himself a secret harbor in the simple heart of this uneducated girl, so that, if pursued too closely by cruel storms, out on the open sea, he could retire to it at will. as for tessa, after she had made her declaration of love for estrella, she felt that she had performed her full duty in that matter, and went about her preparations for the affairs of that day, with an even lighter heart than before manuello's short visit, for, after all, she had discovered that she was not at least repulsive to the man she had secretly loved for almost as long as she could remember anything, for they had grown up in san domingo together and he had always been identified with her daily life; the beauty of her personal dream regarding the tall cuban had been her motive in assisting in the liberation of the prisoners, mentioned in the beginning of this narrative, as she had small sympathy with estrella's adoration of victorio colenzo, although she was willing to have her intimate girl-friend feel exactly as she had felt and pitied her with all her loving heart, now that she had lost, in such a terrible manner, the man she loved and who, as they both had believed, loved her. chapter viii when manuello left the dwelling of the little woman of whose affection he was certain he hastened home to find out what attitude the woman he loved would take toward the new conditions in cuba, as well as to ascertain what preparations she was making for the burial of the man whose earthly life he had, himself, taken, although she was far from imagining anything of the kind concerning either her dead lover or her so-called half-brother. he found estrella much perturbed as was to have been expected under the circumstances for he knew that she had been deeply enamored of the handsome stranger whose dead body was now being prepared for interment by the village undertaker to whom estrella had given the money presented to her by old mage, so that the man's body was being taken care of through the charity of his wife which had been bestowed upon his sweetheart neither of whom had been known to him at all a few months before. as the hour for the funeral exercises drew near, a handsome carriage drew up in front of the humble door where estrella made her home; from within it emerged no less a person than old mage herself who had been sent by ruth wakefield to escort the sorrowing girl to and from the rude graveyard where the body of her own husband would be placed, that day; she had told good father felix what to do as to the simple services but had decided to absent herself from them, not being sure as to how much endurance she would have and being determined not to add to the grief of the innocent girl who had been deceived by the man whose name she had assumed but never been known by in her own family, even, as, at his especial request, she had kept the marriage hidden from all of her acquaintances except the few members of her own little household who were devoted to her and her interests and went about among the villagers very little, as what business they had was transacted in havana instead of san domingo. estrella was pleased and flattered by this attention from the lady of the mansion on the hill and entered the carriage to find father felix already there, for the carriage had been sent to the refectory before it came to her own home; she remembered the message little tessa had sent to her so she asked old mage to go to her dwelling for her, which was done, and completed the sad little group that rode directly behind the rude wagon which took the place of a hearse and which carried the body of victorio colenzo to its last earthly resting-place. the grief of the young girl was very pitiful and, as they turned away from the narrow grave, old mage felt moved to try to comfort her a little by distracting her attention from her sorrow; seeing manuello lurking in the background as the funeral party were about to leave the cemetery, she said to estrella: "will your brother ride home with us? i remember his face for he has brought fruit to our door and he told me, once, that you were his half-sister." the poor girl stifled her sobs long enough to listen to the old woman's remark but made no other answer to it than to shake her head; little tessa turned her face in the direction indicated by old mage and saw manuello with a look of diabolical triumph mingled with fear and hatred on his dark face so that, in spite of her love for him, his expression frightened her and made even her turn away from the sight of the great change in his countenance from what she had seen resting there only that morning. ruth wakefield had spend the hour devoted to the funeral exercises of her own husband very quietly and in entire solitude; she was accustomed to the latter condition and there was no one among her acquaintances in whom she cared to confide except the good priest who had done what he could to console and sustain her spirit through this trial that had been forced upon her by untoward circumstances and her own faith in humanity; she watched her own carriage descend the hill and pass into the little village ... she saw the small funeral procession as it wended its way along the palm-lined street ... she watched it enter the gate of the little cemetery and even saw poor estrella as she alighted from the vehicle and leaned upon the arm of her small friend as she approached the open grave that was to contain the mortal remains of the man who had been, if only for a short space of time, her own husband ... and yet she did not faint ... she did not cry out ... she had had her fight with her own nature and she had won out after a hard struggle; all that was left of the love she had entertained for the handsome cuban who had entered into her life so disastrously, was an open wound which time alone could ever heal. when old mage returned to the mansion on the hill she sought out her young lady and would have, in her usual garrulous manner, reported everything that she had noticed during her absence had she received encouragement to do so; on the contrary, she found ruth, apparently, deeply interested in a large volume which she had placed on a table before her chair; she rested her head on her hands, from time to time, and only looked up to welcome her old nurse, then resumed the perusal of the page she happened to have open at the time of her entrance into the library. ruth wakefield had always found her chief delight among her many good books; she browsed among them for mental sustenance and for spiritual solace and found rich pasturage; it had been said of her, while she was yet a small child, that, in case it ever became necessary to perform a surgical operation upon any part of her delicate body, an anæsthetic would not be essential, as all that she would need would be to have someone read aloud to her from some fine piece of literature. so, in the terrible affliction that had so recently befallen her, it was as natural for her to go to her books for comfort as it would have been for another woman to go to some understanding friend, for that was what ruth wakefield found among her books ... understanding and safe friends who would never betray her secrets or her confidence in them ... who would never deceive and torture her and who represented to her the finest and best impulses in human nature as well as those higher sentiments to which she always clung and which, now, in this crisis of her life, carried her safely over what might have crazed a mind less well poised than hers. the morning after the funeral exercises of victorio colenzo, father felix ascended the hill upon which ruth wakefield's home was located and sought her out, for the good priest was much perturbed because of her present condition and went to see her with the intention of advising her to leave cuba, at least for a time, as the situation with regard to her own country was almost certain to become acute, after the disaster of a few nights previous, and it seemed to him to be imprudent for a young woman to remain alone with only retainers about her among the wild people among whom he labored; for father felix knew far more of the nature of these people than many others possibly could and he realized that the wealth surrounding the wakefield residence was in itself a menace to the fair owner of it; although he, himself, intended to remain among his parishioners under all circumstances, it did not seem to be a wise procedure for an unprotected woman to do so. he had studied the situation over from many view-points and had settled on the best course, according to his judgment and knowledge of the situation, for her to pursue, and he, now, laid this course before her with the benevolent intention of assisting her to follow it in every way within his limited power: "my dear miss ruth," he began, hesitatingly, for he was not sure of just what effect either her husband's violent death or the recent explosion in the harbor would have on her sensitive nature, "i wish that you would consider your own situation very carefully; you are now alone here except for those who are under your employ, and the people of the surrounding country are in a high state of excitement. at almost any moment, now, your own native land, to which you are devoted, may declare itself to be in a state of war with spain, following the blowing up of the battleship; in that case, your situation, here, would be even more precarious than it is at present and it is far from being secure, even now; what i had thought of proposing to you is that you, at once, gather together what you consider to be the most precious of your worldly possession, here, and place them in some storage building in havana, leaving the house, here, with as few valuables as possible inside of it, then, with probably your old nurse as a companion and charge, return at once to your own country, anyway, until the war-cloud that is now hanging over cuba has been lifted; it looks to me," he ended, "as if that would not be for some years yet ... of course america is a powerful country and if she takes this matter up in earnest, it may be that it will come to an end more quickly than i fear it may." he waited, quietly, then, for ruth to think over his remarks; she had regarded him earnestly while he had been speaking, and, now, sat with her hands folded in her lap for a few minutes before she spoke: "father felix," she began, at length, "father felix, i appreciate the reasons that prompted you to come to me and advise me as you have just been doing; i understand that you consider me unfit to cope with the present situation under my circumstances and i wish to inform you that i do not intend to run away from my duty any more than you do. i take it for granted, father, that you expect to remain with your people no matter what may come to them? i believe that the more need they may have of you, the more anxious you will be to serve them. now i," she continued, earnestly and unwaveringly, "i have not done my full duty, up to now, among these people to whom you have devoted all of your energies; i feel that i owe my fellow-beings more than i have given to them in many ways, for i have been very much of a recluse, as you know, loving my books and enjoying my home and the natural beauties i have delighted in all around me; it may be, that, in the crisis that seems imminent, i may find some good work that will wholly absorb my energies ... it may be ..." she said, while a high resolve settled over her sensitive features, "it may be, good father felix, that i may be permitted to do almost as much good in our little world as you, yourself, are doing and have already done. would you bar me from the proud privilege of sharing your labor and of receiving some measure of the rich reward which is awaiting you?" father felix gazed upon her as if upon a being already translated beyond the common things of earth, and, realizing the firmness of her evident resolve, he extended his hands toward her in blessing. as she bowed her head to receive it there was a rapt look upon her face such as the holy angels who welcome the souls of the newly dead must have upon their features ... the inner consciousness of ruth wakefield shone through her earthly lineaments and transfigured them so that they were even more fair than they had been before. "my daughter," said the good priest, "forgive me for proposing what i did; i did not fully understand you; from this time on, i hope that we may find much good work that we can do in common, for i would be proud and glad to be engaged with you upon our father's business. let us consult with each other in our plans for the betterment of the poor people among whom our lot in life has been cast. i was going to speak to you about the girl, estrella," he went on, watching her face while he talked; "she is in need of different surroundings than she has at present, for she is not of the race of those with whom she has been staying; the young man who calls her his half-sister knows very well that she has none of his blood in her veins, and he is almost constantly tormenting her with offers of his heart and hand, when the poor girl is really a mourner for the man whom she believed, as you did, to be worthy of a good woman's love. the girl is strong and willing and capable beyond the common run of the people among whom she has spent her life thus far. i believe she would fully appreciate kindness and would repay it in every way in her power. what i have just thought of is, perhaps, impossible for you to do, at present, but it may be that, in the future, you may consider it. if you could bring yourself to have her in your home she would be safe from harm and might be a very great help to you if you carry on the work that is now in your mind to do. for," he rose to his feet and walked rapidly from one end of the room to the other, "if america declares war on spain with a view to the independence of cuba, there will be much heroic work for you and me to do, my dear daughter ... there will be much work for us two to perform." ruth wakefield also rose ... it seemed to her that the situation demanded that she meet it on her feet.... "father felix," she said calmly and softly, "father felix, have estrella brought to me, today; let us begin our good work at once. there is nothing that my beloved country can demand of me that i would not be glad to give to its sacred cause. i believe that i can do more for my native land, here, in cuba, at the present time, than if i should return to it, now. it may be that an american, with some degree of wealth and intelligence, can be of service, here, at this critical juncture in her country's history." "our native land could not have a better representative, my daughter. as you know, i, also, am an american and i am proud, indeed, to claim you as a fellow-countryman. from now on we will more fully understand each other and i shall be glad to consult with you about many important matters. i will proceed at once to carry out your instructions with regard to the young girl of whom we have been speaking, for i feel that her case is one of peculiar importance, since i fully believe that she, also, is an american, although i have been unable, up to this time, to trace her parentage beyond the fact that a man, presumably her father, left her in the care of the woman who brought her up as one of her own children, in the little village below here. the poor girl has had a sorry life so far and really deserves better treatment than she has received, or so it seems to me from my finite stand-point. i do not presume to question the wisdom or justice of god, but, often, i am puzzled when i see the innocent suffer and the guilty escape punishment here in this world; i always trust in our heavenly father implicitly, and, yet, at times, i am sorely put to it to furnish reasons for certain people having been placed in certain environments. i believe that all this will be explained to us in good time, but many things are hard to understand while we remain finite beings with only the intelligence that has been bestowed upon humanity to reason with. conscience," he went on almost as if talking to himself, "conscience is our infallible guide and was given to us so that we would never be without direction in whatever circumstances we may be placed. now, in this instance ... i honestly thought that i was doing right to come here this morning and advise you as i did, and, yet, god, in his great wisdom, guided you, at once, into the only path that you were ever meant to walk in ... the path that will lead you on to the peace that passeth human understanding." after a little rather desultory conversation, with which he hoped to lighten the outlook of the lonely woman, the good priest wended his solitary way down the hill and back to the scene of most of his labors among the ignorant people whom he hoped to help toward a better enlightenment, and, as he walked slowly down the path leading to the village, he turned and looked back at the mansion on the hill, crossed himself, and murmured: "of such is the kingdom of heaven." chapter ix when estrella reached the mansion on the hill she found its mistress quietly awaiting her outside the dwelling; she welcomed the young girl with out-stretched hands, saying: "father felix has done well, indeed, to send you to me so quickly, estrella. i want you to feel perfectly at home, here. old mage will take you to your own room and tell you what little duties you may assume if you wish to do so. when you have arranged these little domestic matters, come to me in the library and we will talk over some plans i have in which i think you will be interested when you have somewhat recovered from your recent loss. i know, from my own experience, that there is but one way to carry sorrow through one's daily life and that is to be busy. if one has enough physical energy and nervous strength, one can accomplish a great deal of good in the world in spite of personal sorrow. you are young and have not had an easy life so far ... it may be that i can assist you so that, from now on, you and i may be able to help each other in doing good work among those who are weaker than we are." old mage was only too willing to take charge of the girl, for, while she did not really like the idea of having her in the family, yet, she was aware that ruth needed companionship and she enjoyed having a goodly number of people around her as her life consisted, mainly, of what each day brought into it, for old mage, while she was a good woman and a faithful friend, was not a thinker and made few plans for the future. she led estrella to the room that ruth had arranged to have her occupy, and, having explained certain little matters to her concerning the daily round of life in the house, she began to question her as to what she had learned regarding the explosion in havana harbor and what she thought as to the probability of the united states declaring war on spain on account of it. the girl had little information to give to the old woman for she had been too much absorbed by her own recent grief to even think of any of the consequences that might follow the accident ... it seemed to her that if the whole united states navy were blown up, it would make small difference to her now that she had lost victorio for he had represented to her everything that meant happiness for her in the future; she had yet to learn many things that would, eventually, bring to her the kind of happiness that is lasting and to be depended upon when all that is transitory and ephemeral has passed beyond knowledge and memory. at length, old mage wearied of quizzing estrella and left her to her own thoughts which were confused and uncertain; she did not understand why the lady of the mansion had condescended to ask her to come to her for father felix had left her in doubt as to any reason, only telling her that miss ruth desired her to come to her, at least for a time, to act as a sort of companion as she was alone a great deal; he did not explain to her that there might be work for her to do in the near future, leaving that part to ruth, very wisely. father felix led his little flock into fresh pastures when he felt that they were ready for such a change but he reflected deeply before doing this and hoped, in the case of the girl under consideration, that companionship with one as unselfish and intrinsically good and noble as ruth wakefield would do more for her character than any counsel he could give to her; the good priest was well aware that the handsome, young, dashing cuban had fascinated both the women and he felt sure that, had he lived long enough in the same world with them, he would have broken both their hearts, for it was his nature, evidently, to gather flowers wherever he found them and throw them away to wither and die; father felix was a normal human being as well as a spiritual leader and he recognized facts with regard to human nature as he found them, not being deceived by appearances as a less intellectual person would have been, or as a man possessed of weaker masculine traits than those that had been bestowed upon him. there was one among his parishioners of whose case he was doubtful ... he was very anxious concerning manuello for he knew that the young man had some sort of guilty secret that he had confessed to no one and this was one reason influencing him in his endeavor to extricate the innocent estrella from her immediate surroundings; he knew that, in the troubled condition of the country, manuello would be almost certain, with his wild and untutored nature, to get into some sort of tangle with authorities and supposed that the trouble he was well aware of as being on the young fellow's conscience had something to do with existing spanish laws; he, himself, in breaking down the doors of the prison in order to liberate this man among the rest of the prisoners, had been guilty of violating a strict mandate and knew that he was liable to arrest at any time, but, now that america might come into the struggle on her own account, instead of simply through sympathy with the wrongs of the people of cuba, he realized that his own case had taken on a new color, for, as he had told ruth wakefield, father felix was a native american and loved his own country devotedly, although he had been acting as a missionary in cuba for some years of his active life in the priesthood; he was dwelling on the state of mind of manuello, sitting quietly in his own place in the refectory, the evening after the events related in the preceding chapter, when he heard a hasty knock at his door and immediately opened it to admit the subject of his thoughts. the young man entered as if upon a desperate errand and sat down in the first chair he found without waiting for the invitation of the priest, a proceeding that, alone, showed the condition of his mind: "good father," he began without introduction, "where is estrella? she has not been home for some hours and none of the family seem to know much about her; all they told me was that i was to come to you for information ... and here i am." the priest looked into his eager face and pitied while he condemned him, for he could see that he greatly mourned the absence of the girl whom he had decided in his own heart to have for his own. "manuello," said father felix, at length, having regarded him with a sympathetic smile, "you must accept the situation as calmly as you can. i have to tell you that estrella has found another home than yours and will, from this on, be under good care and will, i hope, find happiness later on in her career ... she is a good girl and deserves to be happy," he concluded, benevolently. "do you mean," demanded manuello, "that i am not to see her any more? that i am to be shut out from her life? i want to know," he rose to his feet, "i demand to know what you have done with her? have you placed her in some convent?" his voice had risen as he added question to question and he faced the priest with a fierce expression on his dark and lowering features. his attitude had no effect on father felix who was without bodily fear and knew that, in the present instance, at least, he stood upon safe ground, having, as he well knew, removed the girl from danger from the very being who, now, glared at him: "my son," he said, "my son, compose yourself. i will brook no demonstration of vile anger from you. estrella has been put beyond your power. i do not know," he went on, coolly, "just what it is that is upon your conscience at present, but i do know there is something that will not bear a close investigation by the authorities, and i advise you to have a care how you conduct yourself in the future. cuba will have need of your strong arm and i hope that you will use it in her service." cowed by the sternness of the tone of voice in which he had been addressed as well as by his own guilty knowledge, manuello, silently, and without thanks or regrets of any kind, left the refectory, slamming the door after him ... an indignity that few would dare to place upon their record; giving vent, inwardly, to the curses he did not dare to utter, he retraced his steps to his own home, intending to get what information he could from the other members of his family as to how estrella went away; reaching his domicile, he, at once, began to ply his father, who had returned from his daily toil, with various inquiries, but found him not only uncommunicative but, apparently, also uninformed as to what had taken place during his absence; all that the other members of the family knew was that father felix had come hurriedly to the house and had a short conversation with estrella when she had packed a few personal effects, of which, indeed, the poor girl had but few, and left the place, telling them she would see them again from time to time and leaving kind farewells for both himself and his father. then he remembered how intimate estrella had always been with tessa and decided his best course would be to go to her little friend, being well aware that any information she might have she would gladly give to him; he was hurrying along, intent upon this new hope of relief from his anxiety regarding the woman he imagined himself to be deeply in love with, when, all at once, he became aware that someone was following his footsteps, guardedly and yet with determination; immediately upon this knowledge, there stalked into the foreground of his consciousness the fear of discovery of his recent crime; the intimation of the priest that he had suspected it had stirred within him the instinct of self-protection and he hastened his progress along the familiar and narrow street, hoping to out-distance his pursuer, whoever he might happen to be. it seemed to him that he was succeeding in this last effort and he was congratulating himself upon his own celerity, when a hand was laid rather heavily upon his shoulder and a loud and insistent voice declared him to be the prisoner of the owner of it. instantly, manuello became a beast of prey, cornered in its lair, and furious with all the animal instincts of self-preservation. he squirmed away from the heavy hand and whirled around to face his would-be captor and looked directly into the muzzle of a very capable gun held in steady hands that seemed well accustomed to its use. "up wid ye'er fists, ye dirty spalpeen ye!" commanded the man behind the gun, using his own rich native brogue in the excitement of the moment. "hould 'em right there ..." he went on, as manuello, instinctively, though sullenly, obeyed him, "til i snap these putty bracelets on ye'er wrists!" fumbling in his pocket with one hand while he held the gun in the other, steadying it against his shoulder, for he had come prepared, knowing his prospective prisoner to be a desperate character. "there, now!" having completed his search and placed a handcuff on one of manuello's wrists. "up wid that one and over to its mate!" but his prisoner was indeed a desperate man and did not intend to yield to arrest as easily as it had appeared, at first; raising the manacled wrist, he brought the steel bracelets down on the red head of the irishman, felling him to the ground; then it was but the work of a moment to secure the loaded gun, and, after that, the tables were completely turned for manuello immediately became the master of the situation; looking hastily about him to be sure that he was unobserved, he was about to complete the utter defeat of the man who had given him such a terrific fright by beating his brains out with the clubbed gun, when he heard his own name spoken in a soft, low, scared voice; turning, he beheld little tessa standing behind him. "oh, manuello," she cried, breathing pantingly, "what has happened here? are you hurt? there is blood on your wrist ... and ..." here she stopped in consternation, "what else have you here?" for the irishman had done, at least, a part of his work well, having locked the handcuff which the young man had almost forgotten he was wearing, "take the hateful thing off, dear manuello ... do take it off ... i don't like to see it on your wrist." "easier said than done, my dear little girl!" declared the victim, smilingly. "but we can fix that somehow; in the meantime, we will let this fellow lay where he has fallen. someone of his tribe will, likely, be along, soon, and they can take care of each other. come along, tessa, we will see what we can do with this piece of jewelry ... it is rather unwieldy ... i don't like the look of it." the home of the young girl was not far distant and thither they repaired; after repeated efforts to file through or break the manacles, tessa bethought herself of one possible method of releasing manuello and acted upon her idea at once; running out upon the street she approached the place where the soldier had fallen, for he wore the uniform of the spanish army, intending to feel in all of his pockets for a key that would unlock the handcuffs. as she drew near to the spot she heard low voices and crept along in the shadow of the shrubbery that lined the narrow street until she was within ear-shot; then she realized that two more soldiers had joined their fallen comrade whom they had resuscitated, so that he was relating to them something of the circumstances that had led to his present plight: "ye see, b'ys," he was saying, "i wanted to arrist the spalpeen myself becase i think he is not only a revolutionist, but, also, a mhurderer ... a fella we arristed yesterday tould me that he thinks _this_ wan killed the leader of thim all ... seems he was jealous of him ... they both wanted the same ghirl...." tessa, realizing that her errand was useless, turned to go back silently, but the words she had heard had burned themselves into her brain, and when she was again beside manuello he seemed far different to her than he had before; she found him almost crazy from fear of discovery as he had failed in all of his efforts to free himself from the device that had been placed upon his wrist. "did you get the key?" he demanded, almost fiercely. "where is it? this cursed thing is almost killing me!" frightened at his expression and regretting her inability to help him, the girl began to cry, lifting her apron to her eyes to wipe away her tears; as she did so, the young man said to her, angrily: "well ... _stand_ there and cry while i am suffering ... you'll do a lot of good that way ... hustle out and see if you can't find some tool to get this thing off of me ... go to the village blacksmith and tell him some lie or other ... ask him how you can get an iron off your little sister's leg ... do something ... someone will come in and find me this way!" "even if they did, manuello ... you are not under arrest ... the man don't know where you are, now; but i'll go and try to find some way to help you ... of course i will ..." said the generous-hearted girl, "i am _so_ sorry for you, and, now, that estrella is gone...." she hurried out, then, leaving the young fellow in no pleasant mood, for he had much to reflect upon and a pair of heavy handcuffs hanging to one wrist is not conducive to a man's happiness. tessa soon returned and had to report that her efforts in his behalf were, again, unsuccessful, for the blacksmith had only said: "bring the child to me and i will do what i can for her." manuello was, now, almost in despair and he was wise enough to know that cursing, while it might relieve his feelings to some extent, would not really help the situation, so he pulled his sleeve down as far as he could over the manacled wrist and proceeded to find out what he could concerning estrella. tessa would have felt much freer than she did had she not remembered the words of the soldiers concerning the crime of which they suspected the young man, and only told him that estrella had come running to her, that morning, and had told her that she was going away for a while but that she would see her again, soon. manuello had to content himself with this, hoping to find out more from tessa within a day or so, and went away, divided between a desire to revenge himself upon the man who had tried to arrest him and self-congratulation upon his escape, but most of all he pondered how to get the hateful handcuffs from his wrist, for, besides being painful and unwieldly, he knew that they would attract attention to him. chapter x manuello was almost desperate regarding the manacles still clamped firmly on his wrist; it left his right hand free and he could use the fingers of the left hand, so he bound the wrist, placing the second handcuff above the one that was locked and laying it as close to the wrist as possible; he left his hand free as he could and simply told his family that he had cut the arm when engaged in practicing with the machete in the use of which weapon the cuban insurgents were especially accomplished; this explanation of his supposed wound was sufficient and no one had any idea of the actual facts except tessa and she was both too loyal to the young man and too frightened because of the reported crime he had committed to do anything but keep his secret inviolate; he depended upon her acknowledged affection for him and had no doubt that she would defend him if occasion required such a proceeding; his chief anxiety, at present, was to find out the where-abouts of estrella, for he was of a fiery and passionate nature and the disappearance of the girl but added to his desire for her. on the morning after the accident he had sustained he started out with the determination to discover where estrella had gone, for, as she had said that she would soon see his own family as well as little tessa, he reasoned that she could not have gone very far away; so he began his search by climbing to the top of the hill behind the village, intending to try to locate her hiding-place by the simple method of checking off in his own mind impossible localities for concealment and then deciding which of the probable ones to investigate; having reached the point of vantage he wished, he began by cutting out the refectory ... then his own home ... then tessa's dwelling-place ... then numerous small houses where he knew it would be practically impossible for another human being to be entertained in. just as he had reached this point in his revery, his attention was attracted to the mansion on the hill, and he began to observe, closely, the movements of every one who came to or went from the house; he did not really suspect that estrella was there, but his mind wandered idly over the residences within his view and lighted upon the mansion on the hill as something different from the other dwellings he could see. as he watched the gateway of ruth wakefield's residence, he noticed, emerging from it, old mage whom he remembered as being there, in what he considered to be the capacity of an upper servant; he looked at the old woman because she happened to be in his line of vision and not because he had any curiosity concerning her movements; but the nature of the errand upon which she seemed to be bound not only surprised, but amused, him, for she carried in her hand a large basket of choice cut flowers, and, from time to time, as she walked along, she stooped to gather dried leaves that had fallen in the pathway with which she seemed trying to conceal the contents of her basket; she seemed satisfied, at last, and ceased to gather leaves, while she quickened her pace to a sort of slow amble which gait she maintained until she had passed beyond manuello's view; he wondered, idly, why she covered the flowers, and was about to move to a point which commanded a more perfect view of the pathway, when his attention was again attracted to the gateway of the wakefield residence. this time, it was quite a different person who appeared between the high stone pillars ... a tall woman, evidently young and active, plainly but serviceably dressed, stood, for a moment, shading her eyes with her hand from the glaring sunlight, peering down the pathway along which old mage had just been walking; she remained in this position but a very short time, however, for she was, soon, joined by another woman who seemed as much interested as she had been in watching the pathway; as the two young creatures stood there, side by side, manuello could not but remark upon the similarity of their forms and general appearance ... both were evidently strong and agile ... both seemed possessed of bounding health and youthful vigor; it seemed to him that one of the women looked more sturdy than the other one did, but, as she was wearing a wide and drooping hat, such as many of the natives of the island were accustomed to wear, he could not see her face; as she approached the woman who had first appeared in the gateway, there was something in her manner that seemed familiar to the young fellow, and, as she put one hand, gently, on the other's shoulder, he, again, seemed to recognize something familiar in the movement; then she spoke, and, although he was too far away to hear her words, he knew the tones of her voice, and realized that his search for estrella was ended. as this knowledge was fully impressed upon him he cast about in his mind as to what method of procedure to take to bring about his desired end which was to see and talk with the girl, himself, as soon as possible; first, he thought to approach the house as a fruit-peddler, but put that thought aside as unlikely to attain his object ... then, he decided to spy around the place until he located estrella's own room, intending to bring his guitar and sing under her window some native love-songs, hoping to impress upon her his undying affection and imagining that, now that victorio was out of the way, his cause would be more likely to succeed than before. he had started out to carry this intention into practice, leaving his original position among the heavy timber that skirted the hill, and going more into the open than before in order to more closely approach the house, when he became aware of another presence in the wooded section that he had just left; he could not make out just what this presence was ... his ideas concerning it were hazy and uncertain, but he felt sure that he was not alone and, now that he had left the timber, it seemed to him that the unknown presence was following close behind him; he turned sharply around but discovered nothing behind him and kept on in the direction he had been proceeding in, although his nerves were keyed up and ready to jump at the slightest sound; suddenly, directly in front of him, he heard a voice saying: "do not approach any nearer to her. if you insist upon doing so you must take the consequences which are freighted with bitter pain for you." it seemed to manuello that this voice was within himself and came from his own thoughts and, yet, it seemed, also, to be in the pathway ahead of him, separated from him and yet a part of him; he hesitated, as above everything else, the natives of cuba are superstitious and manuello was no exception to this rule; his own criminal record, naturally, made him timid; besides, estrella's evidently favored position as a member of the household of ruth wakefield elevated the girl in his estimation, for everyone in that neighborhood had great respect, amounting almost to veneration, for the inmates of the mansion on the hill. the young man stopped in his progress toward the house and turned his attention, for an anxious moment, to his manacled wrist, which gave him a great deal of uneasiness and some suffering as well; as he held this wrist with his free right hand, he had his back toward the path that led down into the village, and was unaware of the nearness of father felix until the good priest touched him on the elbow; wheeling round, instantly, he faced the only man he was not afraid to meet among his neighbors; for, although the priest had told him he knew that he possessed a guilty secret, yet he, also was aware of father felix' usual kindness and protection exercised over his people, so that it was with a feeling of relief that he discovered who the new-comer was. "my son," said the priest, "you are abroad early ... what news have you heard in the village, this morning?" manuello looked at him searchingly as if to discover why he asked him this question, wondering if he had heard of his own encounter of the evening before, but failing to gain any knowledge of the secret thoughts of the priest, he said at random: "everything is about as usual, i guess ... nothing startling seems to have happened during the night." "i heard," began father felix, "i heard that a soldier had been struck down by some marauder shortly after the time of your leaving my society, last night, and i thought you might have happened to be in the vicinity of the crime. by-the-way," he went on, solicitously, "what has happened to your left wrist?" "oh ... that!" said manuello, carelessly. "that is simply a love token from the machete of a friend of mine while we were sparring for practice; as you said, last night, cuba may have need of us fighting-men soon, and we wish to be ready to take our proper place when the time for action comes." "well, be careful of your weapons, my son ... save your steel for your enemies and those of your native land." speaking in this manner, the good priest pursued his journey up the hill and disappeared within the gateway where manuello had, only very recently, seen estrella standing with the mistress of the mansion; he decided, under the existing circumstances, to retrace his steps toward the village, contenting himself with the thought that he now knew where estrella was; he thought that he might as well impart this information to little tessa, and, also, he wanted to find out whether she had heard anything more about his encounter with the soldier on the street, also if she had thought of any way whereby he might be freed from the manacles which became more and more distressing and uncomfortable. with this thought in his mind, he was approaching tessa's home when he was intercepted by the very individual he meant to inquire about. "what the divil!" exclaimed the irishman. "sky-larking by daylight _this_ toime, me foine high-way-mon?" manuello had drawn back, prepared to again bring the hated handcuffs down upon the poll of the man before him, if he offered any indignities, when he was surprised to notice a wheedling tone in the voice of his opponent of the evening before. "indade, mon," began the soldier, "i am in need of those putty bracelets i gave ye, last night; a prisint like them is not bestowed ivry day, i tell yees. the only thanks ye give me was a crack on me head wid em which took away but little of me sinse as i had but little in the beginning.... i might have known betther than to have tackled a foine, up-standin' fella like yees, single-handed. yer a foine figure of a mon, me frind, and i'd like mighty well to serve be the side of ye ... how would it _do_, now, fer ye to enlist in the arrmy and give me back me bracelets if i spake a good worrd fer ye wid me captain?" manuello looked at him in surprise, but, seeing a chance to get rid of the hateful manacles, decided to agree to the proposition of the other, at least for the time being. "all right," he acquiesced, "go ahead and take these cursed thing off me, first, and then tell me where you want me to go." the wary irishman watched the face of the cuban, doubtfully, but, as he really wished to be able to account for the handcuffs, he took the key from his pocket and stepped a little closer to the young fellow in order to use it, being careful to keep a firm hold on his gun the while; just as he was about to unlock the manacles, he heard a slight noise behind him and looked out of the tail of his eye to be horrified by the near proximity of one of his superior officers; instantly, he changed his attitude toward manuello, dropped the key, and pointed his mauser rifle straight at the heart of his prisoner. "ye will ... will yees?" he cried out. "oi'll see about that, ye spalpeen! shtand shtill unless ye want a bullet in yer gullet! now, sir," he said politely to the officer, "ef ye'll be ahfter clicking the other bracelet on his right wrist whilst i kape him covered, oi'll be much obleeged to ye. he's a nasty customer, sir," he explained, kindly, "and oi've been havin' a rough toime wid 'em." the spanish officer stepped gingerly up to the prisoner, seized hold of the manacled wrist and reached for the other uplifted hand; but manuello had had enough of their society and proceeded to rid himself of it by striking at the officer with his left wrist while he made a grab at the rifle of the irishman with his right hand; the young cuban was wiry and his muscles were like taut steel; the officer went down like an ox before the slaughterer but the irishman discharged his gun regardless of the aim which had been destroyed by the action of the living target; the result was disastrous to all parties for manuello felt a sharp, stinging pain in one of his legs, but, in spite of this, he clubbed the rifle and brought it down over the skull of the spanish soldier, limping away, again a conqueror, but sorely wounded, for the bullet had passed clear through the injured limb, tearing through the flesh and bone as is the manner of the long and slender mauser missile. in this emergency, the young fellow, knowing that he would be hunted after the last encounter, not only because of the crime of which he had tacitly been accused by the soldier but because he had struck down a spanish officer, and realizing that, with the manacles still locked upon his wrist, he was a marked man, bethought him of a deserted hut far back among the palms that grew all over the island in tropical profusion; if he could but reach this hut, he thought, and first apprise tessa of his new mishap, he might hide there while he recovered from his wound which was beginning to give him great pain as it recovered from its first numbness. walking as erectly as he could under the circumstances and keeping his left wrist well covered by the wide cuff of his jacket-sleeve, he was proceeding along the familiar street, when he met the girl he was in search of, strolling placidly along, little dreaming of the imminent peril in which he had just been placed, for the discharge of the mauser rifle had been almost as silent as smokeless; telling her in a few hurried sentences of his great need and describing to her the location of the ruined hut he had in mind, manuello retired from the scene. chapter xi tessa was very much distressed as to the condition of manuello and, feeling that he depended upon her alone, cast about in her mind as to how she could assist him; to begin with, she was anxious about the heavy handcuffs hanging to his poor wrist, as she put it in her gentle thoughts of the man whom she suspected of being a murderer; if, however, the charge against him were true, she felt that the crime was committed in the heat of a jealous passion, and being what she was, herself, she excused it for that reason, for a cuban girl is apt to love as madly and as unreasonably as any man ... to her, manuello was almost a demi-god ... it had been a hard trial for the little woman to give him up to estrella, even, and, now that he was in dire need and the girl of his first choice had deliberately deserted him, it seemed to her as if she had the right to let her own wild love guide her in all that she did with regard to him. she was slowly retracing her steps to her own home with the intention of getting some supplies and managing to evade the vigilance of the rest of her family sufficiently to carry them to the man she loved ... her eyes were directed to the path along which she walked, idly, yet, all at once, those dark eyes lighted up with sudden joy and she hastily swooped down, like a fluffy little bird upon a morsel of food, and took into her hand a small and intricate-patterned key; she hoped that this was the key that would unlock the hated manacles from manuello's wrist and, regarding this as a good omen, she concealed the little deliverer in her bosom, tying it in the corner of the kerchief that was crossed upon her breast. when tessa had secured what necessities she found available on the spur of the moment, she at once concealed them as far as possible and prepared to ascend the side of the hill toward the ruined hut where manuello had directed her to come; her heart was fluttering wildly for this was her first secret mission, as she had always had someone near her during her short life on earth: she wound her way among the cactus plants that covered the ground in almost all directions, with an unerring instinct that was of more value to her than any education could have been for the moment, for one unaccustomed to the wild cacti in cuba might, easily, become bewildered, as it is necessary to walk almost in circles among the thick clumps of prickly foliage. tessa was young, but the women of cuba, like those of most tropical countries, mature early in life, and she already had the strong maternal instinct that is a part of normal womanhood; this instinct now directed her to watch over manuello as if he were, indeed, her child, instead of the man to whom she had given the first wild love of her fiery nature; for women are made that way ... no matter what their own body may demand of them, it is as natural for them to put all personal feeling aside and allow a higher, more unselfish love to rule them entirely, as it is for a man to, first gratify his own desires, and, then, if so be he can without inconvenience to himself in any way, minister to the wants of the woman in the case, all well and good, but if, on the contrary, to care for the woman would, in any way, cause him to exercise self-control and self-sacrifice, why, of course, he seeks another woman as soon as he can well rid himself of the one who has flouted him; i am now speaking of the general run of men ... there are exceptions to this rule, of course, just as there are exceptions to the rule just stated regarding women ... not all women are as little tessa was, but most of them are and it is indeed fortunate for the world of men and women that this is as it is ... wonderful beyond the ways of human beings is the love of a pure woman ... wonderful and worthy of the highest respect and devotion of any man is the almost angelic love that women often bestow on most unworthy objects. it was so in this case, for, while the girl was winding among the cacti that hindered her advance up the hill, the man was lying in a miserable heap in the corner of the deserted hut, cursing not only his own hard luck, but even the girl on whom he depended for sustenance and care; with maledictions on his tongue and the heavy manacles on his wrist, and with the increasing pain and torment of his undressed wound, the poor fellow was far from appearing much as had the gay peasant who had congratulated himself on having escaped from prison, and, at the same time, having rid himself of his rival in the affections of estrella, who, now, seemed lost to him. when the girl reached the ruined hut she found the object of her loving care under the circumstances described above, and it took all of her courage to face the situation alone and unaided by surgical skill for they both realized that discovery would be almost certain to be fatal to the man who now lay groaning and cursing by turns, even while his ministering angel in human form knelt at his side and unlocked the handcuffs from his wrist, for, luckily, she had happened upon the very means of deliverance from the manacles for which they had both longed; then tessa gathered dead palm branches with which she fashioned a rude bed for the sufferer, after which she raised his head upon a small pillow which she had thoughtfully brought with her, for she was a sturdy little peasant and could act as a beast of burden without harm to herself; having fixed him up as comfortably as she could, under the hard circumstances, she insisted upon his eating and drinking some of the refreshments she had carried up the hill for him; she had used what skill she had in bathing and binding the wounded leg, and, as the bullet had gone clear through, there was little else to do so far as that was concerned; then they began to consult as to what method of procedure would be best for them to take; in this, of course, manuello thought only of himself, as was natural to a man of his type, while little tessa, as was also natural to one of her trusting and loving disposition, also thought only of his comfort and safety. "i must come to you each day until the wound heals, my dear friend," said the earnest little woman. "i must bring you what you will need and i must be very careful not to be detected in doing this. i wish ..." she ended, earnestly, "i wish that dear estrella could come and see you for it would do you more good than anything that i can do for you." "you are a darling little girl, tessa," said her turbulent patient. "you ought to satisfy any reasonable man; estrella don't care anything at all about me, and i am beginning to think that i can get along without her as long as i can have you." the adoring look in his dark eyes as he said these words was like manna in the wilderness to little tessa, for she could not help being pleased to think that, after all, maybe manuello would fix his affections upon her small person, since estrella had so often flouted him and shown him plainly by her great preference for victorio that she did not love him; the name she had just used in her thoughts brought up the hateful suspicion aroused in her by the remarks of the irishman who had seemed, at first glance, to be a spaniard, but who, as soon as he opened his mouth to speak, proved his nationality beyond the shadow of a doubt. but the loving girl put her thought aside almost at once ... she did not wish to believe the suspicion to be true and she did not intend to believe it--until she had to, if such a sad time could ever come to her; just at present all the strength of her being was concentrated upon the desire to aid manuello in whatever manner she could. to further this desire, she arranged a signal whereby he might know that she was coming up the hill and concealed, as well as she could the approach to the hiding-place as well as the hut itself, by throwing, in apparent disorder, as if blown by a strong wind, such branches and twigs as she could find by a hurried search. she did not stay any longer than she thought was necessary for the comfort of her patient for she was determined to continue her care of him if possible and realized that a prolonged absence from her own home might bring suspicion upon them both; as she was leaving, she looked pitifully weak and small to cope with such a complicated situation alone; even manuello realized, for a moment, the devotion of the girl, and called her over to his side to say a word or two at parting. "dear little tessa," he began, "this is going to be a hard task that you have undertaken. i wonder if i am worth all this trouble. perhaps you would just better turn me over to the soldiers and let them work their will on me; it may be that i will never be able to reward you for all your care; of course, it may, on the other hand, be possible for me to offer you help and comfort when you, yourself, may be in need of it. now that you have freed me from those shackles, i begin to feel my old strength and courage coming back, and if i ever am again as i was before this last mishap, i will surely reward you somehow for all this sacrifice that you are making for me." this speech, coming from a man in the condition of manuello, appealed to the little woman so forcibly that she knelt beside his rude couch and laid both her small, dark hands on his brow as she looked deeply into his eyes; this position, being very favorable to the impulse that came over the man as he lay there, made it easy for him to draw her head, with its great mass of black hair, down upon his shoulder; as her cheek was laid against his own, manuello held her small face closely with both his hands while he kissed first her trembling lips, then each of her eye-lids, for she had closed her eyes in a sort of blind ecstasy, then her low forehead, then the top of her small head and, finally, her quivering chin. the impulse that prompted him to give these welcome caresses lasted only a moment for the pain in his leg was beginning to be very insistent and a groan of agony took the place of the loving words that had been upon his eager tongue during the moment when he forgot his wound, but the effect of those few wild moments of unbridled passion went with the little woman down the hill and covered her small body with a delicious glow that took away much of the terror and apprehension with which she viewed the situation in which she found herself. ruth wakefield found estrella to be much more of a companion than she had thought she would, and found that, in the innocence and naturally responsive disposition of the girl, she could almost forget the tie that had brought them together; had the girl suspected the truth as to victorio's relations with the mistress of the mansion on the hill, the situation might have been strained or even acute, but, as it was, ruth only pitied, while she almost envied, the sorrow of the sweetheart of her own husband. on the morning when manuello had discovered the where-abouts of estrella, the two women had been watching for father felix, intending to consult with him concerning something that they both wished to do and yet were not sure of the wisdom of; when he came, they both waited, anxiously, for his first words, for they depended upon them for enlightenment regarding a question in which they were both much interested. "miss ruth and estrella," he began, addressing both women, "i have great news for you but we must be cautious in discussing what i have to impart to you; if, through our carelessness, the information i am about to give you, should miscarry, it might mean almost as great a disaster as the recent explosion in havana harbor. we must be sure that we are not overheard. i think we would better repair to the library, miss ruth, if that would meet with your approval. i think we would be more secure from eaves-droppers inside the house than here. i just met manuello, my dear," he said speaking to estrella, "as i came up the path. i do not like to have him lurking around your dwelling-place. i am sure that he is in some sort of hiding from the authorities and i dread to have him near you, for he has an evil look in his eyes, lately. be very careful, my daughter, as you go about the place or into the village ... it might even be well for you to remain away from your former home for some time to come. i can carry any news of you that will be necessary for them to know or do any little errands that you may think should be done. by-the-way," he ended, turning his attention, once more, to ruth, "i met your old nurse hurrying along down toward the village as if in great haste; as she does not often walk down the hill i noticed the circumstances." "old mage!" exclaimed ruth. "why, i did not know that she had gone out. do you know anything of this, estrella? did she tell you that she had work to do in the village? was there something that had to be secured for the larder, at once, that would not brook delay? dear me, i hope she will not over-tire herself. she is not very strong any more and i try to have her, always, take very good care of herself. as you may know, good father," she went on, "old mage is almost the only living human friend on whom i can rely and her fealty to me is beyond question. if i should find old mage untrue to me," she declared, "i would not expect the sun to rise the following morning. i must look into this, and, if you will excuse me for a few moments, i will do so at once." "now, my daughter," said the priest when estrella and he were left alone, "i wish to say to you, privately, that you must, from this time on, avoid meeting manuello in any way, both for yourself and also for the well-being of your good friend, miss ruth; the fellow is evil-minded, lately, and i believe would not stop at robbery or even, though i greatly regret to think so, _murder_," he uttered the dreadful word softly but emphatically, "if he believed that he would benefit by either crime and i must urge you not to allow him to come here to see you under any possible circumstances. as i said before, i can do what must be done as between your former family and yourself." estrella gladly acquiesced in this good judgment of father felix and agreed to do all in her power to avoid meeting manuello which she had no desire, personally, to do, as she dreaded his protestations of love as much as she would have dreaded his anger for any other reason in the common affairs of daily life. in a short time, ruth returned, explaining that old mage had, indeed, gone down to the village, though for what purpose she had been unable, so far, to discover: they, then, repaired to the library and carefully closed all doors and windows before father felix began to tell them what they were so anxious to hear. "my dear friends," he began, "the information that i have to impart to you is of a very delicate as well as secret nature and must be so regarded by both of you. estrella, to you, especially, i wish to say that you must not, under any circumstances, breathe a single word of what i will say to you for it is of vital importance to the native land, as i believe, of all three of us. for i have reason to think that you, as well as miss ruth and myself, are an american. i know that all of your sympathies are with our native land, at least, and, in trusting you with this information, i am, in a measure, making you one of us in deed and in truth, whether you are so by reason of your birth or not. before i go any further, i want your assurance of what i believe to be true." he waited a moment for the girl to speak, then, seeing her evident embarrassment, he added, kindly: "you need have no fear of either of us, estrella. if you have friends in this wide world, you are with two of them at this moment." at these earnest words, the expression of the girl's face changed somewhat and she replied to the implied interrogatory of the priest: "i, also, believe that i am an american, although i do not know anything of my own parentage beyond what my foster parents have told me. i do not even know," she blushed while she made the statement, "whether my father and mother had been married before my birth.... i have no means of finding out anything more of myself than that i am an honest girl and that i am deeply grateful to both you and miss ruth for your great kindness to me in my great sorrow. as far as my fealty to america is concerned," she ended, proudly, "i am as true to that great country as anyone who knows himself to be a citizen of it. i would, gladly, lay my feeble life upon the altar of what i believe to be my native land ... the united states of america." she pronounced the words with reverence and bowed her head as if in prayer, so that father felix no longer hesitated, but proceeded, at once: "at this moment, an american squadron is in asiatic waters, ready to move, at the moment its commander receives the cablegram from the president of our own country, against the spaniard, almost on his own territory. by this move it is hoped to so cripple him that we, here, in cuba, may, with the help of our soldiers and sailors, conquer and drive from the island those who have so long usurped the places of great power among us." when the good priest had pronounced these fateful words, he found his two auditors sitting erect, as if at attention, with hands folded in their laps, and eyes fixed upon his face in breathless eagerness. ruth was the first to break the silence. "i pray the good god," she said, softly and reverently, "i pray god to strengthen the hands of those who are to do this great, good work! i trust that those who will be engaged in battle may be prepared to meet their maker with clean hearts, if with bloody hands. war," she cried, suddenly, losing her attitude of prayer in the violence of her emotions, "war is a terrible calamity but it seems that, only through war can a nation be purged of such foul crimes as have been committed right here in cuba." estrella watched her with flashing eyes and sympathetic expression and the good priest crossed himself and clenched his fists at the same time, for, had occasion required such action at his hands, it was evident that father felix could have changed from the spiritual guide to the fiery enthusiast willing to take his place among the fighting men who would defend what he believed to be a sacred cause. "now, father felix," demanded the practical side of ruth wakefield, "what action can we take in this matter to help the good cause? is there not some preparation that we can make to welcome our soldiers to cuba, for, of course," she lifted her head, proudly, "our boys will win whatever conflict they may become engaged in ... it is only a question as to how many of them may be injured or even killed in the terrible encounter. every man in america," said this american woman, "is a soldier if he is needed in that capacity, for every american, man, woman or child, is a _patriot_ ... devoted to the sacred traditions and splendid example of those who followed _george washington_ to victory over those who had oppressed and insulted them." "my daughters," said father felix, rising, "i must leave you for the present. i will find out what we may do to assist our countrymen and will come again to let you know the result of my search for further information. all we can do, now, is to hold the information i have just given to you inviolate and prepare ourselves, spiritually, to meet whatever emergency may arise. my daughters," he ended, stretching out his hands in blessing over their bowed heads, "we shall have work to do and we will do it with our might. may god, in his great mercy, guide us into the path in which he intended us to walk." chapter xii on the day of manuello's search for the girl he had so madly and hopelessly loved, old mage made a surreptitious visit to the little cemetery in san domingo where she had seen the body of victorio colenzo laid away in its final resting-place; she went among the new-made graves, of which there were a goodly number for so small a graveyard, until she found the one she sought: she stopped, then, took the dried leaves from the top of her large basket, removed a beautiful bunch of roses, tied, carefully, with a broad blue ribbon, and laid them, softly, upon the top of the mound of fresh earth; after having done this, she took a small object wrapped in tissue paper, from the very bottom of the basket, dug a small hole under the roses and buried it, covering it carefully, packing the ground over it, at first, and, then putting loose earth over the top of the miniature grave, so as to conceal its existence as much as possible, she again laid the roses carelessly over the spot. having performed this little ceremony, old mage looked down at her handiwork and said, apparently addressing herself, as no other human being was in sight at the time: "there! _now_ i hope that she will forget all about him ... she will think that she has mislaid the ring ... i had a hard time to get hold of it. i hope that it will never come to life again any more than him ... let them both lay there together. you lying pup, you!" she cried, shaking her trembling old fist at the grave. "you _lay_ there and don't you ever try to come near my dear young lady again! the _idea_ of an ignorant thing like you ever daring to come near her, anyway. i wouldn't be so darned mad at you," she ended, "for you were a mighty good-looking fellow and any woman might have been proud of your appearance, once she could overlook your dark skin, but you even fooled _me_, doggone you! you _lay_ there, now, and never do you dare to try to fool any more women ... three of us is enough in _this_ neighborhood, anyway." she drew a long sigh of relief after this speech and hurried out of the cemetery with her empty basket; she had slipped away when she thought no one was observing her and intended to tell ruth after her return what she had done with the exception of any reference to the ring which, as the reader may have guessed, was the wedding ring that ruth had, up to this time, kept always on her left hand or in her jewel-case on her little dressing-table before which she always sat when she combed and brushed her long and beautifully luxuriant brown hair; she had taken the ring off the night before, little dreaming that she was touching it for the last time, and sadly laid it among her jewels, thinking of the bright face and laughing dark eyes that had looked so handsome to her when he had put that little ring upon her finger, whispering of his undying love and of the fact that she and she alone was, and had been since his first meeting with her, the entire mistress of his hither-to untouched heart; she had even shed a few tears over the little ring, then, and old mage, silently witnessing this fact, determined that she should never again have that opportunity; so, after ruth was sweetly sleeping, the old woman slipped into her room and removed the object of her scorn; she lay awake almost all of that night, planning how to secrete or do away with the visible bond that had united her dear young lady to an unworthy mate; at length, toward daylight, it seemed to old mage as if someone had whispered to her what to do with the ring so that poetic justice would be done to the first youthful passion of ruth wakefield's innocent life; acting upon this suggestion, for so it seemed to her, feeling sure that she had solved the problem so nearly affecting the life of the one she loved best in all her world, she carried out the plan she instantly formed, and, while she was a very weary old woman, from lack of sleep and unusual exercise, when she again reached her much-loved home, she had within her spirit a sense of satisfaction that was beyond anything she had felt since ruth had married the man whose grave she had, that morning, visited; she felt, in some sense, to blame for the marriage, as she had not strenuously opposed it, and found herself much in the position she used to occupy when ruth had been a little tot and she had allowed her to do some small thing of which she knew her parents would not approve. now, she felt relieved because, as it seemed to her, she had sort of evened up matters, and, after informing ruth that she had gone to the grave and put the roses there, she never intended to speak of victorio colenzo again, and, as far as possible, she intended to rid ruth of his memory; with this thought in mind, she picked up many little memontos of him which she found lying about the place ... a guitar here and a ribbon there ... a photograph, perhaps, showing the dashing young cuban in military dress, which much became him, or mounted on a fine horse which he, for the moment, had secured the use of ... even in one picture he appeared standing, proudly, behind ruth as if protecting her; all of these and anything else that old mage could find that would inevitably remind ruth of the man she had married, she destroyed ruthlessly and with inward glee; her object in all this was, really, to protect her dear young lady, and, yet, at the same time, she had as nearly a fiendish delight as it was possible for her ever to entertain, in, as she naïvely put it to herself, "getting even" with the handsome fellow who had "pulled the wool over" her own eyes as well as the brighter and stronger ones of her young lady. ruth wakefield was never enlightened as to this little by-play, but she reaped the benefits of it in many ways, for it is true that visible reminders are necessary to a great many people, and, even the strongest minds are affected by the sudden sight of something reminding them of some object formerly dear to them; it will give almost anyone a start to come, unexpectedly, upon a picture or almost any tangible token of someone once dear, no matter what may have happened to take away that quality; lovers, by preserving evidence, like withered flowers, pictures, songs and poems, often lay up for themselves future agony of spirit ... the objects that are so dear to them may turn about and rend their inmost souls; full many times, it were better had the love-tokens been destroyed in some such way as old mage did away with the visible memories attached to the objects which her eager hands closed upon; this secret employment, necessarily long drawn out, as she did not wish to be discovered in her labor of love, took up a good deal of the extra time she found herself in possession of on account of the presence of estrella in the home, for the girl took up many household duties, gladly and naturally, knowing that in work she could, to some extent, forget her own sorrow, and wishing to lighten the labors of old mage who was always kind to her. after the information imparted to ruth by father felix, regarding national affairs, she was very thoughtful and very busy, for there were very many ways in which she could make preparations to begin the duties which she expected to take up as soon as occasion would require them of her; she studied into trained nursing and found a sort of school in havana to which she took estrella and where they both learned many essential things pertaining to the calling which they were both trying to fit themselves for; in many ways they were both better prepared for the work of caring for the sick and wounded than many women would ever become, no matter how much they would be trained, for they were both earnest and helpful, tender-hearted and serious; in all wars, there are women who seek the familiar association with men which the calling of a nurse entails, with no better object than just the proximity to masculine humanity involved, but there are, also, such women as ruth wakefield who had no thought in the matter except to help where help of her should anywhere be needed ... to succor those who were not to blame for the accidents that had befallen them ... who were, indeed, entitled to the tenderest consideration on account of the very accidents which had laid them on the clean, white cots that are stretched along the wards and in the private rooms of the great, shadowy hospitals where tender women bend above the beds of pain and minister to those who lie there, suffering and weak, both in body and spirit. on one of these numerous visits to havana, ruth met a man who was an old friend of her father's who was much interested in her lonely life and who came out to her home to consult with her regarding the prospects of her being surrounded by the din and pomp of actual warfare; at first, as he viewed the situation she was placed in, he felt as father felix had as to her staying in cuba, in her immediate future, but listened to her patriotic resolve with high enthusiasm, as he was intensely patriotic himself and loved to think that she was every inch an american although her life had, almost all of it, been spent away from her native land. just as this man was leaving her home, one day, for he had been making frequent visits there, he turned to look at her as she stood between the pillar-like gate-posts at the entrance to the drive that led to her residence; the picture she made, standing there in the glow of the setting sun, lingered in his memory long after he had ceased to see her as he saw her, then; ruth was very fond of flowers and often wore a rose tucked in among the coils of her beautiful, shining hair; that evening, her selection among her flowers for this use had been a bunch of english violets; the deep blue of the dainty blossoms accentuated the clear gray color of her star-like eyes ... her healthy skin reflected the sunset after-glow which was beginning to appear in the western sky; her small mouth, with its cute corners, puckered up as if, she used to say when a child, it had been too large to begin with and had been shirred at the corners to make it the desired size, registered each change of her inner feelings; her dress was elegant, yet simple, and her poise was splendid; there are few earthly women who have sufficient poise of manner and of nervous strength; most of them become excited and distraught under slight stress of circumstances, but ruth wakefield was an exception to this very general rule; there were very few things that could shake her from her serenity of purpose and intention; one of these things was being a witness to any injustice ... an indignity put upon a weaker creature by a stronger one, whether the creature be gifted with the power to express its feelings in human speech or not; those who knew her best, were well aware of her strong regard for the rights of so-called "dumb animals" ... her loving sympathy went out to every old or poorly cared for horse she saw; she had been heard to say that she would dearly love to have a good pasture, with waving grasses and running water and sheltering trees where she could gather together all the illy-used horses in the world and then just watch them enjoy their surroundings; the smaller creatures, also, were her friends ... little tid-i-wats, to whom we have already been introduced, was a feline of very uncertain temper and most impulsive and nerve-racking little habits, yet to ruth she could always go and be sure of a loving reception no matter to what lengths she had gone, for tid-i-wats was far from being a perfect little cat; she very often reverted to her original type and did things that no cat with a civilized ancestry would have even thought could _be_ done; but she knew that ruth would only say: "she is not feeling very well, today; she is beginning to show her years a little; i noticed a white hair only today, on her little neck; she is my own old baby-cat, anyway, and i will always take as good care of her as i possibly can." she would watch ruth, calmly, while she straightened out whatever she, her own self, had made it necessary to straighten, and, then, when the young woman would, finally, sit down, no matter where tid-i-wats happened to be located at the time, she would very soon land on ruth's lap with no fear of a scolding even; she took advantage of the gentle disposition of her care-taker, same as so many humans did. ruth's father's friend looked long and earnestly at the tall, straight, slender figure standing there at the entrance to her almost palatial home and the picture remained in his memory during the balance of his earthly life. while ruth wakefield and estrella were preparing themselves to assist their fellow-countrymen in case they should be needed, events were shaping themselves so that it seemed likely that cuba would be the stage for the setting of as heroic a play as the world had ever witnessed: commodore dewey had bottled up the spanish fleet in manila bay and naval-constructor richmond p. hobson had executed his daring and unheard-of feat although the gallant _merrimac_ was sunk in santiago harbor. soon after the formal declaration of war on april , , president mckinley sent forth a call for volunteers to enter the united states army and navy. instantly, almost, the ranks were more than filled with active, alert, capable men, anxious, each one of them, to do his full share of the work that lay before his beloved land. it was while active preparations for a war carried on in the interests of humanity were progressing rapidly that theodore roosevelt became prominent as representing the highest type of american manhood; he threw himself, bodily, into the breach in the interests of his country; there was no personal sacrifice which he was unwilling to make ... no task too hard for him to attempt. he became, at once, an acknowledged and adored leader of the young americans who crowded around him, loving him like a brother, and, at the same time, revering his quick judgment and his dauntless courage. there is no figure in american history more heroic or more admired than that of theodore roosevelt, mounted on a noble horse, in the uniform of a united states volunteer and wearing a wide campaign hat. ruth wakefield was kept well informed as to what was being done by her own people, mainly through the kindness of father felix who seldom missed an evening's visit with her and her almost constant companion, estrella; the two girls, for they were no more than that in spite of what they had passed through, had become the best of understanding friends; the younger girl seldom spoke of her dead lover and ruth found that the memory of her husband had been forced into the background of her thoughts by the march of passing events. one evening, father felix climbed the narrow pathway to the mansion on the hill and found ruth alone as estrella, who was her almost constant companion, now, had gone to the village on one of her infrequent visits to her little friend, tessa. the good priest was glad to find ruth alone as he had news of great importance for her ... news that would lead to great developments in the near future; after being assured of their entire privacy, he said: "we will have work to do, my dear daughter, before many more months have passed by. the american people have endured the sight of the injustice and oppression exercised by the spanish authorities toward the helpless cubans for a long time, now, and are becoming more and more determined to break the spanish rule. you and i must be prepared to assist and succor our own dear boys when they begin to smite the enemy of right and justice, hip and thigh. my course in this work has been made plain before me.... i have applied for the position of chaplain in the united states service and i trust that they will allow me to accompany my little flock right into the midst of every battle in which they will be engaged. it seems to me that your path in this matter, my daughter, is, also, plain ... you can turn this charming home into a hospital to which the sorely wounded or those who have fallen ill from any cause may be brought and where they may receive the tender care which they will deserve from every loyal heart and hand. i am certain that you will find work for estrella as well as for every member of your family, here, in this connection, also you will be ably assisted by many who will flock to your standard when they understand what you are doing. i, myself, will always assist you in every way in my power and i may be able to spare you some uncertainty and, possibly, also, some unpleasantness. my daughter," he ended, "there will be work for us to do that will require all our strength and courage.... may god, in his great wisdom, guide and help us." ruth clasped her hands and bowed her head as father felix prayed for god's blessing on whatever enterprise they should be called upon to undertake in the great cause in which they were both enlisted. after the good priest had disappeared down the narrow path that led to the little village of san domingo, she sat, for a long time, in deep revery, reflecting on the peace and prosperity that then covered the tropical island upon which she had lived for so many years and trying to imagine what changes were likely to come in the wake of the probable conflict of two great nations, for ruth realized that america was meeting a foe worthy of her steel in spain whose far-famed armada had been made the subject of song and story; she had no doubt of the final outcome ... whatever america attempted, that she would accomplish ... but how many splendid american men would have to lie upon the bloody battle-fields that would spring up all around her was yet an unsolved problem; and that, she thought, proudly and devotedly, would be her work ... to find those splendid american heroes, and to do for them as much as if each one of them had been her own blood brother ... to succor the wounded and bury the dead. this line of thought led her, inevitably, to the grave already lying under the moonlight so near to her home, and, upon a sudden and almost irresistable impulse, she snatched a wrap from the rack in the hall and started down toward the little cemetery, thinking to bid an eternal farewell to the grave of the man who had been, if only for a few short months, her husband. chapter xiii ruth descended the hill with firm, sure steps for she was strong in body as well as in spirit; she had reached the gate of the little cemetery before the impulse that had prompted her action had had time to lose any of its power, but, as she opened the gate and realized the lateness of the hour, her natural caution led her to pause for a second and take in her surroundings; she at once became conscious of the sound of a low, sobbing voice saying: "dear god, i came here all alone hoping that you would forgive him for the crime that he committed if i came to you in secret beside the grave of him whose life he took ... the sin is lying heavily upon his soul and i wish to lift it from him by sacrificing my own peace of mind so that it may be bestowed upon him, for he suffers grievously from his wound, dear god, he suffers very grievously.... i pray that you will put the sorrow for his crime upon me instead of him so that i may help him, for he is greatly in need of more help than i can give him, being but a simple-minded, feeble, little peasant and unfit to carry this heavy load." the supplication ended in a rush of sobs that shook the inner consciousness of her who listened to them, for ruth was tender-hearted above all her other instincts; she advanced into the little cemetery, then, with far different feelings than the ones that brought her there. the sounds that she had heard came from the same direction she had meant to take to reach the grave of victorio colenzo, so she proceeded along the little path that she had followed, in secret, more than once before, for, with estrella in her home, she could not visit the last resting-place of the body of the man whom she had loved as very young and innocent women will, often, love a creature all unworthy of such affection, except surreptitiously; so that it was easy for her to wind among the simple little head-stones until she came to the grave she sought. the form her eyes could just discern beside the tomb was small and slight and cowering down as if, indeed, in earnest supplication; ruth advanced until she was standing very near the silent woman and, not wishing to startle and confuse her by a sudden word, she very gently touched her bowed head; instantly, the girl sprang up in wild alarm, for it had taken all her courage to come there at all; ruth reassured her as quickly as she could by saying, softly: "do not fear, whoever you may be; i am but another woman like yourself and i wish to help you no matter what it is that is so troubling you; we women should assist each other in this world, for women, as it seems to me, were put into the world to suffer, mainly, so we ought to try to help each other. tell me what there is that i can do to help you, now." tessa, for the reader has, no doubt, guessed that it was she, began to sob wildly and clung to the other woman who had come to her so strangely; she could not speak, at first, for crying, and, then, she could not speak for fear of injuring the man she loved, and, so, she did not speak at all, but ran away without one word of explanation, thinking in that way she might avoid discovery. but the incident had shaken ruth so that the memory of the man whose body lay within that narrow grave grew dim and far away; she knew that he had been unworthy of her love and must have scouted it in secret many times, for, if he had not done so, how could he have made such love to poor estrella as he had while she, his lawful wife, yet lived upon the earth? ruth wakefield had often said that truth was truth no matter where it fell ... she'd even said that she would blame herself when blame was hers to bear, and, so, she could not shield the memory of the newly dead too far, and, so, she turned away from that low grave and never went there again, and, as she slowly climbed the hill that led her to her own loved home, estrella overtook her in the path and, hand in hand with her who had been wronged as she, herself, had been, she left the memory of the handsome, gay deceiver lying there within the narrow grave that hid his fast decaying body from the world of living men and women; from that time, she did not suffer, in thinking of him, as she had before; there are turning points in every road no matter where it leads to, and this was a turn for ruth in that sad road where she had strayed, but only for a short and most unhappy, if, at moments, wildly joyous, time. when tessa left the grave of victorio colenzo, she fled in haste and fright; she did not go at once to her own home for she feared that she might be followed; she had become a fugitive as truly as manuello was, for, now, she was to him as if she were, indeed, his wife, attending to all wants of his that she could satisfy, and, secretly and silently, becoming but the shadow of the gay and pretty girl that she had been before; her friends, who saw her often, noted this sad change, but did not know its cause. father felix watched the girl at times and pitied her, for he had learned that she had been devoted to the handsome peasant whom he also was assured was guilty of some crime and, since his disappearance, he had figured out some things that made him almost certain what the crime had been, for the good priest was much alone and thought more deeply about many things than those who have not followed psychic lines of reasoning. one morning, father felix went, again, to visit ruth, and found estrella with her, and he asked the girl about her little friend who had been dear to her from early little girlhood; estrella told him that she had not seen her for some time, as, when she'd gone to visit her, she had been gone, and tessa had not come to see her as she'd asked her to, for she had left word for her where to come to find her, knowing she could trust her, for she'd always been a true and faithful friend to her. the good priest pondered for a moment, then he said: "i wish that you would go, at once, to see your little friend; i think that she is at her home at present, and i wish that you would try to discover what it is that is troubling her, for she is most unhappy over something and i wish that you would help her if you can for she is in need of understanding help at this time more than at any time during my acquaintance with her. go, my daughter, find your little friend and try to assist her if you can." estrella, having secured the permission of ruth, followed the advice of the good priest and departed on her errand of love and kindness. when father felix had been assured of their privacy, he turned to his companion and said: "i have information of importance to give you, my daughter. we are drawing nearer and nearer to the goal we seek. our compatriots are growing weary of blockading havana and other harbors near to us and will very soon advance into the interior of cuba. when that time comes there will be great suffering all around us and i think that it will be best for you and me to form a sort of secret society with passwords, which, while simple in themselves, will convey to us a secret meaning. you and i must act as one in this matter.... i am sure of your fealty and you can rely upon mine but how many others there are near to us upon whose loyalty we can depend i do not know. estrella is discreet and thoughtful for an uneducated and untrained girl, but she would have no idea of what course to pursue under complicated or difficult circumstances, so that it may be necessary to keep many events secret from her. there are many spies already in cuba and there are those among us who would be willing to exchange the lives and property of their best friends for personal emolument. i know one young fellow who has, as i believe, already sold his birthright of truth and honor for a mess of pottage and there are others of his ilk. i rely on you alone in all this village of san domingo ... you, alone, are strong and capable ... you, alone, are thoroughly american and devoted to your native land. i rely on you, my daughter, and you may rely on me. let us now arrange a secret pact between us so that, should we be separated, we may be sure of any word that each may send the other. if i send to you a message adding to the body of it the word _pax_ alone, then i will mean to signify that all is well with me and that i do not know of any secret danger threatening you, but if to the word _pax_ i add _vobiscum_, then you are to be made aware that danger threatens you, while i may, yet, be safe from it, but if i say _pax vobiscus_ then i'll mean that we are both in danger of a similar nature; if i send these latter words, you are to use all means of safety at your command to seclude yourself from outside notice just as much as possible and to try to find me if you can do so without exposure to yourself; but if i say just _pax_ then i mean what the word implies, and you may go to and from your home with freedom. i will come to see you just as often as i can and i will arrange to have the officers of our own army and navy visit you and then you will use your own good judgment combined with what knowledge they will give to you as to how you will proceed, knowing that my spirit will be with you even if my body cannot be ... even if i should be separated from this perishable body, my daughter, i think that god would let me come to you to help you.... he would know our need and it is my belief he would supply it. let us pray to him for guidance, now, before i leave you for the night. father in heaven, protect and guide our footsteps while we stay upon this mundane sphere of spiritual action. help us do what we were meant to do and teach us how to walk in unknown paths which we are, now, about to enter on. may what is just and right be conquerors in conflicts that will, very soon, be carried on about us. may the souls of those about to leave this world be prepared for the great change from this world to another one, and may we, who are thy humble servants, do the things that will be pleasing in thy sight. bless us, now, and guide us unto thee. amen." when estrella reached the home of little tessa, she found her friend about to go somewhere but where she would not say ... she seemed so much distraught about it that estrella did not ask the second time where she was going; she could see that she had made some preparations for the journey, for she had a small bag filled with eatables and a jug of home-made vintage in her hands; estrella plainly saw how distressed she was and how wan and weary, too, and, so, she only stayed a very short time; but, when she went away, she only went just far enough to be where tessa could not see her ... then she watched her little friend, but only with the kindest thoughts of her, and saw her take an unused, winding path a little ways, then hasten on without a path at all, so far as she could see; she wound among the cacti, fearlessly, as if upon a very important errand, and as if she feared that she would be too late to do the errand she was bent upon; estrella watched her for a time, and, then, still with the kindest thoughts of tessa, followed after her, but far enough behind her so she could not see her ... she would stoop behind a friendly bit of brush whenever little tessa turned around and gazed about her like a startled little bird about to seek its hidden nest; so, unobserved, estrella followed after her, and came, at length, to that small clearing where the ruined hut had stood for many years; estrella knew about it, having found it at the same time manuello had, indeed, for they two used to roam the hills together when they were but little children ... sometimes tessa went with them, but, oftener, they were alone; and, so, estrella peered within the ruined hut and saw its occupant as he lay there in bitter pain and wan and weary, too, like little tessa was; she saw the other girl creep past the tumble-down old door that she had set up at the entrance to the hut to shield its inmate from the winds, and, also, to try to keep the fact that he was there at all unknown; she saw the little tender-hearted woman kneel beside the rude couch on which her restless patient lay and kiss the lips that only moaned her name in anguish and despair; she saw her smooth the black and silky hair back from the brow of manuello, and, then, she heard the following conversation. "tell me, little tessa," said her patient, eagerly, "are you sure you were not seen when you came here, today? i greatly fear that you will yet divulge, in some way, my hiding-place. i could not move a step to save myself, no matter who came here to find me. it is terrible to be like this. i'd rather die than stay here like this for another day.... i wish you'd find a gun, somewhere, and bring it to me the next time you come and let me end the lives of both of us. you are like a little skeleton, yourself.... i wonder what's the matter with you ... are you ill or is it only just the weariness and fright that makes you look so? if you should fail me, i would surely die ... a wounded rat that cannot even run to save itself. tessa, tell me," he cried out, peevishly, "are you sick? you look so pale today it seems to me you are about to faint away ... and what would i do, then?" "i don't believe that i am sick," she said, cheerfully. "i'm sure i don't know why i'm pale.... it is very warm today, for one thing ... i hurried up the hill ... estrella came...." at that name, her patient roused again: "estrella! are you sure she did not follow you? she could gloat about me, now, if she were minded to ... what did you bring for me to eat, today?" he ended, changing the subject, abruptly. "i'm almost starved to death; i wish you'd come a little earlier, tomorrow." "i will try, dear manuello, i will try," said little tessa, gravely. "i always try to come as soon as i can come when i'm alone and can evade the children." manuello tossed a while in silence, then he asked again: "are you sure estrella did not follow you? look outside and see if there is not someone near the hut. i'm afraid ... i'm dreadfully afraid, somehow, today. i've lain right here, now, all these weeks, and have not been so frightened as i am, somehow, today. look outside and see!" and, then, estrella crept away for she could do no good by staying, and she did not wish to harm either one of her old friends on whose distress she looked. estrella went back to the mansion on the hill, a sadder, it is true, and yet also a wiser woman for she'd seen poor little tessa's secret burden and manuello's sorry plight. she went to father felix, the next day, to advise with him about what she had seen; he cautioned her not to mention it to anyone she knew, which advice she followed, strictly; it enlightened him to some extent and he pitied little tessa more than ever, for he knew the sort of man her patient was ... he knew that he was selfish to the very core of him and had no gratitude for anyone who'd helped him; so he pitied little tessa and began, in many little unknown ways, to help her bear the burden she'd assumed. to begin with, when she came to the confessional, as almost everyone who lived in san domingo did, he only asked her questions such as she could answer easily ... he did not touch on murder or on lies or on anything that might lead on to surprising her sad secret; he knew her for a simple-minded, loving, tender little girl and he pitied her and did not try to wring from her her secret, knowing that, in all human probability, she would go, some day, to the ruined hut and find no manuello there to either curse or bless her: in fact, he looked upon this as the most likely of anything that could occur and, when he saw poor little tessa fading with anxiety and dread, he went, one day, to see the patient in the deserted hut, and, after that, there was no patient there, for manuello limped away, as he could stand, at last, and hid from even little tessa for he thought she had betrayed him, after all, and, so, he cursed her with the balance of his rotten luck. chapter xiv june , , was a memorable day for cuba, for, on that date, the glorious flag of our own much-beloved country was unfurled over cuban soil, upheld and supported by united states troops, for the first time. father felix had kept himself well informed as to military matters, and had often consulted with ruth wakefield concerning what would actually be needed by our armies when they were finally in the field; in pursuance of the purpose to which they had both devoted their lives and fortunes, these two had established a temporary hospital not far from the city of santiago, as the good priest had been informed that one of the next moves of our forces would be in that vicinity; so that, when our starry banner first floated in the breeze at camp mccalla, ruth stood beside the new-fledged army chaplain, and watched, through tear-dimmed eyes, the emblem of our liberty and freedom as it was proudly raised. that night passed quietly, but, for five successive days and nights thereafter, a bitter battle raged in which our blue-clad boys met and finally defeated the spanish hordes that tried to drive them back or leave their lifeless bodies lying there beneath the blistering sun. when ruth had sailed from havana she had brought her little household with her and established them in temporary quarters near the hospital, and, soon, she saw the little white cots filled with sick or wounded americans and cuban scouts. volunteer nurses were immediately in demand as, in many ways, our forces were unprepared to meet the enemy; there are no soldiers in the world as brave ... as fine ... as capable ... as are our own united states volunteers ... both men and women, and, so, ruth wakefield and estrella, anxious to put into practice what they had learned to do, donned the clean white uniforms they had become accustomed to in the training they had taken in havana for this very purpose, and, very soon, to the eye of a novice, there were two more trained nurses ministering to the many wants of the boys who lay there on those narrow cots, weak and suffering but triumphant in spite of their pain, for the cause of right had won in the first real conflict upon cuban soil between the spaniards and the americans assisted by cuban insurgents, who, mainly, acted as spies and scouts, a work to which they were adapted by nature and long practice in a country infested by those whose only object in ruling it had been to gain what they could, in resources and amusement, from the natives, with no thought either for their comfort or advancement along the lines of civilized living. among the cuban scouts who had been wounded on that first day of actual combat was one who happened to fall under the care of estrella for he had been carried in right after her entry into the work of the hospital; this man had been slightly wounded as he was about to give valuable information to one of our own officers, and, perhaps for that reason and because he had shown himself to be particularly useful, he had received even more than the usual attention on the battle-field, for his wound had been dressed more carefully than is customary when first aid is given in the midst of the fray, so that the attending surgeon had declared his condition such that all he needed was tender care, which was why his case had been assigned to a volunteer nurse. estrella gravely assumed the duty allotted to her, with some misgivings as to her own ability, it is true, but with a strong resolve to do the best she could; as she bent over her patient, she noticed, first, his almost deathly pallor, then a jagged scar that stretched across his cheek and had been lately healed ... the edges of it were yet red and angry looking; the girl bent over him pityingly, and, then, she started back for she had recognized, even in the dim light that pervaded the temporary hospital, the features of manuello; remembering what she had seen in the ruined hut, she shrank from contact with her old admirer, but, with that memory came the knowledge that he had been wounded while in the performance of a service of benefit to her beloved country, and she did not falter in carrying out the instructions of the surgeon in charge with regard to her patient, thinking that, perhaps, before he had recognized her, she might be transferred to some other part of the hospital. ruth took her place among the ministering nurses with confidence and courage, for she was one who immediately altogether forgot almost her own identity when asked to help another human being, and, while her sympathy with suffering was remarkable, so that she actually suffered pain herself when witnessing it in others, yet she had always been able to do whatever was required of her in an emergency regardless of any bodily ailment that might be troubling her at the time; now, as she saw all around her strong men laid low by violence, her spirit rose to the occasion and she was, for the time, at least, the very personification of patriotic zeal and her love for her country rose to heights almost undreamed of even by herself; she moved among the little cots freely, lending a hand here and whispering a word of encouragement there; the nurses recognized in her a master spirit, at once, and the surgeons looked into her steady eyes, and, instantly, allowed her privileges seldom granted to anyone outside of their own profession; her very presence seemed to give the sufferers courage to bear their pain, for the light that shone from her clear, gray eyes was above the things of a merely earthly existence and lifted them out of their bodies, to some extent, making them impervious to what would have otherwise been excruciating anguish; surgeons, at that time, did not recognize the mental attitude of their patients, to any great extent, and they marveled at the influence of the mistress of the mansion on the hill, attributing it, in part, to the evident superiority of the young woman to those with whom she had been associated in cuba. in passing among the little cots, ruth, at length, came to the one beside which estrella was standing, anxiously looking into her patient's flushed face, for, with returning strength, manuello's fever had risen; ruth put one hand on the girl's shoulder and drew her away from the cot for a moment while she whispered to her: "do not weary yourself too much, my dear, for we must keep our strength so as to be able to help others ... you seem distressed ... do you know your patient, personally?" estrella was only too glad to tell her kind and understanding friend just the situation in which she found herself, so that, when the young cuban opened his large, dark eyes and looked about him in astonishment, it was upon ruth's face he gazed instead of on estrella's whom the former had sent into another part of the work of caring for the wounded. "where am i?" moaned manuello. "what has happened to me, now?" "you have been sorely wounded in the service of your country, my brave fellow ... you are now in a hospital where you will receive every possible care and attention," answered ruth in a low, yet clear tone of voice. "you are in the hands of those who appreciate what you have done and greatly desire to assist in your recovery." having assured himself that he was among friends, he began to make inquiries as to the nature of his wound, wondering how long it would be necessary for him to remain as he was then, but ruth only told him that he must not talk and must use every precaution he could to prevent increase of the fever that was now high enough to demand the use of the handy little thermometer that ruth, in common with the other amateur nurses with whom she had studied, had learned how to operate; she promptly thrust this little fever-gauge into his mouth and told him to keep it there quietly until she took it away; gazing at her as if she were a creature from another world, manuello lay there quiescent and tractable, all his wild nature being centred upon his desire to again be the free, strong being he had but recently been. old mage peered into the room where the cots of the wounded soldiers and sailors had been placed and caught a glimpse of her dear young lady as she stood by the bedside of manuello; he had just opened his eyes, and, as he lay there with his black curls touching the white pillow, he reminded the old woman very much of another handsome, dark young fellow whom she believed to be lying in his narrow grave in the little cemetery ... the narrow grave in which she had buried the wedding-ring that had brought so much sorrow to the one whom she loved best in all the world: as the old woman looked at the dark face on the pillow she noticed the angry scar that disfigured it and thought that it might have changed the face she remembered as without a blemish so that she would have difficulty in recognizing it; her mind began to travel along the line of thought suggested by this possibility and she determined to rid ruth of the necessity of attending to her former husband, at least, if her most dire suspicions should prove to be well founded; she at once remembered that she, herself, had not seen the corpse of the man interred as victorio colenzo and she knew very well how earthly death will change the appearance of a human being's body ... then she thought of what had been told to her as to how the man had died ... altogether it seemed to her very possible that the man she had seen in the little cemetery on the day of the funeral she had attended with estrella might have been some one closely resembling manuello, so that, perhaps, estrella's foster brother had been buried in the supposed grave of victorio colenzo, who, wishing to be free from both entangling alliances he had made in san domingo, had allowed the name under which he had entered into them to be placed upon the simple head-stone that marked the grave of another man. as soon as old mage had arrived at the conclusion above described, she acted on it at once by slipping stealthily up to ruth and whispering to her: "come away, my pretty; you are needed; there is someone outside who wishes to speak to you at once. i will take your place." ruth, thinking the summons important, yielded her place for a moment, intending to return within a very few moments, but no sooner had old mage assumed charge of the patient than she began to devise ways and means by which she hoped to prolong the stay of her dear young lady, for it seemed to her to be too much for her to bear ... to care for her recreant husband under all the trying circumstances. the first thing that the new nurse did would have been severely criticized by the head surgeon had his attention not been fully occupied in another part of the large room; to begin with, instead of smoothing back the dark hair from the man's forehead as it would seem to one observing her from the rear she was doing, she very deliberately pulled the handful of curls she was clutching, hoping to make him open his eyes so that she could continue her scrutiny of him in order to be as certain as possible of his suspected identity; this ruse succeeded, for manuello's large, dark brown eyes flew open and were fixed in horror on the face bending over him; it was quite a different countenance than the one he had last seen beside him, for old mage never had been a beauty and the loss of her teeth had not added to her appearance while the ferocity of her glance was accentuated by the multitude of criss-cross wrinkles which surrounded the light blue eyes out of which she was glaring at him; the words she hissed in his ear added to the confusion under which the helpless man was laboring: "i thought that you were dead and buried out of sight ... you hateful, low-lived pup! how dare you be brought into her place, now? if i did just right, i do believe i'd choke the life out of you while you can't fight back! the girl's here, too ... you must be a devil in human form! you ought to be burning in hell!" the object that had led old mage to make this attack upon the wounded man was about to be accomplished, for, with a wild scream, he vaulted over the foot of the little cot and bounded through the open doorway as if he were pursued by demons; his temporary nurse did not try to prevent his exit which was what she had longed to bring about, although the manner of his going startled even her, as she had no idea of the effect that her hasty words would have upon the guilty spirit of the man whose crimes, it seemed to him, had found him out; the new wound he had that day received, was not of a nature to impede his progress for a short distance, and he almost instantly disappeared from among the nurses and surgeons; his wild expression so impressed all whom he met before he reached the outskirts of the hospital grounds that he was again a fugitive, hunted, this time, by both friends and enemies. as ruth was about to return to her patient, for she could find no immediate need of her presence elsewhere, she met an excited nurse who told her of having seen an excessively active young man flying out into the open, clad only in hospital garb. ruth was hurrying to report the circumstances to the head surgeon and to arrange to have searching parties sent out to bring back her pseudo patient, when, passing the cot where old mage was still stationed, she noted that it was empty; stopping to inquire the reason for this change, her old nurse hurriedly related the facts concerning the exodus of the young man, while she secretly rejoiced at the success of her strategem, for so she chose to denominate the method she had taken of protecting her dear young lady from the nearness of the man she had married through mistaken confidence. estrella, having been sent to consult with her friend concerning some matter connected with the welfare of the temporary hospital, came along, just then, and was told what had happened. "why," she exclaimed, "where has poor manuello gone? he is not fit to be outside alone. i am afraid i was a coward to leave him when he needed care. poor little tessa would have stayed right with him no matter what he said or did. i have not seen her," she mused, "for a long time, now ... not since a number of days before we came away from home.... i wonder where she is." could estrella have seen her little friend at that moment, she would have lost all pity for manuello and added to that she already had for poor tessa, for she was then suffering from the last encounter she had had with the man who had just fled out into the night; although the little peasant would have been proud to have been made the wife of the man whom she madly loved, yet she resisted the idea of being merely his mistress for father felix had forcibly impressed upon the minds of the girls of his flock the virtue of chastity; the consequence of this resistance had been a blow received by herself which had rendered her helpless for the time being, as it had made it impossible for her to walk for any distance, and a slash across one of manuello's dusky cheeks which she had made with a knife she had happened to have in her hand at the time of his attack. the heart-sick girl was lying on the rude bed she had made for the man who had left her without aid, in the deserted hut into which estrella had once peered, while her friend, so far away from her, was bemoaning the fate of her ungrateful former lover. she had carried some food and water into the hovel upon the day of her last struggle with manuello and she could creep about the inside of the small building, so that, being hardy and healthy, she had, at that time, subsisted upon the supplies she had on hand, for several days; she was just beginning to crawl carefully out into the surrounding brush where she was glad to find plenty of ripe cactus-fruit and other wild edibles; she was very lonely and frightened but she took her condition as a punishment for the sins she had committed since she had tried to assist manuello in spite of the fact that she had known him to be a criminal; she told her beads, over and over, using the small rosary which she had always worn about her neck, and, as she kissed the crucifix attached to the beads, she often prayed for the man who was the direct cause of her pitiable condition, for she believed it to be her plain duty to forgive, even though she could not forget, him. chapter xv when manuello escaped from the temporary hospital near camp mccalla, he directed his eager steps toward the place of his nativity, because, as it seemed to him, he would be safer there than he had recently been; it seemed to him that if he could reach the deserted hut where he had been in concealment before, he could rest and recover while he made plans for his future, for he had decided that it would be dangerous for him to follow the american army any longer, at least for a time. in devious ways and through the use of means known only to such as he, he managed to reach a point midway between santiago and havana in a much shorter time than would have seemed possible to one unversed in the ways of the wilderness; here he encountered, suddenly and unexpectedly, the good priest whom he had known from childhood, who, also, seemed hurrying in the direction of havana. the young man kept away from the habitation of men as much as possible after that, and, footsore and weary, but happy in the thought that he had reached his goal, he arrived, at length, just at sunset, in the outskirts of the village of san domingo; from there he followed the winding path up which little tessa had so often toiled in his service, he thought of her but did not regret the blow he had given her; in fact, his anger still burned at white heat whenever he remembered how she had disfigured his features, forgetting altogether what she had done for him, because she had not done everything that he had asked her to do. at length, he reached the vicinity of the deserted hut and stole up to reconnoitre before entering the ruined habitation; he crept up to one of the small windows and peered within; the sight that met his vision startled him to such an extent that he forgot, for the moment, his habitual caution and remained at the window although he had discovered that the hut was occupied; the room he looked into was dimly lit by the rays of the setting sun which penetrated the dense growth of tropical verdure and found their way into the small western aperture that answered the purpose of a look-out toward the village; tessa was lying, looking very wan and care-worn, upon the rude bed she had arranged for the man who was then staring at her ... in her thin hand was a crucifix which father felix had just given to her ... the good priest was kneeling upon the rough floor beside the couch and the tears were rolling down his cheeks, for the sight before him would have moved far less tender hearts than his; the girl began to speak in a low voice and manuello strained his power of hearing to catch the faint words which fell from her pale and trembling lips. "good father," she began, speaking as if at confession, "i beseech you to have mercy upon your sinful daughter; i have done grievous wrong during my short life and i beg you to intercede with the god of truth and justice before whose judgment seat i will soon appear. i ask you to pray for me, father felix, for i am in need of your prayers. i have been a wicked girl in some ways, though not in all, for i have resisted a very strong desire which was a part of my sinful nature and which i believe i have, now, through suffering, gained the victory over." the girl ceased speaking from sheer weakness, then, and the priest took the crucifix from her shaking hand and attached it to the cord at his waist, then he lifted his clasped hands in earnest and humble supplication: "father who art in heaven," he prayed, "listen to us who are in thy gracious hands, both here and hereafter. help me to guide this suffering soul aright and help her to walk where she was meant to walk, whether she regains her health and returns to the life she has had, formerly, or whether she passes out of this narrow existence and goes into eternity before another morning dawns. look down, dear father, in mercy on us who are thy humble servants. amen." "father felix," began the sick girl, "i must confess to you something that has lain heavily upon my conscience for many weeks. i am rejoiced that you have found me for i will die easier to know that you have the secrets that i have been keeping in my heart, being unable to come to the refectory and tell you what i must, now, impart to you. a heinous crime was committed in san domingo some months ago, as i believe by one whom you and i both know; i have withheld my suspicions from the authorities and, in so doing, i feel that i have done wrong, father. i wish to tell you all i know, now, and let you do what you think best ... it will relieve my heart of a very heavy load to tell this to you. manuello...." before her lips could utter the next word, the door of the hut which had been leaning over the opening designed for it as it had long been guiltless of hinges, was violently thrust aside and the subject of the remarks tessa was about to make, rudely entered and advanced to the side of the couch upon which the girl was lying; the livid scar upon his dark face combined with the pallor that had followed the fever he had been having, the freshly bandaged wound, the limp that had followed the rough dressing of the bullet-punctured leg of the man, combined with the fierce determination that characterized each one of his movements, altogether made a most unpleasant appearance. father felix quietly rose and stepped between the sufferer on the couch and the young cuban who regarded the priest with no respect in the expression of his countenance, but rather with contempt and lack of personal fear; he attempted to shove him aside so that he might again look down on the trembling occupant of the rude bed, but found that father felix was standing firmly on a sturdy pair of legs which had had good exercise in tramping about the hills and valleys in pursuit of his chosen profession of saving the souls of those who needed his ministrations; manuello glared at him and snarled out: "out of my way with your sing-song prayers and your dangling cross! i am a desperate man and do not mean to allow even a priest to balk either my escape or my vengeance! stand aside and let me stop that mouth forever!" he again tried to shove the priest aside, when father felix hastily threw off his robe so that it might not impede his movements and closed with the young fellow, grappling with him with arms left bare from the shoulder upon which the biceps muscles stood out in great knots that came and went and rippled underneath the skin; manuello was surprised at this onslaught for the good priest's fighting prowess had never, so far, been tested in just this way; but familiarity with certain turns and twists told in the young villain's favor in spite of the freshness and vigor of father felix' attack; the poor girl on the floor was unable to interfere and watched the two combatants with horrified eyes as they struggled all over the rude room, sometimes one and sometimes the other seeming about to conquer; neither one of the contestants had a weapon as manuello had come away from the hospital clad only as the other patients were; in his wild flight he had snatched an outer garment from among the many lying in a heap outside the door through which he had fled, but, with this exception, he wore only what had been put upon him by the surgeons. like two titans, the two human beings struggled for supremacy, the one being actuated only by a desire to serve the right, and the other seeming to have been given almost satanic power as he felt that his own life and future freedom depended upon adding two more to his victims, for the priest had already heard enough to make him find out more and tessa had been about to confess all she knew to him, so, above everything on earth, the furious cuban wished to slay the priest and the poor girl whose only fault had been her yielding to his selfishness. twice, manuello's fingers almost closed about the good priest's throat, and twice did father felix lift the other man bodily from the floor and dash him down in a huddled heap in one corner of the room, but neither had quite conquered when an unexpected interference ended the conflict very suddenly. manuello had crowded father felix over toward the tumble-down door of the hut and was about to push him through the opening, or, at least, attempt to do so, when, all at once the young fellow felt his fingers lose their strength and his arms fell away from the body of the priest ... he was conscious of a strange, tingling sensation all through his shaken nerves; had he been familiar with the action of powerful electric currents, he would have described it as a heavy shock of electricity but, although he could not have altogether explained his sensations, their effect was instantaneous and resulted in the release of father felix while his assailant dropped prone upon the floor of the hut and groveled at his feet in abject terror, for he thought the end of his life had come and, in that thought, the murderer became the penitent and, with the fear of death before his mind, he began to mumble broken bits of half-forgotten prayers and to beg for forgiveness for his sins which he knew to be many and grievous. as the changed attitude of his foe became evident to the good priest he hurried over to the side of the sick girl with assurances of his desire to assist her in every possible way and, with the changed conditions surrounding him, he again put on the robe of his holy office, and, with it, seemed again to be the sedate and quiet leader of the flock he strove to lead into green pastures and beside pleasant waters. having ministered to tessa, for the moment, he turned his attention to his late antagonist: "my son," he said, "you are wounded and spent with the loss of blood; your mind, perhaps, has been turned by your misfortunes so that you did not realize either your words or your actions. i hope that, from this time on, you will fix your mind on better things than thoughts of vengeance or of murder. to begin with, i have a favor to ask of you. will you help me remove tessa, here, from this place to her home? she is in need of tender care." "i will do what you tell me to," meekly answered the recent antagonist of the priest. "i see that i was wrong in imagining you to be my enemy. i think that this last wound has made me crazy for the time, as you have just said. from this time on i will try to be as i have been before ... glad to be guided by your higher wisdom. i humbly ask your pardon for what i have done here, tonight." manuello bowed his head for his spirit had been broken by the strange happening which we have described, and, at once, his hope began to rise again, that, after all, father felix would do him no real harm, for he seemed, again, the kind and loving prelate whom the man had known from his youth up. when some simple preparations had been made, the two men lifted tessa from the rude couch to the stretcher they had improvised, and, in turn, lifted it, with its light burden, to their shoulders, when, from time to time, they found an open space in the dense underbrush that hid the ruined hut from ordinary observation; thus they descended the hill that led to the village of san domingo; having reached the door of the home of the girl, in the gathering darkness, they laid the stretcher down and manuello disappeared as father felix knocked for admittance. to say the young fellow was glad to be released from what seemed to him to be the custody of the priest would be to put his feelings lightly, for, having cleared the ruined hut, he quickly returned to it and, lying on the simple bed tessa had so lately occupied, he went to sleep, apparently, as sweetly as a new-born infant would. old mage wondered, a little, at estrella's remark concerning manuello, after he had disappeared; but she finally set her mind at rest by deciding that, whichever of the dashing cubans she had ousted from ruth's help, she had done good work, for, as she said to herself, from her view-point it was "good riddance to bad rubbage." the head surgeon made a note of the occurrence and went on about his work, for one man more or less, in time of war, cannot be reckoned as in civil life. ruth wakefield had no doubt at all as to the identity of her former patient; when a pure girl has given herself to be the wife of any man she does not, soon, forget his personality, and ruth knew very well the man she'd cared for had not been the one she'd called her husband ... that his body lay within its narrow grave she felt assured but what lay buried over him old mage, alone, yet knew; she'd chuckled, many times, as to that burial, and it was hard for her to keep her secret as she longed for the approval that she felt she merited in this small matter, but the thought that ruth might differ with her as to what she'd done had always, so far, sealed her lips. "there is a time in the affairs of men that, taken at its flood, leads on to fortune," has been said by one who, justly, has been called a master in the art of putting words together; william shakespeare did not know the actors in this story, but he knew the minds of men as few have known them since his time. manuello did not know that such a writer as this master of the english language had ever existed, yet he acted on the thought in the above quotation, when, the morning after the events related in this chapter, he again departed from the ruined hut and disappeared, effectually, within the fastnesses that only such as he could know about; every inch, or so it seemed, of territory surrounding havana was familiar to the cuban scouts and manuello had grown up among the cacti and the palms and desolation that followed in the wake of spanish oppression and injustice. chapter xvi july , , at sunset, the fair folds of our own stars and stripes were gently floating over san juan hill. on that day some of the most heroic deeds in american history had been performed by those who represent the highest types of american virility. roosevelt's rough riders had, that day, advanced behind their intrepid leader, into the very jaws of death and very many of them never came again into the pleasant walks of life they'd known before that fateful day ... very many of them lay scattered over the different heights that led on to the very top of san juan hill, inert and helpless human tenements that had once held the proud and willing spirits of the men who followed roosevelt with love and daring. some of them were picked up and carried to temporary hospitals that had sprung up near the scene of active warfare; in one of these shelters for the wounded ruth wakefield stood, that evening, bending low above a little cot on which was stretched a manly form ... the form of one who'd ridden with the rest of those who followed him they called, in brotherly affection, "teddy," and who was beside him when his horse was shot from under him. "nurse," he whispered, through the bandages that bound his head, "nurse, it would have done you good to hear him say 'forward! charge the hill!' it would have heartened you could you have seen him, when he was unhorsed, grab a rifle and fire it as he went on up, on foot." "you must not talk," said ruth. "you must rest quietly, now. we won the hill," she added, proudly. "we won the hill and i'm as proud as anyone could ever be of roosevelt and of you all who followed after him. i sometimes wish," she ended, "i sometimes wish that i had been a man to go into the battles instead of only caring for the wounded ... yet i'm thankful to be of some assistance to the ones who need the help that i can give to them." "you should have seen," began the man again, "you should have seen our teddy charge that hill! they do not make a man like that except about once in a century or so ... they do not make such men as that in every age.... i tell you he's a holy terror when it comes to fighting, nurse! he mowed them down ... he made them crawl and creep.... i always knew he could do more on horseback than any man that ever lived but i never knew, until today, what he could do on foot." "our teddy is a wonder.... i agree with you in everything you say of him, but, now," once more she was the nurse in charge, "you must be very still ... that is," she ended, with a happy little turn of thought, "if you ever want to go where teddy is, again." that was enough to silence him and he lay very still and fixed his eyes upon her face, and, finally, he slept, and rested from his labors for a time; but what he'd said stayed in ruth's inner consciousness and the heart that throbbed within her beat more proudly after that, because she was, as was the man his comrades praised, an american; to her that title was enough to fill with pride a human heart ... to be a true american ... a citizen of the united states of america ... it seemed to her meant more than any royal appellation ever could; no crown adorned with priceless jewels could replace that name to her; at one time in her life, this question had been asked of her: "what would you do if you must choose between all that you love on earth and fealty to some other than your native land, and this one country that you call your own?" "what would i do?" she answered. "i would not renounce my fealty to my native land.... i would keep god and my conscience and my country ... no one could take them from me ... all the rest i'd leave behind and cleave to them." ruth wakefield meant this statement and she proved it later on beyond all shadow of a doubt. when her first patient slept, ruth went to stand beside another cot for she was always privileged to go wherever she might choose; her help in many ways, including financial aid, had made this hospital possible and she went at will among the other nurses who looked up to her as women will to one who is a natural leader of the ones with whom she associates. she came, at length, to a cot that was apart from all the rest because its occupant had needed to be isolated for good reasons; he was violent, at times, the nurses said ... when his fever rose he soon became delirious and they had hard work keeping him under any sort of control; he was a native scout, they told her ... he had done good work that day upon the side of right, and, so, ruth went to care for him, for it was just as natural for her to take heavy work as it was natural for the rest to let her do it. soon after she had taken charge of him, he stirred uneasily and mumbled in his restless sleep ... he spoke a name she'd hoped to never hear again ... the name of him whom she had loved enough to marry.... "victorio colenzo," moaned the man, "victorio colenzo is dead and i ... i am his murderer ... it was my hand that took his life.... i am a murderer, good father felix.... i am the murderer of the man i hated, for he took the girl i loved from me.... i killed him with my own machete and he is dead.... i am the murderer of victorio colenzo ... shrive my soul, good father felix, for i am about to go before my maker." the moaning ceased then, and ruth bent over him to see if he still lived, for she could see his very lips were livid and his eyes seemed set and glazed as if with death's own dews; she put her hand upon his head and looked into his face with earnest pity in her tender eyes, for she was very pitiful and even lenient when faults of anyone except herself were to be considered. "the poor fellow is delirious," she thought. "he does not know what he is saying. odd that he should use that name. poor fellow ... he will not last long, i fear. i wonder if father felix could come to him." with that thought, she turned to go to try to find the priest, for he almost always could be found where there was suffering and need of him, but manuello (for the reader has discovered who her patient was) snatched at her hand as she was just about to go away and said to her: "please intercede for me, good angel ... tell them i have never had a chance in all my life ... tell them ... intercede...." and, then, his weak voice died away in moans, again, "tessa, please," he said, "don't look at me that way!" again ruth leaned above his bed, for in his eyes there was a look that seldom comes except when death is near. she felt a gentle hand upon her arm and knew that estrella stood beside her ... she had come to seek advice from her superior. so they stood ... the widow and the sweetheart, and the murderer of the man they both had loved, as virgins love, lay there before them. suddenly, he roused himself, as with a last and desperate effort, from the lethargy of death itself ... he looked upon them standing there beside his bed ... the woman he had loved as wild and rough and lawless men will always love a woman and the one who seemed to him as if she were an angel straight from paradise ... he imagined he had passed from life as he had known that word, and was beyond all earthly help; and, so, he did not call for human help but cried aloud on god to save his deathless soul. it was horrible to hear his human lips cry out to god as they were crying then, and ruth regretted that estrella stood so near to him whom she had called her foster-brother, for she'd whispered manuello's name at once, so she sent her to find father felix if she could and to bring him there to help this suffering soul. after the girl had gone away, ruth stood alone beside the cot and looked with great commiseration on the almost senseless clay before her ... on the staring eyes and sullen, dark-skinned pallor of the heavily scarred face ... on the lips that once wore careless smiles but, now, were drawn and pale ... on the broad shoulders and powerful muscled arms. as she gazed at him it seemed to her a very pitiful condition under which he labored; she wondered why it had to be as it was with this strong, untutored man; she wondered why he had to lay his strong, young body on the altar of his passions and see it consumed as it had been by hate and treachery; and, then, she remembered the service upon which he had just been bent ... and her heart yearned over him for that alone; she leaned above his face and searched it for a sign of returning strength but found none there; his eyes stared into hers, it seemed, and then they sought the moving shadows on the canvas overhead. ruth raised her head from gazing into manuello's eyes and seemed to see, above the cot on which he lay, another and a different form yet like to that she saw inert before her; it was as if a glorified replica of the man were floating over him; in many ways it was exactly like the manuello lying there upon that little cot, and, yet, the form was more ethereal ... more delicate ... more beautiful than he could ever be and live upon the earthly plane where he had found so many things to lead him down and seldom found a single thing to lead him higher, or, at least, found anything that he could fully understand, for, although father felix tried to show him how to go to climb to better thoughts, he had not seen the steps at all but blundered on along the path he found himself upon. as ruth began to realize the change that she had seen take place, a rosy flush crept over her fair face, she clasped her hands and bowed her head in silent prayer: "father in heaven," she thought, "look down in mercy on this soul about to come before you for your judgment. have pity on his faults for they were very many ... have mercy on him, for his sins were very heavy in his human life. he did not know the way to go, dear father ... he could not see the steps at all. have pity on him for he will have need of pity such as only you can give to him. amen." and when she lifted up her face again, good father felix stood beside her, crucifix in hand. his head was also bowed in silent prayer for he had witnessed many earthly deaths and knew, at once, that manuello, as he had been known in human life, had passed beyond all human judgment and gone on to his reward or punishment in another world where everything that he had done upon the earth would be accounted for by him and him alone; the good priest knew, however, that god is good as well as just and he remembered manuello's ignorance and superstition, too, and hoped that, after he'd been purged of earthly sins by deep repentance, he would come into the light that is god's smile and shines for all who seek it honestly, no matter what their sins on earth have been, but only after long and terrible remorse for harm that they have done while in the body that god gave them to use and not abuse. the road that leads into the light that is god's smile is often hedged about by thorns and bitter herbs instead of delicate and fragrant flowers; sometimes poisonous reptiles lurk along the way and strive to strike their fangs within the heart of him who toils there; sometimes, human passions guide a strong man into devious and sinful acts as manuello had been guided, more than once; he'd yielded to them just because he had not learned the way to handle them and they had mastered him and made of him their slave instead of being what he ordered them to be; he'd thrown the remnant of his human life into the balance in the cause he really loved ... the cause of freedom for his native land. and ruth and father felix thought of him as of a patriot only as they stood beside the cot on which his lifeless body lay; they covered up his face as gently as if they had not known of any sin committed by the hands now lying still and cold and helpless ... they closed his staring eyes as softly as they would have closed the eyes of any human being who will read these words had he or she been left for them to care for when the soul had left its earthly tenement; disembodied spirits often linger near to such as these who stood beside that cot, for they know that they are like to them in very many ways, though yet abiding in a human frame ... they know that such as ruth and father felix feel the same, sweet, almost holy joy that comes to those who meet and make welcome the ones who leave the earth-plane, newly dead; though death, i trust, is only just the change that frees a soul from earthly burdens and releases it from earthly darkness, so that it may climb, when it is purged of earthly sins, into the light that is the smile of god and shines for all who seek it earnestly. i do not think that there can be an everlasting hell except for those who wish to dwell in darkness. i do not think there can be perpetual punishment except for those who do not wish to climb beyond it. ruth and father felix felt that this was so, although the good priest tried to think far otherwise, and, yet, deep down within his inner consciousness, he felt that god, although he is so just, yet pities those who err and welcomes all who wish to put their sins behind them in the path they find themselves upon, no matter whether they may find that path upon the earthly plane or on a higher one. they turned away from that white cot with almost god-like pity in their inmost hearts for him who lay there, or for him who had just left his body lying there upon that little cot. ruth sought estrella so that she might not, again, behold the face of him, who, for the love of her, had done a fearful crime; she wished to save the girl for she had been as innocent of wrong as she, herself, had been; both had been led away by human passion, it is true, but led within the bounds of human law, and, so, according to that human law, neither one was culpable ... the man, alone, had sinned, and whether it had been because he had been stronger, every way, than were the women in the case, we cannot judge. 'tis god alone must judge us all, and may he guide us all, at last, into the light that is his holy smile. chapter xvii when ruth had left the cot where manuello died, she, first, found estrella and told her what had happened after she had gone, and, then, as she had liberty to go where she desired, she started out, just as the dusk was falling, to drive along an unknown road, which as she thought must lead away from the battle-field; she felt secure for armed men of her own race and nation were patrolling all the roads surrounding the hospital; the freshness of the coming night appealed to her and, under its enticing influence, she went much farther than she meant to do; her horses often shied at little heaps that seemed to take on most fantastic shapes with the increasing darkness. she knew full well of what these little heaps had been made up, and, yet, surrounded as she was by horror, she did not feel afraid, for she was lifted up by patriotic fervor and a great desire to help where help of her was needed as were so many of the red cross nurses whom she met; splendid women volunteered their services as nurses during the progress of the spanish-american war, and wore, with pride and reverence, the brilliant cross that indicated what the calling they had chosen was; ruth wakefield served her country with her might and wore her uniform as proudly and conscientiously as any general could; she drove along that lonely, unknown road as quietly and fearlessly as if her horses trotted over the finest boulevard in some populous city of her own united states and firmly held within her strong and steady hands the lines that guided the high-lifed team she had secured for her own use since coming to take charge of the hospital which she had endowed with her own funds. suddenly and without warning, her team was startled by a man who rose to his full height and stood erect and tall beside the road as if he'd risen from the heaps of dead that lay beside the way; the horses soon became unmanageable and overturned the vehicle, so that ruth suddenly found herself thrown against a slight embankment lining the road, while her frightened team turned back toward the hospital; her first thought was of them, but, remembering that, only a few miles back, she had passed one of the patrols, she hoped the team would be secured and taken into safety; then, shudderingly, she realized that she was all alone in a strange and hostile neighborhood, and, acting on a sudden impulse, she hastily climbed over the embankment as she thought she heard a noise approaching on the road; she turned and started back but kept herself concealed as much as possible behind the friendly embankment. as she proceeded she began to feel a sort of faintness, almost amounting to nausea, creeping over her and dreaded the long walk to the hospital, but decided to go on until she saw an armed man dressed in the uniform of the united states army; she wondered, at first, why she felt faint and almost sick, and, then, she realized that the offensive odors that assailed her sensitive olfactory nerves were those that rise when material bodies have been deprived of the higher life that gave them animation ... that the horrors of a bloody battle-field surrounded her, and, as she advanced slowly and with dreadful anticipation ... as she even stumbled over more than one unconscious form, that, only a few short hours before, had been as full of bounding life as she was then, she thought of what the suffering must be of those who lay among the dead, perhaps for weary, pain-filled hours, alive yet helpless; the thought was a terrific one for any tender-hearted woman to entertain, and ruth had always been particularly thoughtful of the comfort of anyone who happened to be near to her, and, so, she soon became enthused with the idea that she might search among the heaps of dead and find, maybe, someone who lived and might, if he were rescued, yet be happy in the world she lived in, and, so, she softly called to see if anyone could hear her voice and guide her to the object of her search: "are any here who are in need of earthly help?" she asked. "if any here can hear my voice, pray answer me and tell me where to come to find you." she waited for an answer but none came, at first; and then it seemed to her as if she heard a far-off whisper far away ... she listened breathlessly ... it came again and, then, she followed it until she found the one from whom the whisper came. he lay among a heap of bodies tossed about as if they had found death together; one whose body lay across his own, ruth lifted, though she shuddered while she did it, for the stark, stiff form was that of one who'd, only lately, been as full of life as she was then; she laid it softly down and sought the one whose whisper she had heard; her hand crept up, along a rough and blood-soaked uniform, until it found a face and found it warm with sentient life; she was electrified by joy at finding one who lived among the dead, and hastened, then, to separate him from the other bodies lying all around him; it was as if they'd followed after him ... as if he'd been a leader of the rest ... for he was well in front of all of them and yet they were so near that, when they fell, they fell together, all around the one whose life she sought to save. she was intent on saving life and did not shrink although her gentle hand found many bloody wounds in searching for the one from which his life-blood flowed full fast; she found the place, at last ... a deep flesh-wound that touched an artery in his right arm ... she had a silken scarf about her throat, and, wrapping this about the arm above the wound, she made a tourniquet by using a small surgical instrument which she always carried for that purpose in the pocket of her nurse's apron which she still wore; this stopped the flow of blood at once, and, as the brachial artery was untouched, the man gained strength enough to whisper: "tender heart ... i'm going to name you right away. tender heart, how did you happen here ... at night ... alone?" "i think i came to find you," answered ruth. "i thought my horses ran away and dumped me on the ground, but, now, i think i came here just to find you and to bind that poor arm. now i'll go to bring assistance to you just as soon as i can do so." "tender heart," he whispered, for his voice was growing fainter, "if i should not be here when you come again, good-bye.... god bless and keep you safe from harm." she knew the meaning of the words and almost flew along, although she often stumbled as she went among the bodies lying there upon the blood-soaked ground; she reached the hospital at last ... the time seemed long to her ... and, there, in front of it, stood her two frightened horses, looking all around as if in search of her; she soothed them with her reassuring voice, and then she found a vehicle adapted to the use she wished to put it to, and two assistants from the hospital staff; thus equipped, she took the lines again and drove along the road again but with a different object than the one she'd had before; turning off the road, she found the object of her search and the assistants lifted him upon the stretcher they had brought and, very soon, the man lay, white and spent with loss of blood, but conscious, in a little cot, and ruth, forgetting her own needs, stood there beside it. "tender heart," said her new patient, after he had been refreshed and bandaged thoroughly, "tender heart, i'm very grateful to you. let me introduce myself to you ... your name, you see, i know. i am one of the five men who answered roosevelt when he asked for volunteers to follow him to gain the very top of all the ridges that cropped up about san juan hill." he smiled, "i think you know me, now, as i know you. we're both americans.... i know that, too ... we both love teddy.... i could see your eyes flash at the mention of his name. he is a man among men. i wish you could have heard him when he said 'i did not think you would refuse to follow where i would lead.' i stood beside his horse as he said those sad words ... the others followed, then. they followed teddy up that hill ... they took it, too. we won the day. the spaniards fled before us. you know me, now," he ended, whimsically, "just as well as i know you." "yes," said ruth, "i know you, now, and you know me ... we're both americans and both of us love teddy and are proud of him and what he did this day. and, now, you'd better go to sleep and rest up for we still have work to do ... the spaniard is not conquered, yet. they'll need us both and so we must do all we can to keep our strength. i'm going, now. good-bye until tomorrow." "goodnight, tender heart," he said. "goodnight." ruth went, then, to the little cottage where she found old mage and tid-i-wats awaiting her; estrella stayed on duty in the hospital where she had learned to do her work with neatness and dispatch. ruth always told old mage the happenings of the day as they were seated at their evening meal; her old nurse loved to listen to her animated account of every little thing that she remembered that she'd seen or heard about; she had an unusual memory of small details and a most graphic power of description; these she employed to interest and amuse her old nurse who had been alone with little tid-i-wats, almost all day; in recounting recent events she passed as lightly as possible over the occurrences of the battle-field where she had found and rescued one who had been left as dead among the lifeless bodies of the slain; she did not wish to shock old mage too much and, somehow, she did not wish to speak of him she'd rescued ... somehow, she feared that her auditor, who was always eager for romantic episodes would, maybe, choose to enter into rhapsodies concerning the possibilities of her own future if she talked too much about the handsome stranger, for remembering how he'd looked resting, as she'd seen him last, upon the little cot, his dark-blue eyes regarding her with whimsical tenacity, she freely acknowledged to herself that he was handsome and distinguished in appearance; so she changed the subject when old mage began to question her too closely about him, and, in the changing of the subject, the rosy flush that was so much a part of her expression, crept over her fair face and lighted up her deep gray eyes until her countenance was glorified, as if her inner consciousness shone through her delicate and expressive features; old mage observed this blush and speculated on its cause and wondered whether ruth had found another man more worthy of affection than the one she hoped she had almost forgotten. when ruth returned, the next day, to the hospital, she went among the little cots until she came to that one where he lay ... the man she'd helped to rescue from a slow and very painful death; she found him lying wide awake and very thoughtful: "tender heart," he said, "tender heart, you've come to me, again; i've longed for you and now you're here beside me." she rested one of her soft hands upon the cot and his hand searched for hers and found it; then their fingers intertwined and clung together for a moment only, but the memory of that hand-clasp lingered with them forever after; it was as if their very souls had intermingled in that clasping of their hands ... it was as if their spirits swung, together, out ... far out ... beyond the things of earth ... and, then, still farther out and on and up into eternal peace and lasting joy and gladness ... it was as if they had been translated into disembodied spirits while they still remained on earth ... as if a higher and a holier love than any earthly love can ever be had sought them out and found them there within that shadowy hospital ... it was as if they had gone on into the astral world and left their human bodies where they seemed to be themselves ... as if they had been separated from the material surroundings that seemed to be about them. ruth blushed until the rosy flush crept up to her brown hair that seemed to frame her face, and looked at the soft fingers that his hand had held and then she smoothed his pillow with them as she said: "i'm very glad to find that you are better than you were last night. i surely hope that you'll recover very rapidly. i'm told that men like you will soon again be needed. it is reported that another battle will be fought not very far from here." "i surely hope," he said and said it very earnestly, "i surely hope that i'll be able to take my part in whatever engagement is entered into by our troops, and if, perchance, i should be left again upon a battle-field, i trust that you will come and find me, tender heart, i trust that you will find me and, if it pleases you, i hope you'll keep me, tender heart." she blushed again at that and simply said: "now you must go to sleep and rest and gain what strength you can, for men like you," she ended, archly, "for men like you are almost always needed very badly." ruth wakefield was no flirt and never had been one; she was quickwitted and she had a wide command of language, and she smiled as she went on upon her rounds among the little cots when she remembered that neither of them really knew the other's name; she liked the name he'd given to her ... she liked the way he said it ... she liked the fine expression of his speaking countenance ... she liked his eyes ... she liked his manly way of meeting whatever came to him with courage and with cheerful readiness to serve the country they both loved ... her heart went out to him in very many ways, and, then, she looked again at those soft fingers that his hand had held ... she seemed to feel again the subtle, unexplainable, electric thrill that crept through all her being at his touch ... that seemed to answer to the look within his eyes ... the accent on his tongue, and, then, she blushed again and went about her work within that shadowy hospital where many strong men lay in bitter pain with renewed courage and with a new and hither-to unknown tenderness. she stood, at length, beside a cot whereon lay one whose face was hidden while surgeons dressed a gaping wound he had received upon his head; ruth stopped and gave her scissors that she always carried in the pocket of her apron to the one who needed them for use in cutting away the dark hair that grew along the edges of the wound; it clung in tiny ringlets and was black as night and very soft and thick.... ruth could not help remembering, that her hands had often strayed among such soft and dark and clinging ringlets, but she shuddered as she thought of them and of estrella who had deemed herself to be the only woman victorio colenzo had ever loved, and, then, she wondered if all men were like to that one she had married thinking him to be as he professed to be ... judging him to be as truthful as she was ... she wondered if the man she had just left would be like that under similar circumstances ... he was ready in his hints at tenderness ... was he, too, perhaps, a gay deceiver? while her thoughts were rambling on in this way, her eyes were idly looking at the man who lay upon his face and writhed under the stitches that the surgeons took to close the gaping wound upon his head; he turned his face an instant toward her and she recognized him as a spanish officer she'd seen in san domingo under most distressing circumstances; she had gone, as she had often done before, to minister to the needs of those who were among the poorer classes in the village, one day, and found before a hovel a most richly caparisoned horse held by an orderly; inside, there knelt upon the floor a young and pretty peasant girl; she was imploring this same officer who lay upon that little cot not to make her go with him to be his helpless slave; ruth rescued her and told the man to go his way in no uncertain language; now, he lay there dressed as if he were an american soldier; she recognized him perfectly for his face had often haunted her, it was so sinister and devilish. she sought out father felix, then, and told him what she had discovered, and he took what steps were necessary in the matter, for he who'd named ruth tender heart had named her very well indeed; it seemed to her she could not bear to turn this spanish spy over to the proper authorities, and, yet, she knew it was her duty to do that very thing, so the good priest helped her to do her duty as he'd promised her he would, and, after that, there was a wall at sunrise and a platoon of armed men, and, then, that spanish spy soon disappeared. chapter xviii we intimated when we first began this tale that father felix was a man to be admired, not only for his strong religious zeal, but for his great virility and patriotic fervor. never had he shown these qualities more fully than during the naval battle of santiago which engagement took place shortly after the events narrated in the last chapter; there was work to do on land as well as on the water at that crucial time; more than , helpless persons ... men, women and children ... marched out of the beleagued city seeking safety in the open country surrounding it; among these were many wealthy women of the higher class whose delicate silken garments were bedraggled and torn by the hardships of the journey which it was necessary to make on foot over muddy roads and through barbed wires which had been stretched irregularly all around santiago and its vicinity by the spanish soldiery for the purpose of turning back the invading americans who were advancing upon them. among these women there was one who reached the hospital over which ruth wakefield presided; she was bespattered and weary and sick at heart, but there was a light in her dark eyes and a steadiness in her firm hand that appealed to ruth at once and made her single this one woman from among all who came to her that day for help; as soon as she had changed her apparel and washed the grime of travel from her person, she asked to be allowed to assist the others who were at work among the little cots that were now filled with suffering humanity; she took her place so quietly that it seemed to those among whom she moved that she had almost always been right there and would always continue to be there; estrella liked her from the first of their acquaintance and the older woman found the girl so pleasing that whenever she could do so, she gave her hand a little squeeze or patted her upon her shoulder to make her know that they two were congenial and going on, together, toward the same loved goal; this silent association became at once a bond between these two who, in their nurse's uniforms, looked enough alike to be twin sisters ... they had the same dark eyes and sensitive and drooping lips ... they had the same fair skins, although estrella had been tanned by more outside exposure than the other had ... they moved in the same way and both were tall and straight and lithe and quick; ruth noticed them together and at once began to wonder why they looked so much alike ... then she thought of what estrella'd told her as to what she knew of her own family, and, immediately, ruth began to speculate and piece together little circumstances and then she soon began to hope that poor estrella, maybe, might, in this way, find her own people; so she asked some kindly questions of the woman who had come to them that day, and she found that she had had a little sister, long ago ... a little sister who had disappeared and whom they'd mourned as dead for many years; ruth told her all she knew about the girl ... all except her intimate association with the man whom, she, herself, had married; she did not feel that she could speak of him to this dark stranger ... anyway, it would not matter, now, and if estrella wished to speak about it later on, then she could do so; they called the girl, then, and found she had a little dainty cross of gold that she had always worn about her neck.... manuello's mother had preserved it for her while she was an infant thinking it might prove the child's identity, so that the ones who'd cared for her might be profited thereby, and, since she knew about it, she, herself, had held it sacred as the only link that bound her to her unknown family ... and so it proved, indeed, the link that proved her as the sister of the lady who had come to them that day from the beleaguered city of santiago. estrella's blood, it seemed, was spanish ... she had descended from the ones who knew the roses of castile ... she'd always seemed far different from the peasants among whom she'd lived until she met ruth wakefield who recognized in her a higher strain ... a higher nature ... than she found in any of the peasants whom she met in san domingo; old mage, even, looked upon estrella differently than on the other servants whom she always treated with great condescension, for she felt herself above the most of them as she was always nearer to her dear young lady than any of them were; ruth trusted her with tid-i-wats, for one thing, which separated her from all the rest, for tid-i-wats, was most abrupt in very many ways, and, sometimes, even went so far as to just sink her long, sharp claws right through whatever garments anybody wore, so that they found and often even penetrated the skin beneath the garments; she would do this deed in such a loving way that many who were sadly scratched by her would try to smile and take this punishment as if it were but joy and gladness ... old mage squirmed sometimes, 'tis true, beneath this discipline that tid-i-wats gave very freely, but she never put her down or turned against her,--only saying: "tid-i-wats! good land! your blessed little claws are very sharp indeed," and, then, she'd often turn to ruth and add, "i tell you tid-i-wats is just as young and spry as she ever was ... no one would ever think how old she is if he could feel her claws." when estrella found that she was not alone, but had a family, and a loving, wealthy sister, old mage was very glad indeed ... she'd found the girl a little in her way for many reasons; ruth deferred to her a little, pitying her so much, and old mage knew that if ruth pitied anybody very much she might, in time, begin to love the person whom she put her tender pity on, and, then, to the old nurse, estrella always brought up the memory of the man who had deceived her ... made her think him to be far better than he'd ever been ... and, so, altogether, estrella's good fortune pleased old mage in very many pleasant ways. to say that ruth was glad to have estrella find her people was to put the case too lightly altogether; she was far too unselfish not to rejoice in her good fortune even though her going might mean great human loneliness for her: she had in her own inner consciousness a kind of spiritual and lasting strength on which she always leaned when outside companionship failed her in any way ... she never was alone although she often seemed to be so ... in fact, ruth wakefield often found herself to be alone among a crowd of human beings ... it seemed to her their many diverse thoughts disturbed the peace of mind she always longed to have ... her pity was so great ... her sympathy so broad ... and sorrows and sore trials are so common to the entire race of men and women ... that she seldom found much joy among the people whom she met; she gave most liberally to all she came in contact with ... she gave encouragement and comfort and sympathy and help ... but seldom did she find a human being who could give her anything at all for any length of time, at least: "they come and they go," she often sadly said. "it seems to me that there is nothing steadfast in this world except the god on whom i always lean when all else fails me.... i wish i _could_ find something strong enough to tie my faith to ... i _wish_ i could ... it would be wonderful to know that i could always find good, solid ground beneath my human feet ... it would be wonderful to feel that nothing mattered between another human being and myself ... to feel that nothing, good or bad, could ever really change our feelings toward each other ... but i'd have to know for sure that it was so ..." she'd add, "i'd have to know for sure, i'd have to try it out somehow ... so many things have slipped away from me ... so very many things ... i'd have to know for sure, somehow, before i'd dare to trust too much." while these personal matters were taking the attention of some of those within the shadowy hospital, father felix was undergoing an altogether different experience. the good priest had, more than once, covered the entire eight miles of entrenchments around santiago on foot and with a heavy pack containing supplies on his broad back; during the time that elapsed between the naval battle of santiago and the surrender of the city on sunday, july , , he had marched with his little flock of soldiers over many stony trails and through many miry passes, and, while the engagement itself was in progress, he had performed many heroic deeds and, more than once, he had fervently thanked god for his sturdy strength of arm and limb because he was thereby enabled to give material as well as spiritual aid to those who came within the reach of his hands; had anyone been watching a certain shady spot near santiago on july , , he might have witnessed a peculiar scene. a rather short thick-set man, dressed as an army chaplain and wearing a crucifix attached to a strong chain around his neck, was bending over one who lay there in the shade; he seemed to be examining the man to see if life remained in his body, and, yet, he always held the crucifix before the face of him who lay there as if he wished him to behold it, in case his earthly eyes should evermore see anything; he tried in every way he could to gain some recognition of his holy office from the man over whose earthly tenement he was then bending, but, as he did not succeed in this, he gently laid the crucifix upon the apparently pulseless breast, and went his way to find, perhaps, another one to whom he might administer the final consolation of the church whose dogmas he believed in. the man he'd left behind him stirred uneasily, and, as he writhed and twisted there, the crucifix slid off his breast and fell upon the ground; it lay where it had fallen until father felix came again and brought with him another sufferer; he looked upon the breast of his first charge and did not see his crucifix ... it lay beneath the body of the one he'd left it with; he gently said: "i left my crucifix with you, my friend ... i thought it might be a consolation to you if you came to life again at all. i do not see the crucifix ... could anyone have taken it during my absence, i wonder?" "i'm sure i don't know anything about your crucifix, good sir," the man replied in a weak voice. "i have other things to fix my mind on than anything like that. for one thing, i am wounded and i need a surgeon more than i do priests or crosses." "i'll supply that need as far as i am able," father felix said. "i know i am an amateur and yet i have set broken limbs and tied up arteries and sewed up wounds full many times because there was no one better near enough to do it. where are you hurt, my friend?" "i am not hurt at all, you blundering old fool, you ..." the man began. "i'm dead and buried ... killed completely ... that is all ... and i don't want any old woman's work. go get a surgeon for me ... quick! i'm losing lots of blood ... i need a surgeon, i tell you ... go get me one!" father felix did not say a word in answer to this tirade for he had heard full many such remarks since he had been at work among the soldiers, and, so, he bound the wounds of the second sufferer he'd brought before he stopped the flow of blood from his first charge, for, well he knew the loss of some good red blood might make it easier for him to help the man ... he was too full of life and anger ... too full of unrepented viciousness ... for the good priest to help him very much, and, so, he let him lay there in the shade and curse and fume and rage until he worked his evil temper off a little; then he gently said to him: "now, if you think that i can help you any, i will do all i can for you, friend, but if you'd rather lie there on the ground and take the name of god in vain, why, i must let you do so. there is no one within hail except myself, who knows a thing about surgery, unless this man, here, does; i do not know about that part but he is wounded, too, so that i guess i am your only hope here on the earth at present. may i see your hurt and maybe bind it up and make your suffering less than it is, now?" sheepishly, the man looked up at him, and moved a little so the crucifix became exposed; father felix quickly picked it up and put the chain around his neck again, and then he added to the things that he had said before: "i'm sure i'm very glad i found my crucifix ... it is of value to me for it has been the means of consolation to a great many sufferers from this sad war; it seems to help so many to behold the sufferings of one who gave his precious life to save the lost and suffering souls who wander on the earth. he loved you, sir, and, in his name, i love you, too, and wish to help you, though you flout my work in your behalf. i am an amateur, but i can bind the only wound i see about you, sir. shall i do it, sir, or not? i'd like to do the work the very best i could, but, if you say me nay, i'll leave it as it is." the man grinned like a bashful boy, but he bowed his head in assent and father felix went to work and bound his wound and left him lying there beside the other sufferer and went to find another man to help; his stocky legs and muscular arms came in quite handily, that time, for, when he came back to the shady spot, he bore one on his shoulder who looked and seemed as if already dead and gone beyond the things of earth but father felix laid him gently down and knelt beside him while he gently laid his recovered crucifix upon his almost pulseless breast; the first man watched the operation silently, and, then, he moved a little farther from the deepest of the shade and said: "better bring him over here. it's better in the shade. i'll make a little more room here beside me and maybe i can help some in the dressing of his wounds." "i thank you, sir," the priest replied. "i surely thank you kindly, but this man has gone, i fear, beyond our earthly aid; and, yet, i could not bear to leave him lying out there in the sun; the heat is terrible out there and flies and insects gather round and many lying out there suffer from their stings. i'll leave my crucifix, here, on his breast, and, if he moves or speaks, will you please tell him i will be right back?" and then good father felix made another solemn trip to that sad battle-field and brought another man into the shade; and he whom he had brought there, just before, lay silently ... the silent crucifix upon his breast. the priest leaned down to listen for his breathing, then, and raised his head with joy depicted on his countenance. "he lives!" he cried aloud. "this poor fellow is alive! perhaps it may be possible for us to bring him into consciousness again. now, sir," he addressed the man he had first brought into the friendly shade, "maybe you can help me. take one of his hands between your own and rub it just as hard as you can rub it, sir; that's right ... now, take the other one and do the same with it. your strong vitality will maybe help his weakness, sir. we two together may be instruments in god's hands to bring him back to earthly life again." he put some drops of cordial on his tongue and chafed his limbs and turned him over many times until he saw some signs of returning consciousness and then he raised him up and rested his head upon his helper's breast and held the crucifix before his face so he would see it if his eyes would open; and his helper held the hands of him who seemed about to die and gazed with eagerness into his countenance. the good priest saw this look upon his helper's face and joyed to see it there instead of the malevolent expression that had rested on his rather handsome features only a short time before. at length, the sufferer resting on the other's breast opened his wide eyes and gazed upon the crucifix and motioned that it be brought nearer to his dying lips; he kissed it, then, devoutly, and his deathless spirit passed to him who gave it life at first. father felix gently laid his body down upon the ground and placed the crucifix upon his cold, still breast, and, then, he said to him who watched it all in silence: "you see, sir, some are happier to have the crucifix to kiss before they go to meet their maker; i did not know that you felt as you said you did about it. i beg your pardon, sir ... i humbly beg your pardon." chapter xix on july , , united states troops marched into and took possession of the city of santiago, thereby completing the assurance of independence to cuba. on that auspicious day ruth wakefield closed her temporary hospital and turned over to its new owner the little cottage which she had built to shelter her small family during her stay near santiago; with tears of joy as well as sorrow, she had said good-bye to estrella and her new-found relatives who were about to return to the home of the latter; father felix had decided to return to his little flock at san domingo as he felt that his work with the army was finished, so that, in his company and with old mage and tid-i-wats safely ensconced near to her, she sailed upon the first steamer going toward havana after there was no longer need of her help among the american soldiers. it was with mingled feelings of joy and sorrow that she left the scene of her recent activities ... she was carrying with her many sad memories of heroism and of suffering borne with patriotic patience ... her heart was heavy when she reflected upon the horrors she had witnessed, but her spirit was loyal to the sacred cause for which so many splendid lives had been sacrificed ... she could see, with prophetic vision, a happy and prosperous race of people taking the place of the down-trodden and pitiful company of cowering peasants with which she had been all too familiar ... it seemed to her that she could see the smiling faces of many happy children crowding along the narrow streets of the small villages of cuba ... it seemed to her that she could almost hear old men relating the long-past horrors that had been common under the iron heel of the spanish oppressor ... relating these remembered facts to those who shook their heads, half doubtingly, as they listened to them. ruth herself, was looking forward with bright anticipation to her return to her own beloved home ... dear to her, not only because of its intrinsic attractiveness, but also because of the precious memories it held of her parents whom she constantly mourned for and kept alive within her loving heart; for so it is, as i believe, that those who are beyond the earth yet live among us who are yet in human form; i think that those who are made welcome in the hearts of men and women continue, often, their stay within the circle of humanity; so long as mortals remember and long for them, so long will they care to wander among the hills and mountains and along the pleasant valleys and by the oceans and the rivers of the earth; if they should be forgotten by all humanity, it does not seem to me that they would often wish to look upon the moonlight or the sunlight of our world; if nowhere in our world their spirits could find a resting-place, it seems to me they would not care to stray among mortal men and women. freed souls, as i believe, are not compelled to associate with those who are uncongenial to them; they do not have to yield their finest taste and dearest wishes, as so many mortals do, to what is far beneath them ... far beneath their inner consciousness of right and wrong. they do not, as i hope, just because they made some sad mistake, go on suffering for dreary years, as many women have, because they saw no way of sure release except through death itself. it is a pitiful but well-established fact that many wives and mothers have borne long years of martyrdom because, in their first youth, they made unfortunate matrimonial alliances. there are so very many ways to put on binding-chains in human life; there are so many changes common to most mortals, steadfastness and truth are such rare qualities, that i sometimes wonder how men and women manage even as well as they do. sometimes, we criticize our fellow-men and fellow-women pretty harshly, but, then, perhaps, we only see one side, and if we could look down from some great height, perhaps we, then, would marvel that they do as well as they do, now, with human life. there have been those who honestly expected that, when they would leave their earthly tenements, they would go to sleep, when they had gone across the unknown river that they knew as death's cold stream, and, maybe, sleep a thousand years or so; they must have dreaded that last, long sleep, especially if they, as might have happened, had never been very sound or very quiet sleepers ... if they had always seemed to be on guard and wakened at the slightest unfamiliar sound ... the thought that they would just lie silently within the narrow grave they must have known it was intended they should be put in must have been a most unpleasant one; they must have edged around it all they could and seldom mentioned it to anyone around them, and, yet, that horrid thought ... that last, long sleep ... must have, often, been present in their waking thoughts, and must have, even, sometimes, haunted them in their dreams. but i believe that we go right on living when we leave the earth-plane; i believe that most of us will be wide awake and conscious from the very start of that larger life that we will, then, begin to live. i hope that we will find that we do not have to sleep at all unless we choose to do so. ruth wakefield kept the memories of her parents in her heart and so she always had them with her where she went, and, now, that she was going back where they and she had spent so very many happy years together, it was natural that she should think of them even more than common; a feeling of deep sadness stole across her mind whenever she reflected on her parents and their home, somehow; she could not account for this at all ... she could not satisfy herself that she had any real reason for this feeling of sadness ... but it would creep over her in spite of her efforts to banish it from her mind; old mage felt this and tried to cheer her dear young lady up ... little tid-i-wats felt it and rubbed against her lovingly and purred her little happy song of comfort and content ... and, yet, ruth wakefield dreaded, while she longed for, her own home, and, as the vessel they were on drew near to havana, this feeling of unaccountable sadness deepened with the girl ... she drew her breath in sharply and a deep and heart-felt sigh broke from her lips as they reached the landing-place and left the wild and treacherous waters far behind them. father felix wondered if this evident sadness and dread were due, in part, to the experiences through which they had both passed, and also, the thought of the man whom ruth had married surreptitiously would often cross the mind of the good priest, for he knew well she often must remember him and his dashing, dark and manly beauty; old mage almost cursed him in her fierce old heart when she noticed that ruth was sad although she'd always been so glad to come back home. "it's that fellow's fault!" she grumbled to herself. "it's all his fault ... i hope he's good and dead by this time! i'm sure i'd help to make him so, most willingly! what did he want to come into her young life and almost ruin it for? the low-lived pup!" they started out, as dusk was falling, the day they reached havana, to go to san domingo, and, then, home; father felix went with them as far as his refectory, and there he bade them a cheerful good-bye and said he'd come up, soon, and see them in their home again. ruth, somehow, feared to say good-bye to the good priest and kept his hand in hers much longer than was her wont with any man ... he was a bulwark for anyone who clung to him for strength ... his was a nature strong and good and clean and kind.... ruth felt this more than usually, that evening, and dreaded to go on without him; he noticed this strange mood in her and said with cheery acquiescence: "perhaps i'd better go on up the hill with you, my daughter. i can as well as not. no one awaits me except my little choir-boys and they have managed a long time without me. if you will wait a moment while i look about a bit, i'll just go on up with you and see you nicely settled in your own old place and then i'll come back here and settle down myself." suiting his actions to his words, the good priest looked around and climbed the hill with ruth and her small retinue; the path seemed so familiar with the shadows falling all around it, that she laughed and said to father felix: "i am a coward, after all ... afraid of friendly wind-mills like don quixote ... having had to do so much with spaniards may have made me like them in some degree at least.... i wonder if cervantes was afraid, himself, of things that no one ought to be afraid of! i wonder if sancho panza was afraid, too ... was rozinante...." and, then, she stopped, for they had reached what had been, once, the outer gate of her palatial residence; there was no gate there ... there was no residence ... there was no life there ... it was the tomb of hope and home for her; the dwelling had been razed completely ... in its stead were only smouldering ruins ... all her precious memories ... her visible and tangible reminders of her parents ... had been swept away ... she had paid an awful price for helping those who needed help from her. father felix stood beside her with his hand upon her shoulder ... he could not say a word of consolation or of any sort of help ... he was dumbfounded by it all; old mage sunk down upon the ground and wept, and tid-i-wats came close to ruth and rubbed against her garments; stooping, then, she picked her little pet up and held her closely clasped within her sheltering arms; then she went to her old nurse and said to her: "do not despair, my dear old friend. god will provide for us, some way. this is a dreadful thing, but we must make the very best of it that we can possibly. i will try to think of some way whereby we may be sheltered for this one night that is before us and then i hope to find some way to rebuild a portion of the residence we used to have here on this blessed spot. let's bear this, dear old friend. let's think we gave our home to save this country for the people who inhabit it and may their homes be just as full of peace and comfort and joy and gladness as this one that is gone has been for all who came beneath its friendly roof." the father felix stood beside her and said: "my daughter, come with me; i'll house you all for this one night at least; i'll find a way tomorrow, somehow, for you, so that you may go on in the path that you were meant to walk in. my daughter, let us pray for guidance in this unexpected sorrow. let us pray." they knelt there underneath the friendly stars and the good priest prayed, earnestly: "dear, kind and loving father," then he said, "look down upon us as we kneel before thee, here; direct us with thy holy wisdom, for we falter and are cast down with the burden of this day. direct the feet of her who has been sorely stricken, here, tonight; direct her feet so that she may go on upon the path that thou hast pointed out to her. help her to go on with courage and devotion to the cause for which she has made this great and almost overpowering sacrifice. help her to show in all her acts, henceforth, the same sweet resignation to thy will that she has shown so far. and help me, father, help thy humble servant who is but feeble and who often fails in doing all he should for thee and for thy children, help thy humble and most unworthy servant to stand as if he were a pillar, so that she may lean upon him if her courage falters, or if she should stumble or grow weak in walking in the path that she was meant by thee to walk upon. look down in mercy on thy servants as we kneel before thee here. amen." tid-i-wats endured this, patiently, until he went beyond the common run of prayers for him when they had been together, then she squirmed and twisted in ruth's arms, and, finally, escaped her altogether; then old mage corraled her and the two of them had quite a little conversation on the side: "you naughty little thing! you must behave yourself and be a nice little lady. can't you see what's happened to us without making us a lot of trouble, too?" and tid-i-wats said, plainly: "i'll do just as i please, you mean old thing you! don't you _dare_ to hold me when i want to get away! i'll show you what my claws will do to you, old mage! you let me go this minute!" then she used some language only known to cats and those who know the devious ways of little petted cats. then ruth turned to her and whispered: "little dadditts! little tid-i-wats! be a nice lady, now ... be a very nice little lady, now. dadditts ... little bit of dadditts...." then she held her close and tried to comfort her and gain some comfort for herself, but her tears would come to think how happy they had always or most always been in that fine home which seemed so much a part of life to ruth that, now that it was gone from her, life seemed a sordid and a sorry thing. but she went with father felix, quietly, to the refectory and there they all found comfort and refreshment, for the good priest always had prepared himself to entertain some unexpected guests, and, with returning security and peace, his parishioners had brought some supplies to welcome him on his return; so they fared quite well considering what had met them when they reached the place where ruth had thought to find rest from her arduous toil; instead, she had to meet renewed unrest and many problems to be solved in her near future. chapter xx when ruth wakefield awoke the next morning after her arrival in the village of san domingo, she became conscious of her surroundings with a sudden start; at first, she scarcely realized just where she was, for her long trip on the boat following her strenuous and nerve-wracking labor of the past few weeks, had left her very weary in mind as well as in body, so that her sleep had been profound and restful; she looked about her wonderingly and did not recognize anything near to her except little tid-i-wats who was cuddled up in a little soft round ball right beside her pillow; then, from the adjoining room, she began to hear old mage, who was, evidently, making her customary strenuous efforts to continue her slumbers. gradually, ruth remembered the desolation to which she had returned, and, hastily dressing, she left the refectory intending to go at once to the spot where her much-loved home had been, and ascertain, under the light of day, the extent of her loss, also, she wished to make some plans, while she could do so quietly and unobserved, as to the future of her little family, who, as it seemed, was now without a roof to shelter them. she slowly and cautiously ascended the hill; the pathway was almost obliterated by the growth of the wild things that had been allowed to run riot over it and she followed it more by instinct than anything else; as she gained the point from which the proud edifice she had so loved used to become visible to anyone approaching it, the fact that no buildings of any kind were in sight pressed upon her inner consciousness, and it was only with great effort that she proceeded at all; somehow, she had hoped, she now found, that the hasty survey they had made the night before might have been overdrawn in some respects and the corroboration of her worst fears was hard for her to bear; but she had become accustomed, from long endurance, to meet whatever came with calmness and courage; so she straightened her slim, tall figure to its full height, and advanced with the air of a soldier marching forth to meet the foe. she had passed the spot where the entrance gates had been; the pillars on either side of the entrance were almost entirely demolished and there was nothing to be seen of the gates themselves; all along the driveway débris was piled in disordered heaps; evidently, no one had been here, or so it seemed at a first glance, anyway, for some time; vegetation had even partially covered a part of the ruins of the dwelling itself; with repeated gasps of horror, she ran from what had been the front entrance to her home to first one side and then the other; finally, she sat down, disconsolately, like niobe, amid the ruins of her former happiness; she knew that she was where her library had been; here she had found her most satisfying, lasting happiness, surrounded as she had been by the books she had loved; she could see the half-burned remains of many of her favorites lying all around her; thinking to save some portion of one of these, she picked it up, fondly, and laid it in her lap, while she bent over it searching for some word of comfort or some sustaining sentence; it seemed to her that some of the authors she had so dearly loved and almost reverenced, would surely come to her aid in this dire calamity ... it almost seemed to her as if one or more of them would actually speak to her in such a way as to impress her mind with their fine thoughts. suddenly, she became conscious of the nearness of some human being; looking up, surprised and even alarmed, she beheld the man whose life she had been instrumental in saving after the battle of san juan hill. "tender heart," he said, softly, "tender heart, what have we here? why are you so sad? you came to me in grievous trouble and i, it seems, have found you under similar circumstances. tender heart," he pleaded, "tender heart, let me help you as you helped me if i can do so." she turned and looked into his eyes ... she rose to her feet and took one hesitating step toward him ... she stretched out both her hands, and, somehow, then, she felt his strong arms fold themselves around her yielding form ... she felt his heart beat very near to hers ... she felt his lips against her hair ... and, then, she turned her face from his broad shoulder where it had found a resting-place, and, as her lips met his, it seemed to her that, after all, she had come home; a feeling of deep security and sweet peace crept over her: "tender heart," he murmured very near to her small, shell-like ear, for she had, once more, put her head against his shoulder, "tender heart, you do not know my name.... i am, to you, but one of those five men who volunteered, at once, to follow teddy up san juan hill.... i am, to you, but only him you rescued from almost certain death upon that bloody battle-field. are you sure you are not making a mistake, sweet, trusting tender heart, to grant me this great privilege, knowing as little of me as you do?" he waited for her answer, for some time, but, then, he waited willingly indeed, for her soft nearness was enough to make him very happy; when her answer came she spoke in such low tones he had to listen very closely ... he had to put his arms about her a little closer than they had been yet ... he had to lift her from the ground and bring her soft, red mouth upon a level with his head, indeed ... and then, he heard her say: "i know you just as well as you know me. we do not know each other's names ... we do not need to know them ... now ... i only know i love you, dear ... and, now, i know that you love me." and, then, he set her feet upon the ground again and looked down into her clear, gray eyes, and found within their shining depths the very things he wanted most to know; and she looked up and saw a man who was a man indeed ... a man on whom she knew that she could lean ... a man whom she would love to walk beside ... a man of whom she could be always proud. standing there, they gazed into each other's eyes and read their future in them ... read the happiness that they might know together on the earth, and, then, they saw beyond the chance and change that seem to to govern earthly things, and saw themselves together in some higher, better sphere. they plainly saw, there, in each other's eyes, the promise of another, more etherial world, where they might spend long ages of eternal joy and gladness in each other's company. father felix found them so, for he had followed ruth to see if he could help her meet the problems that confronted her; the good priest hesitated for only a moment before he said: "my daughter, i trust that you have found true happiness. sir, i do not know you very well, but i can give you most profound assurance that you have found a jewel among women; if she has any faults i have not found them, yet, and i have spent full many happy hours in her society; my work is to find faults, if so be i can trace them out; i am a hunter, and a most successful one, of human frailties, and, when i give you my most profound assurance that i have not found a fault in this one woman, the statement is worthy of respect. "your coming at this time is most propitious, for i was almost at my wit's end as to how to help her bear the direful calamity that has just come upon her. she has not remembered half she's lost, and, now that she has found you, sir, i trust that she will nevermore remember much of it, but that she will go on, with you beside her, leaving far behind her in her earthly path sad memories of happy days that nevermore can come to her." the man, then, gave to father felix his right hand and kept his left arm round ruth's slender waist: "i do not doubt your word," he answered the good priest. "i feel that every single word of what you've said is strictly true, and, yet, i have some fault to find with this young lady, here; she came away and did not leave a message behind for me, and i have had a weary, most disheartening time since she departed. i came to san domingo, i traced her that far, easily, and, then, i found a little girl named tessa something, who said she knew the very place to find her in ... she said she knew she'd go where, once, the mansion on the hill had stood ... and, so, i came straight here, and, so, i've found her. tender heart," he asked, "have you told the good priest how we met?" then ruth blushed her pretty, fleeting, characteristic little blush, and said: "father felix knows me even better than i know myself, for he has told me many times what i would do before i did it. father felix knows me better, even, that _you_ do," then she turned to father felix, laughing like a happy little child, and added, "he don't even know my name and i have no idea what _his_ is; he calls me tender heart because i am so easily misled by tenderness and i call him ... why, i have never called him anything at all." "yes, you have!" he interrupted, eagerly. "you called me 'dear' just now ... so she is tender heart and i am dear and that's enough, i think, don't you?" the good priest smiled upon them almost condescendingly, for he was far above such little human twists and turns, or so he seemed to be at least, and so he was in very truth, for he had had his romance ... he had seen the grave close over the bright curls of one he dearly loved who loved him just as dearly as he did her; it was after that that he had taken up the work he did so well; he left his human happiness behind him in that narrow grave and looked beyond it to a higher, better kind of happiness; ruth knew a little of this romantic sorrow for the good priest had imparted it to her, and, so, her tender eyes filled up with sudden tears and her low, sweet voice trembled into even softer cadences than usual as she said: "dear father felix, you are more to me than any loving brother that a woman ever had ... you are the only one who ever understood my human sorrow and i think that you will fully understand my human happiness. i wish with all my heart that you could be as happy as we are," her fair face flushed again, "for you deserve far more of happiness than i do ... as for him," she added, archly, "as for him ... do not be too sure of perfect human happiness for him.... i am but a mere child in very many ways.... i have so very much to learn.... i'm sure i'll always do the very best i can, but whether that will be the very best that could be done, of course i do not know." "i'll risk it, anyway, and i will risk it gladly, joyfully," the man averred. "i'd go again upon that bloody battle-field if you'd be sure to find me, tender heart," he ended, "if only in that way we two were meant to meet." when ruth went back to the refectory she found old mage and tid-i-wats as lively as two crickets and as cheery as could be ... she introduced the man whose life she'd saved, or so it seemed, to them, and each of them acknowledged the introduction in her own peculiar way; old mage stared at the man and sized him up most shrewdly, and, then, she gave her verdict very plainly by her manner of addressing him: "i'm glad to see you, sir," she said. "i'm surely very glad to see you for i've often heard my dear young lady speak of you; i hope you'll stay around here near to us for we will have another home to build and tid-i-wats and i are not much help to her.... i'm growing to be an old woman, now, and tid-i-wats is so peculiar that she never is much help to anyone." and, then, the little cat came close to him and smelled his hands and rubbed against his legs, and, finally, when he sat down, she jumped up in his lap and settled down and twisted round and licked herself and washed her face and made herself entirely at home; and then she looked up at old mage and ruth and whispered to them that she liked him very well indeed, and, so, he was adopted into that small family. chapter xxi an author who has been considered by very many people to be a most successful writer, one whose words have set before very many eyes vivid pictures of individual characteristics and national events as well, whose indians are known all over the world, and whose historical novels will be eagerly perused as long as there are american eyes to read the pages of any book at all, used to make a sort of summary of the principal events in the lives of his very interesting characters: it always seemed to me that there was something very wholesome and satisfying in the way he finished up his books, and, so, i'd like to relate just a little more about the people i have tried to picture in this little book of mine. ruth wakefield found her earthly mate when she found him whose life she helped to save upon the battle-field at night, and spent full many happy years in his society; they built a modern home upon the site of the mansion on the hill and did much good among the peasants living near to them; the man became the author of very many books, and ruth assisted him in very many ways. old mage and little tid-i-wats lived out the span of earthly life allotted to each one of them, beneath the tender eye and ready hand of her who loved them both, and, when the time that had been set for them to leave this world behind them, came, ruth wakefield staid beside them to the very last, and ministered to them as no one else would ever do. the man she'd found had named her well when he said "tender heart!" to her, that night upon the battle-field. her heart was very tender, always, except with reference to herself; she often did upbraid herself and never gave herself much credit; she often mourned, in secret, over her few brief memories of the wild, impulsive, almost insane, so-called love of him she'd married in her untried youth; she often said: "poor boy! poor, lost and misled boy! i ought to have treated him far differently than i did; his earthly path crossed mine for some good reason, i presume; and i did not do all the things i might have done, when i was near enough to help him, for him ... yet ..." she always ended, "i did the very best i could do for him, it seemed to me, at the time i had the opportunity, and i always meant and prayed to do just right. i went wrong, somehow ... or he had gone too far along a certain road before i ever met him for me to turn him back ... anyway, i pity him with all my heart and hope that he is happy where he's gone.... i hope he's found the very place he belongs in.... i know i always think of him with tender pity and no resentment, although, according to the standards of the world, he did me grievous wrong. poor lost and misled boy! he often looked so sad and desperate ... i wish i had done better by him while i had the chance." her tender heart was uppermost in almost all she did except when she was doing for herself, and, then, she'd say: "my tastes are very simple ... i do not need very much of this world's goods ... it takes so very little happiness to make me almost wild with joy.... i've had to look on sorrow often, and, when i come to joy, i bask in it as if it were god's holy sunshine." but, if it should be that old mage or tid-i-wats or anyone of all of those who were dependent on her, from time to time, for she, somehow always seemed to accumulate those who needed her help round her, why, then it was quite different to tender heart ... then, she'd say and say with vigor: "of _course_ i can arrange to have it that way! why, certainly, if that would bring happiness, i'll fix it right away." and sure enough she would arrange it, no matter what it meant for her of loneliness or labor ... no matter if she had to go along a lonely road that had been full of peace and happiness for her before the one who left her lonely had come into her daily life and made it hard for her, in that way, while the days were going by, yet made a grievous change again, in going; she set her teeth and did the things she had to do to make the other person happy, or to do the things he said would make him happy, then she turned her face toward her own life, cheerfully, although her hours were often very sad and lonely. but this was all before she met the man whose life she'd helped to save upon that battle-field ... all before she'd lost her cherished home and built another one. from that time on unto the end of earthly life for her, she found sweet satisfaction and content, for she had found a steadfast love to lean upon, a strong and true and virile human being, whose tastes were similar to hers, who loved his native land, america, with all his heart, as she did, too. it heartens all humanity to meet a happy pair who are congenial. it gives all other human beings courage to go on upon the path that has been set for them to go upon, to know that there is happiness if only they could find the way to reach it. estrella soon forgot the handsome lover over whom she mourned so bitterly; the memory of him soon became a wild, sweet dream, and had she met him as he was in san domingo, after she had found her proper place in life, it is probable that she would have turned away from him; life's contrasts have so much to do with early love that it is often difficult to know what love is really like; estrella, when she was an unknown waif, was differently placed than she was later on. victorio colenzo would not have seemed the same to her that he did when she was but an unknown, simple girl; education made a change in her ... her sister looked to that. she grew to be a splendid woman, in very many ways, and married one who was her peer. poor little tessa seems the most forlorn of all the characters in this book. she tried so hard and failed so utterly in almost all she ever did. but father felix watched her tenderly, and helped her on, and, finally, one day, he married her to one who loved her truly in his own rude way, to one who was a sturdy peasant like herself, who had no romance in him, but who was true to her, and kind, as kindness goes among his sort of people; he provided for her and their children; she had many more necessities and even luxuries than most of those who were associated with her. she, sometimes, dreamed of manuello; she never knew how his life ended. ruth wakefield looked her up, from time to time, but did not tell her very much about the spanish-american war or those who entered into it; she knew she could not really understand much more than would the helpless baby at her ample breast, for tessa did not stay the slim, small person that she was at first; she grew to be as wide, almost, as she was tall, and seemed to be quite happy as she was. she always limped a little from the blow that manuello gave to her; the deep, sad scar he left upon her gentle heart could not be seen, and it, somehow, grew over as her flesh and family increased. estrella always remembered her and sent her many costly and curious things which were her constant delight. she loved to display these mementoes of her girlhood's friend; her children, and her heavy husband, too, were, always proud of them. it seems to me that, when such souls as animated little tessa's form leave this world behind them for all time, it must be that they find some soft, warm places, where they can sit at ease and watch dear little children play, and, maybe, join them in their play, and dream of happy hours, and forget all the trials of their lives upon the earth. the course of human life will, sometimes, like a placid river, flow along for many years without a single change that is any more disturbing than a little, gentle ripple or an easy turn; then, all at once, like the water, that has been so clear and still, when it has reached the rapids and becomes a raging, turbid torrent, so human life may, suddenly, be stirred to its very depths; something may transpire that will call for the most sublime courage and the most strenuous endeavor, combined with the most harrowing self-sacrifice. like a stroke of lightning out of a calm summer sky, more than one great event in our national history has thrust itself upon our startled consciousness. at these times, leaders have appeared who have taken their places at the head of affairs as naturally and as calmly as if they had been, always, guiding those who followed after them, although, perhaps, before the time that they were needed, they were, comparatively, unknown. and so, it seems to me, it will be always. there is a plan, an infinite, a just, a universal plan, to which all things, mundane or otherwise, must, in the end, conform. to keep ourselves informed as to the part that we were meant to take in this great plan, it seems to me, should be our constant study and our constant strong desire. the light of truth and understanding, that is god's smile, looks up into our faces from the heart of every flower, whether bathed in moonlight, or shining underneath the sun; the simplest soul or the grandest intellect, alike, may bask beneath this light and feel its healing power. i love, above all else, the god of truth and right and justice, who rules all worlds and watches over everything that lives and moves and has its being in his whole universe. it seems to me that there is implanted, although it may be completely covered up, at times, in the nature of every human being, a reverence and a most affectionate regard, that rests upon implicit faith, for him who gave to us, at the very beginning of of our human lives, an infallible guide ... conscience, or inner consciousness of right and wrong ... which, if always heeded, will show us where to go and what to do, no matter what vicissitudes, disappointments or sorrows we may meet. and, next to god, it seems to me, it is both natural and right to love the land of one's nativity. i know i hold in my regard, above all personal advantages, above all temporal happiness or praise, america ... the great united states ... _that one fair land whose single boast has always been that it was free_.